Part 22

Anderson 602 267 648 379 772 333 Bledsoe 464 209 469 303 404 361 Blount 827 566 1146 734 1069 789 Bradley 547 778 562 1085 644 1021 Campbell 313 251 356 445 507 383 Carter 585 139 721 294 768 238 Claiborne 503 519 620 707 756 744 Cooke 743 196 867 383 929 422 Grainger 852 477 998 767 1327 621 Greene 780 1301 902 1915 989 1985 Hawkins 778 831 805 1180 887 1158 Hamilton 774 648 786 972 966 1044 Hancock 241 336 221 532 264 589 Jefferson 1168 307 1396 639 1697 444 Johnson 365 93 392 184 400 215 Knox 1863 565 2279 770 2560 695 McMinn 796 866 799 965 909 953 Meigs 141 442 118 561 97 588 Marion 453 292 476 357 554 468 Monroe 805 847 739 900 851 1005 Morgan 240 222 229 260 219 358 Polk 272 470 249 527 385 676 Rhea 300 307 270 358 298 415 Roane 820 678 912 755 1002 769 Sevier 621 80 824 133 964 120 Scott 199 127 186 182 121 259 Sullivan 260 1114 361 1407 601 1403 Washington 565 853 967 1069 847 1338 ------ ------ ------ ------ 19,298 18,763 21,787 19,394

MIDDLE TENNESSEE.

Counties. Scott. Pierce. Henry. Johnson. Gentry. Johnson.

Bedford 1390 1356 1359 1257 1630 1293 Cannon 453 727 445 803 458 859 Coffee 205 722 274 824 294 880 Davidson 2617 2058 2597 1963 3132 1783 De Kalb 559 588 632 610 560 738 Dickson 323 607 357 743 388 745 Fentress 153 411 166 504 129 616 Franklin 330 1133 356 1224 394 1302 Giles 1303 1447 1301 1468 1312 1439 Grundy 44 327 58 374 22 425 Hardin 643 808 671 827 745 775 Hickman 241 839 263 812 223 1053 Humphreys 263 471 341 501 354 543 Jackson 1170 803 1154 995 1122 1131 Lawrence 547 583 523 731 524 845 Lewis 43 186 66 182 34 243 Lincoln 606 2297 617 2322 402 2521 Maury 1324 1799 1238 1731 1444 1793 Montgomery 1260 993 1309 1004 1502 881 Marshall 666 1340 671 1282 678 1310 Macon 617 374 553 341 540 424 Overton 345 1039 431 1282 290 1528 Robertson 1013 769 1183 763 1256 804 Rutherford 1495 1313 1407 1243 1435 1288 Smith 1742 520 1735 546 1572 644 Stewart 533 725 479 718 563 785 Sumner 825 1563 806 1425 780 1740 Van Buren 107 165 110 205 90 228 Warren 344 922 402 1093 393 1153 Wayne 666 380 709 430 687 535 White 949 518 974 634 978 694 Williamson 1583 763 1502 710 1621 688 Wilson 2248 923 2241 995 2290 937 ------ ------ ------ ------ 26,930 30,550 27,842 32,623

WEST TENNESSEE.

Counties. Scott. Pierce. Henry. Johnson. Gentry. Johnson.

Benton 340 485 393 465 475 453 Carroll 1498 649 1469 663 1567 694 Decatur 400 315 408 285 353 429 Dyer 508 411 476 373 442 483 Fayette 1006 1034 1011 1006 1151 940 Gibson 1570 901 1514 1024 1618 1213 Hardeman 717 1024 651 1025 619 1123 Henderson 1193 511 1301 593 1230 734 Henry 899 1516 891 1496 871 1738 Haywood 790 732 726 785 803 762 Lauderdale 330 277 319 252 354 297 McNairy 921 872 1016 984 915 1059 Madison 1426 819 1261 795 1448 788 Obion 431 644 547 792 407 865 Perry 325 314 387 329 320 450 Shelby 1824 1628 1545 1435 1831 1477 Tipton 357 565 284 527 424 566 Weakley 783 1149 733 1279 885 1411 ------ ------ ------ ------ ------ ------ 58,802 57,123 14,932 14,108 15,713 15,482 57,123 ------ Scott's majority, 1,679

East Tennessee, 19,298 18,763 21,787 19,394 Middle Tennessee, 26,930 30,550 27,842 32,623 ------ ------ ------ ------ 61,160 63,421 65,342 67,499 61,160 65,342 ------ ------ Johnson's majority 2,261 2,157

_Fillmore and Donelson Electoral Ticket._

As a matter of reference, and that none may mistake the American Ticket on the day of the election, we give it as agreed upon and matured by our party:

FOR THE STATE.

