CHAPTER XVIII

Alcuin’s latest days.—His letters mention his ill health.—His appeals for the prayers of friends, and of strangers.—An affectionate letter to Charlemagne.—The death scene.

[Sidenote: Ep. 147. June 26, 800.]

Alcuin’s health began to break in the later part of the year 800, or early in 801. In June, 800, he wrote a letter to Arno of Salzburg which shows that he had in the first days of the month travelled with Karl from Tours to Aix by way of Orleans and Paris, and after a debate with Felix the Adoptionist had returned to Tours. We do not find in this long letter any mention of failing health. Indeed, he overflows with affectionateness, a feeling always displayed in his letters to Arno. “I am sending to your dearness three little gifts; a tent to protect your venerated head from the rain[283], a bed-cover to keep warm your sacred breast, and a glass in which your bread may be dipped at table, that whenever they are used they may bring to your sanctity a recollection of my name.”

In this letter he describes his debate with Felix.

“I have had a great dispute with the heretic Felix in presence of the lord king and holy fathers. He was obdurate; would recognize the authority of no one who took an opposite view; held himself to be wiser than all in this, that he was more foolish than all. But the divine clemency touched his heart; he confessed that he had of late been carried away by a false opinion; he professed that he held firmly the Catholic faith. We could not see into his mind, and we left the cause to the Judge of secret things. We handed him over to Laidrad [the Bishop of Lyon (798-814)] our dearest son, who is to keep him and see whether it is true that he believes, and whether he will write letters condemning the heresy which he has preached. The king had intended to send him to Archbishop Riculf [of Maintz] to be kept and chastised; and his presbyter, who is worse than his master, was to be sent to you and your providence. But now that they say they are converted to the Catholic faith, they have been handed over to Laidrad, who is to test their sincerity.”

[Sidenote: Ep. 189. May, 802.]

On May 24, 801, Alcuin received a letter from Arno, Archbishop of Salzburg, at nine o’clock in the morning, and the messenger told him he must leave again at three in the afternoon. In the course of the six hours he dictated fourteen paragraphs in reply. One of these concerned his health. “My Candidus has been able to tell you all about my weakness. It is therefore superfluous to write on the subject, except to say that all bodily fitness has left me, and pleasures of the world have fled far away.”

The interesting remark in this letter that the messenger from Salzburg to Tours, a distance of some six hundred miles, must go back in six hours is not the only interesting detail. We learn, also, that many letters were lost in the difficulties of the journey. The eyes of the Sassenach of to-day, who rides some forty miles in a Scottish mail-cart in Sutherland, and sees the letters shied out into kailyards and steadings, are opened to the possibilities of loss in primitive methods of letter-carrying. The admirable arrangements of the early Roman empire, for conveyance of men and things, had been thrown into chaos long before Alcuin’s time, and special messengers, or “runners”, were used by important people for the transmission of letters.

[Sidenote: Ep. 189. May, 802.]

“To Arno. My devotedness is greatly grieved by the unfaithfulness of those whom I have trusted with letters to you. Last year I sent to you on your return from Italy two letters, and I also sent to you other two to meet you on your arrival at the palace [Aachen]. I do not know that any of them reached your presence.”

[Sidenote: Ep. 193.]

Alcuin wrote to the Emperor Charles in 802, or possibly in 803, begging that he might be allowed to stay quietly at St. Martin’s, Tours. “I am so very weak in body that I am unequal to any more travelling or labour. To speak truth, all the fitness and strength of my body has left me; it has gone, and day by day will be further away; I fear it will never come back to me in this world.”

[Sidenote: Ep. 194.]

Again, writing to Arno in 802 or 803, he tells him how he longs to see him at St. Martin’s, “not for the sake of your black hair, but for your most sweet eyes and lovable talk.” Though bidden to the palace, where he would have met him, his poor little body was too weak for the journey: he could not go.

[Sidenote: Ep. 196. A.D. 802-3.]

[Sidenote: Ep. 198. A.D. 802-3.]

In another letter to Arno he writes: “I have been summoned to my lord David [Charlemagne], but my bodily weakness prevented my going: the will of God detained me.” We have his letter of excuse to the emperor. He begins with the simile of the aged soldier, unable not only to bear the weight of armour, but even to support his own body. Then he proceeds: “To speak simply, let not the mind of my lord be inflamed against me for my delay; I am not strong enough to come. A more favourable opportunity may occur.”

[Sidenote: Ep. 230.]

He became more than ever pressing in his entreaties that his friends would pray for him. In seeking for the prayers of others we find him turning to a part of England of which we do not appear to have any other mention in his letters, namely, Norfolk and Suffolk, called then the dioceses of Elmham and Dunwich (see page 159). In like manner, and for a like purpose, he wrote to the brethren of Candida Casa, i. e. Whithorn in Galloway, the following letter:—

[Sidenote: Ep. 271. A.D. 804.]

“I pray the unanimity of your piety to have my name in memory. Deign to intercede for my littleness in the church of your most holy father Nynia the bishop.

“He shone bright with many virtues, as has recently been related to me by a skilful poem which our faithful disciples the scholars of the church of York have sent. In that poem I have discerned in that which I have read there both the skill of the writer and the holiness of him who wrought the miracles. Wherefore, I pray you, by your holy intercessions to commend me to his prayers, that by the most holy prayers of the same your father, and by the assiduous intercessions of your love, I may receive pardon for my sins, by the mercy of the God Christ, and may come to the communion of saints who have bravely conquered the labours of the world, and have received the crown of perpetual praise.

“I send to the body of our holy father Nyniga (_sic_) a robe of whole silk, that my name may be remembered, and that I may merit to have always the pious intercession both of him and of you.

“May Christ’s right hand protect and rule you, brothers.”

Here is a very touching letter, which sets clearly before our eyes the dear affectionate old man—old as men then counted age—beaten at last by bodily weakness, while his heart was as loving as ever. It is addressed to “the most longed for lord David, most worthy of all honour.”

[Sidenote: Ep. 170. A.D. 801, early autumn.]

“Day by day, with hungry intentness of heart, my ears hanging on the words of messengers, I wondered anxiously what they could tell me of my most sweet lord David: when he would come home; when he would return to his own land. At last, though late, the wished-for voice sounded in the ears of my desire: ‘He will soon come. He has already crossed the Alps, he whose presence thou hast desired, O Albinus, with such fervour of mind.’ And then I cried over and over again with tearful voice: ‘O Lord Jesu, why dost thou not give me the wings of an eagle? Why dost thou not grant me the translation of the prophet Abacuc[284] for one day, or even one hour, that I might embrace and kiss the steps of him my dearest one, and—above all that can be loved in this world—see the most clear eyes of my sweetest one, and hear his most joyous words. And why dost thou, mine enemy of fever, oppress me at this inopportune time, and not permit me to have my wonted alacrity of body, so that, though tardily, that might be accomplished which promptly it cannot do.’”

The dates and the story of his final illness and his death are found, as we have seen (Ch. II), in the life written about twenty years later by a pupil of Alcuin’s favourite priest Sigulf, and more concisely in the Annals of Pettau, a monastery not far from Salzburg, and therefore likely to be well-informed. Some of the touching facts should be repeated here.

Early in 804 he was evidently failing. He prayed earnestly that he might die on the day on which the Holy Spirit came upon the Apostles in tongues of fire. All through Lent he was able to move about, night after night, to the several basilicas of saints which were included in the monastery of St. Martin, cleansing himself from his sins with much groaning. He kept the solemnity of the Lord’s Resurrection; but on the night of the Ascension he fell upon his couch, oppressed by languor even unto death, and unable to speak. The Annals of Pettau tell us that this was a paralytic stroke, and that it fell on Thursday, May 8, in the evening, after sunset. On the third day before his death he recovered the power of speech, and with a voice of exultation sang through his favourite antiphon, _O clavis David_, based upon Isaiah xxii. 22: “The key of the house of David I will lay upon his shoulder; so he shall open and none shall shut, he shall shut and none shall open.” Then he repeated a number of verses from several psalms: “Like as the hart desireth the waterbrooks.” “O how amiable are Thy dwellings, Thou Lord of hosts; blessed are they that dwell in Thy house.” “Unto Thee do I lift up mine eyes.” “One thing I have desired of the Lord.” “Unto Thee, O Lord, will I lift up my soul.” And others of like kind. On the day of Pentecost, matins having been said, at full dawn, just at the hour at which he was wont to enter the church for Mass, the holy soul of Alcuin was released from the flesh. He had prayed months before that he might die on Whit Sunday; on Whit Sunday he died.

APPENDIX A

(Page 26)

It would appear that when Alcuin was not allowed by Charlemagne to retire to Fulda, as he had wished to do, an impulse of affectionate responsibility brought him to pour himself out in advice and help to those with whom he had hoped to spend his last days. This is his letter to the monks of Fulda.

[Sidenote: Ep. 186. A.D. 801-2.]

“To the most holy, and by us with all love to be cherished, the brethren of the holy Boniface[285], our father and protector, the humble levite Alchuin wishes eternal beatitude in Christ.

“I am mindful of your most sweet love, with which you most benignantly received me long ago with all joy. Greatly as I then was glad in your presence, so greatly is my mind now tortured in your absence, desiring to see you whom it loves, to have present you whom it esteems. Since this is denied to the eyes of the flesh, let love be made perpetual by spiritual presence; love which can come to an end has never been true love.

“Let us therefore aim at that which is never to have an end, where is blessed eternity and eternal blessedness. That ye may deserve to attain to this, let no labour affright you, no blandishments of this life keep you back. Let there always burn in your hearts the love of Him that appeared as their companion on the way to the two apostles, who, when He was removed from their carnal eyes, said ‘Did not our hearts burn within us, while He talked with us by the way, and while He opened to us the Scriptures?’ In the writings of the holy fathers let us seek Him whom they, not yet learned in the Scriptures, understood. Now all is open; now He has opened the meaning of Whom it was said ‘Then opened He their understanding, that they might understand the Scriptures.’ Now the gospel truth shines forth in all the world; now the enigmas of the prophets are clearer than the sun in the churches of Christ. This light of truth follow ye with your whole soul and understand Christ; in it love Christ, follow Christ; that cleaving to His most sacred footsteps ye may merit to have in His most holy presence life eternal.

“Be mindful of the apostolic mandate,[286] ‘My brethren, be ye stedfast, unmovable; always in the work of the Lord; forasmuch as ye know that your labour is not in vain in the Lord.’ Be stedfast in your own place and in the devotion of your purpose. Leave not your most holy father. Stand about his sepulchre, that he may offer your prayers to Almighty God. Desire not the vanities of the world, but love celestial blessings. ‘And,’ as the teacher of the Gentiles says,[287] ‘be not conformed to this world, but be ye transformed by the renewing of your mind.’ It is a base thing for a monk to lose the spiritual warfare and to immerse himself in the affairs of the world.

“Let there be no murmurings among you, no hatreds, no envyings, no evil speakings.[288] Judge not one another. Let everything be done in humility and concord, in obedience to those set over you, not to the eye only but from the heart, as in the presence of God. Let your obedience, your love, your humility be known to all, that very many may be taught by your good examples and may advance in the salvation of their souls.

“If the venerable father Bouulf,[289] my most loved friend, is unable by reason of his weakness to observe the full hardness of the life by rule, judge ye not him, but obey him from your heart and love him as a father, for he will have to give account of your souls. He labours for you in wanderings and journeyings, that you may live quiet and keep the life by rule and have what is necessary for your bodies. Do you act as very dear sons. Fear God, love God, and have care of your most holy father in your prayers, that he may live in long prosperity with you, and that he with you and you with him may merit to have everlasting life.

“Warn, instruct, teach your young men in all holy discipline and Catholic doctrine; that they may be held worthy to stand in the place of you and to send up prayers for you wherever you may remain. Warn them about chastity of body, about confession of their sins, about study and manual labour without murmur, and about all things which seem necessary at their age. And let them become subject to their elders and masters in good humility, in most pious religion. And do you who are older afford to them good examples, so that they may learn not from your words only but by the religion of your life. Let them not be given to luxury, not slaves to drink, not despisers, not following empty games; but let them learn to be good servants in the house of God, that by the intercession of holy Boniface their father they may deserve to receive from the God Christ blessing and favour.

