CHAPTER XXV
IN THE COUNTRY AFTER THE DISSOLUTION
NEAR MOSCOW, _August 1st_.
I have been staying for the last three days in the country quite close to Moscow. I thought I should get away for a time from politics, from talk of new Cabinets, new eras, liberal autocracy, strong-handed reform, and other such pleasing illusions. I was mistaken. Politics filter through everywhere now; in a third-class railway carriage, at the station buffets, in the public parks, in the villages.
As regards the various opinions I heard expressed the prevailing one is this: that the new Prime Minister’s programme of strong-handed Liberal reform is a repetition of the programme of the last five Ministers of the Interior.
M. Stolypin says these last five Premiers were all mistaken in their policy; in the meantime (people say) it is difficult to see in what respects his programme is to differ from theirs. And we have no evidence as yet that M. Stolypin is an infinitely more capable man than Count Witte. Some people, referring to the official denial of the article that appeared in the semi-official newspaper _Rossia_, with regard to foreign intervention, say: “If M. Stolypin cannot control the first page of his official newspaper, how can he expect to control Russia?” Others commenting on his intention to initiate social reform and put a stop to the political movement, say that this effort is the very root and kernel of the whole trouble in Russia; that the mistake of would-be reformers has always consisted in their not understanding that social reforms are impossible unless they are preceded by political reforms. (M. Leroy-Beaulieu, in his splendid book on Russia, writes in a most illuminating fashion on this very point.)
As regards what is actually happening in Moscow, the town is empty and quiet; public meetings are forbidden, small political gatherings in private houses are held only under surveillance of the police; gatherings of the “Black Gang” are said to be allowed; the Press is certainly subjected to a rigid censorship; the _Morning Post_ arrived blacked out yesterday for the first time for two years; the manifesto of the ex-members is being spread, likewise the manifesto of the Social Democrats. I have not seen anybody who thinks that an era of peace and resigned content has begun.
Near the house where I am living there is a village; as this village is so close to the town of Moscow I thought that its inhabitants would be suburban, and therefore not representative of peasant life. This is not so. The nearness to Moscow seems to make no difference at all. I was walking through the village on Saturday morning when a peasant who was sitting on his doorstep called me and asked me if I would like to eat an apple. I accepted his invitation. He said he presumed I was living with X., as other Englishmen had lived there before. Then he asked abruptly, “Is Marie Alexandrovna in your place?” I said my hostess’s name was Marie Karlovna. “Of course,” he said, “I don’t mean here, but in your place, in your country.” I didn’t understand. Then he said it again very loud, and asked if I was deaf. I said I wasn’t deaf and that I understood what he said, but I did not know to whom he was alluding. “Talking to you,” he said, “is like talking to a Tartar. You look at one and don’t understand what one says.” Then it suddenly flashed on me that he was alluding to the Queen of England. “You mean Queen Alexandra,” I said, “the sister of the Empress Marie Feodorovna.” “That’s what I mean,” he said. It afterwards appeared that he considered that England had been semi-Russianised owing to this relationship; he thought of course that both the Queen and the Empress were Russians.
Two more peasants joined us, and one of them brought a small bottle (the size of a sample) of vodka and a plate of cherries. “We will go and drink this in the orchard,” they said. So we went to the orchard. “You have come here to learn,” said the first peasant, a bearded man, whose name was Feodor. “Many Englishmen have been here to learn. I taught one all the words that we use.” I said I was a correspondent; that I had just arrived from St. Petersburg, where I had attended the sittings of the Duma. “What about the Duma?” asked the other peasant. “They’ve sent it away. Will there be another one?” I said a manifesto spoke of a new one. “Yes,” said Feodor, “there is a manifesto abolishing punishments.” I said I hadn’t observed that clause. “Will they give us back our land?” asked Feodor. “All the land here belongs to us really.” Then followed a long explanation as to why the land belonged to them. It is the property, as a matter of fact, of the Crown. I said I did not know. “If they don’t give it back to us we shall take it,” he said simply. Then one of the other peasants added, “Those manifestoes are not written by the Emperor but by the ‘authorities.’” (The same thing was said to me by a cabman at St. Petersburg, his reason being that the Emperor would say “I,” whereas the manifesto said “We.”) Then they asked me why they had not won the war; and whether it was true that the war had been badly managed. “We know nothing,” he said. “What newspaper tells the truth? Where can we find the real truth? Is it to be found in the _Russkoe Slovo_?” (a big Moscow newspaper). They asked me about the Baltic Fleet and why Admiral Nebogatoff had hoisted a signal which meant “Beat us.”
Then I went away, and as I was going Feodor asked me if I would like to go and see the haymaking the next day. If so I had better be at his house at three o’clock in the afternoon. The next day, Sunday, I kept my appointment, but found nobody at home in the house of Feodor except a small child. “Is Feodor at home?” I asked. Then a man appeared from a neighbouring cottage and said: “Feodor is in the inn—drunk.” “Is he going to the haymaking?” I asked. “Of course he’s going.” “Is he very drunk?” I asked. “No, not very; I will tell him you are here.” And the man went to fetch him. Then a third person arrived, a young peasant in his Sunday clothes, and asked me where I was going. I said I was going to make hay. “Do you know how to?” he asked. I said I didn’t. “I see,” he said, “you are just going to amuse yourself. I advise you not to go. They will be drunk, and there might be unpleasantness.”
Then Feodor arrived, apparently perfectly sober except that he was rather red in the face. He harnessed his horse to a cart. “Would I mind not wearing my hat but one of his?” he asked. I said I didn’t mind, and he lent me a dark blue yachting cap, which is what the peasants wear all over Russia. My shirt was all right. I had got on a loose Russian shirt without a collar. He explained that it would look odd to be seen with some one wearing such a hat as I had. It was a felt hat. The little boy who was running about the house was Feodor’s son. He was barefooted, and one of his feet was bound up. I asked what was the matter with it. The bandage was at once taken off and I was shown the remains of a large blister and gathering. “It’s been cured now,” Feodor said. “It was a huge blister. It was cured by witchcraft. I took him to the Wise Woman and she put something on it and said a few words and the pain stopped, and it got quite well. Doctors are no good; they only cut one about. I was kicked by a horse and the pain was terrible. I drank a lot of vodka and it did no good; then I went to the Wise Woman and she put ointment on the place and she spoke away the pain. We think it’s best to be cured like this—village fashion.” I knew this practice existed, but it was curious to find it so near Moscow. It was like finding witchcraft at Surbiton.
