An Account of the Late Intended Insurrection among a Portion of the Blacks of this City

Part 1

Chapter 13,881 wordsPublic domain

AN ACCOUNT OF THE LATE Intended Insurrection AMONG A Portion of the Blacks OF THIS CITY.

Published by the Authority

OF

THE CORPORATION OF CHARLESTON.

(_THIRD EDITION._)

CHARLESTON: PRINTED BY A. E. MILLER, 4 Broad-Street.

1822.

CITY COUNCIL,

AUGUST 13TH, 1822.

“_RESOLVED, that the Intendant be requested to prepare for publication, an account of the late intended Insurrection in this City, with a Statement of the Trials and such other facts in connexion with the same as may be deemed of public interest._”

TO THE PUBLIC.

In complying with the objects of the above Resolution, I have not been insensible to the difficulties and embarrassments necessarily incident to the subject, as to what it might be politic either to publish or suppress. With the advice, however, of the Corporation, I have deemed a full publication of the prominent circumstances of the late commotion the most judicious course, as suppression might assume the appearance of timidity or injustice. Whilst such a Statement is due to the character of our community, and justification of our laws, there can be no harm in the salutary inculcation of one lesson, among a _certain_ portion of our population, that there is nothing they are bad enough to do, that we are not powerful enough to punish.

J. HAMILTON, jun. _Intendant_,

_Charleston, August_ 16th, 1822.

AN ACCOUNT, &C.

On Thursday, the 30th of May last, about 3 o’clock in the afternoon, the Intendant of Charleston was informed by a gentleman of great respectability, (who, that morning, had returned from the country) that a favourite and confidential slave of his had communicated to him, on his arrival in town, a conversation which had taken place at the market on the Saturday preceding, between himself and a black man; which afforded strong reasons for believing that a revolt and insurrection were in contemplation among a proportion at least of our black population. The Corporation was forthwith summoned to meet at 5 o’clock, for the purpose of hearing the narrative of the slave who had given this information to his master, to which meeting the attendance of His Excellency the Governor was solicited; with which invitation he promptly complied. Between, however, the hours of 3 and 5 o’clock, the gentleman who had conveyed the information to the Intendant, having again examined his slave, was induced to believe, that the negro fellow who had communicated the intelligence of the intended revolt to the slave in question, belonged to Messrs. J. &. D. Paul, Broad Street, and resided in their premises. Accordingly, with a promptitude worthy of all praise, without waiting for the interposition of the civil authority he applied to the Messrs. Paul and had the whole of their male servants committed to the Guard-House, until the individual who had accosted the slave of this gentleman, on the occasion previously mentioned, could be identified from among them.

On the assembling of the Corporation at five, the slave of this gentleman was brought before them, having previously identified Mr. Paul’s William as the man who had accosted him in the market, he then related the following circumstances:

‘On Saturday afternoon last (my master being out of town) I went to market; after finishing my business I strolled down the wharf below the fish market, from which I observed a small vessel in the stream with a singular flag; whilst looking at this object, a black man, (Mr. Paul’s William) came up to me and remarking the subject which engaged my attention said, I have often seen a flag with the number 76 on it, but never with 96, before. After some trifling conversation on this point, he remarked with considerable earnestness to me. Do you know that something serious is about to take place? To which I replied no. Well, said he, there is, and many of us are determined to right ourselves! I asked him to explain himself—when he remarked, why, we are determined to shake off our bondage, and for this purpose we stand on a good foundation, many have joined, and if you will go with me, I will show you the man, who has the list of names who will take yours down.—I was so much astonished and horror struck at this information, that it was a moment or two before I could collect myself sufficiently to tell him I would have nothing to do with this business, that I was satisfied with my condition, that I was grateful to my master for his kindness and wished no change.—I left him instantly, lest, if this fellow afterwards got into trouble, and I had been seen conversing with him, in so public a place, I might be suspected and thrown into difficulty.—I did not however remain easy under the burden of such a secret, and consequently determined to consult a free man of colour named —— and to ask his advice. On conferring with this friend, he urged me with great earnestness to communicate what had passed between Mr. Paul’s man and myself to my master, and not to lose a moment in so doing.[1] I took his advice, and not waiting, even for the return of my master to town, I mentioned it to my mistress and young master.—On the arrival of my master, he examined me as to what had passed, and I stated to him what I have mentioned to yourselves.’

On this witness being dismissed from the presence of Council, the prisoner (William) was examined. The mode resorted to in his examination was to afford him no intimation of the subject of the information which had been lodged against him, as it was extremely desirable in the first place, to have the testimony of the other witness corroborated as to time and place, that, from the confessions of the prisoner himself, it might appear that he was at the fish-market at the period stated, and that a singular flag, flying on board of a schooner, had formed the subject of his observation. After a vast deal of equivocation, he admitted all these facts, but when the rest of his conversation was put home to him, he flatly denied it, but with so many obvious indications of guilt, that it was deemed unwise to discharge him. He was remanded, for the night, to the Guard-House, it having been decided to subject him to solitary confinement in the black-hole of the Work-House, where, on the succeeding morning, he was to be conveyed.