“And as to myself, I pray you have me in perpetual recollection with yourselves in your holy prayers. For the time is at hand which no man can escape. Let each one prepare himself, that he may appear in the presence of his God not naked but clothed with good practices.

“I have sent a pall for the body of the holy Boniface our father, on whose holy intercession for my sins I place great reliance; that I, a sinner, may even merit pardon in that day, when your holiness shall receive the crown of eternal blessedness.

“To you, O most holy presbyters, I have sent a little collection of words for the Mass, for use on various days on which any one desires to offer prayers to God, whether in honour of the Holy Trinity[290], or in love of wisdom, or in tears of penitence, or in perfect love, or asking for angelic support, or in address to any one of all the saints; or if any one wish to offer prayers for his own sins, or for any living friend, or for many friends, or for brothers departing this life; or, especially, when one wishes to invoke the intercessions of blessed Mary, mother of God, ever virgin; or when any desires to chant and invoke by his prayers the most pious presence of the most holy Boniface your father. All these things we have been at the pains to send to you by the intuition of love, praying your humility to receive benignantly that which with the fullest love we send you. Let each make of it such use as each pleases; and blame me not in this office of love. Let each be fully persuaded in his own mind[291] and do always such things as are pleasing to God and all saints, that with them they may be found worthy to enjoy the perpetual vision of our Lord Jesus Christ.

“May the Lord God hearken to your holy blessedness mindful of me in all holy supplication, and deign to grant unto you present felicity and future beatitude, my most loved brothers.

“I beg that you make known to me by letter from your blessedness, if this letter reaches you, and what it pleases your prudence to do. What it is mine to do I have done, fulfilling the office of affection in the love and honour of our Lord Jesus Christ.”

APPENDIX B

(Page 91)

We have the report which the legates George and Theophylact sent to Pope Hadrian on their mission. No reference is made in it to the matter of the Archbishopric of Lichfield. Iaenbricht is still the sole southern archbishop, and Higbert of Lichfield is only bishop.

[Sidenote: Ep. 10. A.D. 786.]

“Your holy prayers favouring us, we set sail with joyous countenance obeying your commands. But the tempter hindered us with a contrary wind. He who stills the waves hearkened unto your deprecatory entreaty, calmed the blue strait, led us across to a safe haven, and brought us to the shore of the English unharmed, but afflicted with many dangers.

“We were received first by Iaenberht, Archbishop of the holy church of Dorovernia,[292] whose other name is Cantia, where the holy Augustine rests in the body; dwelling there we gave him the necessary information.

“Going on thence, we arrived at the dwelling of Offa, King of the Mercians. With great joy, for reverence of the blessed Peter and honour of your apostolate, he received both us and the messages sent from the highest see. Then Offa the King of the Mercians, and Cynewulf the King of the West Saxons, came together in a council to which we delivered your holy writings; and they forthwith promised that they would correct the vices named.[293] Then, after counsel held with the said kings, pontiffs, and elders of the land, considering that that corner of the world stretches far and wide, we gave permission to Theophylact, the venerable bishop, to go to the King of the Mercians[294] and the parts of Britain.

“I for my part, taking with me the companion whom your most excellent King Karl sent with us out of reverence to your apostolate, Wighod, abbat and presbyter, went on to the country of the Northanymbrians, to Aelfuald the King, and the Archbishop of the holy church of the city of York, Eanbald. The King was living far off in the north, and the said Archbishop sent his messengers to the King, who at once with all joy fixed a day for a council,[295] to which the chief men of the district came, ecclesiastical and secular. It was related in our hearing that other vices,[296] and by no means the least, needed correction. For, as you know, from the time of the holy pontiff Augustine no Roman priest[297] [or bishop] has been sent there except ourselves. We wrote a Capitular of the several matters, and brought them to their hearing, discussing each in order. They, with all humility of subjection and with clear will, honoured both your admonition and our insignificance, and pledged themselves to obey in all things. Then we handed to them your letters to be read, charging them to keep the sacred decrees in themselves and in those dependent on them.

“These are the chapters which we delivered to them to be kept.[298]

“1. Of keeping the faith of the Nicene Council.

“2. Of Baptism, the Creed, the Lord’s Prayer.

“3. Of two Councils to be held every year.

“4. Of the service and vesture of Canons and Monks.

“5. Of the elections of Abbats and Abbesses.

“6. Of ordaining Priests and Deacons.

“7. Of the Canonical Hours.

“8. Of the rights of churches granted by the See of Rome.

“9. That ecclesiastics do not take food secretly.

“10. That priests do not perform sacred rites with bare legs[299]; of the offerings of the faithful; that chalice and paten for sacrificing to God be not made from ox-horn, because they are bloody; that bishops in their councils judge not secular matters.

“11. Let kings and princes study justice, obey bishops, venerate the church, employ prudent counsellors.

“12. That in the ordination of kings no one permit the assent of evil men to prevail; kings must be lawfully elected by the priesthood and the elders of the people, and be not born of adultery or incest; let honour be paid by all to kings; let no one be a detractor of a king; let no one dare to conspire for the death of a king, because he is the anointed of the Lord; if any one have part in such wickedness, if he be a bishop or of priestly order let him be thrust out from it, and every one who has assented to such sacrilege shall perish in the eternal fetters of anathema. For by examples among yourselves it has frequently been proved that those who have been the cause of the death of sovereigns have soon lost their life, being outside the protection of divine and human law.

“13. That powerful and rich men decree just judgements.

“14. Of the forbidding of fraud, violence, rapine; that unjust tribute be not imposed on churches; of keeping peace.

“15. Unlawful and incestuous unions are forbidden to all, alike with the handmaids of God and other illicit persons and with those in affinity and kindred and with other men’s wives.

“16. Lawful heirship is by decree refused to the children of harlots.

“17. Of tithes to be given; of usury to be forbidden; of just measures and equal weights to be established.

“18. Of vows to be fulfilled.

“19. We have added that each faithful Christian must take example from Catholic men; and if anything has remained of the rites of pagans it must be plucked out, contemned, cast away.

“For God made man fair in form and appearance; but the pagans with diabolical instinct have inflicted most horrible scars,[300] as Prudentius says:

He tainted the innocent ground[301] with sordid spots,

for he evidently does injury to God, who fouls and defiles His creature. Without doubt a man would receive a rich reward who underwent for God this injury of staining. But to one who does it from gentile superstition it profiteth nothing, as circumcision to the Jews without belief of heart.

“Further, you wear your clothes after the manner of the gentiles whom by God’s help your fathers drove out of the land by arms. It is a wonderful and astonishing thing that you imitate the fashion of those whose life you always hate.

“You have the evil habit of maiming your horses: you slit their nostrils, you fasten their ears together and make them deaf, you cut off their tails; and though you could have them entirely unblemished, you will not have that, but make them odious to every one.

“We have heard also that when you go to law with one another you cast lots after the fashion of the gentiles. This is counted as completely sacrilegious in these days.

“Further, many of you eat horses, which no Christian in eastern lands does. This you must give up. Strive earnestly that all your things be done decently and in order.

“20. Of sins to be confessed and penance to be done.

“These decrees, most blessed Pope Hadrian, we propounded in a public council in presence of King Aelfuuald, Archbishop Eanbald, and all the bishops and abbats of that region, also of the ealdormen, dukes, and people of the land. And they, as we said above, with all devotion of mind vowed that they would in all things keep them according to the utmost of their power, the divine clemency aiding them. And they confirmed them in our hand (in your stead) with the sign of the holy cross. And afterwards they wrote on the paper of this page with careful pen, affixing the mark of the holy cross.

“I Aelfuualdus king of the Transhumbrane race, consenting, have subscribed with the sign of the holy cross.

“I Dilberch[302] prelate[303] of the church of Hexham joyfully have subscribed with the sign of the holy cross.

“I Eanbald by the grace of God archbishop of the holy church of York have subscribed to the pious and catholic force of this document with the sign of the holy cross.

“I Hyguuald bishop of the church of Lindisfarne obediently have subscribed with the sign of the holy cross.

“I Aedilberch bishop of Whithern[304] suppliant have subscribed with the sign of the holy cross.

“I Aldulf bishop of the church of Mayo[305] have subscribed with devoted will.

“I Aetheluuin[306] bishop have subscribed by delegates.

“I Sigha the patrician with placid mind have subscribed with the sign of the holy cross.[307]

“To these most salutary admonitions we too, presbyters and deacons of churches and abbats of monasteries, judges, chief men, and nobles, unanimously consent and have subscribed.

“I duke Alrich have subscribed with the sign of the holy cross.

“I duke Siguulf have subscribed with the sign of the holy cross.

“I abbat Aldberich[308] have subscribed with the sign of the holy cross.

“I abbat Erhart have subscribed with the sign of the holy cross.

“All this having been accomplished, and the benediction pronounced, we set out again, taking with us illustrious representatives of the king and the archbishop, the readers Maluin[309] to wit and Pyttel. We travelled together, and they brought the above decrees to a council of the Mercians, at which the glorious King Offa was present, with the senators of the kingdom, the Archbishop Iaenbercht[2] of the holy Dorovernian Church, and the other bishops of those parts. In presence of the council the several chapters were read out in a clear voice, and lucidly expounded both in Latin and in Teuton so that all could understand. Then all with one voice and with eager mind, grateful for the admonitions of your apostolate, promised, that they would according to their ability with most ready will keep in all respects these statutes, the divine favour supporting them. Moreover, as at the northern council, the king and his chief men, the archbishop and his colleagues, confirmed them in our hand (in the stead of your lordship) with the sign of the holy cross, and again ratified this present document with the sacred sign.

“I Ieanbrecht[310], archbishop of the holy church of Dorovernum, suppliant have subscribed with the sign of the holy cross.

“I Offa king of the Mercians, consenting to these statutes, with ready will have subscribed with the sign of the holy cross.

“I Hugibrecht[311] bishop of the church of Lichtenfelse have subscribed with the sign of the holy cross.

“I Ceoluulf bishop of the Lindisfaras[312] have subscribed.

“I Unuuona bishop of the Legorenses[313] have subscribed.

“I Alchard[314] bishop have subscribed.

“I Eadberht[315] bishop have subscribed.

“I Chumbrech[316] bishop have subscribed.

“I Harchel[317] bishop have subscribed.

“I Acine[318] bishop have subscribed.

“I Tora[319] bishop have subscribed.

“I Uuaremund[320] bishop have subscribed.

“I Adalmund[321] bishop have subscribed.

“I Adored[322] bishop have subscribed.

“Edrabord abbat. Alemund abbat. Boduuin abbat. Uttel abbat.

“I duke Brorda have subscribed with the sign of the holy cross.

“I duke Eadbald have subscribed.

“I duke Bercoald have subscribed.

“I count Othbald have subscribed.”

APPENDIX C

(Page 177)

Sed obsecro si vestrae placeat pietati ut exemplarium illius libelli domno dirigatur apostolico aliud quoque Paulino patriarchae similiter Richobono et Teudolfo episcopis doctoribus et magistris ut singuli pro se respondeant Flaccus vero tuus tecum laborat in reddenda ratione catholicae fidei tantum detur ei spatium ut quiete et diligenter liceat illi cum pueris suis considerare sensus quid unusquisque diceret de sententiis quas posuit prefatus subversor in suo libello et tempore praefinito a vobis ferantur vestrae auctoritati singulorum responsa et quidquid in isto libello vel sententiarum vel sensuum contra catholicam fidem inveniatur omnia catholicis exemplis destruantur et si aequaliter et concorditer cunctorum in professione vel defensione catholicae fidei resonant scripta intelligi potest quod per omnium ora et corda unus loquitur spiritus sin autem diversum aliquid inveniatur in dictis vel scriptis cuiuslibet videatur quis maiore auctoritate sanctarum scripturarum vel catholicorum patrum innitatur et huic laudis palma tribuatur qui divinis magis inhaereat testimoniis.