Then we started for the hay meadows, which were about ten miles distant. On the road we met other peasants in carts bound for the same destination. They all gravely took off their hats to each other. After an hour and a half’s drive we arrived at the Moscow River, on the bank of which there is a tea-shop. Tea-shops exist all over Russia. The feature of them is that you cannot buy spirits there. We stopped and had tea. Everybody was brought a small teapot for tea and a huge teapot of boiling water, and very small cups, and everybody drank about four or five cups out of the saucer. They eat the sugar separately, and do not put it into the cup.
Then we crossed the river on a floating bridge, and driving past a large white Byzantine monastery arrived at the green hay meadows on the farther river bank towards sunset. Then the haymaking began. The first step which was taken was for vodka bottles to be produced and for everybody to drink vodka out of a cup. Then there was a great deal of shouting and an immense amount of abuse. “It doesn’t mean anything,” Feodor said. “We curse each other and make it up afterwards.” Then they drew lots for the particular strip they should mow; each man carrying his scythe high over his shoulder. (“Don’t come too near,” said Feodor; “when men have taken drink they are careless with scythes.”)
When the lots were drawn they began mowing. It was a beautiful sight to see the mowing in the sunset by the river; the meadows were of an intense soft green; the sky all fleecy and golden to the west, and black with a great thundercloud over the woods to the east, lit up with intermittent summer lightnings. The mowers were all in different coloured shirts—scarlet, blue, white, and green. They mowed till the twilight fell and the thundercloud got near to us. Then Feodor came and made our cart into a tent by tying up the shafts, putting a piece of matting across them, and covering it with hay, and under this he made beds of hay. We had supper. Feodor said his prayers, and prepared to go to sleep, but changed his mind, got up, and joined some friends in a neighbouring cart.
Three children and a deaf and dumb peasant remained with me. The peasants who were in the neighbouring tent were drunk; they began by quarrelling, then they sang for about four hours without stopping; then they talked. Feodor came back about half an hour before it was light, and slept for that brief space. I did not sleep at all. I wasn’t tired, and the singing was delightful to hear: so excessively characteristic of Russia and so utterly unlike the music of any other country, except that of Mongolia. What strikes me most about it is in the first place the accuracy with which the parts are taken, and in the second place the curious rhythm, and the close, ending generally on the dominant. The children chattered for some time about mushroom gathering, and the deaf and dumb man told me a lot by signs, and then they went to sleep.
As soon as it was light the mowers all got up and began mowing. I do not know which was the more beautiful effect, that of the dusk or of the dawn. The dawn was gray with pearly clouds and suffused with the faintest pink tinge, and in the east the sun rose like a great red ball with no clouds near it. At ten o’clock we drove to an inn and had tea; then we drove back, and the hay, although it was quite wet, for it had rained in the night, was carried there and then. “The women dry it at home,” Feodor explained; “it’s too far for us to come here twice.” The carts were laden with hay, and I drove one of them home, lying on the top of the hay, in my sleep. I had always envied the drivers of carts whom one meets lying on a high load of hay, fast asleep, and now I know from experience that there is no such delicious slumber, with the kind sun warming one through and through after a cold night, and the slow jolting of the wagon rocking one, and the smell of the hay acting like a soporific. Every now and then one wakes up to see the world through a golden haze, and then one falls back and drowns with pleasure in a deep slumber of an inexpressibly delicious quality.
When we re-crossed the river we again stopped for tea. As we were standing outside an old woman passed us, and just as she passed one of the peasants said to me, “Sit down, Barine.” Barine, I suppose everybody knows, means a _monsieur_, in contradistinction to the lower class. “Very like a Barine,” said the woman, with a sarcastic snort, upon which the peasant told her in the plainest and most uncomplimentary speech I have ever heard exactly what he thought of her personal appearance, her antecedents, and what she was fit for. She passed on with dignity and in silence. Then, after a time, I climbed up on the wagon again, and sank back into my green paradise of dreams, and remember nothing more till we arrived home at five o’clock in the evening.
ST. PETERSBURG, _August 6th_.
At a moment like this, when one meets with various conflicting statements made by people in authority, Government officials or Liberal leaders, as to what the Russian people, the real people, are thinking and feeling, it seemed to me that it would be worth while to put aside theoretical speculations for a moment, and to try to obtain some small fragments of first-hand evidence with regard to what the people are saying and thinking. With this object in view I have spent the last four nights in the train between Moscow and St. Petersburg. My field of observation was necessarily small, but it cannot be called unrepresentative or anti-national.
The first thing which struck me was a small incident which occurred at a railway station at Moscow, and has a certain significance. I was engaging a cab, and near me an officer was doing the same thing. The cabmen were expressing reluctance to accept the officer’s terms, and my cabman turned round to me and said: “That man comes every day; he is drunk, and he drives and drives, sometimes to the other end of the town, and never pays a single kopeck.” “Why do you drive him if he never pays you?” I asked. “There is nothing to be done—he is an officer,” answered the cabman. This is a small example of how the lawlessness of the existing system of government in Russia affects the poorer classes.
I travelled from Moscow to St. Petersburg by a slow train in a third-class carriage. In the carriage was a mixed and representative assembly of people—a priest, a merchant from Kursk, a photographer from Tchelabinsk, a young volunteer: that is to say a young man doing his year’s military service previous to becoming an officer, two minor public servants, an ex-soldier who had been through the Turkish campaign, a soldier who had lately returned from Manchuria, three peasants, two Tartars, a small tradesman, a carpenter, and some others. Besides these a whole band of gipsies (with their children) encamped themselves on the platform outside the carriage, and penetrated every now and then into the carriage until they were driven out by threats and curses.
The first thing everybody did was to make themselves thoroughly comfortable: to arrange mattresses and pillows for the night; then they began to make each other’s acquaintance. We had not travelled far before the gipsies began to sing on the platform, and this created some interest. They suggested fortune-telling, but the ex-soldier shouted at them in a gruff voice to begone. One of the officials had his fortune told. The gipsy said she could do it much better for five roubles (ten shillings) than for a few kopecks, which he had given. I had my fortune told, which consisted in a hurried rigmarole to the effect that I was often blamed, but never blamed others; that I could only work if I was my own master, and that I would shortly experience a great change of fortune. The gipsy added that if I could give her five roubles she would tie a piece of bark in my handkerchief which, with the addition of a little bread and salt, would render me immune from danger. The gipsies soon got out. The journey went on uneventfully—
Le moine disait son bréviaire, La femme chantait,
as in La Fontaine’s fable. We had supper and tea, and the ex-soldier related the experiences of his life, saying he had travelled much and seen the world (he was a Cossack by birth), and was not merely a _Moujik_. This offended one of the peasants, a bearded man, who walked up from his place and grunted in protest, and then walked back again.
