Part 19

Immediately west from Nepal Proper is a country of considerable extent, which had long consisted of 24 petty estates, whose chiefs were collectively called the Chaubisi Rajas. Yet it would not appear that they were all connected by any common union for defence, by a common extraction, or by any other tie. They all, indeed, acknowledged the superiority of the Yumila Raja, of whom some account will be afterwards given; but besides these 24 chiefs, he had many others in similar dependence, which, however, conferred very little authority on the superior, whose power seems chiefly to have been confined to exhort his vassals in the support of a balance of power, and to confer the mark (Tica) of supreme authority on the heirs of each chief. His superior rank was, however, never disputed, and his call seems long to have met with a good deal of attention, when directed to procure assistance, in preventing one chief from swallowing up the dominions of another. The 24 chiefs, according to Kanak Nidhi, were the Rajas mentioned in the following list; but other lists differ considerably.

1. Piuthana 9. Palpa 17. Gajarkot 2. Malebum or 10. Garahang 18. Rising Parbat 3. Galkot 11. Poin 19. Ghiring 4. Isma 12. Satahung 20. Tanahung 5. Dhurkot 13. Birkot 21. Lamjun 6. Argha 14. Nayakot 22. Gorkha 7. Khachi 15. Kaski 23. Tarki 8. Gulmi 16. Dhor 24. Musikot

Of the other lists, which I received, it would be useless to give a detail, but I shall mention that given to Colonel Kirkpatrick, {238} referring to the names given in my list by prefixing the number. (21) Loomjoong. (15) Kashki. (20) Tunhoo or Tunnohoo. (3) Gulkoat. (2) Purbut or Mullibum. (14) Noakote or Nuwakote. (11) Pyoon. (12) Luttohoon. (10) Gurhoon. (18) Reesing. (19) Ghering. (16) Dhoar. (9) Palpa. (8) Goolmi. Wigha. (7) Khanchi. Dang. (24) Musikote. (1) Purthana. Jhilli. Suliana. (5) Dhoorkote; and (4) Isma. He thus omits Gorkha, Tarki, Gajarkot, and Argha of the list which I have given; although I suspect, that his Wigha is no other than Argha, for in page 288, he reckons Urghaloor as one of the 24 chiefs, and in page 297 he speaks of the territories of the Urgho Raja. I have indeed little doubt, that Wigha is a mistake of the editor for Urgho, and that Urghaloor was originally written Urghapoor, poor or pura being a common termination of the names of Indian cities. Gorkha was probably omitted by the Gorkhali who gave him the information; as its being included would have been acknowledging the former supremacy of Yumila, which the chiefs of Gorkha now wish to disavow. In place of Tarki and Gajarkot, Colonel Kirkpatrick’s list introduces Dang and Jhilli, (Chhilli,) both of which I have placed in the class containing twenty-two chiefs, although perhaps on slender grounds.

Several of these chiefs had entered with others into leagues for mutual defence, as the interpositions of Yumila, although of some weight, were by no means sufficient to procure security. The leagues were sometimes connected by a common descent in the chiefs, and such were called Athabhai, or eight brothers; while other leagues were composed of chiefs who were of different origins. Such leagues were called Satbhai, or seven brothers.

Among the leagues I heard of the following:

I. Lamjun was at the head of a league composed of Tanahung and Kaski; but Tanahung was followed in war by Dhor, and Kaski by Satahung, without any reference to the union of these states with Lamjun.

II. Birkot was at the head of a league containing Garahang, Poin, and Nayakot.

III. Palpa was at the head of a league composed of Gajarkot, Rising, Ghiring, Argha, Khachi, and Gulmi.

IV. Malebum had in alliance Gulkot.

V. Piuthana had in alliance Musikot and Isma, and also the two petty chiefs of Khungri and Bhingri, who, although their territories were surrounded by those of the Chaubisiya Rajas, were not included in the number of these chiefs.

Gorkha, I was informed, was always completely unconnected, and independent of all these alliances; nor did I learn that Dhurkot or Tarki were in a contrary situation.