APPENDIX D

(Page 197)

The following are the passages of the Donation which touch the question of the joint patronage of St. Peter and St. Paul in the Church of Rome. The edition from which they are taken is thus described on the title-page:—

Constantini M. Imp. Donatio Sylvestro Papae Rom. inscripta: non ut a Gratiano truncatim, sed integre edita: cum versione Graeca duplici, Theodori Balsamonis, Patriarchae Antiocheni, et Matthaei Blastaris, I(uris) C(anonici) Graeci.

Typis Gotthardi Voegelini (1610).

The first page of the Latin Edict is not represented in the Greek Thespisma. It ends with the words: “Postquam docente beato Silvestro trina me mersione verbi salutis purificatum et ab omni leprae squalore mundatum beneficiis beati Petri et Pauli Apostolorum cognovi.”

Iustum quippe est, ut ibi lex sancta caput teneat principatus, ubi sanctarum legum institutor salvator noster beatum Petrum Apostolatus obtinere praecepit cathedram, ubi et crucis patibulum sustinens beatae mortis poculum sumpsit suique magistri et domini imitator apparuit: et ibi gentes pro Christi nominis confessione colla flectant, ubi eorum doctor beatus Paulus Apostolus pro Christo extenso collo martyris coronatus est: illic usque in finem quaerant _doctorem, ubi sancti doctoris corpus quiescit_; the Greek has τὂν διδάσκαλον ὅπου τὰ τῶν ἁγίων λείψανα ἀναπαύονται.

* * * * *

Construximus itaque ecclesias beatorum Petri et Pauli Apostolorum, quas argento et auro locupletavimus: ubi sacratissima eorum corpora cum magno honore recondentes, et thecas ipsorum ex electro (cui nulla fortitudo praevalet elementorum) construximus, et crucem ex auro purissimo et gemmis pretiosis per singulas eorum thecas posuimus et clavis aureis confiximus.

* * * * *

Pro quo concedimus ipsis sanctis Apostolis dominis meis, beatissimo Petro et Paulo, et per eos etiam beato Silvestro patri nostro summo Pontifici et universali urbis Romae Papae et omnibus eius successoribus Pontificibus, qui usque in finem mundi in sede beati Petri erunt sessuri, atque de praesenti concedimus palatium imperii nostri Lateranense, quod omnibus praefertur atque praecellit palatiis.

* * * * *

Si quis autem (quod non credimus) temerator aut contemptor extiterit, aeternis condemnationibus subiaceat innodatus, et sanctos Dei principes Apostolorum Petrum et Paulum, sibi in praesenti et in futura vita sentiat contrarios, atque in inferno inferiori concrematus cum diabolo et omnibus deficiat impiis.

The learned editor makes an interesting comment on the recognition by Constantine of the _par utriusque meritum_, the equal merit of the two apostles Peter and Paul. The fate of Paul, he says, resembles that of Pollux. The two brothers, Castor and Pollux, had a Temple in common in the Forum, but it came to be called the Temple of Castor alone.

In using such a document as this, the temptation to alter words must have been very great. As an example of such change, the words which follow on our first quotation may be cited—“utile iudicavimus una cum omnibus satrapis et universo senatu, optimatibus etiam et cuncto populo Romani gloriae imperii subiacente.” For _gloriae_ Gratian reads _ecclesiae_. The Greek version has τῆς ῥωμαικῆς δόξης.

On a phrase of the Donation—“eligentes nobis ipsum principem Apostolorum vel eius vicarios firmos apud Deum esse patronos”—the editor quotes a remarkable passage from Aimoin[323] v. 2, which it is specially fitting to reproduce here, since it relates to Charlemagne and his sons: “Post non multum tempus incidit ei desiderium dominam quondam orbis videre Romam, principis Apostolorum atque doctoris gentium adire limina, seque suamque prolem eis commendare; ut talibus nitens suffragatoribus, quibus coeli terraeque potestas attributa est, ipse quoque subiectis consulere, perduellionumque [si emersissent[324]] proterviam proterere posset. Ratus etiam non mediocre sibi subsidium conferri, si _a Vicario eorum_ cum benedictione sacerdotali tam ipse quam et filii eius regalia sumerent insignia.”

[Sidenote: Ep. 33. A.D. 794.]

In a letter to Karl of the highest importance, Hadrian I uses a remarkable phrase in describing Karl’s regard for the Church of Rome. He speaks of his faith and love towards the church of the blessed chiefs of the apostles Peter and Paul,—_quantum erga beatorum principum apostolorum Petri et Pauli ecclesiam fidem geritis et amorem_. In the same letter he employs an argument which—while it would naturally have force with Karl—appears to assign to national churches other than that of Rome a remarkable position of independence. “If,” he says, “everywhere canonical churches possess their dioceses intact, how much more should the holy catholic and apostolic Roman church, which is the head of all the churches of God,—Si enim ubique Christianorum ecclesiae canonicae intactas suas possident dioeceses, quanto amplius sancta catholica et apostolica Romana ecclesia, quae est caput omnium Dei ecclesiarum....”

APPENDIX E

(Page 290)

Eginhart gives the name of Charlemagne’s elephant as Abulabaz. This probably represents _AbuʾlʿAbbás_, the elephant being in that case named after his royal donor, the first Abbasid Caliph, who was none other than our old friend of many tales of adventure, Harun al Raschid. His caliphate lasted from 786 to 809, and thus coincided with the most brilliant period of Charlemagne’s reign as king and emperor. His policy was to remain on most friendly terms with Charlemagne, while sending to Irene’s supplanter at Constantinople, Nicephorus, communications of the following character:—

“Harun al Raschid, Commander of the Faithful, to Nicephorus, the Roman dog.

“I have read thy letter, O thou son of an unbelieving mother. Thou shalt not hear, but behold my reply!”

Eginhart tells us under the year 807 of noble presents sent by the Saracen king of the Persians to Charlemagne. They included a pavilion and court tents, all, including the ropes, of linen of divers colours; palls of silk many and precious; scents, unguents, and balsam; two great candelabra of brass (orichalc) of marvellous size and height; and above all a wonderful clock made of brass (orichalc). The principle of this remarkable machine was that of the water clock. At each complete hour little balls of brass were set free, which fell on to a cymbal below with a tinkling sound, while at the same time twelve knights on horseback opened windows and pushed out, closing windows which had been open.

FOOTNOTES

[1] _Mendacia._

[2] See the story of his conversion, p. 11.

[3] The following inscription is found in this book:—“Hunc Vergilii codicem obtulit Berno gregis beati Martini levita devota mente Deo et eidem beato Martino perpetualiter habendum ea quidem ratione ut perlegat ipsum Albertus consobrinus ipsius et diebus vitae suae sub pretextu sancti Martini habeat et post suum obitum iterum sancto reddatur Martino.”

[4] It appears to be impossible to identify the site of the cell of Wilgils. The local idea is that Kilnsea may be the place. But then the local idea is that Kilnsea means “the cell by the sea”.

[5] The church of St. Andrew in Rome was the first church which Wilfrith in his youth visited on his first appearance in that city. It was on the altar of that church that he first saw a magnificent copy of the Gospels, which so fired his enthusiasm that he had a similar copy made, written in letters of gold on purple parchment and adorned with gems, for his church at Ripon. His great church at Hexham, the finest church north of the Alps, he dedicated to St. Andrew, and the dedication thus became a favourite one in Northumbria. See my _Theodore and Wilfrith_, p. 17.

[6] Horreense, the Germans think; now Oeren.

[7] Epternach.

[8] See my _Conversion of the Heptarchy_, pp. 202-4.

[9] See my _Conversion of the Heptarchy_, p. 190.

[10] iii. 20, plate xiii.

[11] Ps. lxxvii. 11.

[12] The relative numbers of these three “sides” of the School of York may possibly be indicated by the _quidam_, _alii_, _nonnulli_, of the author.

[13] Biscop.

[14] After a parenthetical paragraph the writer continues, “Cuius iam, ut dictum est, sequens Hechbertus vestigia.”

[15] Gregory, it must be supposed. If one of the Apostles of the Lord had been meant, much more honorific words would have been used.

[16] Used antiphrastically for malediction: see Job i. 5.

[17] Deut. xxxii. 11.

[18] Chapter viii of the Rule of St. Benedict directs that a monk shall not conceal from his abbat evil thoughts which come into his heart.

[19] John xiii. 25 to xviii. 1 inclusive.

[20] Sigulf, as we have seen, told the writer the facts of Alcuin’s life which he recorded.

[21] Dial. ii. 85. Benedict there narrates that he saw the whole world collected into one ray of the sun, in which the soul of Germanus, bishop of Capua, ascended to the heavens.

[22] Ps. cvi. 1.

[23] _Francia_, both here and in Alcuin’s Letter 35, where he writes as if with these words in his mind: “I came to France, under pressure of ecclesiastical need, and to confirm the reason of the Catholic Faith.”

[24] There is a tradition that Alcuin wrote the Office for the Mass on Trinity Sunday. See Appendix A.

[25] The “hereditary right” seems to indicate that by these “benedictions” the library of York is meant, of which more will be said later on.

[26] “Talentum sui domini”, sc. Elcberti?

[27] The perpetual presence of Sigulf was needed for the celebration of masses, Alcuin remaining a deacon. There is a curious mention of Alcuin’s part in the administration of Holy Communion, and of the action of the young King Louis when receiving at his hand; see p. 32.

[28] We can date this meeting fairly closely by the fact that Karl granted a privilegium to Parma on March 15, 781.

[29] The bishop George whom we know as intimately concerned with the affairs of Hadrian I and with British interests was Bishop of Ostia. If this is he, we shall hear of him again in connexion with the Archbishopric of Lichfield.

[30] Abbat of St. Martin of Tours, a curiously early connexion of Alcuin with his future home. To him Alcuin addressed the earliest letter of his which is extant; see p. 205.

[31] Alcuin was about seven years older than Karl. They were at this time about forty-six and thirty-nine years of age.

[32] St. Peter of Ferrières, dio. Sens.

[33] Alcuin makes mention of his residence here during the autumn of 798 in his correspondence with Gisla, Karl’s sister; see p. 253. The Museum of Troyes is housed in the old buildings of the Abbey of St. Loup.

[34] Matt. x. 23.

[35] He was subject to febrile attacks.

[36] For Alcuin’s letter to Fulda, written after Karl’s refusal of permission, see Appendix A.

[37] “In psalmorum et missarum multa celebratione.”

[38] See p. 13.

[39] Called Witto by Alcuin (ep. 107), and Candidus (106) as the Latin rendering of the Teutonic name.

[40] To Fredegisus Alcuin wrote letters on the three kinds of visions (257) and on the Trinity (258). He is understood to be the “Nathanael” of other letters. Of Fredegisus, Theodulfus, the Bishop of Orleans, wrote to Karl:

Stet levita decus Fredegis sociatus Osulfo, Gnarus uterque artis, doctus uterque bene.

He was a master in the school of the Palace and afterwards Archdeacon. He became Abbat of Cormery, and eventually of Tours.

[41] See the mention of him in previous note. Osulf was a household officer of the young King Charles, see p. 250. The last words of Alcuin’s interpretation of the vision suggest that he was an Englishman, one of the youths whom Alcuin brought from York as his assistant masters.

[42] This was Benedict, the Abbat of Aniane in Languedoc. That region is here spoken of as Gothia, because the Goths had settled about Toulouse in the fifth century. The fact that Benedict used often to come to consult Alcuin is an interesting illustration of the disregard of distance in those days. As the crows fly, Toulouse is some 270 miles from Tours, and the journey was a long and arduous one.

[43] The three sons of Karl were all of them kings (practically sub-kings) of one part or another of his vast domains. The great partition of the empire was not arranged by Charlemagne till after Alcuin’s death.

[44] It will be borne in mind that Alcuin was only in deacon’s orders.

[45] This is one of the various indications of date which enable us to calculate the time at which the biography was written.

[46] Charles and Pepin died before their father, and Louis became sole emperor and ruler of all that Charlemagne had held.

[47] With regard to some possible confusion here between Karl and his eldest son Charles, see p. 246.