They began to talk politics. The Cossack was asked his opinion on the attitude of the Cossacks. He said their attitude had changed, and that they objected to police service. The photographer from Tchelabinsk corroborated this statement, saying he had been present at a Cossack meeting in Siberia. Then we had a short concert. The photographer produced a mandoline and played tunes. All the inmates of the carriage gathered round him. One of the peasants said: “Although I am an ignorant man” (it was the peasant who had grunted) “I could see at once that he wasn’t simply playing with his fingers, but with something else” (the tortoiseshell that twangs the mandoline). He asked the photographer how much a mandoline cost. On being told thirty roubles he said he would give thirty roubles to be able to play as well as that. Somebody, by way of appreciation, put a cigarette into the mouth of the photographer as he was playing.
Then I went to bed in the next compartment; but not to sleep, because a carpenter, who had the bed opposite mine, told me the whole story of his life which was extremely melancholy. The volunteer appeared later; he had been educated in the Cadet-Corps, and I asked him if he would soon be an officer. “I will never be an officer,” he answered; “I don’t want to be one _now_.” I asked him if a statement I had read in the newspapers was true to the effect that several officers had telegraphed to the Government that unless they were relieved of police duty they would resign. He said it was quite true; that general discontent prevailed among officers; that the life was getting unbearable; that they were looked down upon by the rest of the people, and besides this they were ordered about from one place to another. He liked the officers whom he was with very much, but they were sick of the whole thing. Then towards one in the morning I got a little sleep. As soon as it was daylight everybody was up, making tea and busily discussing politics. The priest and the tradesman were having a discussion about the Duma, and every one else, including the guard, was joining in.
“Do you understand what the Duma was?” said the tradesman; “the Duma was simply the people. Do you know what all that talk of a movement of liberation means? It means simply this: that we want control, responsibility. That if you are to get or to pay five roubles or fifty roubles you will get or pay five roubles or fifty roubles, not more and not less, and that nobody will have the right to interfere; and that if some one interferes he will be responsible. The first thing the Duma asked for was a responsible Ministry, and the reason why it was dissolved is that the Government would not give that.”
The priest said that he approved of a Duma, but unless men changed themselves no change of government was of any use. “Man must change inwardly,” he said.
“I believe in God,” answered the tradesman, “but it is written in the Scripture that God said: ‘Take the earth and cultivate it,’ and that is what we have got to do; to make the best of this earth. When we die we shall go to Heaven, and then”—he spoke in a practical tone of voice which settled the matter—“then we shall have to do with God.” The priest took out his Bible and found a passage in the Gospel. “This revolutionary movement will go on,” he said, “nothing can stop it now; but, mark my words, we shall see oceans of blood shed first, and this prophecy will come true,” and he read the text about one stone not being left on another.
Then they discussed the priesthood and the part played by priests. “The priests play an abominable part,” said the tradesman; “they are worse than murderers. A murderer is a man who goes and kills some one. He is not so bad as the man who stays at home and tells others to kill. That is what the priests do.” He then mentioned a monk who had preached against the Jews in the South of Russia. “I call that man the greatest criminal, because he stirred up the peasants’ blood, and they went to kill the Jews. Lots of peasants cease to go to church and say their prayers at home because of this. When the Cossacks come to beat them, the priests tell them that they are sent by God. Do you believe they are sent by God?” he asked, turning to the bearded peasant.
“No,” answered the peasant; “I think they are sent by the devil.” The priest said that the universal dominion of the Jews was at hand. The tradesman contested this, and said that in Russia the Jews assimilated themselves to the people more than in other countries. “The Jews are cunning,” said the priest; “the Russians are in a ditch, and they go to the Jews and say: ‘Pull us out.’” “If that is true,” said the tradesman, “we ought to put up a gold statue to the Jews for pulling us out of the ditch. Look at the time of the _pogroms_, the rich Russians ran away, but the richest Jews stayed behind.” “They are clever; they knew their business. If they stayed you may be sure they gained something by it,” said the merchant from Kursk. “But we ought to be clever, too,” said the tradesman, “and try and imitate their self-sacrifice. Look at the Duma. There were twenty Jews in the Duma, but they did not bring forward the question of equal rights for the Jews before anything else as they might have done. It is criminal for the priests to attack the Jews, and if they go on like this the people will leave them.”
“Whereas,” said the merchant from Kursk thoughtfully, “if they supported the people the people would never desert them.” “The priests,” said one of the other nondescript people, “say that Catherine the Second is a goddess; and for that reason her descendants have a hundred thousand acres. General Trepoff will be canonised when he dies, and his bones will work miracles.”
The guard joined in here, and told his grievances at great length. They discussed the assassinations of Hertzenstein and Admiral Chouchnin. “Hertzenstein never did any one any harm,” some one said; “Chouchnin condemned hundreds and hundreds of people to death.”
At one of the stations a fresh influx of people came, among others an old peasant and a young man in a blouse. The old peasant complained of the times. “Formerly we all had enough to eat; now there is not enough,” he said. “People are clever now. When I was a lad, if I did not obey my grandfather immediately he used to box my ears; now my son is surprised because I don’t obey him. People have all become clever, and the result is we have got nothing to eat.” The young man said the Government was to blame for most things. “That’s a difficult question to be clear about. How can we be clear about it? We know nothing,” said the old peasant. “You ought to try and know, or else things will never get better,” said the young man. “I don’t want to listen to a _Barine_ like you,” said the old peasant. “I’m not a _Barine_, I am a peasant, even as thou art,” said the young man. “Nonsense,” said the old peasant.
The discussion was then cut short by our arrival at St. Petersburg.
CONCLUSION
This book admits of no real conclusion, since its sole object is to throw a few sidelights on a struggle which is still going on, and which is possibly still in its infancy. My experience of it so far leads me to believe that there are only two sides in this struggle (although at first sight it appears to be infinitely more complicated), and that these two sides are the same which have split up all countries in all times under various names such as Roundheads and Cavaliers, or Reds and Whites.