On the morning of the 31st he was again examined by the attending Warden at the Guard-House (having, during the night, made some disclosures to Capt. Dove) on which occasion he admitted all the conversation which he had held at the fish-market, with the witness before mentioned, and stated that he had received his information from Mingo Harth, who was in possession of the muster-roll of the insurgents.

With the hope of still further disclosures William was conveyed to the Work-House and placed in solitary confinement. The individuals (Mingo Harth and Peter Poyas) against whom he gave information, as those who had communicated to him the intelligence of the plot for raising an insurrection, were forthwith taken up by the Wardens and their trunks examined. These fellows behaved with so much composure and coolness, and treated the charge, alleged against them, with so much levity—(no writings being found in their chests, containing the smallest suspicion, excepting an enigmatical letter,[2] which was then too obscure for explanation, and to which subsequent events only afforded a clue)—that the Wardens (Messrs. Wesner & Condy) were completely deceived, and had these men discharged. One of these (Peter Poyas) proved afterwards, as will appear in the sequel, to be one of the principal ringleaders in the conspiracy, on whose courage and sagacity great reliance was placed.

Council being still under the conviction that William Paul was in possession of more information than he had thought proper to disclose, a Committee was appointed to examine him from time to time, with the hope of obtaining further intelligence. Although Peter and Mingo had been discharged, yet it was deemed advisable to have them watched, and consequently spies were employed of their own colour for this purpose, in such a manner as to give advices of all their movements.

Things remained in this state for six or seven days, until about the 8th of June, when William, who had been a week in solitary confinement, beginning to fear that he would soon be led forth to the scaffold, for summary execution, in an interview with Mr. Napier, (one of the Committee appointed to examine him) confessed, that he had for some time known of the plot, that it was very extensive, embracing an indiscriminate massacre of the whites, and that the blacks were to be headed by an individual, who carried about him a charm which rendered him invulnerable. He stated, that the period fixed for the rising, was on the second Sunday in June. This information was without delay conveyed to his Excellency the Governor, and Council forthwith convened. Whatever faith we might have been disposed to place in the unsupported and equivocal testimony of William, it was not conceived to be a case in which our doubts should influence our efforts for preparation and defence. Measures were consequently promptly taken, to place the City Guard in a state of the utmost efficiency. Sixteen hundred rounds of ball cartridges were provided, and the centinels and patrols ordered on duty with loaded arms. Such had been our fancied security, that the guard had previously gone on duty without muskets, with sheathed bayonets and bludgeons.

Three or four days now elapsed, and notwithstanding all our efforts, we could obtain no confirmation of the disclosures of William, on the contrary, they seemed to have sustained some invalidation, from the circumstance, of one of the individuals (Ned Bennett) whom he named as a person who had information in relation to the insurrection, coming voluntarily to the Intendant, and soliciting an examination, if he was an object of suspicion. In this stage of the business, it was not deemed advisable prematurely to press these examinations, as it might have a tendency to arrest any further developments.

On the night, however, of Friday the 14th, the information of William was amply confirmed, and details infinitely more abundant and interesting afforded. At 8 o’clock on this evening, the Intendant received a visit from a gentleman, who is advantageously known in this community for his worth and respectability.

This gentleman, with an anxiety, which the occasion was well calculated to beget, stated to the Intendant, that, having the most unbounded confidence in a faithful slave belonging to his family, who was distinguished alike for his uncommon intelligence and integrity, he was induced to inform him, that rumors were abroad of an intended insurrection of the blacks, and that it was said, that this movement had been traced to some of the coloured members of Dr. Palmer’s church, in which he was known to be a class leader.—On being strongly enjoined to conceal nothing, he, the next day, Friday the 14th, came to his master, and informed him, that the fact was really so, that a public disturbance was contemplated by the blacks, and not a moment should be lost in informing the constituted authorities, as the succeeding Sunday, the 16th, at 12 o’clock, at night, was the period fixed for the rising, which, if not prevented, would inevitably occur at that hour. This slave, it appears, was in no degree connected with the plot, but he had an intimate friend, A—— (one of his class) who had been trusted by the conspirators with the secret, and had been solicited by them to join their association; to this A—— first appeared to consent, but, on no period absolutely sent in his adhesion. According to the statement which he afterwards made himself to the Court, it would seem that it was a subject of great regret and contrition with him, that he had ever appeared to lend his approbation to a scheme so wicked and atrocious, and that he sought occasion to make atonement, by divulging the plot, which on the 14th he did, to the slave of the gentleman in question, his class leader.[3]

