A voyage to Senegal

Part 10

Chapter 103,905 wordsPublic domain

M. de Lajaille has not given us a description of the island in the Gambia which was ceded to the French by this treaty, nor has he said any thing of the manners and religion of the people. From the accounts, however, which I procured, it appears that the island is very small and unhealthy: there are scarcely six acres of soil capable of cultivation; all the rest is a vast swamp. The trade which we carry on consists in slaves and wax. The position of the port was badly chosen; and though water abounds in the place, the garrison have to go a considerable distance to obtain it; in short, the establishment is of trivial advantage. The French who were left on the isle of Gambia, were neglected and abandoned by their countrymen; and after experiencing all the horrors of want, they almost all perished in the month of August, 1793. Two or three individuals only returned, in a state of irritation against the government which ought to have protected them, and so ill in health, that they did not long survive. Notwithstanding this failure, the river of Sierra Leone abounds in favourable spots both for culture and commerce, on which the French or any other nation might establish powerful colonies. The English, who about fifteen years ago had fixed them in various parts near this river, have since formed settlements far greater and important than those of the French. The latter in their attempts were too parsimonious; while the former were prodigal in their gold.

In the month of May, 1788, Mr. Granville Sharp sent off a vessel laden with provisions, different materials, and about thirty-nine artificers, to establish a colony at Sierra Leone. This colony, whose principal settlement was afterwards at Free-town, had for its basis principles entirely philanthropic. The colonists were to employ themselves in the cultivation of the lands and the civilization of the Africans, while the slave trade was to be totally renounced amongst them.

The fortune of an individual was of course insufficient for such an undertaking. Mr. Sharp, therefore, in 1790 formed a society of twenty-one persons, which in a few months became still more numerous; and an act of parliament was passed, authorising them to make a company, and to enjoy for thirty-one years the privileges granted to them by the act. Messrs. Thornton and Wilberforce were then the directors, and the members who had most influence over the company. The first regulation which it made, excluded every individual who was interested in the slave trade; and it was not only agreed that they should for ever abandon that traffic, but that there should never be slaves in the colony.

In the month of March, 1791, the company caused 1131 Blacks to be brought from Nova Scotia to Sierra Leone: they were engaged for a certain time, and were to be free when their period of servitude expired. Portions of soil were given to them to cultivate for their own advantage; but it was impossible to keep them to the spots which had been assigned to them. Being influenced by a commercial spirit, and wishing to obtain a portion of the money which the company had imprudently introduced into the colony, these new settlers abandoned their fields, and all came to reside in the chief place, called Free-town.

The subscription was closed on the 1st of June, 1792; and the capital of the company then amounted to the vast sum of 242,899l. sterling. This sum was employed in the following manner:

The first expences of the establishment amounted to £82,620

The dead stock, that is to say, the ships, soil, and articles relative to the defence of the colony, to 24,685

Capital employed in commerce 27,400

Capital placed at interest in the public funds 108,194 -------- £242,899 --------

These expences, however, greatly exceeded the idea which had been formed by the company; they were occasioned by a concurrence of circumstances which it was impossible to foresee, but which are all properly explained in the different statements that have been published by the directors.

The colonists arrived in the rainy season, which occasioned a general sickness and many deaths. Several of the principal officers were taken ill, and obliged to return to England; and a great many of the subordinate agents fell sacrifices to the additional labour which they in consequence had to perform. It appeared that the air of Free-town, like that of all the positions on the coast, is bad, and even dangerous during the rainy and stormy season; but that it is good and agreeable for the rest of the year.

The cultivation went on slowly, and experienced many difficulties; nevertheless the directors were of opinion that the soil of Africa might be managed by its native inhabitants. They were of this opinion from the apparent success of the plantations, which they had undertaken; but they adhered to their system of making the future progress of such plantations depend on the abolition of the slave trade.