I shall now proceed to give an account of the chiefs who governed this assembly of states, and of their countries.

I have already given an account of the family of highest rank, including the Rajas of Palpa, Tanahung, Rising, Ghiring, and Gajarkot; because this family possessed also large estates to the east of Nepal Proper. It therefore remains to describe the other 19 states.

I shall first mention the family which at present has obtained almost universal empire over the mountains north from the Company’s provinces, and does not content itself with a gentle rule, such as that exercised by the Rajas of Yumila, but has seized the entire dominion and power of the conquered countries, and assumes a menacing countenance even to the Company.

The family pretends to be of the Pamar tribe; but it is alleged, as I have already explained, that this is a mere fable, and that, on the arrival of the colony from Chitaur, this family were Magars. One of its branches, however, has long adopted the Hindu rules of purity, and has intermarried with the best families, although not without creating disgust; and the other branch remains in primitive impurity, although we have seen that the same is the case with the Chauhans, who long pretended to a great superiority over the chiefs of Gorkha.

The first persons of the Gorkha family, of whom I have heard, were two brothers named Khancha and Mincha, or Nimcha, words altogether barbarous, and in no manner resembling the high sounding titles of the family of the sun, from whom the Pamars pretend to be descended. From whence these persons came, I did not learn; but Khancha was the founder of the impure branch of the family, and Mincha was the chief of Nayakot.

The impure branch of the family possessed Bhirkot, Garahang, and Dhor, which afterwards separated under three chiefs of the same house; but Bhirkot seems to have been the head of the whole, as its chief was at the head of a league containing Nayakot, the most ancient family of the pure descendants of Mincha. Bhirkot is a very petty state, consisting entirely of mountains, and containing neither mines nor mart of any consequence.

The same is the case with Garahang, whose chief adhered to the league with his kinsman of Bhirkot. The capital, (Rajdhani or Durbar,) of the same name with the country, is situated on the top of a hill, with no water nearer than a cose. In such a situation, only 60 or 70 huts surrounded the chief’s castle, which was built of brick.

The impure chief of Dhor did not join in the league of his kinsmen; but followed in battle the pure chiefs of Tanahung. His country was as petty and as mountainous as that of his kinsmen, but contained some iron mines.

I now return to Mincha, whose descendants were reclaimed from their impurity by the Brahmans.

Mincha was Raja of Nayakot, and the chiefs of this place, although they lived pure, continued to the last to follow in war the impure representative of Khancha, who governed Bhirkot. Nayakot was very petty; but, besides the capital, contained a town of some note, named Limi, but no mines of any consequence.

A collateral branch of the Nayakot Rajas obtained a similar state called Satahung, which, besides the capital, contained a town called Gengdi. The capital, of the same name with the territory, is situated on a hill, and contained about 250 thatched huts, besides the brick castle of the chief. In the whole territory there might have been 1500 houses. The Raja’s share of the land revenue amounted to 2000 rupees a-year. He followed in war the chief of Kaski. The most numerous tribe among his subjects was the Khasiya.

A second collateral branch of the Nayakot family was Kaski, a more powerful state than that of the chief from which it sprang. I believe that the territory of this chief towards the hills was much wider than is represented in the map of Kanak, for I was informed, that Gorkha had no communication with the Bhotiyas, his country being narrowed there between Kaski and Nepal. It may, however, have happened, that the want of communication was owing to the impracticability of the mountains, and not to the shortness of the frontier. The chiefs of Kaski leagued with Lamjun, a collateral branch of their own family, but had as a follower in war their kinsman of Satahung. Although adjacent to the mountains covered with perpetual snow, the southern parts are rather warmer than the valley of Nepal Proper, but the parts adjacent to the snowy peaks were inhabited by Bhotiyas, and next to these were some Gurungs. The warmer parts were occupied by Brahmans, Khasiyas, and the persons of low tribes necessary as artisans. The mountains here formed an uninterrupted and impenetrable barrier towards the north. The chief possessed some mines of copper; and, besides the capital, there is a considerable town called Pokhara, which is a mart frequented by merchants from Nepal, Palpa, Malebum, etc. and afforded duties that in so poor a country were reckoned considerable. The capital by Colonel Kirkpatrick {242} is called Buttolachoor, is situated among hills on the Seti river, (Saite, K.) which is very deep but narrow.

