Part 8
+----------------------------------+------------+---------+ | ENGLAND. | SCOTLAND. | | _Years._ | _Vessels._ | _Tons._ | _Vessels._ | _Tons._ | +----------+------------+----------+------------+---------+ | 1771 | 50 | 14,700 | 9 | 2,797 | | 1772 | 50 | 15,378 | 9 | 2,797 | | 1773 | 55 | 16,712 | 10 | 3,016 | | 1774 | 65 | 19,770 | 9 | 2,773 | | 1775 | 96 | 29,131 | 9 | 2,773 | | 1776 | 91 | 27,047 | 7 | 2,251 | | 1777 | 77 | 21,917 | 7 | 2,251 | | 1778 | 71 | 20,291 | 5 | 1,587 | | 1779 | 52 | 16,907 | 3 | 956 | | 1780 | 50 | 14,900 | 4 | 1,282 | | 1781 | 34 | 9,859 | 5 | 1,459 | | 1782 | 38 | 11,122 | 6 | 1,764 | | 1783 | 47 | 14,268 | 4 | 1,095 | | 1784 | 89 | 27,224 | 7 | 2,047 | | 1785 | 136 | 41,741 | 13 | 3,865 | | 1786 | 162 | 49,426 | 23 | 6,997 | | 1787 | 219 | 64,286 | 31 | 9,057 | | 1788 | 216 | 63,399 | 31 | 8,910 | | 1789 | 133 | 38,751 | 28 | 7,846 | | 1790 | 130 | 30,290 | 22 | 5,898 | | 1791 | 93 | 27,598 | 23 | 6,308 | | 1792 | 73 | 21,496 | 28 | 5,487 | | 1793 | 38 | 8,437 | 14 | 3,813 | | 1794 | 47 | 12,906 | 13 | 3,480 | | 1795 | 34 | 9,135 | 10 | 2,613 | | 1796 | 42 | 11,516 | 9 | 2,317 | | 1797 | 50 | 13,757 | 10 | 2,614 | | 1798 | 56 | 16,140 | 10 | 2,614 | | 1799 | 57 | 16,731 | 10 | 2,629 | | 1800 | 51 | 15,077 | 10 | 2,652 | +----------+------------+----------+------------+---------+
From 1788, this table is made up from the annual accounts laid before Parliament; and the number of ships, and the tonnage, always refers to the number of those who actually _cleared out_ for Greenland. We have already given Dr. Colquhoun’s estimate of the value of the whale oil and whalebone imported into Great Britain from 1805 to 1810.
_American Whale Fishery._--The whale fishery first attracted the attention of the Americans in 1690, and originated at the island of Nantucket, in boats from the shore. In 1715, six sloops, of thirty-eight tons burden each, were employed in this fishery, from that island. For many years their adventures were confined to the American coast, but as whales grew scarce here, they were extended to the Western Islands, and to the Brazils, and at length to the North and South Seas[35]. For a long time the Dutch seemed to monopolize the whale fishery, which they followed, with success, in the Greenland or Northern Seas.
[35] See Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society.
As early as 1663, they had two hundred and two ships employed in this fishery, and in 1721, as many as two hundred and sixty; in 1788, the number was reduced to sixty-nine, and for many years past, not only has this branch of their commerce, but almost every other, been completely annihilated. In 1731, the Americans had about thirteen hundred tons of shipping employed in this fishery along their coast. About the year 1750, the whale left the American coast. The hardy enterprise and activity of the American sailor, however, soon followed him in every part of the Northern and Southern Seas.
From 1771 to 1775, Massachusetts employed, annually, one hundred and eighty-three vessels, of thirteen thousand eight hundred and twenty tons, in the northern whale fishery, and one hundred and twenty-one vessels, of fourteen thousand and twenty-six tons, in the southern; navigated by four thousand and fifty-nine seamen. The peculiar mode of paying the seamen, in these hazardous voyages, has contributed not a little to the success of the voyages themselves. Each has a share in the profits of the voyage, and is dependent on his own exertions for the reward of his toils. Whether he shall be rich or poor, depends on his activity in managing the boat, in pursuit of the whale, and his dexterity in directing the harpoon. This has led to a spirit of enterprise and hardihood, never surpassed, if ever equalled, by the seamen of any nation in the world.