[48] Vita, c. 21.

[49] It is frequently impossible to calculate a man’s nationality from his name in the century with which we are dealing, and it is unsafe to guess at it. Aigulf, for instance, was the name of the Gothic Count of Maguelone, the cup-bearer of Karl’s son, Pepin of Aquitaine, and father of Benedict of Aniane.

[50] Engelsaxo.

[51] “Venit iste Britto vel Scotto.” The Scot in those days was the Irishman. We may imagine that “Scotto” was formed derisively to match “Britto”. But it should be remembered that in Alcuin’s dialogue on grammar the disputants are Saxo and Franco, a very similar formation.

[52] It is of at least local interest to remark that the latest of many burnings of York Minster, Alcuin’s old abode, was caused very much in the same way. Carpenters had been at work, in the bell-chamber of the south-west tower, and left a candle burning on the table where they had been planing wood. The candle burned low and fell over on to some shavings, to which it set fire, and thence the flame grew and grew till it burst out, and the great fire of May 20, 1840, was the result. This present writer was a boy of six at the time, and from his bedroom window saw it all, from the beginning, through the sounding boards of the chamber. He was eventually carried off in a blanket, as the tower would have fallen into his father’s house if it had come down. The house, it may be added, was the house in which Guy Fawkes was born. See also p. 82.

[53] The word _monasterium_ has so many meanings that we cannot be sure what precisely is here meant. It may possibly mean the _maius monasterium_, Marmoutier, see p. 221.

[54] The historian here quoted, a contemporary of St. Martin, must not be confused with Sulpicius, Archbishop of Bourges, A.D. 584, surnamed Severus to distinguish him from a second Sulpicius Archbishop of Bourges, surnamed Pius, who died A.D. 644.

[55] “Hesterna die indicatur mihi,” &c. We fortunately have the letter. It is Epistle I of the collected works of Sulpicius.

[56] It may be that we have here an early hint of a practice of which we have record in later times. The water which had been used for washing the tomb of St. Martin was held to have healing properties in the later middle ages.

[57] Believed at that time to have been written by St. Paul.

[58] In our editions, Arno and not Fredegisus was the recipient of this treatise.

[59] Presumably the same as Withso and Witto.

[60] “Franci et Saxonis,” the author says. But in the disputatious dialogue they are called Saxo and Franco. Saxo addresses Franco as _O Franco!_ but on one occasion he slips into the vocative _France_: “En habes, France, de adverbio satis.” _Fr._ “Non satis; pausemus tamen ad horam.” _Saxo._ “Pausemus.” The dialogue is much of the same kind as that found in Aldhelm’s works a hundred years earlier between Magister and Discipulus. See my _St. Aldhelm_, ch. xii.

[61] We have seen from the author that he could very seldom shed tears, p. 27.

[62] There is a delicate touch in putting into the devil’s mouth the literal name and not the intimate name.

[63] Cant. iv. 4.

[64] A cynic might remark that Alcuin did not answer the clever question of the enemy. He could not deny that he was elaborately deceiving his attendants.

[65] Sulpicius Severus, Life, c. 25.

[66] Theodulf of Orleans makes a little apology to Karl for Alcuin’s use of wine and beer (not English beer! see p. 267):

Aut si, Bacche, tui aut Cerealis pocla liquoris Porgere praecipiat, fors et utrumque volet; Quo melius doceat, melius sua fistula cantet, Si doctrinalis pectoris antra riget.

If he bids bring forth cups of thy liquor, O Bacchus, or cups of the liquor of corn, and perhaps takes both; it is that he may teach the better, the better may sing his stave, if he moistens the recesses of his instructive breast.

[67] “Celebrabat omni die missarum solemnia multa.”

[68] Based on Isa. xxii. 22.

[69] See p. 211.

[70] The biographer here passes in a telling manner to the present tense.

[71] Again the use of Alcuin’s baptismal name at a critical point.

[72] This is one of the endless number of cases in which it is made quite clear that the original attraction to Rome was not the asserted bishopric of Peter, but the fact of the tombs of Peter and Paul. The cult of these two chiefs, princes of the Apostles, was the source of the reputation of Rome. See Appendix D.

[73] See p. 268.

[74] The title consists of twenty-four elegiacs, with only ordinary thoughts.

[75] _Gesta Regum_, i. 3.

[76] The mention of Ascension Day in the account of Bede’s death is in the judgement of some scholars more easily reconciled with the incidence of Ascension Day in the year 742.

[77] The see of Dunwich appears to have been vacant then.

[78] All this tells against the now exploded belief that Theodore established the parochial system. His _paroichia_ was the diocese.

[79] The earliest pieces of English now extant in the original form are the inscriptions in Anglian runes on the cross erected in 670 in the churchyard of Bewcastle, in memory of the sub-king Alchfrith (see p. 9). The main inscription runs thus: + This sigbecn thun setton hwaetred wothgar olwfwolthu aft alkfrithu ean küning eac oswiung + gebid heo sinna sowhula. + This token of victory Hwaetred Wothgar Olwfwolthu caused make in memory of Alcfrith once king and son of Oswy. + Pray for the high sin of his soul. See also p. 296.

[80] See p. 5.

[81] _In ordinatione._

[82] _Constituant._

[83] He was Bishop of Winchester A.D. 1367 to 1398; Wilfrith was Bishop of York A.D. 669 to 678.

[84] Eton was founded, in a very small way, in 1440.

[85] As to the treatment of ancient ecclesiastical MSS. in one part of France at the time of the Revolution, see pages 219, &c.

[86] It is now maintained that ‘Saxon’ is formed from _saxa_, stones, but for a different reason, being taken as describing ‘armed men’ in the stone age.

[87] It is so, also, in Eddi’s prose account, “pro lachrymis ad aures Dei pervenientibus.”

[88] See also p. 137.

[89] See my _Lessons from Early English Church History_, pp. 74, 75.

[90] Our word “inn” means a place enclosed, or a place comprising an enclosure.

[91] p. xxiii.

[92] See also p. 141.

[93] “Monasterium” is used in the middle ages for a parish church in the country. “Minster” has always been a special Yorkshire word, “York Minster,” “Ripon Minster,” “Beverley Minster.” The unique inscription at the side of the sun-dial at Kirkdale Church, dated as in the days of Tostig the Earl, sets forth that “Orm Gamal-suna bohte Sanctus Gregorius minster”.

[94] The writer of this cannot refrain from mentioning a curious coincidence of dates and experience between himself and his schoolfellow and head master Alcuin. York Minster was burned on May 23, 741, when Alcuin was six years old. The cathedral school being within the precincts, Alcuin would have to be removed to a place of safety. York Minster was burned on May 20, 1840, curiously near to being the eleven-hundredth anniversary of the burning on May 23, 741, and the present writer, then aged six, was carried from his bed in the minster precincts to a place of safety in Castlegate.

[95] An. DCC.XLI. Her forbarn Eoferwic. This entry is found in the two MSS. of the Chronicle known as Cotton. Tib. B. 1 and Bodl. Laud. 636. These two MSS. have special information about Northumbrian affairs. They differ in the spelling of proper names, but in this case they take the same spelling of the Anglian name of York, which appears in five different forms in the Chronicle.

[96] Before Froben this was read Alcuinus, clearly an impossible reading in a list drawn up by Alcuin himself, and at a time when his chief effort of versification could not be in the library.

[97] See Appendix B, p. 310.

[98] Haddan and Stubbs, iii. 440.

[99] A.D. 790-805.

[100] “Sacerdos.” It appears clear that Alcuin is using the word as equivalent to “episcopus”, as it frequently was.

[101] Mal. ii. 7.

[102] “Speculator.”

[103] “Super-speculator.” Isidore explains in his Etymologies that bishops are called “episcopi” by the Greeks and “speculatores” by the Latins, because they are set on high in the church.

[104] “Sacerdotes.” That Alcuin is speaking of bishops, not of priests in general, is clear from his verses at the end of the letter, where he repeats his phrases “terrae sal”, “lumina inundi”, and adds “Bis sex signa poli”, the twelve stars of the sky, namely the bishops of the Southern Province. These were, not counting Athelhard himself, Higbert of Lichfield, Kenwalch or Eadbald of London, Kinbert of Winchester, Unwona of Leicester, Ceolwulf of Lindsey, Denefrith of Sherborne, Aelhun of Dunwich, Alheard of Elmham, Heathred of Worcester, Ceolmund of Hereford, Wiothun of Selsey, Weremund of Rochester.

[105] “Consacerdotes.”

[106] Prov. xviii. 19. The Vulgate and the Septuagint versions give the force of the passage in Alcuin’s sense. The Authorised Version gives, “A brother offended _is harder to be won_ than a strong city.” The Revised Version agrees exactly with the A.V.

[107] Gildus, in Alcuin.

[108] It may be supposed that Offa was engaged in building an abbey church at St. Albans. William of Malmesbury says of the church built by Offa in honour of St Alban (_Gesta Regum_, i. 4): “The relics of St. Alban, at that time buried in obscurity, he had reverently taken up and placed in a shrine decorated to the fullest extent of royal munificence with gold and jewels; a church of most beautiful workmanship was there erected, and a society of monks assembled.” The black stones may have been wanted for pavements.

[109] Pope Hadrian I. He died December 27, 795, having held the Papacy for twenty-three years, with great distinction, at a most important time in its history.

[110] Simeon of Durham, under the year 795.

[111] This would naturally mean Ireland at that time, but it is far from clear that Ireland is meant.

[112] Isa. i. 4.

[113] Offa died July 26, 796, and Ecgfrith died in the middle of December in the same year, after a reign of 141 days.

[114] In each of these two cases the new king was, in this year 796, most unexpectedly raised to the throne from a comparatively poor position, in which he had married a wife of his own position. Alcuin fears that they will be tempted to cast off the early wife and take some lady more fitted for a throne.

[115] This prophecy was not fulfilled. It was not till nine years after the date of this letter that Eardwulf was expelled from the kingdom.

[116] Prov. xx. 28.

[117] Ps. xxiv. 10, Vulgate; xxv. 10, A. V.; xxv. 10, Psalter.

[118] Haddan and Stubbs, iii. 521, from _William of Malmesbury_, G. R. i. 4.

[119] A mancus was more than one-third of a pound, but that conveys no real idea to the modern mind of its actual value.

[120] _Gesta Regum_, i. 4.

[121] Haddan and Stubbs, _Councils_, iii. 483. The names stand as follows: “+ Ego Offa Rex Dei dono propriam donationis libertatem signo sanctæ crucis confirmo. + Ego Ecgferth, filius Regis, consensi. + Signum Hygeberhti Archiepiscopi. + Signum Ceolulfi Episcopi. + Signum Æthelheardi Archiepiscopi.” Followed by eight bishops and three abbats.

[122] It has already been noted that Alcuin found it very difficult to shed tears.

[123] “Ceolmund the duke,” “Ceolmund the minister,” often appears in the Mercian documents of the time.

[124] Simeon of Durham, under the year 779, has the entry, Duke Aldred, the slayer of King Ethelred, was slain by Duke Thorhtmund in revenge for his lord.

[125] This amounts to an official representation of the three great powers, the West Saxons, the Mercians, and the Northumbrians.

[126] Haddan and Stubbs, iii. 486.

[127] An Irishman.

[128] From 784 to 819.

[129] Haddan and Stubbs, iii. 487.

[130] We know nothing certain of this person.

[131] We cannot trace his pedigree.

[132] Simeon of Durham says that he committed suicide.

[133] In theory, at least, we know better now.

[134] A.D. 779 to 788.

[135] James ii. 13.

[136] Pet. iv. 17.

[137] He died in 703.

[138] He resigned in 716, and took from the library of Wearmouth the Codex Amiatinus as a present to the Pope. This huge and noble codex is now in the Laurenziana, in Florence. See my _Lessons from Early English Church History_, pp. 72-75.

[139] See my _Theodore and Wilfrith_, pp. 106, 124, and for Acca’s Cross, pp. 257-61.

[140] Bishop of Whithern (Candentis-Casae, Ep. 20, usually Candidae Casae), 777-789; of Hexham, 789-797.