Kaski, the ancient capital, Colonel Kirkpatrick places 7 coses west from Buttolachoor, with Surrungkoat, a large town with a fort on a hill between them.

The chief of Lamjun was descended from a younger son of Kaski, and was originally powerful, the sum appropriated from the land revenue, for his family expense, being 22,000 rupees a-year; and he was not only followed in war by his kinsman the chief of Kaski, but by the Raja of Tanahung. Lamjun, after the loss of Gorkha, was a cold country bordering on the snowy peaks of Emodus, and inhabited by Bhotiyas, with some Brahmans and Khasiyas in the warmer vallies. It contained no mine of any importance, nor any town of note, except the capital; and the chief advantage, after the loss of Gorkha, that the Raja enjoyed, was the commerce with Bhotan or Thibet, which was carried on through a passage in Emodus called Siklik. Many goods were conveyed by this route to Lamjun, and from thence, by the way of Tarku, Tanahung, Dewghat, and Bakra, into the low country; but this trade has been interdicted by the present government of Nepal, which is very jealous of the Raja of Tanahung, to whom Bakra still is secured by the Company’s protection. Siklik, however, is still the residence of a Subah or civil governor, and is probably the place called Seshant in the map of Kanak. The name merely implies a frontier place, but among the hills is used to imply a place inhabited by barbarians; that is, such as reject the doctrines of the Brahmans. In both meanings the term is applicable to Siklik, as its inhabitants, Bhotiyas and Gurungs adhere to the Lamas, and it is the frontier town towards the empire of China.

One of the Lamjun Rajas, according to Prati Nidhi, had a younger brother named Darbha Sahi, who as usual held the office of Chautariya; but rebelled, and took to himself Gorkha, the southern part of the principality, paying 12,000 rupees of the 22,000 that came to the chief for his support.

Gorkha is rather warmer than the valley of Nepal, and its chief inhabitants were Brahmans and Khasiyas, in about equal numbers, with rather fewer Magars, the Brahmans being the chief cultivators, and the Khas and Magars the fighting men. The capital Gorkha is situated on a very high hill, and was the only place of note in the territory. It is said to contain about 2000 houses, and the temple of Gorakhanath, who is one of the tutelar deities of the reigning family. From this circumstance we may perhaps infer, that the proper name of the place is Gorakha, and that, previous to having adopted the doctrines of the Brahmans, this family had received the Zogis, or priests of Gorakhanath, as their spiritual guides.

Colonel Kirkpatrick {244} states the old boundaries of Gorkha to have been the Trisulganga (Tirsoolgunga) on the east, and the Marichangdi (Mursiangdi) on the west. In place of the former he should have stated the Gandi; but from what he says, (in page 122,) it would seem that he confounded the Gandi with both the Setiganga and Trisulganga.

Nara Bhupal or Nribhupala, according to Prati Nidhi, was the sixth or seventh in descent from Darbha. The account which I received in Nepal does not materially differ. The first chief of Gorkha was, however, there called Rama Sahi, whether a different name for Darbha, or his son, I do not know; but his descendants were as follows: 1. Puran. 2. Chhatra. 3. Dambar. 4. Virbhadra. 5. Prithwi Pati. 6. Nribhupal. These chiefs entered into none of the leagues formed by their neighbours, trusting to their own vigour chiefly, for their country was very poor.

The chiefs of Gorkha being cut off from any direct communication with either the low country or Thibet, and having no mines nor other productions as a basis for commerce, were considered as insignificant, but Nribhupal procured in marriage, first, a daughter of the Palpa family; and, secondly, a daughter of the sixth son of the chief of Malebum, both of whom added much to his dignity.

His eldest son Prithwi Narayan (Purthi Nerayn in Kirkpatrick) was a person of insatiable ambition, sound judgment, great courage, and unceasing activity. Kind and liberal, especially in promises to his friends and dependants, he was regardless of faith to strangers, and of humanity to his enemies, that is, to all who opposed his views.