During the war of the American revolution, this fishery was destroyed; on the return of peace, it recovered, by degrees, and, from 1787 to 1789, ninety-one vessels, of five thousand eight hundred and twenty tons, were annually employed in the northern fishery, and thirty-one vessels, of four thousand three hundred and ninety tons, in the southern, with one thousand six hundred and eleven seamen. The quantity of spermaceti oil taken annually, from 1771 to 1775, was thirty-nine thousand three hundred and ninety barrels, and of whale oil eight thousand six hundred and fifty. From 1787 to 1789, the quantity of spermaceti taken annually was seven thousand nine hundred and eighty barrels, and whale oil thirteen thousand one hundred and thirty. In the representation made to Congress in the year 1790, by the legislature of Massachusetts, it is stated that, before the late war, about four thousand seamen, and twenty-four thousand tons of shipping were annually employed, from that State, in the whale fishery, and that the produce thereof was about £350,000 lawful money, or about 1,160,000 dollars. A great part of this fishery has been carried on from Nantucket, where it originated, a small island about fifteen miles in length, and two or three miles in breadth, situated about thirty miles from the coast. Before the revolutionary war, this small island had sixty-five ships, of four thousand eight hundred and seventy-five tons, annually employed in the northern, and eighty-five ships, of ten thousand two hundred tons, in the southern fishery. From 1787 to 1789, it had only eighteen ships, of one thousand three hundred and fifty tons, in the northern, and eighteen ships, of two thousand seven hundred tons, in the southern fishery. For many years past, this fishery has been carried on from this island, and from New Bedford, a large commercial and flourishing town on the coast, in its neighbourhood, and has employed from fifteen thousand to eighteen thousand tons of shipping, principally in the Southern Seas. Although Great Britain has, at various times, given large bounties to her ships employed in this fishery, yet the whalemen of Nantucket and New-Bedford, unprotected and unsupported by any thing but their own industry and enterprise, have generally been able to meet their competitors in a foreign market. The value of spermaceti and common whale oil, whale bone, and spermaceti candles, exported since 1802, has been as follows:--
Whale (common) Spermaceti oil oil and bone. and candles.
_Dolls._ _Dolls._
1803 280,000 175,000 1804 310,000 70,000 1805 315,000 163,000 1806 418,000 182,000 1807 476,000 139,000 1808 88,000 33,000 1809 169,000 136,000 1810 222,000 132,000 1811 78,000 273,000 1812 56,000 141,000 1813 2,500 10,500 1814 1,000 9,000
The common whale oil finds a market in the West Indies, Great Britain, France, Spain, and Portugal. The greatest part of the spermaceti oil is carried to Great Britain. The late war between the United States and Great Britain has again almost annihilated the cod and whale fisheries.[36] While in the years previous to the restrictive system and the war, the fisheries furnished articles for exportation to an amount of more than three millions of dollars, in 1814 the exports of the produce of the fisheries is reduced to the sum of 188,000 dollars.
[36] Twenty-four whalemen were taken by the British in the late war.
No. III.
During the publication of this little work, I was favoured, through the medium of a friend, with some very important remarks made by a Gentleman of great nautical skill and experience, in the year 1814, on board his Majesty’s ship Sybyll, while in the North Seas, for the protection of the Greenland fishery.
The first point to which he alludes, is the variation of the compass; and, respecting it, he observes, “Being anxious that every thing possible should be done for the improvement of navigation, I determined, while in those high latitudes, to take every opportunity of observing to what extent the variation of the compass might be affected by the ship’s course. A paper containing Captain Flinders’s observations on the same subject, had previously been sent to me by the Lords of the Admiralty; and as these observations had chiefly been made in high southern latitudes, it became doubly important to ascertain whether the same laws were followed in high northern latitudes. Experience has completely proved that they are; and, in fact, it is some years since I ascertained that the course down the English Channel, just taking the ship clear of head-lands, the opposite one up Channel would run the ship on the French coast.
“In order to render the result of my observations on this subject as clear as possible, I have selected a few, and inserted them in the order they were taken. The correctness of them may be relied on, being all calculated by two persons, examined by a third, and the whole taken by myself.
“I boarded a good many Greenland ships when in the North, whose masters all agreed in maintaining, that they experienced _strong south-east currents_ on their return home, and were often confounded at making the coast of Norway when they expected to make that of Shetland. Now, I have no hesitation in saying, that if the same difference in the variation is to be found on board of a Greenland ship, that was found to exist in the Sybyll and Princess Carolina, the idea of a strong easterly current is unfounded, and is merely resorted to, to account for the error in their dead reckoning, arising from their not allowing a sufficiency of westerly variation in running from the ice to the south-west. A degree of longitude is soon lost in those high latitudes, and the error must increase in running to the south-west, if proper allowance be not made; for I am very certain that a different variation will be found on every point of the compass the ship’s head is put on. The greatest will be found when the _ship’s head is at West_, gradually declining till it comes to East.