In Russia the two classes are the defenders and the opponents of the Government, or rather of the autocracy. The former base their contentions on the affirmation that Russia is an Oriental country and that Western institutions are unsuited to the Russian people. Parenthetically, I must mention that I am not alluding to the extreme reactionaries—to those people who wish to go back to institutions which existed before the time of Peter the Great. I am referring to intelligent people who, while belonging to no political parties, simply disbelieve in the Liberal movement in Russia, consider it to be the hysterical cackling of an unimportant minority, and think that the whole matter is mere stuff and nonsense. The opinion of these people is certainly worth considering, not because they are more impartial than others who belong to parties, since their ideas are equally based upon prejudice, but because they may be right. These people say that all talk of a Constitution is beside the mark. They argue thus:
“We must have a Constitution, just as we have an Army and a Navy, because the idea soothes the revolution-haunted breasts of foreign financiers, but we shall never have a real Constitution because we don’t want one. Reforms? Oh, yes, as many as you please, on paper, signed and countersigned, but they will remain a dead letter, because they are not adapted to the character and the spirit of the nation. You cannot force Russian peasants to own land in the way Western peasants do. You can make laws telling them to do so, but if you force them you will only drive them to rebellion. Russia is like China; you can draw up a Constitution for Russia, but when it is carried out you will find that the only practical difference between the old state of affairs and the new is that the writing-table of the Minister of Foreign Affairs is to be oblong instead of round. People say that the Russian people is good and that its Government is bad, but the faults of the people are not the result of the inherent vices of the Government; the vices of the Government are the logical result of the faults, which in their turn are the inevitable complement of the good qualities, of the people. The desire for Liberal reforms based on Western examples is merely a fictitious agitation of a minority, namely, the ‘Intelligenzia’ or middle class, who have forgotten and lost their native traditions and instincts and have adopted and not properly assimilated the traditions and instincts of Western Europe. They have ceased to be Russian, and they have not become European. They have taken the European banner of ideals, but they do not know what to do with it; they cannot hold it up in their weak Slav hands. The result is words, words, words. This chatter will continue for a time, and when people get tired of listening, it will cease. As for the people, the real people, they will settle their affairs with those immediately connected with them, with their landlords, &c. The Government will make plenty of reforms on paper and have a Duma; but everything will go on exactly as it was before. Because you cannot change the character of a people, and the form of government they enjoy is the result and the expression of their qualities and of their defects.”
Such are the arguments I have often heard advanced by these people, and I say once more that they may be right. Three years ago I was firmly convinced that they were right, and even now I have an open mind on the subject, although two years of close contact with Russians of all classes have led me to change my own opinion, and to agree with the other equally impartial people, who are just as Russian and have just as much knowledge of the country and experience of their fellow countrymen, and who flatly deny the whole thing. According to this school, the comparison with China is wrong because the Chinese are intellectually a highly civilised nation, and the proportion of them who can read and write is large. The present _régime_ in Russia is not the natural expression of national characteristics, but a fortuitous disease which has been allowed to spread without ever having been radically treated. Neither Autocracy nor Bureaucracy is a thing which has grown out of the immemorial traditions and habits of the Russian people; Autocracy was the product of a comparatively recent change in Russian history, and Bureaucracy the accidental result of the further changes introduced by a man of genius. The Government made certain things impossible: such as education for the peasants, laws for the peasants, justice, &c.; then, when the results of these prohibitions began to make themselves felt, turned round and said: “You see what these men are like; it is no use giving them anything because they are hopeless; they are like niggers and must be treated as such.” This has been the proceeding of the Government: to prevent, prevent, and prevent again; and then, when the explosion resulting from the prevention occurred, to observe how right they had been in preventing, and how necessary it was to prevent more and more, because it was the only thing the people understood. In this blindness and obstinacy, year after year deferring the payment of their debt, they have let the interest accumulate; and when they eventually have to pay, far more will be required of them than they need originally have surrendered.
The people who represent these two schools of thought both say that they are Russia. They assert: “We are Russia—tout le reste est littérature.” Only time can show which is right. I have noticed that with the representatives of both these schools the wish is father to the thought and that they generalise on their own desires and their own experience coloured by those desires. Which really represents Russia, we shall know perhaps in ten years’ time. As far as my own experience goes among peasants, workmen, &c., they have all been representatives of the second school. But then, the first school would say that this is immaterial, because the people may be thirsty for law, and yet incapable of drinking it.
But those who belong to the second school, and without following any party are liberal in thought and deed, say to their opponents: “If it is true that what you represent is really Russia, we have no further wish to remain Russians, and the day you are proved to be in the right, we will emigrate and settle in Turkey, in Persia, or in China.”
INDEX
Agrarian Question, the— Agitation, beginnings of the, 98, 99 Cadets, attitude towards the, 230 Cause of the problem, 178–79 Duma, speeches in the, 235 Expropriation scheme, 179–81 Government’s attitude towards, 108–9 Peasants’ view of the land purchase, 145–47; of possession, 290–91 Solutions proposed, 88–89, 179–83, 230–32
Aladin, M.— Politics of, 223–24 Speeches of, 199–200, 208, 214, 221, 246–47
Alexander II., reforms of, 182, 214, 270–71
Alexander III., policy of, 182
Alexandra, Queen, Russian opinion of, 290
Alliance of October 17th, _see_ Octobrists
“Alliance of the Russian People”— Demonstration outside the Kremlin, 49 Principles of the, 152–53
Amnesty Question, the, 36, 37— Current ideas on, 225–26 English opinion on, 262 Kovolievski, Prof., speech on, 215 Nabokov, M., speech on, 213–14
Anikin, M., his speeches, 214, 221
Anti-revolutionaries, attacks on Count Witte, 79
Army, the— Rostov Regiment, mutiny in the, 50 Spirit in the, 64–65, 72, 209–10, 236, 299 Volunteers, position of, 296–99
Arnold, Matthew, _quoted_, 37; his books on the Russian index, 92
Art nouveau style, prevalence in Russia, 192, 245
Artistic Theatre, Moscow, Gorki’s play at, 29–30
Assumption, Cathedral of the, Holy Week services, 163–64
Audience, characteristics of a Russian, 198–99
Aulard, Prof., _quoted_, 222
Austin, Alfred, 82
Austrians in St. Petersburg, 286
Autonomists, number in the Duma, 218
Bacon, Lord, 106
Baikal, Lake of, 4
Balfour, Mr., 105, 240, 284
Barine, meaning of term, 295
Bastille, storming of the, Walpole _quoted_, 116–17
Bauman, veterinary surgeon shot, 28; his funeral, 32–33
Beaconsfield, Lord, 119
Beethoven, _Fidelio_, 40
Bielostok, massacre at, 253
Birch, punishment abolished by Alexander II.