Under the article of civilization, the directors comprised a form of government for the colony: it is founded on the principles of the English constitution. The trial by jury perfectly succeeded; and the Africans appeared to incline to the measures adopted in the colony to introduce Christianity and civil regulations. But the success of the enterprize was a subordinate consideration compared with the grand object, the abolition of the slave trade. Yet to overcome the first difficulties was far more easy, than what they had afterwards to encounter: for they had some severe misfortunes to try their constancy.

On the 27th of November, 1794, a French squadron entered the river of Sierre Leone, and fired on Free-town. The inhabitants conceiving all resistance useless, begged to capitulate, but in vain: the French landed, plundered the houses and magazines, and conducted themselves with extreme rigour. They were encouraged in their excesses by the captains of two American ships employed in the slave trade. It was impossible to check the animosity of Arnaud, the commander of the expedition: he protested that he would burn all the houses belonging to the English; and he kept his word. The books of the company were seized and destroyed, and all the bibles and prayer-books were trampled under foot. The collection of the botanist Afzelius was ravaged; his plants, seeds, birds, insects, drawings, and memoranda were dispersed and spoiled, and his mathematical instruments and machines broken to pieces. Even the church was plundered, and the sacred books consumed; nor did the invaders spare the drugs and medicines for the use of the colony. The loss to the company on this occasion was estimated at 40,000l. sterling.

This expedition was condemned by all rational Frenchmen, and was disowned by the government, who caused the commander of the squadron to be thrown into prison. His punishment would have been exemplary, if it had not clearly appeared that he was ignorant of the injury he had committed. It was proved from his journal, that he had been led into the error by two American Negroes, and that he thought he was doing a patriotic action by destroying an _establishment of Pitt, for furnishing slaves_. It was evident that he had no other motives for his conduct; but this did not diminish the evil, and the company immediately employed themselves in repairing the injuries which the colony had sustained, with the resources that remained amongst them. It is remarkable that the turbulent colonists were the very Negroes who had been transported from Nova Scotia to Africa, and whom no inducement could attach to the establishment. Although they were free, they complained that they were oppressed; and it is probable that if these refractory beings had found the planters and the remainder of the inhabitants inclined to take part in their project, they would have infallibly attained their object, which was that of a revolution: for the chief officers of the society had neither power nor other means sufficient to keep them in subjection.

To obviate this inconvenience, the directors of the company obtained in 1799 from the British government a letter of licence, on the plan of those which had been granted to the India company at the time of its institution; to which was added a corps of fifty men taken from the garrison of Goree; and the sum of 7,000l. which parliament allowed for the construction of a fort.

In the month of February, 1800, a quarrel broke out between king Tom, who lived in the vicinity of Free-town, and the captain of a slave-ship belonging to Liverpool, relative to certain rights of anchorage which this king had received, from vessels that entered St. George’s bay, and which the English captain refused to pay. The affair was laid before the governor and council; but the discontented persons, and such of the colonists as were in the interest of Tom, would not abide by the decision of the tribunal; but demanded, on the contrary, that the captain should be delivered up to them, or pay a heavy sum as a ransom. The governor and council endeavouring to oppose the violence of the discontented, who appeared determined to support their pretensions, condemned the captain to pay the sum required; promising him, however, a reimbursement from the company.

The affair was thus determined: but the condescension of the council seemed to pave the way for the ruin of the colony; for from this instant the discontented, led by the chiefs of their districts, who were called _Hundreders_, committed the greatest excesses, refused to submit to any authority, and on the 25th of September, 1800, issued a formal proclamation, in which they forbade the inhabitants, under a penalty of 20l. sterling, from obeying any orders of the governor and council. They then published a new constitution, which vested all the authority in the hands of the hundreders, and established a maximum for the sale of articles of sustenance. Certain crimes, such as the stealing of cattle, adultery, defamation, disobedience towards parents, the destruction of fences, &c. were punished by fines; and the debts contracted by the inhabitants towards the company, were left to the decision of the hundreders, who interdicted not only every kind of reimbursement, but even the paying of the interest, under pain of banishment from the colony.