HON. NEILL S. BROWN, of Davidson. HORACE MAYNARD, of Knox.

FOR THE DISTRICTS.

1st District--N. G. TAYLOR, of Carter. 2d " MOSES WHITE, of Knox. 3d " REESE B. BRABSON, of Hamilton. 4th " W. P. HICKERSON, of Coffee. 5th " ROBERT HATTON, of Wilson. 6th " W. H. WISENER, of Bedford. 7th " C. C. CROWE, of Giles. 8th " J. M. QUARLES, of Montgomery. 9th " ISAAC R. HAWKINS, of Carroll. 10th " JOSEPH R. MOSBY, of Fayette.

This is an able ticket, and greatly superior to the opposing ticket, as our readers will bear us witness when they hear the parties in debate. Most of these gentlemen have consented to serve on the ticket at great personal sacrifices; and like their chief, Mr. FILLMORE, they have undertaken to serve their party and country "without waiting to inquire of its prospects of success or defeat." And all the reward they seek is to be able to conduct the struggle to a victorious consummation in Tennessee, and this we feel confident they will do. The battle in Tennessee will be hotly contested, but it is by no means doubtful. Tennessee for the last twenty years, and in five preceding presidential contests, has refused to range herself under the black banner of Locofocoism; and now that that banner is doubly infamous by being raised and cheered by Catholics, foreigners, and paupers of every clime, it is fair to presume she will spurn the flag!

THE BLACK REPUBLICAN NOMINEES.

The Black Republican Party, in their recent Convention at Philadelphia, have nominated JOHN CHARLES FREMONT, of California, for the Presidency, and Ex-Senator WILLIAM L. DAYTON, of New Jersey, for the Vice Presidency!

This man Fremont is no statesman--has no experience in political life--has not the first qualification for this eminent and responsible station--and his nomination has not been made upon any plausible pretext whatever. He is an Engineer by profession--once penetrated with his companions to the Pacific coast, across the Rocky Mountains--is the son-in-law of _Tom Benton_--is a Free Trade Locofoco, and an avowed Free Soiler.

The following letter addressed by Fremont to the great Tabernacle Abolition meeting in New York, last spring, is full and explicit, and defines his position on the slavery question:

"NEW YORK, April 29, 1856.

"GENTLEMEN: I have to thank you for the honor of an invitation to a meeting this evening at the Broadway Tabernacle, and regret that other engagements have interfered to prevent my being present.

"I heartily concur in all movements which have for their object 'to repair the mischiefs arising from the violation of good faith in the repeal of the Missouri Compromise.' I am opposed to slavery in the abstract and upon principle, sustained and made habitual by long-settled convictions.

"While I feel inflexible in the belief that it ought not to be interfered with where it exists under the shield of State sovereignty, I am as inflexibly opposed to its extension on this continent beyond its present limits.

"With the assurance of regard for yourselves,

"I am very respectfully yours,

"J. C. FREMONT."

"Messrs. J. D. Morgan and others."

In addition to this, Fremont is the representative of _aggression_: he is a _Filibuster_, and the exponent of a civilization above all constitutions, and all laws. The fact that Seward, Chase, Giddings, and such men--able anti-slavery men, and experienced politicians, were passed over, is proof that they were not governed by _principle_, but seek to shift the issue, and to make it personal and sectional. Take into the account, moreover, the fact that Dayton, a man of moderate talents, is a sort of _Protective Tariff Locofoco_, the advocate of Foreign Pauper labor, and the largest liberty for _Catholics_, and it gives to the ticket a considerable degree of interest.

The leading men in the Convention were reckless and unprincipled demagogues, of the Locofoco school of politics, including the British Free Trade policy, Filibusterism, etc., whose only aim is place and plunder. Their Free-soil principles, outside of their radical purposes, are scarcely skin deep!

By many well-informed men, no doubts are entertained now, that the nomination of Fremont and Dayton has been the result of an intrigue between Seward and Archbishop Hughes; and from a resolution of their platform, as reported by the Committee on Resolutions, we attach credit to this inference. It will bring the Buchanan party at the North to terms, as they are likely to be the only sufferers from this ticket. It will be managed in future alone with an eye to the _aid_ of Buchanan!