Biron, Duc de, _quoted_, 249
Bismarck, Prince, policy, 41, 102, 111–12
“Black Gang,” or “Black Hundred,” 28, 34–35, 67, 88, 289
Black Sea Fleet, mutiny, 6
“Block,” composition of the, 156
Boswell, _quoted_, 152
Boulygin project, the, 98
“Browning” pistols, use of, 50
Bruno, Giordano, 112
Buckle read in Russia, 93
Bunyan, popularity of “Pilgrim’s Progress,” 148
Bureaucratic system, faults of the, 94–95
Burial of Our Lord, service commemorating, 163–64
Byron read in Russia, 93, 105, 273
Cabman, the, in Moscow, 73, 291
“Cadets,” _see_ Constitutional Democrats
Capital Punishment— Abolition in Russia, question of, 260–61 Bill passed by the Duma abolishing, 270–72
Carlyle read in Russia, 93
Catherine II., 301
Character, English and Russian compared, 77–78, 223–24
Chartres, Bishop of, _quoted_, 207
Chernaia, village of, 51–55
Chinese— Hospitality of the, 12–13 Recitation, their manner of; 15–16 Wizard, the professional, 16–17
Chila, description, 5–7
Chouchnin, Admiral, assassination, 301
Climate, Russian, 180–81
Commerce and Industry, party of— Principles of, 153 Union with the Octobrists, 156
Congress, the Inter-Parliamentary, 262, 273
Conservative Party, the— Attitude towards the Manifesto of Oct. 17th, 133; towards the Duma, 222–23; towards the Government, 275 Dissolution, opinion of the, 282 Position after the Manifesto, 38
Constituent Assembly, the demand for, 42, 76
Constitution, Government’s intentions regarding a, 109, 132
Constitutional Democrats, the— Characteristics, 194–95 Current ideas on their policy, 94, 226–29, 230–32 Moderates’ charges against, 153–54 Origin of the, 129–30 Policy, 46, 153, 175–76, 181–82, 283–85 Programme, their election, 87, 158–59 Prominent members sketched, 218–220 Strength in the Duma, 156, 158–59, 218 Tiers-État compared with the, 205–7
“Controller” of a train, his duties, 5
Convicts, Russian, treatment of, 24, 26
_Cornhill Magazine_ sold in Moscow, 160
Cossacks, the— Attitude towards the “soldiers,” 12 Opinion of a Cossack regarding, 298 People, treatment of, 28–29, 33, 68–69
Council of Empire, charges against the Duma, 197
Crown, misunderstanding between the Duma and the, 278–79
Dante, _quoted_, 19
Danton, _quoted_, 249
De Witt, 112
Decembrists of 1825, 82
“Declaration of the Rights of Man,” 107
Delegate, the election of a, 154–56
Demchinsky, Boris Nikolaievitch, 10
Democratic Reform, the Party of, Policy, 220
Dolgoroukoff, Prince, 130, 220
Dostoievski, 18, 89— Anniversary celebrations, 121 Genius of 122–27, “Letters from a Dead House,” popularity of, 149–50 Peasants’ opinion of his books, 264
Doyle, Conan, read in Russian, 18
Dresden Hôtel, Moscow, 188
Drunkenness in Russia, 7
Du Maurier, _quoted_, 32
Dubassoff, Admiral, addresses the crowd, 49; charges against, 68, 86
Duma, the— Capital punishment abolished, 270–72 Censure, vote of, passed, 215 Composition, 218–24 Concession, the, of Aug. 6th, 98 Current ideas regarding the, 225–32, 299–300 Dissolution, 275–81; ex-members’ appeal to the country, 287 Emperor’s refusal to receive President, 207–9 General desire for, 88 Government’s attitude towards, 221, 234, 259 Loan Question, the, 174–77 Opening of the, 191–201 Orderliness of the, 198–99, 203 Prime Minister’s Address, 212–13 Prognostications regarding, 153, 156–58, 189–90 Speech of a peasant, 215–17; of Prince Urussoff, 250–57
Durnovo, M.— Policy, 95, 132, 136 Resignation, 174, 184
Easter in Moscow, 162–69
Education, faults of English, 92–93, _see also_ Schools
Eight-hours’ day question, 87–88
Ekaterinoslav Regiment, the, 165
Elections, results of the, 156
Electorate Law, news of the, brought to Moscow, 61–62
Elizabeth, Empress, capital punishment abolished by, 260, 270
Emigration suggested as solution to agrarian question, 181–83
England— Attitude of average Russian towards, 93 Convention in, Russian opinion regarding, 103–6, 240–42, 266 Opinion in, on Russian questions, 259–62
Ermitage Restaurant, proprietor shot, 67
Ermolov, police officer, his crime, 78; his punishment, 261
Esthonians, number of, in the Duma, 218
Expropriation of private property proposed, 179–80; of State Lands, 180–81
Extreme Conservatives, reception of the October Manifesto, 135
Extreme Radicals, reception of the October Manifesto, 135
Fairs— Moscow town, 169 Palm Sunday at Red Place, 159–61
Fasts, Holy Week, observance of, 163–64
Feodor, peasant, his opinions, 290–95
Fielder’s School, the revolutionary meeting in, 56; condition after the bombardment, 66
Finland, political meeting at Terrioki, 243–49
Fontanka, the printing-press discovered at, 254–56
Foreign intervention after dissolution of the Duma, 286, 288–89
Franchise Law, nature of the, 154–56
Freedom of Speech granted by October Manifesto, 98–99
French Revolution— Russian compared with, 116–18, 174, 205–7, 210 Walpole, Horace, _quoted_, 116–18
Funeral in Moscow, description of a, 32–33
Gapon, 248
“Gasudar,” the, 77
Germany, attitude towards the Polish question, 41–42
Gipsies, Russian, 297
Gladstone, 106
Glinka, M., doctor, 14, 17
Godziadan, the military station at, 10
Gogol, his unpopularity, 149
Gonchuling, description, 9–10; tram-railway from, 20
Gorki, Maxim, “Children of the Sun,” description, 29–30
“Gospodi, Gospodi,” 166