[141] Writing to an Englishman, Alcuin gives his Anglian name in its Anglian spelling and without a Latin termination.

[142] See p. 123. The full story is given by Simeon of Durham under the year 790, meaning 791: “In the second year of Ethelred (i. e. of his restored sovereignty) Duke Eardulf was captured and taken to Ripon, and was ordered by the said king to be put to death outside the gate of the monastery. The brethren carried the body to the church with Gregorian chants, and placed it in a shed outside the door. He was found after midnight in the church, alive.”

[143] In April, 796, the Patrician Osbald was made king by certain leading men of the nation. But after twenty-seven days he was deserted by the whole of the royal family and the chief men, and was put to flight and banished from the kingdom. He escaped with a few followers to the Isle of Lindisfarne, and thence went by sea with some of the brethren to the king of the Picts. Sim. Dur. 795.

[144] Slain at Cobre (Corbridge has been suggested), April 18, 796.

[145] The Picts of the east of Scotland.

[146] Matt. xviii. 15, “Go and tell him his fault between thee and him alone.”

[147] John viii. 34.

[148] Cant. viii. 7.

[149] 1 Tim. v. 20.

[150] Matt. xii. 50. It will be seen that Alcuin does not quote exactly. The Vulgate has _frater et soror et mater_.

[151] _Insula Sanctorum et Doctorum_, p. 272.

[152] No doubt oil specially pure, and vegetable; we may safely say olive oil, for purposes of chrism. Theodore of Canterbury informs us (_Theodore and Wilfrith_, S.P.C.K. p. 180) that “according to the Greeks a presbyter can ... make the oil for exorcism and the chrism for the sick, if necessary; but according to the Romans only a bishop can do so”. Hence the mention of bishops in the letter of Alcuin. See also page 245, note 2.

[153] In this case Alcuin writes _Karli regis_; in other cases he uses the full form Carolus, which comes from rolling the r in Karlus.

[154] Shekels. On the argument that the didrachma was the shekel in the New Testament the sicle may be put at 1_s._ 7½_d._, but that gives no idea of its purchasing power then, which was probably nearer £1. It will be seen that in a later sentence sicles of pure gold are specified.

[155] See p. 79.

[156] As in _year_ the Anglo-Saxon _g_ was pronounced as _y_, hence the name Mayo. In east Yorkshire a gate is still called a _yet_.

[157] See Appendix B.

[158] The passage is incomplete, but this is the sense of it.

[159] This is not Lull of Malmesbury, who was so great a help to Boniface; he died an archbishop in 787.

[160] A presbyter, who succeeded his namesake in the archbishopric.

[161] We cannot imagine another dignity open to an aged Archbishop of York to be preferred to that which he already held. But it is evident that Alcuin referred to his retirement upon an abbacy, which would set him comparatively free from calls for exertion.

[162] Eph. v. 23.

[163] It has been supposed that Alcuin refers to some purpose of bequeathing the library of York to Eanbald II.

[164] Ecclus. vi. 6.

[165] Ethelred of Northumbria was killed and Offa of Mercia died in this year 796.

[166] James v. 11. Our version would have suited the occasion better than the Vulgate, “Ye have heard of the patience of Job.”

[167] In the older MSS. _in Deo_, which has a subtle unintentional bearing on the controversy with which we are dealing; unintentional if, as seems certain, we possess MSS. of the Athanasian symbol of a date earlier than the beginning of the heresy of Felix.

[168] The punctuation is that of Wattenbach and Dümmler. Migne puts a full stop after the Pope and another after the Patriarch: this would seem to make _singuli_ refer to two persons only, the two bishops. The Roman controversialist makes a different punctuation, putting a full stop after the Pope and running the three others together. The whole passage ought to be read in the Latin without any punctuation. See Appendix C, p. 319.

[169] Ep. 30, A.D. 793.

[170] But see p. 283.

[171] Bede i. 25, “Imaginem Domini salvatoris in tabula depictam.”

[172] The historian-monk of St. Gallen says that his new eyes were better than his old ones, both for use and to look at.

[173] Ep. 120, to Arno.

[174] The account which follows is taken from the contemporary annals of Eginhart.

[175] Under the year 800.

[176] The actual words are given by Baronius, but with a vague reference to his authority. They are given at length by Milman, _Hist. of Lat. Christianity_, ii. 205.

[177] The ordinary word for the crypt or other receptacle of the body of a saint.

[178] Stephen I was Pope 252 to 257. Another Stephen was elected on March 14, 752, but died before his consecration. On March 26, 752, the Stephen here spoken of was elected. He is thus more properly called Stephen II than Stephen III; and Stephen IV, who appears in Karl’s time, should be called Stephen III. Many writers, however, call them Stephen III and Stephen IV.

[179] Labbe, _Concil._ xii. 539.

[180] Labbe, _Concil._ xii. 543.

[181] See p. 26.

[182] The district was rich in wine, fruit, flowers, and honey.

[183] Archbishop Albert of York; see p. 84.

[184] Solomon’s Song, iv. 12—v. 2.

[185] Isaiah, lv. 1.

[186] But see p. 209.

[187] There are great difficulties in the way of accepting this statement of a mission by Karl in 773. The passage calls Albinus _deliciosus ipsius regis_, and is quoted by Ducange as an evidence of the use of the word. It appears to imply a more intimate acquaintance than at that early date there can have been.

[188] In modern times, better wine is grown near Tours than near Orleans. The wines of Vouvray, for example, beyond Marmoutier, are much esteemed. A waiter at Tours concedes that wine is still grown at Orleans, _mais pas de spécialité comme ici_.

[189] The spellings of ordinary names are varied in those times almost at will, and it is interesting to note how often the letter _h_ plays a part in the variation.

[190] 1 Chron. xxvii. 27.

[191] Song of Songs, ii. 4. Alcuin takes on the whole the Vulgate version. It will be seen by reference to the text and margin of the Authorised and the Revised Versions that there is much variety in the rendering of the Hebrew, especially as regards the word here rendered “flowers”. The Septuagint gives a sixth meaning, “perfumes” or “unguents”.

[192] 1 Chron. xxvii. 32. Alcuin makes here an unusually bold use of Scripture, first in taking to himself the description of David’s uncle, Jonathan, and then in putting into his mouth a cento of phrases from Judges xvi. 4, Jer. xlviii. 33, Prov. v. 16.

[193] This song is built up from Song of Solomon vii. 12, v. 1, 2, vii. 9, vi. 3, and Isa lv. 1.

[194] Song of Songs v. 3.

[195] Luke xi. 5, 7.

[196] 2 Sam. xxi. 1, 2.

[197] This appears to be going beyond a joke.

[198] Prov. xxv. 24.

[199] This is of course not the usually assigned derivation; but it sounds the more reasonable of the two.

[200] Plate II.

[201] Plate III.

[202] Plate IV.

[203] Multitudo paganorum idolatriis dedita. Per cryptas et latibula cum paucis Christianis per eumdem conversis, mysterium solemnitatis diei Dominici clanculo celebrabat.

[204] See p. 221.

[205] For further extracts from Hadrian’s decree, see p. 228.

[206] His last testament is printed by Migne in the Appendix to the works of Gregory of Tours, columns 1148-51. “Simul et omnes libros meos praeter Evangeliorum librum quem scripsit Hilarius quondam Pictavensis sacerdos quem tibi Eufronio fratri et consacerdoti dilectissimo cum prefata theca do lego volo statuo.” This theca was one of silver, containing relics of saints, which he used to carry about with him. Another theca, gilt, was in his chest, with two chalices of gold and a gold cross made by Mabuin; these he left to his church.

[207] _Gesta Regum_, i. 3.

[208] See p. 203.

[209] But see p. 50.

[210] See p. 217.

[211] Printed in _Gallia Christiana_ under Tours. See p. 228.

[212] See p. 217.

[213] It may be helpful to remember that the abbey was originally outside the ancient Roman city, and its district was called Martinopolis. The ancient Gallican bishoprics were bishoprics of cities rather than of dioceses in our wide sense of the word. This may conceivably have a bearing on the curious question raised by Hadrian.

[214] See my _Constitution of French Chapters_, Proceedings of St. Paul’s Ecclesiological Society, Vol. III, 1895.

[215] Micah v. 5, 6.

[216] James ii. 13.

[217] We know from other sources that this “&c.” meant Most Serene Augustus, crowned by God, great peace-making Emperor, Governor of the Roman Empire, by the mercy of God King of the Franks and of the Lombards.

[218] The emperor irresistibly reminds us of the Eton master and the boy who complained that his name was not that called for punishment:—

Sive tu mavis Bōsănquet vocari Sive Bōsănquet, Te vapulabo.

[219] That is, Theodulfus, the Bishop of Orleans.

[220] Romans xiv. 4.

[221] 1 Kings xx. 42.

[222] This refers, no doubt, to the immunity of St. Martin’s from the intervention of the Archbishop.

[223] _Eulogias._ Wattenbach and Dümmler gloss this _cibos_. From its original meaning of the consecrated wafer it came to mean the _pain benit_, then any present, and then a salutation. There is no clue to its special meaning here.

[224] The character of the Latin verse may be gathered from the closing words of this hexameter, _est non laudabile cui nil_.

[225] In another poem Theodulf begs Queen Luitgard to send him some oil of balsam, to enable him to compose and consecrate cream for chrism. We must suppose that Luitgard had some special connexion with ports to which balsams were brought.

Balsameum regina mihi transmitte liquorem, Quo bene per populos chrismatis unguen eat. Inde seges crescet tibimet mercedis opimae Christicolum nomen cum dabit unguen idem.

[226] See p. 33.

[227] That is, a summary, epitome; not as yet a service-book.

[228] Ps. lxx. 14. The Vulgate, which Alcuin quotes, has more point for his present purpose, _adiiciam super omnem laudem tuam_, “I will add Thy praise above all praise.”

[229] Exod. xxiii. 8. Alcuin reads _corda sapientium_ where the Vulgate has _prudentes_.

[230] The letter was written in Lent. Easter day in 800 was April 19.

[231] These were Gisla, Charlemagne’s sister, and Rodtruda, his daughter; see also p. 253.

[232] Adapted from chapters i and ii of Solomon’s Song.

[233]

Nomine pandecten proprio vocitare memento Hoc corpus sacrum, lector, in ore tuo. Quid nunc a multis constat bibliotheca dictum Nomine non proprio, ut lingua pelasga probat.

A _pandect_ was the whole Bible, Old and New Testament, as its name, “containing everything,” implies. A _bibliotheca_, like our word “library,” meant both a room or case where books were stored, and also the collection of books in the place; hence it might be used for the pandect, on the ground that it was a collection of all the books of the Bible.

[234] Wattenbach and Dümmler, 223-4.

[235] See on this point pp. 86-9.

[236] See my _Anglo-Saxon Coronation Forms, and the use of the word Protestant in the Coronation Oath_, S. P. C. K.

[237] That is, if the Pope has recovered from the attempt to blind him and cut out his tongue.

[238] Presumably, if new charges are made against the Pope.

[239] A reference to Pliny’s Natural History, where wolves are credited with this power; see also Virgil, _Ecl._ ix. 53, 54.

[240] A reference to Leo’s denial of the charges against him at Paderborn, and also to St. Peter’s denial. We must credit Alcuin with having seen that he would be taken to mean that one was as true as the other. The denial was renewed at Rome, see p. 189.

[241] See p. 208.

[242] St. Martin’s at Tours.

[243] His pupils.

[244] See p. 72.

[245] It is a curious coincidence that the ivory comb found in St. Cuthbert’s coffin, provided by Westone after the Norman Conquest, had—as nearly as we can count—sixty teeth, sixteen large and forty-four small. Alcuin’s comb may have had the same double row of teeth, with a knob in the shape of a lion’s head projecting from the ends of the central ivory.

[246] _Monumenta Alcuiniana_, Wattenbach and Dümmler, p. 63.

[247] _Italian Alps_, Longmans, 1875, Appendix D, pp. 371-3.