We take the following notice of Fremont from the Charleston (S. C.) Standard, and consider it every way reliable:

"Mr. Fremont will be destined to play a distinguished part in the drama, and his history and character therefore will, doubtless, become subjects of considerable importance. He is generally regarded as a native of Charleston, but of this we have occasion to doubt. Many gentlemen here, who knew him in early life, concur in saying that he was born in Savannah. Up to within a short time prior to his birth, his mother was a resident of Norfolk, in Virginia, and it is generally asserted that his parents resided in Savannah before they became settled in Charleston; however this may have been, it is at least conceded that he first came into notice in this city. His prospects here were not particularly promising, but he attracted the attention of some philanthropic gentlemen, who provided the means for his entrance and instruction in the Charleston College. His progress there was not remarkable, and when his class graduated he was not considered entitled to a diploma. He was afterwards recommended as a proper person to take charge of the night-school of the Apprentices' Library Association; but, though his attainments were sufficient, and his address particularly acceptable to the Directors of that Institution, he was not as attentive as he might have been, and the school fell through. He afterwards procured, through Mr. Poinsett, a situation as instructor of junior officers on board a vessel of war bound to the Pacific, and in this condition is said to have acquitted himself well. He afterwards acquired some knowledge of civil engineering, and filling unimportant positions in connection with one and another public work, was at length brought to notice and distinction by his connection with Mr. Nicholet in his Survey of the Mississippi Valley, and from that marched steadily on to the Rocky Mountains, and a renown that has placed his name before the country.

"From the records of his early life, it would seem that he had talent, and was quite addicted to naval reading, but was wayward, and if not indolent, was inefficient in the tasks undertaken at the instance of other people, and up to the time of his entrance upon his duties as instructor in the naval school, had hardly made up his mind whether he would be a man of character or a blackguard. He was fond of dress, however, and the records of the court still show that he wore a suit of clothes which he was afterwards compelled to declare on oath his inability to pay for, in order to avoid inconvenient restrictions upon his personal liberty; but chance gave a proper direction to his abilities; he had the latent energy of character to act up to his opportunities, and he has really presented a career which any one might regard with satisfaction. It is certainly to be regretted that he should lend himself to the uses of a party so reckless and subversive, not only of the Union but of the rights of that section to which, if capable of sentiments of patriotism, he might be supposed to feel attachment; but the prospect of the Presidency would be a sore trial to the probity of most men, and we find nothing in the antecedents of Mr. Fremont to cause a feeling of disappointment that he should yield to the allurements of power.

"He is commended for his attentions to his mother, and they were certainly exemplary. She was poor, and after he determined to behave himself and work like a man, he made her as entirely comfortable as there was the reason to believe his circumstances permitted."

POSTSCRIPT.--Mr. Fremont turns out to be a Roman Catholic, and to have been raised one, and this explains the readiness of Bishop Hughes to abandon Buchanan, and go over to Fremont. It also explains why it is that so many _German Catholic papers_ are coming out for Fremont, in the large cities, and in the North-Western States.

In 1850, Fremont held a seat in the United States Senate, for the space of about three months, and during that time sought to introduce a Catholic Priest to open their services with prayers, and was successful to some extent. He also attended service at the Catholic Church. The _Washington Star_, of the 19th June, 1856, gives the following exposition of facts, in reference to Fremont and his religion:

"A SORT OF A CATHOLIC.--We take it for granted that among the informal pledges extracted by delegations in George Law's Convention, from Col. Fremont, there was not one against the Catholic Church; insomuch as, up to the recent birth of his aspirations for the Presidency, he always passed in Washington for a good enough outside Roman Catholic; that being the Church in which he was reared. He was married in this city, it will be remembered, by Father Van Horseigh, a clergyman of his Church--not of that of his wife's family."

The Republicans sought to incorporate into their platform a plank in opposition to the _Religious Proscription_ of the American party, so as to suit the taste of Romanists generally; but Thaddeus Stevens, who knows Pennsylvania as well as any man living, implored them not to do so, and stated that such a course, with Fremont as their nominee, would lose them Pennsylvania by 50,000 votes!

It turns out, however, that Fremont, as the anti-American, anti-Protestant candidate, with Mr. Dayton on the ticket, equally anti-American, and devoted to Romanism, will sweep the Catholic vote in the United States. Catholics may favor Buchanan in such Southern States as do not run a Fremont ticket, but in all the Northern and North-Western States, the Fremont ticket will ruin the Buchanan ticket.

This question, taken in connection with the Slavery issue, and the Filibustering issue, narrows the contest down to one between Fillmore and Fremont. Buchanan is defeated, and the Southern fire-eaters see and feel it! The _Atlanta_ (Ga.) _Intelligencer_ comes out and states, that if Buchanan can't be elected, it prefers Fremont to Fillmore! And the South Carolina and Mississippi Disunionists openly avow, that they wish this to be the last contest of the kind. They are for Buchanan or Fremont, over Fillmore, because they believe the election of either will have the glorious effect to bring about a dissolution of the Union! In the same breath they admit that Fillmore will labor to perpetuate the Union, and that his election will have the effect to prolong its existence a few brief years!