Government, the— Attitude towards the Duma, 221, 234, 258–59 Employment of the Press, 234–35, 250–56 Oppression of lower classes, 296 Policy of “Proisvol,” 86–87, 94–96 Resignation of the Ministry, July, 1906, 274
Governor-General, Moscow, the attack on, 188–89
Governors, Provincial, empowered to “outlaw” province, 99
Habeas Corpus, the Russian, 224
Haggard, Rider, read in Russian, 18
Hall of the Duma, description, 191–92
Hardie, Mr. Keir, 284
Haymaking near Moscow, 291–97
Hertzenstein, M., account of, 220; assassination of, 301
Herzen the Socialist, 160
Heyden, Count, politics, 218
Hliebnikov, M., Cossack officer, 14, 18, 122
Holy Shroud, the Service of the, 163
Holy Week in Moscow, 162–63
Homel, the January massacre at, 253
Hooliganism in St. Petersburg, 40; in Moscow, 49–50; _see also_ Black Gang
Hôtel de France, Moscow, 28; the Métropole windows broken by the Black Gang, 35; the National, 35; the Dresden, Moscow, 73
Hugo, Victor, _quoted_, 118
Hung-Hutzes, depredations by the, 20
Ibsen, 103
Ignatieff, Count, estates of, 236
“Intellectuals,” the, character of, 43; wholesale arrests of the 132
Intelligenzia, the— As a Political Party, 130 Revolutionary sympathies of the, 77, 81–83, 90–91 Treatment by the Government, 91–96
Irkutsk, 3
Ivan Veliki, Cathedral of, 164
Jacobins, the, 88
Jen-tzen-tung, description, 11–12, 15–16, 20
Jerome, Jerome K., read in Russian, 18
Jewish massacres, the, 250–57, 300–301
Jilkin, M., 245
John, Father, of Kronstadt, 52
Johnson, Dr., _quoted_, 114, 148, 152
Junius, _quoted_, 186–88
Karakosof, execution of, 271
Karavaieff, B. V. Kousmin, 220
Kareev, N., 220
K. D. Club, the, deserted on dissolution of the Duma, 281
Kharbin, description of, 8–9
Khilkoff, his portrait, 22
Kiev, massacres at, 253, 255
Kipling, Rudyard, read in Russian, 18; the “Jungle Book,” 210–11
Kizlitzki, M., of the battery, 14, 17–18
_Kniaz Potemkin_, the mutiny on the, 98
Knout, use of the, abolished, 270
Kokoshkin, F. F., joins the Zemstvoists, 130; speeches of, 219
Kologrivo, village of, 270
Komissaroff, officer, and the printing-press, 254–55
_Koulich_, 165, 166
Kouropatkin, 10, 220
Kouznetsk, town of, effect of railway strike at, 21–25
Kouznetski Most, the, Moscow, 59
Kovolievski, Prof.— Expropriation, his speech on, 214–15 Inter-Parliamentary Congress, to go to, 272 Motion of, 192–94 Style of oratory, 199, 208–9, 220
_Kreekòons_, arrests of the, 154
Kremlin, the— Demonstrations on the Emperor’s birthday, 49 Easter Services in, 162–69
Kronstadt, the mutiny at, 44, 98
La Fontaine, _quoted_, 297–98
Labour Party, composition in the Duma, 218, 221
Labour Party Club, 281
Land, _see_ Agrarian question
Landlords, condition subsequent to the land sales, 178–79
Landscape, a typical Russian, 144
Lansdowne, Lord, 284
Law and Order, party of, 153
“League of Liberation” formed by the Zemstvoists, 129
Lee, Vernon, 161
Leroy-Beaulieu, M., _quoted_, 270–71; his book on Russia, 289
Letts, number of, in the Duma, 218
Li, Chinese measure, 12
Libau, the mutiny at, 98
Liberal Party, the— Attitude towards the War, 128 Demands of, 36–38, 42 Manifesto, reception of the, 35, 133–34 Views of, 107–116, 303–7
_Liberté de Mœurs_, 234, 241
Liberty of the Press, _see_ Press
Liberty, personal, in Russia, 242–45
Linievitch, 9
Ling Po, 15
Literature, amount of translations from English, read, 18–19
Lithuanians, number of, in the Duma, 218
Little Russians, 24
Loan, the Foreign— Party opinions regarding, 174–77 Social Revolutionaries, attitude of the, 169–70
Lobkovski Pereoolok, the, Moscow, 56
London, a Russian’s opinion of, 266
Losev, peasant, his speech in the Duma, 215–17
Louis XVI., Prof. Aulard on, _quoted_, 222; his policy, 258–59
Lvov, M., joins the Zemstvoists, 130, 220
Mæterlinck, 103
Manchuria, outbreak of typhus, 4; chaos at the Railway Station, 7–8
Manège, the, Easter at, 165
Manifesto of December, 1904, 98
Manifesto of October 17, 1905— Moscow, effect of publication in, 27–28, 31–38 Nature of the, 132–33 Party opinion on, 134–35 St. Petersburg, effect of publication in, 107–8 Trepoff, attitude towards the, 39
Manifestoes, party, after dissolution of the Duma, 289; the two, of February 18, 1905, 98
Marlborough, Duke of, 106
“Marseillaise,” singing of the, 244
Martial Law enforced in Poland, 42, 99
Massacres, the, Prince Urussoff’s speech on the causes, 250–57
Maundy Thursday services, 163
Maupassant, Guy de, 264
Metrofan, porter, disappearance, 67; death, 73
Métropole Restaurant, Moscow, 31
Milioukov, Prof., forms the “Union of Unions,” 130 Leader of Cadet party, 153, 218–19 Policy of, 208–9
Mill, John S., read in Russia, 93
Milton read in Russia, 93; _Paradise Lost_, 147–50
Mirabeau, Walpole’s criticism, 117–18, 120; _quoted_, 199–200, 210
Mirsky, Prince, his reforms, 98, 114, 119, 120
Moderates, the— Criticism of Count Witte, 46 Number of, in the Duma, 218 Principles, 80
Monarchical party, the, 152
Monarchy, attitude of the political parties towards the, 152, 153
Mongols, manner of riding, 13–14; dress of, in Jen-tzen-tung, 16
Morley, John, read in Russia, 93
_Morning Post_ and the Censorship, 289
Morshansk, 151
Moscow— After the Rising, 63–74; after the dissolution of the Duma, 288 Christmas Day 1905 in, 59–61 Easter in, 162–69 Election results in, 154, 156–57 Hooliganism in, 49–50 Manifesto of October, effects of publication, 27–28, 31–38 Political parties in, 128–36 Strikes in, effects of, 50–62, 99 Suburbs of, 289–90 Town fairs of, 169 Witchcraft in, 292