This gentleman, therefore, mentioned, that his servant had informed him, that A——[4] had stated, that about three months ago, Rolla, belonging to Governor Bennett, had communicated to him the intelligence of the intended insurrection, and had asked him to join—‘That he remarked, in the event of their rising, they would not be without help, as the people from San Domingo and Africa would assist them in obtaining their liberty, if they only made the motion first themselves. That if A—— wished to know more, he had better attend their meetings, where all would be disclosed.’ After this, at another interview, Rolla informed A——, that ‘the plan was matured, and that on Sunday night, the 16th June, a force would cross from James’ Island and land on South Bay, march up and seize the Arsenal and Guard-House, that another body at the same time would seize the Arsenal on the Neck, and a third would rendezvous in the vicinity of his master’s mills. They would then sweep the town with fire and sword, not permitting a single white soul to escape.’

As this account was remarkably coincident with the one given by William (Mr. Paul’s slave) as the witnesses could have had no possible communication, or the story have been the result of preconcert and combination, the sum of this intelligence was laid before the Governor by 9 o’clock, and by 10 o’clock the commanding officers of the regiments of the City militia, convened by his Excellency’s order, at the residence of the Intendant. On this and the succeeding afternoon, at another meeting of the same individuals, such measures were determined on by his Excellency, as were deemed best adapted to the approaching exigency of Sunday night.

On Sunday the 16th, at 10 o’clock at night, the following corps were ordered to rendezvous for guard—

Capt. Cattel’s Corps of _Hussars_, Capt. Miller’s _Light Infantry_, Capt. Martindale’s _Neck Rangers_, _Charleston Riflemen_, and _City Guard_.[5]

The whole were organized as a detachment, and placed under the command of Col. R. Y. Hayne. Although there was necessarily great excitement, and among the female part of our community much alarm, yet, the night passed off without any thing like commotion or disturbance, and it is peculiarly honorable to the corps on service, that in a populous town, the streets filled until a late hour with persons, uncertain whether it was safe to go to _rest_ or _not_, not a single case of false alarm was excited. A steadiness altogether praiseworthy, in troops unaccustomed to guard duty, at least on an occasion involving such deep interest and distressing anxiety.

The conspirators finding the whole town encompassed at 10 o’clock, by the most vigilant patrols, did not dare to show themselves, whatever might have been their plans. In the progress of the subsequent investigation, it was distinctly in proof, that but for these military demonstrations, the effort would unquestionably have been made; that a meeting took place on Sunday afternoon, the 16th, at 4 o’clock, of several of the ringleaders, at Denmark Vesey’s, for the purpose of making their preliminary arrangements, and that early in the morning of Sunday, Denmark despatched a courier, to order down some country negroes from Goose Creek, which courier had endeavored in vain to get out of town.

No developement of the plot having been made on Sunday night, and the period having passed, which was fixed on for its explosion, it now became the duty of the civil authority to take immediate steps for the apprehension, commitment, and trial of those against whom they were in possession of information. Council was accordingly convened, and as a preliminary measure, it was deemed expedient, that a Court of the highest respectability, for the talents and integrity of its members, should be assembled, and that, whilst the requisitions of the Act of Assembly, of 1740, should be strictly complied with, in devolving the warrant of summons on the Magistrates; the Corporation saw no impropriety in affording these officers a list of such names of Freeholders, as they knew would meet in a preeminent degree the public approbation; and to these persons private letters were written by the authority of Council, strongly soliciting their acceptance of a trust, involving indeed the most irksome labour, as well as the deepest responsibility. In conformity with these arrangements, the following Court was organized on the evening of the 17th:—

_Magistrates_, LIONEL H. KENNEDY, } and } Esqrs. THOMAS PARKER, }

_Freeholders_, Colonel WILLIAM DRAYTON, NATH’L. HEYWARD, } J. R. PRINGLE, } Esqrs. JAMES LEGARE, } R. J. TURNBULL. }

Cotemporaneously with the organization of this Court, a Committee of Vigilance and Safety was appointed from among the Members of Council, to aid the Intendant in the execution of the laws; to co-operate with him during the recess of Council, in all those measures necessary for exploring the causes and character of the existing disturbance, and bringing to light and punishment the suspected and guilty. How ably these functions were discharged by this Committee, it is not befitting the occasion or the circumstances under which this publication appears to dwell. Their generous devotion and unremitting assiduity to the public interests and safety, are left to the more appropriate appreciation of a community that witnessed their labours. This Committee consisted of Messrs. Wesner, Napier, Condy, Burger, and Simons, and were zealously aided by the rest of the Wardens; and for its service, four of the most active, intelligent, and confidential non-commissioned officers of the City Guard, were detached as Police Officers, to search suspected places, and to apprehend those for whom warrants might be issued. This Committee commenced its labours on the night of the 17th, and during the ensuing twenty-four hours, the following slaves were committed:—_Rolla_, _Batteau_, _Matthias_ and _Ned_, the property of the Governor Bennett; _Mungo_ and _Peter_, the property of James Poyas; _Amhurst_, the property of Mrs. Lining; _Stephen_, the property of T. R. Smith; _Richard_ and _John_, the property of Jonathan Lucas.