Southern men, and Northern men, Union men, and national, conservative men, of all parties, can now see _where_ we are driving to, and _who_ they should support for the Presidency. Let them guard against these demons of Popery--these incarnate fiends of the Free Soil faith--these fanatics of a sectional cast--these slimy vultures of Secession--these bogus Democrats--and these infinitely infernal traitors to the Constitution and the Union!

"Col. Fremont was educated in and graduated from St. Mary's College, in Baltimore, a Roman Catholic Institution. He was brought up in the Catholic Faith, and is a Catholic. He married a daughter of Col. Benton. Miss Benton was a Presbyterian. They were married by a clergyman of that denomination; but a Catholic priest made a fuss about it as being null, void, and heretical, and the ceremony was re-performed by him!"--_Auburn American._

The _American_ might have added, that Fremont is the son of a _Catholic Frenchman_, the son of a _Catholic mother_, and was reared under Catholic influence. Nay, Fremont educates his children at the Roman Catholic Institution at Georgetown, in the District of Columbia! The placing of such a candidate before the public, seems especially designed to defy public sentiment, and mock the Protestant American feeling of the country! We had expected the Catholics, with Bishop Hughes at their head, in a few years more, to come out openly, and run a Catholic for the Presidency, but we had not supposed them bold enough to attempt it in 1856. To show beyond all doubt that the nomination of Fremont was the result of a coalition between Seward and Hughes, more in reference to the _Catholic question_ than the _Slavery issue_, we present the record of Fremont in the United States Senate--his _ultra-Pro-Slavery course_--his voting against justice to the Colonization Society, and _seven hundred and fifty_ captured slaves--his opposition to the abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia!

HE IS EXTREME SOUTHERN AND PRO-SLAVERY.

John C. Fremont held a seat in the United States Senate, in 1850, for the space of a few months. During that time he made no speeches; indeed, he has scarcely ever been known to utter any sentiments, or sanction any opinions. Yet his votes, as a member of the Senate, did make for him a record; and it is this record that will stare him in the face as long as he lives--a record in direct conflict with his present professions and position before the country:

LOOK AT IT!--JOHN C. FREMONT'S STATESMANSHIP.

[From the Congressional Globe--Vol. 21, part 2d, p. 1803, etc.]

"IN SENATE OF UNITED STATES, Sept. 11, 1850.

"Mr. Underwood, of Kentucky, called up the bill for the relief of the American Colonization Society. The slaves that were recaptured on the barque Pons were turned over to the Colonization Society, by the authority of the United States, sent to Liberia, and there kept at the expense of the society for one or two years. Most of them were children of twelve, fifteen, and sixteen years of age. The society thinks that the expense of feeding, clothing, and educating these people, which was thus devolved on them by the action of the Government, ought to be repaid them. It was certainly an expense incurred by the society, through the action of the Government in throwing these young negroes upon them for maintenance, instead of taking them, as the Government was bound to do by law, and providing for them. That is the nature of the claim. They simply ask that so much shall be paid them as the society, from its own experience, pays in reference to its own emigrants. The claim was reported upon favorably two years ago. A similar report has again been made; and as the necessities of the society require that they should have the money, I hope, said Mr. U., the Senate will consent to take up the bill. The Senate agreed to take up the bill, and proceeded to consider it as in Committee of the Whole.

"Mr. Turney asked for the reading of the report of the Committee.

"The Secretary read the report accordingly. It sets forth that a liberal construction of the act of Congress of March 3d, 1819, would require that the Government should provide for the support of these recaptured Africans, for a reasonable time after they had been landed in Liberia, and that it is beneath the dignity of the Government to devolve this duty upon the society. The petition of the executive committee of the society which the Committee incorporated in their report, states that on the 16th of December, 1845, the United States Ship Yorktown, Commodore Bell, landed at Monrovia, in Liberia, from the slaver Pons, seven hundred and fifty recaptured Africans, in a naked, starving, and dying condition, all of them excepting twenty-one being under the age of twenty-one. The United States made no provision for their support after they were landed....

"The services of providing for the destitute negroes were not required to be performed by the society under their constitution, but the alternative was to leave these recaptured Africans to starve and die, and the society therefore cheerfully took charge of them, relying upon the Government of the United States to refund the cost to them."