[248] Kemble, _Cod. Dipl._ ii. 208-62. Coolidge, _Swiss Travel_, 160. “Perpessus sit gelidis glacierum (and _glaciarum_) flatibus, et pennino exercitu malignorum spirituum.”

[249] _Gesta Pontificum_, Rolls series, pp. 25, 26, 265.

[250] See my _Lessons from Early English Church History_, pp. 45, 46.

[251] Written from Rome; not preserved.

[252] Leo III.

[253] See p. 281 note.

[254] Leo III, see p. 188.

[255] There were two monasteries with this dedication. One of these, _Iuvavense_, was at Salzburg, and probably it is the one to which reference is made.

[256] See p. 168.

[257] It is probable that he was called Cuckoo from the refrain of some favourite song of his. The Teutonic name for the “bird of spring” was not a likely personal name, any more than cuckoo is with us.

[258] See also Epistle 186 in Appendix A.

[259] Here, and in Ep. 108, to Arno, Alcuin combines two phrases from the Song of Solomon, v. 7 and 8: “The watchmen have wounded me,” “I am sick of love.” In the letter to Arno he appears to quote the actual words of a text in his possession: _vulnerata karitate ego sum_; in the present letter he writes _caritatis calamo vulneratus sum_. The Vulgate has _vulneraverunt me_—_amore langueo_. See p. 275.

[260] Eginhart in his life of Karl (ch. 25) states that the king studied grammar under Peter of Pisa, an aged deacon.

[261] This was Angilbertus.

[262] That is, Eginhart, the man skilled in many arts, as was Bezaleel, the chief architect of the Tabernacle.

[263] See p. 33.

[264] The Wends.

[265] Eginhard tells us under this year 789 that Karl crossed the Rhine at Cologne with a great army, pushed through Saxony as far as the Elbe, and brought the Wiltzi to terms. That, he says, is their name in the Frank tongue. In their own tongue they are Welatabi.

[266] The Huns, or Avars, had in the previous year invaded Italy and Bavaria.

[267] See p. 151.

[268] “Amice carissime.”

[269] See my _Aldhelm_, S.P.C.K., p. 129.

[270] Mansi, _Concilia_, xiii. 937.

[271] Vienna, 1904.

[272] Cummings, _History of Architecture in Italy_, ii. 71.

[273] Pertz, _Monumenta_ (_Scriptores_), ii. 665, 6.

[274] de ista die.

[275] savoir et pouvoir me donne.

[276] chacune.

[277] comme homme.

[278] droit.

[279] faciet.

[280] secundum meum velle.

[281] _Concilium Liptinense._

[282] A photograph of this inscription is reproduced at p. 209 of my _Conversion of the Heptarchy_.

[283] This must have come very near to being an umbrella.

[284] Dan. xiv. 35, Vulgate.

[285] _Bonefatii._ This was, of course, the great English missionary Archbishop of Maintz, martyred at Dorkum in 755.

[286] 1 Cor. xv. 58.

[287] Rom. xii. 2.

[288] Based on 1 Pet. ii. 1.

[289] He was Abbat of Fulda from 780 to 802, when he resigned the office.

[290] This, no doubt, is the origin of the tradition that Alcuin wrote the Office for Trinity Sunday. See pp. 20, 173.

[291] Rom. xiv. 5.

[292] It will be observed that no mention is made of a king of Kent. See p. 91.

[293] See the list on the next pages.

[294] This would indicate that the _aula_ at which they had met the king and held the council was one of Offa’s outlying manors, and not his central royal residence.

[295] Supposed, on slight reasoning, to have been held at Corbridge, see p. 216.

[296] Besides those in the Pope’s list.

[297] _Sacerdos._ It is uncertain to how late a date _sacerdos_ is to be rendered bishop.

[298] Wattenbach and Dümmler give only the headings of the chapters, as here. The chapters themselves will be found in Haddan and Stubbs, iii. 448-58.

[299] There are many injunctions that priests and others serving at the altar must wear drawers. There is quite a large literature on the subject of these garments (_femoralia_), in which such of the early fathers as are given to symbolism find symbolic meanings. They were an essential part of the dress of the Levitical priesthood (Exod. xxviii. 42, 43).

[300] Probably referring to the practice of tattooing.

[301] Prudentius (_Dipt._ i. 3) has “Adam” not “humum”.

[302] This was Tilbert, Bishop of Hexham (Augustald) 781-789. There is no reason of seniority or priority that should make him sign above the Archbishop. If, as is probable, the Council was held at Corbridge, in his diocese, he might sign first as bishop of the place.

[303] _Praesul._ In the other signatures _episcopus_ is used.

[304] _Candens-casa_, usually _Candida-casa_, so named from its being the first church built of white stone in that region.

[305] _Myensis._ See p. 156. Aldulf was consecrated in 786, the year of this Council, by Eanbald, Tilberht, and Hygbald, at Corbridge. It is on this account that the Germans think the Council was held at Corbridge. Hexham would equally meet the case, and better meets the suggestion of a previous note.

[306] Not as yet identified.

[307] It is rather quaint that Sigha should have chosen _placido mente_ as the phrase to describe his manner of assent to No. 12 above, for two years later he killed King Aelfwald, and he eventually died by his own hand.

[308] Of Ripon, 786-787.

[309] Some read Alquinum here, and make Alcuin one of the two lectores.

[310] The text has two forms of this variously spelled name.

[311] Higbert of Lichfield 779-802.

[312] Lindsey 767-796. The Lindisfaras had nothing to do with Lindisfarne.

[313] Leicester 781-802.

[314] Elmham 786-811, see p. 159.

[315] London 794-801.

[316] Kinbert of Winchester 785-801.

[317] Hendred of Dunwich, 781-789.

[318] Esne of Hereford 781-789.

[319] Tolta of Selsey 781-789.

[320] Rochester 785-803.

[321] Sherborn 766-793.

[322] Worcester 781-798.

[323] “Aimoini monachi, qui antea Annonii nomine editus est, Historiae Francorum” Lib. V. _Parisiis._ 1567.

[324] Omitted in the quotation.

INDEX

A

Abrenuntiatio diaboli, 295.

Abulabaz, 289, 324.

Acca, 137.

Adalbert, 2, 27.

Adoptionism, 24, 174.

Adoration of Charlemagne, 190, 191.

Aigulf, 32.

Aimoin, 322.

Albert (York), 16, 53, 80.

Albinus (Alcuin), 15.

Alchfrith, 8.

Alchred, 122.

Alcuin, called Flaccus, 1; Albinus, 15; studies Virgil, 2, 11; conversion, 11; trained by Ecgbert, 12, by Albert, 16; a vision, 18; ordained deacon, 19; master of the School of York, 20; joins Karl, 22; revisits England, 24; returns to France, 24; refutes Felix, 25, 176, 299; wishes to retire to Fulda, 26; manner of life, 26; knowledge of secrets, 2, 29, 30, 33, 34, 223; extinguishes fire, 37; writings, 42, 51-3, poem on York, ch. iv, lesser poems, 268, 277, 298, a riddle, 268; drinks wine, 45, beer (not English, 267), 45 _n._; interview with the devil, 43; death, 46, 303; miracles, 49; alms for his soul, 224; his chief dates, 52, 85, 172; the pallium, 77; inherits the library of York, 84; a fisherman, 268; liturgical work, 260, 308; singing, 260; interest in missions, 285-9; Bibles, 257; advises reference to Hadrian, 177-9; settles at Tours, 202; his styles, 264-9; mentions Eginhart, 283; is mentioned by Eginhart, 284; praised by William of Malmesbury, 52; described by Theodulf, 45 _n._, 245.

Alcuin’s letters to:— Abbat, an, 285. Adalhard, 264. Arno, 170, 235, 268, 270, 271, 273-6, 287, 289, 298, 299, 300. Athilhard, 94, 115, 116, 117. Beornwin, 98. Bishop, a, (sanctuary), 234. Britain, the pontiffs of, 157. Candida Casa, 301. Candidus and Nathanael, 231. Charles (Karl’s son), 248, 250. Colcu, 150, 286. Cuckoo, the, 168, 169. Dunwich and Elmham, 159, 301. Eanbald I, 161. Eanbald II, 164, 166, 167. Eardulf, 141. Elmham and Dunwich, 159, 301. Etheldryth, 146, 148. Fulda, 305. Gisla and Rotruda, 253. Hexham, 137. Hibernia, 153. Higbald, 132, 170, 287. Jarrow, 135. Joseph, 267. Karl, 117, 191, 202, 208, 238, 247 (?), 254, 287, 300, 301, 302. Kenulf, 109. Leo III, 77. Lindisfarne, 132, 135. Mayo, 154. Megenfrid, 288. Mercian, a, 107. Offa, 93, 103. Osbald, 143. Paulinus, 270. Pepin, 252. Peter of Milan, 270. Pontiffs of Britain, 157. Remedius, 270. Rotruda, 253. Theodulf, 206. Uulfhard, 205. Wearmouth, 135. York, 162.

Aldhelm, 52, 107.

Aldric, 2.

Alfwold, 123.

Alps, 269-72.

Amalgarius, 242.

Anglo-Saxon, Coronation Forms, 261-3.

Anglo-Saxon, Earliest Examples of, 296, 297.

Archpresbyters, 230.

Areida, 151.

Arno, 47, 276.

Aust, 114.

B

Baldhuninga, 151.

Balther, 79.

Bede, letter to Ecgbert, ch. iii.

Bede, Story of, 70.

Beer, 45 _n._

Beer, acid in Northumbria, 267.

Benedict of Aniane, 30.

Beornrad, 7.

Bewcastle Cross, 9, 57, 296.

Bibles, Alcuin’s, 257.

Billfrith, 125.

Biscop, 127.

Bishops, their conduct, 55.

Bishops, dioceses too large, 57.

Bishops, election of, 163.

Boniface, 26, 285, 305.

Boniface, his abrenuntiatio diaboli, 295.

Bouulf, 307.

Bremen, 285.

British Museum, Alcuin’s Bible, 257.

C

Ceolfrith, 78.

Charlemagne, _see_ Karl.

Chur, 269.

Coire, 269.

Colcu, 150-3.

Cold in the Alps, 271-3.

Columba, _see_ Rotruda.

Comb, riddle of, 269.

Constantine Copronymus, 201.

Constantine the Great, Donation by, 195, 320.

Constantine VI, 193.

Cormery, 31, 223-8.

Coronation Forms, Anglo-Saxon, 261-3.

Cuckoo, the (Cuculus), Arno’s letter to, 276.

Cuckoo, Alcuin’s lament on, 277.

D

Danes, 126.

Devil, interview of Alcuin with, 43; of St. Martin, 44.

Dictated letters, &c., 7.

Donation of Constantine, 195, 320, 321.

Drithelme, vision of, 273.

Dunwich, 159, 301.

E

Eadbert, 76, 122.

Eadfrith, 125.

Eanbald I (York), 21, 161.

Eanbald II, 163-9.

Eanred, 124.

Eardulf, 123.

Eata, 79.

Ecgbert (Ireland), 8.

Ecgbert (York), 12, 13, 53, 54, 76.

Ecgfrith, 106.

Eginhard (Bezaleel), 33, 283, 284.

Elephants, 289-92.

Elfwald, 124.

Elmham, 159, 301.

Epternach, 6.

Ethelred I, 123.

Ethelred II, 124.

Ethelwald, 122, 125.

F

Felix, 174-9, 298.

Ferrières, 1, 28.

Frankfort, Council of, 183.

Fredegisus (Fridugisus), 27, 226, 227, 256.

Fulda, 26, Appendix A.

G

George, legate, 310.

Gisla (Lucia), 253; letter to Alcuin, 254, 256.

Graduale, 260.

Gregory, Pope, the Pastoral Care, 169-71.

H

Hadrian I, 21; raises Lichfield to an Archbishopric, ch. v; fears Offa, 92; to be consulted on a treatise of Felix, 177; letter to Karl, 323.

Harun al Raschid, 324.

Hereditary descent, 5-7.

Hexham, 137.

Higbald, 132.

Huguenots, 210.

I

Image-worship, 181-3.

Irene, 193.

Itherius, 217, 224-6.