On the morning of the 19th of June, the Court of Magistrates and Freeholders assembled at the Court-House, were sworn in, and proceeded to the arraignment of the above prisoners for trial. Who were charged “_with attempting to raise an insurrection among the Blacks against the Whites_.” In order that the public may understand the offence as defined in the Act of 1740, the clause, at length, will be found in the Appendix, marked (A.)

Before we proceed to a brief (and it necessarily must be very brief) abstract of the testimony offered in the cases brought before the Court, it may not be unimportant to observe, that, previous to their proceeding to the painful investigation with which they were charged, they laid down a variety of rules for their government, all of them subservient to justice as well as humanity. In the first place, it was decided, that the testimony should be regulated by those established rules of evidence, which are elsewhere found so important in the exposition of truth; that no slave should be tried but in the presence of his Master or his Attorney; that the testimony of one witness, unsupported by circumstances, should lead to no conviction involving capital punishment; and that the statement of the party himself, should be heard in explanation of such particulars, as seemed most inculpatory.

THE COURT,

Being thus organized, they proceeded to the trial of ROLLA, the slave of Governor Bennett:—

JACOB AXSON, Esq. attending as Attorney of his master.

It was proved, that _Rolla_ had confessed to two persons, both of whom were examined by the Court, that he belonged to the conspiracy, and with one of these witnesses (his friend) he used every effort to induce him to join in the insurrection, which Rolla stated was to take place on the night of the 16th of June.—Finding that this friend (the witness in question) would not join the association, he urged him to go out of town on Sunday night, lest some harm should come to him. Rolla represented himself as the commander of the Force which was to rendezvous in the vicinity of his master’s mills, and explained to the witness fully the order of attack; the division of the forces; and said, “that his troops, in their way into town, would fix his Old Buck (his master) and the Intendant.” On being asked whether it was intended to kill the women and children, he remarked when we have done with the men we know what to do with the women.—On this testimony Rolla was found _guilty_, and sentenced to be executed on the 2d of July.[6]

BATTEAU was next tried—

It was proved that _Batteau_ confessed to two persons (both of whom were introduced as witnesses) that he belonged to the conspiracy, and made efforts to induce them to join in the rising, by representing the extent of their preparations, and the probability of their success. He stated he was to head a party near Canon’s bridge, and that he expected aid from the country.—More than one interview took place between Batteau and the witnesses on the subject; the last, on the Sunday fixed for the insurrection, on which he renewed his solicitations that the witnesses should join him.—Batteau was found _guilty_, and sentenced to be executed on the 2d of July.

STEPHEN, belonging to Thos. R. Smith, Esq.

Was next brought before the Court, but the testimony being deemed insufficient, and indeed, the Court being satisfied of his innocence, directed his _discharge_.

PETER, the slave of Mr. James Poyas, was next tried.

It was distinctly in proof, against _Peter_, that he had made great efforts to induce others to join in the insurrection; and the testimony represented him quite in the character of a chieftain or leader, for which his boldness and sagacity unquestionably qualified him.—He appeared, from the testimony, to have employed uncommon pains to remove all the objections arising in the minds of those whom he attempted to enlist, as to the probability of the success of the effort. And spoke with great confidence of the succors which were expected from San Domingo. It was strongly to be inferred, from all the witnesses stated, that the difficult and dangerous sally of endeavouring to carry the Main Guard-House was to have been confided to him, for he particularly acquainted one of the witnesses with the combination of stratagem and force with which he proposed to accomplish this object.

Peter was found _guilty_ on this testimony, and sentenced for execution on the 2d of July.[7]

AMHERST, belonging to Mrs. Lining, was next examined, found _not guilty_, and _discharged_.

The Court then proceeded to the trial of NED, the property of Governor Bennett.

_Ned’s_ guilt was proved fully by the same witnesses that appeared against Peter Poyas, with whom it was established he was in the habit of frequent consultation on the efforts that were to be made. Subsequent disclosures have justified very strongly the finding of the Court against him, and placed it beyond a doubt, that he was a ringleader, and was to have headed a force in the vicinity of the Lines.

He was found _guilty_, and sentenced for execution on the 2d of July.