When a very young man, he visited Banaras, and having met with what he considered insolence at some (Chauki) custom-house, instantly put the officers to death. He was concealed from the police by a (Vairagi) person dedicated to religion, who, induced by most abundant promises, conveyed the highland chief in safety to his cousin, Makunda Sen, Raja of Palpa, by whom he was very kindly received, and furnished with the means which enabled him to undertake his first enterprises. I have already mentioned the manner in which he repaid this friendship, and in which he conquered the countries that the Chitaur colony held on the east of the Gandaki. Some account of the invasion of Nepal by this chief is given by Colonel Kirkpatrick, {245} and in the Asiatick Researches will be found a more full narration by an eye-witness of the manner in which he acquired that country, to which he immediately transferred the seat of government, although his nobles and soldiers despise the name of Nepal, and call themselves Gorkhalis. I have also mentioned his total failure in an attempt to extend his dominions to the west, towards which, during the remainder of his government, and that of his son, the Marichangdi continued to be the boundary to the west, as it had been in the time of his ancestors.

The Vairagi, who had saved the life of Prithwi Narayan at Banaras, no sooner heard of the conquest of Nepal, than he repaired to that country, and reminded the chief of his promises. These the chief did not attempt to deny; but said, that, as the promises had been extorted by fear, he would give nothing. The Vairagi, having assembled 500 of the religious order of Nagas, attempted to use force; but the whole horde was taken, and put to death, an event of great use to Bengal, which these ruffians had been in the habit of plundering.

Prithwi Narayan, besides his personal endowments, was much indebted for success to the introduction of firelocks, which until his time were totally unknown among the hills; and, so far as he was able, he introduced European discipline, the value of which he fully appreciated. His jealousy of the European character always, however, prevented him from employing any of them in his service, and he is said to have strongly recommended to his successors to follow, in this respect, his example. How far this may have been judicious, I cannot say; but it has certainly prevented his troops, although in many respects well organized, from making considerable progress in tactics, or in a dexterous use of their arms, and these are probably much more defective than his descendants and their officers think.

Prithwi Narayan died about the year 1771, and left two legitimate sons; Singha Pratap, who succeeded his father, and Bahadur Sahi, who, after his brother’s death, was regent of the kingdom during his nephew’s minority, although he had excited the jealousy of Singha Pratap, and had with difficulty saved his life by living in exile.

Singha Pratap’s attention, as I have mentioned, was chiefly directed to secure the conquests towards the east, in which, as I have said, he seems to have had as few scruples as usual in his family. He died in 1775, at Devighat, and left his kingdom to his son Rana Bahadur, placed in charge of his uncle Bahadur Sahi, a very active enterprising prince, and of his mother Rajendra Lakshmi, a princess of a similar character.

Two such enterprising personages could not agree: and, until the princess’s death, there were constant disputes, sometimes the one, and sometimes the other, acquiring the ascendancy, and then confining or banishing their adversary. Yet it is alleged, that in times of reconciliation, marriage had been proposed between them, the custom of the lower casts of Hindus, at least, not only permitting, but requiring a younger brother to espouse his elder brother’s widow. That such a proposal should ever have been made, being contrary to the customs which at present prevail among the high casts, is rather improbable; and, perhaps, owes its origin to a desire of flattering Rana Bahadur, whose treatment of his uncle required an apology. The people of Palpa indeed allege, that, during the life of Singha Pratap, a more criminal intercourse had actually taken place between the two regents, and that it was to revenge the disgrace thrown on his family, that Rana Bahadur proceeded to extremities against his uncle. Were this true, the attempt to unite their differences by a marriage might be supposed possible: but I attribute the origin of such a story to the disappointed hopes of the Palpa family, which, after having entered into an iniquitous league with Bahadur Sahi, found itself in consequence reduced to a state of dependancy.