J

Jaenbert of Canterbury, despoiled, ch. v.

Jarrow, 127, 135.

Joseph, Archbishop of Tours, ch. xiv.

K

Karl, 21, 22; visits Alcuin at Tours, 31; loved foreigners, 33; invites Alcuin, 54; quarrels with Offa, 98; letters to Offa, 99, 119; letter to Athelhard, 120; his visits to Rome, 186-91; grants to Cormery, 225; blames the brethren of St. Martin’s, ch. xiv; letter to Alcuin (sanctuary), 235; described by Theodulf, 245; questions to Alcuin, 280-4; described by Eginhart, 284.

Kenulf, 93, 111.

L

Languages of Carolingian times, 292-6.

Lectores, 317.

Legates, papal, 91, 310.

Leo III deprives Lichfield, ch. vi; charges against, 188-90; crowns Charlemagne as Emperor, 190.

Libraries, at the Cathedral Church of Tours, 220; Marmoutier, 221; St. Martin’s, 222; Tours and the neighbourhood, 219, 222; York, 84, 85.

Libri Carolini, 183.

Lichfield, made an Archbishopric, ch. v.

Lindisfarne, 125-7, 132.

Liturgies, 260.

Louis, son of Karl, 31.

Lucia, _see_ Gisla.

Luitgard, 245.

M

Malmesbury, William of, 51, 92, 113, 224, 272; property restored, 106.

Maluin, 317.

Manuscripts, Alcuin sends to York for, 203; of Coronation Forms, 261-3.

Marmoutier, 212.

Martin, _see_ St.

Martinensian Bishops, 217, 228.

Mayo of the Saxons, 153-6.

Mercia, Archbishopric of, ch. v.

Missions, 285.

Monasteries, suppression of, 59-61; hereditary descent, 62; bad state of, 65.

N

Nathanael, _see_ Fredegisus.

Nicephorus, 323.

Ninian, 301.

Northumbria, list of kings, 122-4.

O

Oeren, 6.

Offa, ch. v; Appendix B.

Orleans, 206, 232.

Osbald, 141.

Osred, 123.

Osulf, 23, 25.

Oswulf, 122.

P

Pallium, for York, 76, 77; for Lichfield, ch. v.

Pandect, 258.

Pastoral Care, the, 169-71.

Paul, _see_ Peter and.

Pepin, son of Karl, 31, 252.

Peter and Paul, Saints, 187, 197, 320-3.

Peter, St., his long letter to the Franks, 199.

Pettau, 303.

Pilgrimages, evils of, 65.

Popes, gifts to, 92, 111; charges against, 188-190; adoration by, 191.

Purton, 106.

Pyttel, 317.

R

Raganard, 27-9.

Remedius (Remigius), 269.

Ripon, 8.

Rotruda (Columba), 193, 253, 256; letter to Alcuin, 254.

Runes, 9, 296, 297.

Rustica, Romana, 293.

S

Sanctuary, right of, ch. xiv.

Saxon, early, 295.

Scriptures, revision of, 253-9.

Sigha, 16.

Sigulf, 1, 20, 27, 49.

Silk robes, 290, 302.

Singing, 260.

Spurn Point, 4.

St. Martin, scenes in his life, 38-41, 44; at Tours, 212, 214, 221.

St. Martin’s, Tours, fire at, 36; status of, 216; bishops of, 217, 228.

Sulpicius Severus, 38, 44, 221.

Synod, Mercian, 92, 317; Northumbrian, 311.

T

Tetbury, 106.

Theodulf of Orleans, 206, ch. xiv, 245; describes Karl, 245; describes Alcuin, 45 _n._, 235.

Theophylact, legate, 310.

Theotisc (Deutsch), 294.

Tithes, 287.

Tours, Alcuin settles at, 202; character of the brethren, 204, ch. xiv; its amenity defended by Alcuin, 209; fees at the School, 209; the Church of St. Martin, 210-13; the Cathedral Church, 213, 214; Public Library, 214-16, 219-23; Secularisation of St. Martin’s, 216-18; two sets of bishops, 217, 228.

Transubstantiation, 179, 184.

Trèves, 6.

U

Uulfhard, 22, 205.

Uilhaed (Willehad), 285.

V

Vetulus, 1.

Violence in Northumbria, 123.

W

Waldramn, 27, 44.

Wearmouth, 127, 135.

Westbury on Trym, 114.

Whithorn, 301.

Wido, 239.

Wighod, 311.

Wilgils, 4, 5.

Willibrord, 2-9.

Wine, 45 _n._, 205-8, 267, 277.

Withso (variously spelled), 27.

Y

York, Bishops and Saints of, ch. iv; Cathedral Church of, 80-4; Library of, 84, 85; School of, 53, 68-70.

OXFORD: HORACE HART PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY

BOOKS BY THE RIGHT REV. G. F. BROWNE, D.D.

=AUGUSTINE AND HIS COMPANIONS.= Small post 8vo, cloth boards, 2_s._

=THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH IN THESE ISLANDS BEFORE THE COMING OF AUGUSTINE.= Small post 8vo, cloth boards, 1_s._ 6_d._

=THE CONVERSION OF THE HEPTARCHY.= Small post 8vo, cloth boards, 2_s._ 6_d._

=THE VENERABLE BEDE.= Fcap. 8vo, cloth boards, 2_s._

=LESSONS FROM EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY.= Small post 8vo, cloth boards, 1_s._ 6_d._

=ANGLICAN ORDERS.= Paper cover, 3_d._

=ON WHAT ARE MODERN PAPAL CLAIMS FOUNDED?= Paper cover, 3_d._

=THE CONTINUITY OF THE HOLY CATHOLIC CHURCH IN ENGLAND.= Paper cover, 4_d._

=ANGLO-SAXON CORONATION FORMS AND THE WORD PROTESTANT IN THE CORONATION OATH.= Paper cover, 3_d._

=THE CONTINUITY OF POSSESSION at the REFORMATION.= Paper cover, 3_d._

=THE ELECTION, CONFIRMATION, AND HOMAGE OF BISHOPS OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND.= Paper cover, 3_d._

=GLASTONBURY.= An Address given on August 3, 1897, in the Ruined Choir of the Abbey. Paper cover, 3_d._

=ST. ALDHELM.= His Life and Times. Small post 8vo, cloth boards, 5_s._

=THE ST. AUGUSTINE COMMEMORATION.= Paper cover, 3_d._

=THEODORE AND WILFRITH.= Small post 8vo, cloth boards, 3_s._ 6_d._

=WHAT IS THE CATHOLIC CHURCH IN ENGLAND?= Paper cover, 3_d._

=WHAT IS MAN?= 1_d._

SOCIETY FOR PROMOTING CHRISTIAN KNOWLEDGE. LONDON: NORTHUMBERLAND AVENUE, W.C.

PUBLICATIONS

OF THE

Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge.

CHURCH HYMNS.

NEW EDITION. Containing 658 Hymns.

WORDS ONLY.

_Edition A._ Long Primer, demy 18mo.

In various bindings from 1_s._ to 4_s._ 6_d._

_Edition B._ Small Pica, small post 8vo.

In various bindings from 1_s._ 6_d._ to 4_s._ 6_d._

_Edition C._ Pearl, medium 32mo.

Paper cover, 1_d._; limp cloth, cut flush, 2_d._

_Edition D._ Diamond, medium 32mo.

Limp cloth, cut flush, 4_d._

WORDS AND MUSIC.

_Edition E._ Nonpareil 8vo.

In various bindings from 2_s._ 4_d._ to 5_s._ 6_d._

_Edition F._ Long Primer, Imperial 16mo.

In various bindings from 4_s._ 6_d._ to 9_s._

_CONVERSION OF THE WEST._

_Fcap. 8vo, cloth boards, 2s. each._

=THE ENGLISH.= By the late Rev. G. F. MACLEAR, D.D. With Two Maps.

=THE NORTHMEN.= By the above author. With Map.

=THE SLAVS.= By the above author. With Map.

=THE CONTINENTAL TEUTONS.= By the late Very Rev. CHARLES MERIVALE, D.D., D.C.L., Dean of Ely. With Map.

_DIOCESAN HISTORIES._

This Series furnishes a library of English Ecclesiastical History.

_Fcap. 8vo, with Map, cloth boards._

=BATH AND WELLS.= By the Rev. W. HUNT. 2_s._ 6_d._

=CANTERBURY.= By the late Rev. R. C. JENKINS. 3_s._ 6_d._

=CARLISLE.= By the late RICHARD S. FERGUSON. 2_s._ 6_d._

=CHESTER.= By the Rev. Canon MORRIS, D.D. 3_s._

=CHICHESTER.= By the Rev. W. R. W. STEPHENS, M.A. 2_s._ 6_d._

=DURHAM.= By the Rev. J. L. LOW. 2_s._ 6_d._

=HEREFORD.= By the late Rev. Canon PHILLOTT. 3_s._

=LICHFIELD.= By the Rev. W. BERESFORD. 2_s._ 6_d._

=LINCOLN.= By the late Rev. Canon E. VENABLES, and the late Venerable Archdeacon PERRY. 4_s._

=LLANDAFF.= By the Rev. E. J. NEWELL, M.A. 3_s._ 6_d._

=NORWICH.= By the Rev. A. JESSOPP, D.D. 2_s._ 6_d._

=OXFORD.= By the Rev. E. MARSHALL, M.A. 2_s._ 6_d._

=PETERBOROUGH.= By the Rev. G. A. POOLE, M.A. 2_s._ 6_d._

=ROCHESTER.= By the Rev. A. J. PEARMAN, M.A. 4_s._

=SALISBURY.= By the Rev. W. H. JONES. 2_s._ 6_d._

=SODOR AND MAN.= By A. W. MOORE, M.A. 3_s._

=ST. ASAPH.= By the Venerable Archdeacon THOMAS. 2_s._

=ST. DAVID’S.= By the Rev. Canon BEVAN. 2_s._ 6_d._

=WINCHESTER.= By the Rev. W. BENHAM, B.D. 3_s._

=WORCESTER.= By the Rev. I. GREGORY SMITH, M.A., and the Rev. PHIPPS ONSLOW, M.A. 3_s._ 6_d._

=YORK.= By the Rev. Canon ORNSBY, M.A. 3_s._ 6_d._

_THE HOME LIBRARY._

_Crown 8vo, cloth boards, 2s. 6d. each._

=BLACK AND WHITE.= Mission Stories. By the late H. A. FORDE.

=CHARLEMAGNE.= By the late Rev. E. L. CUTTS, D.D. With Map.

=CONSTANTINE THE GREAT.= The Union of the Church and State. By the late Rev. E. L. CUTTS, D.D.

=JOHN HUS.= The Commencement of Resistance to Papal Authority on the part of the Inferior Clergy. By the Rev. A. H. WRATISLAW.

=JUDÆA AND HER RULERS=, from Nebuchadnezzar to Vespasian. By M. BRAMSTON. With Map.

=MAZARIN.= By the late GUSTAVE MASSON.

=MITSLAV=; or, the Conversion of Pomerania. By the late Right Rev. R. MILMAN, D.D. With Map.

=NARCISSUS=: a Tale of Early Christian Times. By the Right Rev. W. BOYD CARPENTER, Bishop of Ripon.

=RICHELIEU.= By the late GUSTAVE MASSON.

=SKETCHES OF THE WOMEN OF CHRISTENDOM.= Dedicated to the Women of India. By the late Mrs. RUNDLE CHARLES.

=THE CHURCH IN ROMAN GAUL.= By the Rev. R. TRAVERS SMITH. With Map.

=THE CHURCHMAN’S LIFE OF WESLEY.= By R. DENNY URLIN, Esq., F.S.S.

=THE INNER LIFE=, as Revealed in the Correspondence of Celebrated Christians. Edited by the late Rev. T. ERSKINE.

=THE LIFE OF THE SOUL IN THE WORLD=: its Nature, Needs, Dangers, Sorrows, Aids, and Joys. By the Rev. F. C. WOODHOUSE, M.A.

=THE NORTH-AFRICAN CHURCH.= By the late Rev. JULIUS LLOYD, M.A. With Map.