The revolters, whose numbers amounted to about fifty, were headed by three fellows named Robinson, Anderson, and Zirier. The colony then had at its disposal eighty Negroes and twelve Europeans, who were determined to defend it. Nevertheless, though their force was so much superior, they made no attempts to subdue the insurgents; but chance threw in their way a great assistance: for at this very time a large English ship arrived from Nova Scotia, having on board, under the command of Lieutenants Smith and Tolley, forty-five soldiers, and five hundred and fifty Maroons, besides a number of other men, women, and children. The revolters were therefore attacked on the 2d of October, and easily overcome; thirty-five were made prisoners, three of whom were found guilty of various crimes, and condemned to death; and seven were sent as malefactors to Goree: the remainder were transported to Bulam, on the northern coast of Sierra Leone.

The Maroons who came from Nova Scotia, have assigned to them the town of Granville, where the government watches attentively over them. This measure, however, is unnecessary: for as late as the month of May, 1801, they had not shewn any disposition to offend the laws; and it is expected that great advantages may be derived from their industry.

Hitherto the commerce of the company has not been attended with much success; it has lost one after another, four large ships, the cargoes of which were worth upwards of 30,000l. The French have also taken two other vessels belonging to this establishment, worth about 7,000l. The company has received from the British government a grant of 21,000l.; and at the end of 1799, its capital consisted of about 82,332l. while in December, 1800, it amounted to 122,563l.; and its debts at the last mentioned period were 26,995l. It therefore possessed at that time a capital of 95,567l.

This company sustained a great loss by the death of an alderman of Free-town, named Thomas Cooper, who was of the African race: the Blacks considered him as their common father, and still weep after him.

Every means is adopted to enlarge and accomplish the expectations of the colonists; and with this view different kinds of instruction are given. Amongst other efforts towards civilization, may be mentioned a printing-office, at which is published once a fortnight a newspaper, called the Sierra Leone Gazette.

The principal productions of this colony are sugar-canes, Cayenne pepper, cotton, ginger, and coffee; the last of which is as good as that from the Levant. The animals which they endeavour principally to breed are asses and cows; but there is much difficulty to extend the race of those useful quadrupeds.

Such is the present state of the English company: it has experienced misfortunes foreign and domestic, which have threatened its existence; and it has encountered enormous losses, which have consumed great parts of its fund. From a comparison of the sums already mentioned, it will appear that the money which has been employed or lost amounts to 175,352l. The company, nevertheless, is powerful; its means are more proportionate than its wants, and its enterprise is too great to be ruined by a few injuries; while by gradually proceeding with firmness, it will attain its objects.

All the institutions of this company, and its great exertions to promote the happiness of the Africans, are founded on the abolition of the slave trade. It is evident that without this praise-worthy resource, it promises itself nothing from all the undertakings and sacrifices which it makes to support them; but notwithstanding its wishes, it is surrounded with several establishments entirely devoted to the slave trade, and vessels are continually arriving for the same purpose: so that this trade is carried on under the very eyes of the company, with the same ardour as ever. Yet this society is equally as sanguine as it was at first, respecting the abolition of the slave trade, which it hopes to see accomplished; and therefore continues its labours with unshaken fortitude, and the resolution to do nothing but what it pledged itself to perform. It has, however, shewn us that it cannot attach to the soil the Negroes which have been brought from Nova Scotia, and they have retired to Free-town for the purposes of traffic. Hence the question naturally presents itself—by whom can the company have its grounds cultivated? On this subject it is silent; but I think I can give an answer.