“The Princess Carolina, as well as Sybyll, experienced _the same currents_ as the masters of the Greenland ships supposed to exist; for when we made Shetland, by Arnold’s chronometer, No. 1981, to a mile, our dead reckonings were nearly 6° _to the westward in both ships_; and when we made the North Cape by the same chronometer, (which was under my own care,) the longitude in both ships, by account, was 4° to the westward also. The one error was occasioned by not allowing a sufficient quantity of variation in running to the south-west, and the other by allowing too much in running to the north-east.
“I do not know whether the same observations may hold good when applied to ships coming from the Baltic; but should they do so, they must effectually account for ships getting down on the coast of Holland, when they suppose themselves well over in Mid-channel. Perhaps this may, in some measure, serve to account for the loss of so many of our brave tars when coming from that sea.
“Notwithstanding the whole tenor of my observations, as well as those of Captain Flinders, led me to believe that the cause of the variation must exist in the ship; yet I had great difficulty in coming to a conclusion so remote from what had formerly been held to be truth; and for that reason, during our stay at St. Mary’s, I took the opportunity of making a decisive experiment on this subject. I first went with the Azimuth compass to St. Agnes’s lighthouse, from which I set the flag-staff on St. Mary’s Castle, E. 31° N. I next went to St. Mary’s castle, and from it set the lighthouse W. 31° S. Finding these opposite bearings thus correspond when on shore, I am fully persuaded the cause of the differences observed when at sea, must exist in the ship.”
After making these remarks on the variation of the compass, he next goes on to make some observations, as they occurred in the voyage.
“On the 16th of June, saw Bear, or Cherry Island, which, at a distance, looks like a saddle, both extremities being very high, and the middle low. It may be seen 20 leagues off in clear weather. At noon, it bore by compass, N. _b_ E. ½ E. when I observed in 73° 44´ N. good observation, and our chronometer gave good sights, 20° 3´ E. By seven P. M. we had run 33 miles on a N.N.W. course corrected, when the south end of the island bore by compass E. _b_ N. 3 or 4 leagues, which, brought up from noon, will make it in 74° 19´ N. Lat. and 20° 7´ E. Long. At this time it came on foggy, and prevented us from ascertaining its extent. Soundings are to be obtained to the southward of this island, and up to Spitzbergen; black mud and small shells.
“19th, Saw Spitzbergen, and on the 20th were close in with the South Cape. We carried regular soundings to 11 fathoms, about three miles off; but this part of the coast appearing to be surrounded with rocks, we did not attempt approaching it more closely. Our chronometers made it in about 16° 2´ E. We saw some beacons placed along the coast, each in the form of a cross, which, are, no doubt, placed there for the guidance of the Russian hunters.
“About this time we bore away for the North Cape, in order to water, and procure any refreshments that could be got. After making the land to the westward of the Cape, we stood into a large bay, to look for a place of safety to accomplish our purpose, hardly suspecting that any inhabitants were to be found. On standing in, we observed some boats under sail, one of which was soon brought alongside, that contained a family of Finmarkers, some of whom spoke the Danish language. They informed us of the town of _Hammerfest_ being close by, and offered to take us in. This offer was soon embraced, and, in a few hours, the town opened to our view; which, to our astonishment, contained a church, batteries, &c. The Captain of the port soon made his appearance, and anchored us in safety. I made a survey of this place, and ascertained its latitude and longitude as correctly as possible, which are as follow:
The latitude of Hammerfest Town, ascertained by a good Sextant and False-Horizon, taken on shore, was found 70° 38´ 34´´ N.
Longitude, by Arnold’s chronometer, No. 1981, taken on shore, by the same means 24 28 0 E.
Variation by same means 11 4 0 W.
Range of thermometer on board from 70° to 75°
Range of thermometer on shore 75 80
High water on full and change, at three hours; rise and fall 8 feet. I found it is very much influenced by the wind, and when it blows strongly from the N. W. it rises considerably higher.
“The town of Hammerfest is situated on the island of Qualoon, 25 Danish miles in extent, and is one of the departments of West Finmark, which contains 25,000 souls. This province is divided into parishes, each having its priest, and over the whole is a bishop, to enforce the duties of the Lutheran religion. There are 200 regular soldiers scattered in different quarters of the province, commanded by a captain, who governs the whole country. About thirty houses compose the town of Hammerfest, with about 200 inhabitants; with one church, one hospital, a customhouse, and some public and private stores. The customhouse has regular established officers appointed from Copenhagen. The captain of the port is under the same appointment, and wears the uniform of the Danish navy.