_EARLY CHRONICLERS OF EUROPE._

_Crown 8vo, cloth boards. 4s. each._

=ENGLAND.= By JAMES GAIRDNER.

=FRANCE.= By the late GUSTAVE MASSON, B.A., Univ. Gallic.

=ITALY.= By UGO BALZANI.

_THE FATHERS FOR ENGLISH READERS._

_Fcap. 8vo, cloth boards, 2s. each._

=BONIFACE.= By the Rev. Canon GREGORY SMITH, M.A. (1_s._ 6_d._)

=CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA.= By the Rev. F. R. MONTGOMERY HITCHCOCK, B.D. (3_s._)

=LEO THE GREAT.= By the Right Rev. CHARLES GORE, D.D.

=GREGORY THE GREAT.= By the late Rev. J. BARMBY, B.D.

=SAINT AMBROSE=: his Life, Times, and Teaching. By the Rev. R. THORNTON, D.D.

=SAINT ATHANASIUS=: his Life and Times, By the Rev. R. WHELER BUSH. (2_s._ 6_d._)

=SAINT AUGUSTINE.= By the late Rev. E. L. CUTTS, D.D.

=SAINT BASIL THE GREAT.= By the Rev. R. T. SMITH, B.D.

=SAINT BERNARD, ABBOT OF CLAIRVAUX, A.D. 1091-1153.= By the Rev. S. J. EALES, M.A., D.C.L. (2_s._ 6_d._)

=SAINT HILARY OF POITIERS AND SAINT MARTIN OF TOURS.= By the Rev. GIBSON CAZENOVE, D.D.

=SAINT JEROME.= By the late Rev. E. L. CUTTS, D.D.

=SAINT JOHN OF DAMASCUS.= By the Rev. J. H. LUPTON, M.A.

=SAINT PATRICK=: his Life and Teaching. By the Rev. E. J. NEWELL, M.A. (2_s._ 6_d._)

=SYNESIUS OF CYRENE=, Philosopher and Bishop. By ALICE GARDNER.

=THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS.= By the Rev. Canon SCOTT HOLLAND.

=THE DEFENDERS OF THE FAITH=; or, the Christian Apologists of the Second and Third Centuries. By the Rev. F. WATSON, D.D.

=THE VENERABLE BEDE.= By the Right Rev. G. F. BROWNE.

_CHIEF ANCIENT PHILOSOPHIES._

_Fcap. 8vo, cloth boards, 2s. 6d. each._

=PLATONISM.= By the Rev. THOMAS B. STRONG, M.A. (3_s._)

=NEOPLATONISM.= By the Rev. C. BIGG, D.D. (3_s._)

=EPICUREANISM.= By the late WILLIAM WALLACE, M.A.

=STOICISM.= By the Rev. W. W. CAPES, Fellow of Hertford College.

=ARISTOTELIANISM.= =The Ethics of Aristotle.= By the Rev. I. GREGORY SMITH, M.A., Hon. LL.D. =The Logical Treatises, the Metaphysics, the Psychology, the Politics.= By the Rev. W. GRUNDY, M.A.

_NON-CHRISTIAN RELIGIOUS SYSTEMS._

These Manuals furnish in a brief and popular form an accurate account of the great Non-Christian Religious Systems of the World.

_Fcap. 8vo, cloth boards, 2s. 6d. each._

=BUDDHISM=: being a Sketch of the Life and Teachings of Gautama, the Buddha. By T. W. RHYS DAVIDS, M.A., Ph.D. A new and revised edition. With Map.

=BUDDHISM IN CHINA.= By the late Rev. S. BEAL. With Map.

=CONFUCIANISM AND TAOUISM.= By Professor ROBERT K. DOUGLAS, of the British Museum. With Map.

=HINDUISM.= By the late Sir M. MONIER WILLIAMS, M.A., D.C.L. A new and revised edition. With Map.

=ISLAM AND ITS FOUNDER.= By J. W. H. STOBART. With Map.

=ISLAM AS A MISSIONARY RELIGION.= By C. R. HAINES. (2_s._)

=STUDIES OF NON-CHRISTIAN RELIGIONS.= By ELIOT HOWARD.

=THE CORÂN=: its Composition and Teaching, and the Testimony it bears to the Holy Scriptures. By Sir WILLIAM MUIR, K.C.S.I., LL.D., D.C.L., Ph. D. A new and revised edition.

=THE HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE QURÁN.= By the Rev. EDWARD SELL, D.D., M.R.A.S.

=THE RELIGION OF THE CRESCENT=; or, Islam: its Strength, its Weakness, its Origin, its Influence. By the Rev. W. ST. CLAIR-TISDALL, M.A., C.M.S. (4_s._)

_MISCELLANEOUS PUBLICATIONS._

=AIDS TO PRAYER.= By the Rev. DANIEL MOORE. Printed in red and black. Post 8vo, cloth boards, 1_s._ 6_d._

=ALONE WITH GOD=; or, Helps to Thought and Prayer, for the use of the Sick. By the Rev. F. BOURDILLON. Series I. and II., 12mo, cloth boards, each 1_s._

=BEING OF GOD, SIX ADDRESSES ON THE.= By the late Right Rev. C. J. ELLICOTT, D.D. Small post 8vo, cloth boards, 1_s._ 6_d._

=BIBLE PLACES=; or, The Topography of the Holy Land. By H. B. TRISTRAM. New Edition, brought up to date. With Map and numerous Woodcuts. Crown 8vo, half bound, 5_s._

=CALLED TO BE SAINTS.= The Minor Festivals Devotionally Studied. By the late CHRISTINA G. ROSSETTI, Author of “Seek and Find.” Post 8vo, cloth boards, 3_s._ 6_d._

=CHRISTIANS UNDER THE CRESCENT IN ASIA.= By the late Rev. E. L. CUTTS, D.D., Author of “Turning-Points of Church History,” etc. With numerous Illustrations. Crown 8vo, cloth boards, 5_s._

=COMMUNICANT’S DAILY HELP, THE.= Being Thoughts for Daily Prayer and Hints for Daily Life. By the late Rev. W. ABBOTT. 18mo, limp cloth, 6_d._

=DAILY READINGS FOR A YEAR.= By ELIZABETH SPOONER. Crown 8vo, cloth boards, 2_s._

=DEVOTIONAL (A) LIFE OF OUR LORD.= By the late Rev. E. L. CUTTS, D.D., Author of “Pastoral Counsels,” etc. Post 8vo, cloth boards, 5_s._

=GOSPELS, THE FOUR.= Arranged in the Form of an English Harmony, from the Text of the Authorized Version. By the late Rev. J. M. FULLER, M.A. With Analytical Table of Contents and Four Maps. Cloth boards, 1_s._

=GREAT TRUTHS AND HOLY LIVES.= By Lady HAMMICK. Post 8vo, cloth boards, 1_s._ 6_d._

=HOLY COMMUNION: PREPARATION AND COMPANION.= By the late Bishop W. W. HOW. 18mo. Cloth boards, 6_d._; limp roan, 1_s._ 6_d._; and in various other bindings.

=DITTO=, with COLLECTS, EPISTLES, and GOSPELS, in one vol. 18mo. Cloth boards, red edges, 1_s._; limp roan, 1_s._ 10_d._; and in various other bindings.

=HOLY COMMUNION FOR ENGLISH CHURCHMEN, A PLAIN MANUAL OF.= By the late Rev. E. BURBIDGE. 18mo. Limp cloth, 6_d._; limp roan, 1_s._ 2_d._

=DITTO=, with _Collects_, EPISTLES, GOSPELS, and HYMNS, in one vol. 18mo. Cloth boards, 8_d._; paste grain roan, 1_s._ 6_d._

=LAND OF ISRAEL, THE.= A Journal of Travel in Palestine, undertaken with special reference to its Physical Character. By the Rev. Canon TRISTRAM. With two Maps and numerous Illustrations. Large post 8vo, cloth boards, 10_s._ 6_d._

=LECTURES ON THE HISTORICAL AND DOGMATICAL POSITION OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND.= By the Rev. W. BAKER, D.D. Post 8vo, cloth boards, 1_s._ 6_d._

=LESSER LIGHTS=: or, Some of the Minor Characters of Scripture traced. Series I. and II. By the Rev. F. BOURDILLON. Post 8vo, cloth boards, 2_s._ 6_d._ each. Series III. 2_s._

=OUR OWN BOOK.= Very Plain Reading for People in Humble Life. By the Rev. F. BOURDILLON, M.A. Post 8vo, cloth boards, 1_s._

=PALEY’S EVIDENCES.= A New Edition, with Notes, Appendix, and Preface by Rev. E. A. LITTON. Post 8vo, cloth, 4_s._

=PALEY’S HORÆ PAULINÆ.= A New Edition, with Notes, Appendix, and Preface. By the Rev. J. S. HOWSON, D.D., Dean of Chester. Post 8vo, cloth boards, 3_s._

=PARABLES OF THE OLD TESTAMENT (THE).= By the Right Rev. A. BARRY, D.D. Demy 8vo, cloth boards, 4_s._

=PEACE WITH GOD.= A Manual for the Sick. By the late Rev. E. BURBIDGE, M.A. Post 8vo, cloth boards, 1_s._ 6_d._

=PLAIN WORDS ON CHRISTIAN LIVING.= By the late Dean VAUGHAN. Small post 8vo. Cloth boards, 2_s._

=PLAIN WORDS FOR CHRIST.= Being a Series of Readings for Working Men. By the late Rev. R. G. DUTTON. Post 8vo, cloth boards, 1_s._

=PRAYER OF CHRISTENDOM (THE GREAT).= By the late Mrs. RUNDLE CHARLES. Post 8vo, cloth boards, 1_s._

=READINGS ON THE FIRST LESSONS FOR SUNDAYS AND CHIEF HOLY DAYS.= According to the New Table. By the late Rev. PETER YOUNG. Crown 8vo, in two volumes, 5_s._

=RELIGION FOR EVERY DAY.= Lectures for Men. By the Right Rev. A. BARRY, D.D., Fcap. 8vo, cloth boards, 1_s._

=SEEK AND FIND.= A Double Series of Short Studies of the Benedicite. By the late CHRISTINA G. ROSSETTI. Post 8vo, cloth boards, 2_s._ 6_d._

=SERVANTS OF SCRIPTURE (THE).= By the late Rev. JOHN W. BURGON, B.D. Post 8vo, cloth boards, 1_s._

=SOME CHIEF TRUTHS OF RELIGION.= By the late Rev. E. L. CUTTS, D.D. Crown 8vo, cloth boards, 2_s._ 6_d._

=SPIRITUAL COUNSELS=; or, Helps and Hindrances to Holy Living. By the late Rev. R. G. DUTTON. Post 8vo, cloth boards, 1_s._

=THOUGHTS FOR MEN AND WOMEN.= THE LORD’S PRAYER. By EMILY C. ORR. Post 8vo, limp cloth, 1_s._

=THOUGHTS FOR WORKING DAYS.= Original and Selected. By EMILY C. ORR. Post 8vo, limp cloth, 1_s._

=TIME FLIES: A READING DIARY.= By the late CHRISTINA G. ROSSETTI. Post 8vo, cloth boards, 3_s._ 6_d._

=TRUE VINE (THE).= By the late Mrs. RUNDLE CHARLES. Printed in red and black. Post 8vo, cloth boards, 1_s._

=TURNING-POINTS OF ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY.= By the late Rev. E. L. CUTTS, D.D. Crown 8vo, cloth boards, 3_s._ 6_d._

=TURNING-POINTS OF GENERAL CHURCH HISTORY.= By the late Rev. E. L. CUTTS, D.D., Author of “Pastoral Counsels,” etc. Crown 8vo, cloth boards, 3_s._ 6_d._

=WITHIN THE VEIL.= STUDIES IN THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. By the late Mrs. RUNDLE CHARLES. Post 8vo, cloth boards, 1_s._

LONDON: NORTHUMBERLAND AVENUE, W.C. 43, QUEEN VICTORIA STREET, E.C. BRIGHTON: 109, NORTH STREET.