_Moscow Gazette_, connection with the massacres, 253
Moscow River, the, 293
_Moujik_, the term, 298
Mukden, battle of, 9
Murders, political, prevalence of, 272
Muromtzeff, C. A., President of the Duma, 192, 196, 219
Musalmans, number of, in the Duma, 218
Mwilnikov, the, Moscow, 56
Nabokov, M., his speech replying to the Prime Minister, 213–14; his style of oratory, 219
Name-day, observance of the, 265
Napoleon, his policy, 111
Nationalists, the reactionary, criticism of Count Witte, 46
Nazarenko, the peasant, sketch, 263–64, 273, 279; returns to Finland, 281
Nebogatoff, Admiral, 291
Necker, M., Walpole’s criticism, 117
Neglinii Proiesd, the, Moscow, 59, 68
Nevsky Prospect, St. Petersburg, 281
New Year, Russian observance of the feast, 82–83, 89
Nicholas II.— Absolute authority preserved by the October Manifesto, 132–33 Audience refused to President of Duma, 207–9 Knout, use of, abolished by, 270 Reign of, sketched, 172–73 Zemstvo deputation to, 98
Nikolaiev, Railway Station seized by the strikers, 57; scene on Christmas Day, 1905, 60
Nikolaievitch, Dimitri, on the political outlook, 171–77
“Norodniu Dom,” the, St. Petersburg, 265–67
_Novoe Vremya_, the, 214
Octobrists, the— Attitude towards the Manifesto, 108 Dissolution of the Duma, opinion regarding, 282 Election results, reception of the, 157 Moderate principles of the, 153, 156
“Old Souls,” arrangement for the purchase of land, 145–46
Opéra Bouffe, the, 44
Orleans, Duke of, Walpole’s criticism, 117
Ostrovski, Mr., 9
Ouida, 138
Oushitai, Chinese town, 12, 20
Palm Sunday in Moscow, 159–61
Paris, the street fighting of ’32, &c., 57, 69; a Russian’s opinion of, 266
_Pascha_, 165, 166
Peace negotiations, the, popular opinion regarding, 1–3, 8–10, 15, 16
Peasants, the— Character, 65, 143–44, 181–82 Condition, 1905–6, 88–89 Duma, opinion of the, 196–99; their behaviour in the, 203–4, 209–10; their politics in the, 221 Education and literary taste of, 147–51 Emigration, the question of, 181–83 Franchise, method of using the, 154 Land purchase, view of the, 145–47 Poverty of, 179–80 Speech of a peasant in the Duma, 215–17
People, the Russian, description, 141–44
Peter the Great, his policy, 229
Peterhof, suburb of, description, 204–5
Petrajitski, L., 220
Petruckin, peasant, his opinions, 267–270, 273, 274
Petrunkevitch, I., leader of the Zemstvoists, 129; Cadet, 153; his style, 219
Piensa, railway strike at, 25
Plehve, M., public opinion regarding, 47; his _régime_, 119, 182
Poland— Constitutional liberties delayed, 40–42 Duma, number of Poles in the, 218 Local autonomy for, desired by Cadets, 153 Martial law declared, 99
Police— Abolition of the secret force, 36 Cadets opposed by, 157 December rising, non-preparedness for, 131–32 Massacres, connection with the, 250–56 Methods of the, 170, 201, 226 Shooting of, 78–79, 207, 261 Unlimited powers of the, 94 Withdrawal and restoration of, in Moscow, 28, 35
Politeness, Russian, 4–5
Political Parties, formation of the, 128–29, 152
Postal Strike, the, effects of, 44, 99; arrest of the officials, 99
Presnaya, destruction of the factory at, 85
Press, the— Censorship of, 95; renewed after dissolution of the Duma, 289 English, accusations against, 79 Freedom of, 119 Massacres, connection with the, 250–56 Ministerial use of the, 234–35 Radical, attacks on Count Witte, 42–43; on the Government, 119 Revolutionary spirit of, 237
Priests, a peasant’s opinion of the, 300–301
Printing-Press, discovery of the, 254–56
Prisoners, political, amnesty to, _see_ Amnesty question; deportment of, 6
Professional classes, parties formed among the, 130; _see also_ Intelligenzia
Public meetings, law forbidding, August 6, 1905, 98; allowed by October Manifesto, 98–99
Public opinion on the situation, Dec., 1905,47–59
_Punch_ sold in Moscow, 160
Railway travelling in Russia, 4, 8, 243, 296–97
_Ravnienie_ or “levelling,” peasants’ view of, 145
Red Cross— Abuse of the, 67 Encampments near Jen-tzen-tung, 12
Red Place, Palm Sunday fair at, 159–61
_Reformkleider_, use of, 245
Religion of the peasants, 268–69
Renan, _quoted_, 84–85, 103
_Retch_, the, 284
Revolution of December, 1905— Account, 65–69 Causes, 69–74 Effect on nature of the people, 142–43
Revolutionaries, the— Criticism of Count Witte, 46 Demands of, 75–77 Tactics of, 65–66
Riansk, Railway strike at, 25; scene at the station, 60
Riazan, Railway strike at, 25–26
Riding school, Moscow, Cossacks fire from, 33
Right and Order, Alliance of, 100, 156
Robespierre, speech of, 199–200; Danton’s criticism, 249
Rodichev, M.— Cadet leader, 153 Speeches of, 199, 214 Zemstvoist leader, 129, 219–20
_Rossia_, the, 276, 288
Rostov Regiment, mutiny in the, 50
Ruskin read in Russia, 93
_Russ_, the, criticism of C. Witte, 117
_Russkie Viedomosti_, 43; suppression of the, 87
_Russkoe Slovo_, offices burnt, 66; attack on Count Witte, 79
St. Petersburg— Current ideas in, Feb., 1906, 100–120 Election results in, 154, 156 Emperor’s birthday, demonstrations, 49 Foreign intervention, the, 286 Hooliganism in, 49–50 Strikes in, 39–44, 99
Samara, 21, 22
Saratov, agrarian agitation in, 99
Sardou, _quoted_, 138
Saviour, Church of the, 165–66