“The principal trade of this place is in furs and fish, which are all sent into Russia. The extent of the imports and exports I was not able accurately to learn, but suppose them, in time of peace, to be something considerable. I was told by the captain of the port, that in 1808, 200 sail had been seen here at one time. The Russian merchants have their agents scattered all over West as well as East Finmark. They make their purchases from the Finmarkers, with flour, brandy, sail-cloth, fishing-lines, coarse cloth, and other articles of that kind, for enabling them to carry on the fishing and hunting business. I was informed that 3000 boats were yearly employed by the Finmarkers in fishing; for as soon as the hunting season is over, they devote their whole attention to the fisheries. Four or five men are attached to each boat.
“Cod and herrings abound on this coast, and are the finest I ever saw, being of a much firmer and better texture than those caught on the banks of Newfoundland.
“As the Finmarker dries his fish in the sun, without salt, it must be but a very poor employment: but, as all his wants are easily supplied, with this kind of commerce he is satisfied, and thinks money of little consideration. Perhaps, after all, they are more happy than the lower orders of more enlightened nations.
“Perhaps a fishing establishment at Hammerfest might be attended with considerable advantage. The deepness of the water would render a departure from the mode of fishing observed on the banks of Newfoundland indispensable. The hook and line are here of little consequence. The Finmarkers all fish with nets, and we adopted the same method with considerable success. No place is better adapted than this for curing with salt. From its situation, embosomed by hills, the thermometer in the summer, as our observations show, often reaches a very high degree of temperature. With proper management, a cod might then have been prepared for the market in three days, while at Newfoundland, in the best weather, it requires five.
“At Newfoundland, they have only from twelve to fourteen hours sun; at Hammerfest, nearly four months. The advantages, therefore, as to climate, on the side of Hammerfest, are most obvious. Perhaps, too, an establishment in the North might, in time of war, be of some importance, as it would the better enable us to prevent our enemies enjoying any share of so lucrative a trade as the whale fishing.
“The cold is by no means so intense in winter as might be expected. The inner harbour, though seldom agitated by winds, was never seen frozen over; and the moonlight is sufficiently strong to render labour practicable. Nature has been very provident with respect to fuel, the whole country abounding with good turf. The severity of the climate diminishes the vital principle in the human race; the men soon get old, and the women are past child-bearing at thirty-five.
“The chase of the bear, who is never killed before January or February, when they are in the best condition, sets the courage and cool deliberation of the Finmarker in a most conspicuous point of view. In October, the Finmarker carefully watches the haunts of the bear, who, at that time, seeks for a winter retreat; and having marked it, returns in January to the attack. Having prepared a lance, to which a _cross-bar_ is affixed, about one foot from the point, the Finmarker, when the wind is in a favourable direction, makes a large fire before the bear’s den; the smoke soon irritating the animals, they rush out, one by one: at this critical moment the Finmarker, concealing his lance, places himself behind the fire, and the bear, rearing on his hind legs, in order to seize him, he plunges his lance up to the cross-bar in his breast.[37] The rest are served in the same manner.
[37] The intrepidity of the Finmarker, and the dangers he has to encounter in the chase of the seal, are well described in Acerbi’s excellent Travels in the North, vol. i. p. 291.
“The rein deer are here extremely plenty, and very dear; we paid L.2 for one of them. Certainly they had heard something of the wealth of John Bull.
“Some of the better sort of people at Hammerfest, possessed a few cows and sheep. The cows were not larger than a bull-dog, and the sheep like a good tom-cat.
“The female beauty of this place had sufficient attraction to induce the gentlemen of the Princess Carolina and Sybyll to give them a ball and supper. The invitation was quite general, and the whole went off with great eclat.
“Most of the Russian agents and merchants spoke the English language; but they were by no means anxious to communicate information which they thought might, one day or other, ruin their commercial pursuits. It was only when they got a good dinner, and plenty of wine, that any thing particular could be drawn from them.
“The Sybyll and Princess Carolina sailed from the Downs on the 6th of May, and on the 18th of August arrived in Long Hope Sound. Our highest latitude was 78° 16´, where we saw many of the Greenland ships. We sailed as far east as 32° 44´, and experienced one continued series of good weather. The thermometer never was below 26° in the night, and seldom above 44° in the day, with the exception of the time we were at Hammerfest.”