I have already mentioned the manner in which Bahadur Sahi thus connected himself with the Palpa family, and the success that attended Damodar Pangre, the officer who was most judiciously employed, and who then held the office of Karyi. Except Palpa, and its share of the spoil, this officer speedily reduced the whole country from Gorkha to the boundary of the country called Garhawal, the capital of which is Srinagar. At the same time, the dominion of Gorkha was extended over the Sikim Bhotiyas of the east, as I have already mentioned; and several other chiefs of the Bhotiya nation towards the north were reduced to obedience.

So far the greatest success had attended the regent, when he was tempted to adopt a very rash measure. Sumur, a discontented brother of the Tishu Lamas from Degarchi, came to Nepal, and told the needy chief wonderful stories concerning the wealth of the convent, in which the Tishu Lama, spiritual guide of the Chinese Emperor, resided. Inflamed with a desire for plunder, and without having the slightest pretence or intercourse with that priest, a large body of Gorkhalis (it is said 7000) overcame all the obstructions of a long and very difficult route, and succeeded in carrying back a large booty, although closely pursued by a Chinese army, that came to the assistance of the Lama. This army having been greatly increased, about the time when Colonel Kirkpatrick visited Nepal, advanced to Dhayabung, and compelled the regent to submit to several indignities, although it had suffered severely from the climate, and the poverty of the country. For the particulars, however, I may refer to the Account of Colonel Kirkpatrick, {248a} and of Captain Turner, {248b} whose opportunities of acquiring information were superior to mine. So far as I can learn, the people of Gorkha were very much discontented with the regent for submitting to the indignities which the Chinese demanded; and they seem to have thought, that the invading army had been reduced to a situation rather to offer than demand submission. The submission was, however, not impolitic; for I believe, that the tribute agreed upon has never even been demanded, much less expected, and the Gorkhalis are in the habit of saying, that, should they have any dispute with the English, their only formidable neighbour, they will claim the protection of the Chinese, with whose influence over the Company they seem to be much better acquainted than one would have expected. The Chinese general consented to move back on receiving a supply of grain for his army, and fifty virgins as an homage for his sovereign; but no stipulation was made for the restoration of the plunder of Degarchi. It was given out at Kathmandu, that the virgins threw themselves from the precipices on the route, and perished rather than submit to the embraces of infidels defiled by every impure food: but I have since learned, that their sense of honour did not carry them to such lengths, and that the Chinese placed them in a convent near the frontier. The people of Thibet procured no satisfaction for the injury, and Chinese garrisons having been placed through their country, they have become more subject than ever to that empire, and most of their petty chiefs have been put to death or banished, while the Chinese have since extended their conquests still farther west. The dominions of Nepal are therefore the only thing that separates them from the British power, and saves them from political discussions, managed free from the control of their own forms, and from exposing to their officers and people the view of a nation far their superior in power.

It is alleged, that at length the regent’s ambition overcame his sense of duty, and that he intended to keep his nephew in confinement, and seize the government. The people of Palpa allege, that he had secured the assistance of his brother-in-law Mahadatta Sen. Certain it is, that he was suddenly dispossessed of power by his nephew, and died in confinement, some say by the Raja’s own hand, while others assert that he was starved to death.

Bahadur Sahi, although a prince of great vigour, is supposed to have been uncommonly superstitious; yet from some anecdotes related by Colonel Kirkpatrick, {250} it would appear, that he was very capable of evading with skill the performance of troublesome ceremonies, and that he could speak on religion with the popish missionaries without harshness, but with a considerable quickness of repartee. His superstition was probably, therefore, of that nature which is usually assumed by princes placed in difficult situations.

Rana Bahadur received little or no education from his guardians, but was allowed to indulge in every vice, surrounded by minions and young profligates of the court. These not only assisted him in the pursuit of low vices, but encouraged his natural propensity to cruel diversions. He had no sooner secured his rights to the throne, and assumed the power of the state, than he showed the restless ambition of his family by an attack on the Yumila Raja, whom all the mountain chiefs acknowledged as their liege lord. The Yumila chief, although he had been thrown off his guard by all manner of professions, having an extensive territory, made a stout resistance, but was finally compelled to seek refuge in the country of the Vazir.