Schipov, Mr., endeavours to unite the Zemstva, 129–30; his politics, 218; formation of new ministry entrusted to, 274
Schools, village evening, 53–55; village day, 150; instituted by the Zemstvoists, 183
Schumann, Clara, 164
Serfs, results of emancipation, 178
Sevastopol, the mutiny in, 99
Shakespeare read in Russia, 93
Shaw, Bernard, 105
Shelley read in Russia, 93, 105, 267, 273
Siberia, suggested emigration to, 181
Sieyès, _quoted_, 206
Singing, Russian peasant, 294
Sipiagin, M., case of, 185
Sisran, the station at, 21
_Skashi_ or tellers of tales, 149
“Skitaletzt,” his style, 82
Social Democrats, the— Aladin’s speech, criticism of, 248 Political parties, position among, 154 Principles, 46
Social Revolutionaries, the— Elections, abstain from action in, 157 Political parties, position among, 154 Principles, 46
Socialist Club, the, 281
Socialists, 154, 156
“Societies,” arrangement by, for the purchase of land, 145–46
Soldiers’ Hospital, Moscow, 72–73, 89, 166–69
Sortes Virgilianæ, 72
Sosnofka, 137–51
South African War, Russian opinions, 101–2
Spencer, Herbert, read in Russia, 93, 264, 267
Stachovitch, M. A., politics of, 130, 218
Stanislavoshi, M., 29
State Lands, expropriation proposed, 180–81
States-General, opening compared with opening of Duma, 205–7
Stevenson read in Chinese, 18
Stolypin, M., policy, 288–89
Strikes, the— General, in Moscow, Dec., 1905, 50–62 Guerilla tactics of the Strikers, 57 Postal, in Moscow and St. Petersburg, 44, 99 Railway, warnings of, 5–7; October incidents at Kouznetsk, 21–25; behaviour of the strikers, 25; effect in Moscow, 31–38
Struve, M., 153
Students, the, behaviour on publication of Manifesto, 27–28; treatment by the Black Gang, 34–35
Suffrage, universal, the demand for, 42, 87; question of women’s, 158
Tacitus _quoted_, 95
Tagantzef, M., comments on capital punishment, 271
_Tarantass_, the, 139
Ta-shi-chiæ, battle of, incident, 17–18
Tauris Palace, description, 191
Tea-shops, Russian, 293
Telegrams, posting of, in the Duma, 204
Terrioki in Finland, political meeting at, 243–49
Tiers-Etat, Cadets compared with the, 205–7
Tolstoi, treatment by the Government, 105; compared with Dostoievski, 126; a peasant’s opinion of, 263–64
Toula, 21
Transbaikalia, 6
Trepoff, General— Character, 39–40 _Dictatorship_ of, 98 Radical Press and, 43 Resignation demanded, 36
Troubetzkoi, Prince S. N., 128
Turkestan, suggested emigration to, 181
Twain, Mark, read in Russian, 18
Typhus, outbreak in Manchuria, 4
Ukraine, number of, in the Duma, 218
Ukase of December, 1904, 98
“Union of Unions,” formation of the, 130
Unions, political, formation of, November, 1904, 130
Urussoff, Prince, 220; his speech in the Duma, 250–57
Verne, Jules, _Michel Strogoff_, 139
Village, description of a Russian, 140–41
Vilna, the massacre at, 253
Vinaver, M., 220
Volkonsky, Prince, politics, 218
Voting, orderliness during the, 159
Walpole, Horace, _quoted_, 116–18, 120
War, the, current ideas regarding, 101–2
Ward, Mrs. Humphrey, read in Russian, 18
Wells, H. G., _Kipps_, 105; _Food of the Gods_, 113
_Windt_, the game of, 228
Witchcraft, employment of, 292
Witte, Count— Financial policy, 177 Greatness of his task, 185–86 Komissaroff, his interview with, 255 Manifesto of October 17th, publication, 107 Party criticism of, 46–47, 79–81, 134–36 Power of, 43–44 Public opinion regarding, 17, 47–48, 184–85 Radical press, opposition, 42 Resignation, 175, 184 _Russ_, criticism of the, 117 Zemstva, their address to, 99; their attitude towards, 110–13
Zemstva, the— Coalition of, 128–30 Emperor, the deputation to, 98, 128 Leaders refuse Cabinet posts, 135–36 Liberal demand regarding Ministers, 36 Schools instituted by the, 183 Witte, attitude towards, 99, 103, 110–13
Zemstvo Constitutionalists, formation of the, 129–30
Zhilkin, his style, 221
Zola, M., compared with Dostoievski, 126; read in Russia, 264
=The Gresham Press=
UMWIN BROTHERS, LIMITED
WOKING AND LONDON
A CATALOGUE OF BOOKS PUBLISHED BY METHUEN AND COMPANY: LONDON 36 ESSEX STREET W.C.
CONTENTS
PAGE General Literature, 2–19 Ancient Cities, 19 Antiquary’s Books, 20 Beginner’s Books, 20 Business Books, 20 Byzantine Texts, 21 Churchman’s Bible, 21 Churchman’s Library, 21 Classical Translations, 21 Commercial Series, 22 Connoisseur’s Library, 22 Library of Devotion, 23 Standard Library, 23 Half-Crown Library, 24 Illustrated Pocket Library of Plain and Coloured Books, 24 Junior Examination Series, 26 Junior School-Books, 26 Leaders of Religion, 27 Little Blue Books, 27 Little Books on Art, 27 Little Galleries, 28 Little Guides, 28 Little Library, 28 Miniature Library, 30 Oxford Biographies, 30 School Examination Series, 30 Social Questions of To-day, 31 Textbooks of Science, 31 Textbooks of Technology, 31 Handbooks of Theology, 31 Westminster Commentaries, 32
Fiction, 32–36 The Shilling Novels, 37 Books for Boys and Girls, 38 Novels of Alexandre Dumas, 38 Methuen’s Sixpenny Books, 39
NOVEMBER 1906
A CATALOGUE OF
MESSRS. METHUEN’S
PUBLICATIONS
Colonial Editions are published of all Messrs. METHUEN’S Novels issued at a price above 2_s._ 6_d._, and similar editions are published of some works of General Literature. These are marked in the Catalogue. Colonial editions are only for circulation in the British Colonies and India.
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