I have said that the population of Africa is composed of one-fourth free men and three-fourths slaves. It is an admitted fact, that the free Negroes never work; it is therefore necessary to employ slaves, and to pay their masters for their hire. If, however, the company were to employ them, it would depart from its primitive regulations, which positively stipulate that there shall never be any slaves in the colony. If it were to buy them in order to render them free, and employ them in cultivation, I would ask if it could then be satisfied with their labour, or could hope to attach them to the soil? I should wish that this important question were ascertained beyond all doubt; but I must confess my doubts of its success; and I fear that the Negroes whom the company may render free, will imitate all other Negroes that are their own masters, and who will do nothing, or in other words, that they will prefer slavery to labour. This apprehension is founded on the knowledge which I posses of their natural and invincible indolence. I must, therefore, repeat with freedom my opinion of the rigorous conditions which the company has imposed on itself; and I really think that there will always be an obstacle to the accomplishment of its views. But to attain its wishes, I would propose an opposite mode, which I will point out in a few words.

I would make use of the Africans in their present state, that is to say, slaves, and would pay their masters the price of their labour; I would render them subservient to mild, humane, and benevolent laws; and I would incite them to work, and to like the place of their residence, by the inducement of property and land. Having thus prepared them for the charms of liberty, I should hasten to purchase them and make them free, that they might enjoy it. This method would, in my opinion, produce many cultivators: for even those who have been of no advantage during several years, might be thus dismissed and sent home. In short, I would leave off exactly where the company began; and I should thus hope to see my colony composed of industrious and experienced men. Hence, like the company, I should not only renounce the slave trade, but should deliver the Africans from bondage. I should buy them as formerly, only under the sacred condition of having them for a certain time to cultivate our American colonies, which it is impolitic to abandon; and under a condition equally sacred of making them proprietors at the expiration of their servitude, provided they would reside on the spot. Should they, however, be disinclined to stay in the colonies, I would comply with their wishes, and convey them back to Africa. Those who might turn out bad, or be guilty of crimes, ought to be banished from the colonies, but scrupulously restored to their own countries.

With respect to laws, I think that the colonies ought to be governed not only by a particular code, but that certain regulations should be adopted by each of them; as it appears impossible to me, that general laws can insure the prosperity of all such establishments.

I shall add another reflection, of public utility. The Blacks are a kind of men destined by Nature to inhabit Africa and America; she has created them for burning regions: let us, therefore, take care not to oppose her views, or overthrow the barriers which she has established; but let us preserve their races in their natural purity, and not permit the Negroes to inhabit Europe. This mixture of black and white is dangerous to our population, and in time it may change, corrupt, and even destroy it.

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CHAP. XI.

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PRODUCTIONS OF THE BANKS OF SIERRA LEONE. — ACCOUNT OF THE PEOPLE AND THEIR FORMS OF GOVERNMENT, WITH SOME PARTICULARS OF THEIR MANNERS AND CUSTOMS BOTH CIVIL AND MILITARY. — CEREMONIES ATTENDING CIRCUMCISION. — LAWS OF THE DIFFERENT TRIBES. — PRIVILEGES OF THE KINGS, WITH RESPECT TO THEIR SUCCESSORS. — ACCOUNT OF THE PURRAH, A SORT OF SECRET TRIBUNAL. — EFFECT OF COMMERCE UPON THE NEGROES. — CHARACTER OF THEIR WOMEN.

THE English in their choice of Sierra Leone, on which to form permanent establishments, acted wisely, particularly as to their object of civilizing the Africans: for every thing in this quarter concurs to favour such an undertaking. Nature has here produced in such profusion every thing which is necessary, useful, or agreeable to man, and the most perfect state of refinement could scarcely add any thing to such kinds of riches.

The natives cultivate both rice and manioc, with the utmost attention; and the former, which is the principal article of commerce, succeeds wonderfully in humid parts; while it grows to considerable perfection upon the heights, only that on the latter it is not so strong, though the grain is better. The second plant only thrives in sandy or open spots; and here the inhabitants sow it in vast quantities, as it forms their ordinary food. They likewise cultivate for themselves and their cattle, Jerusalem artichokes, turnips, and a species of potatoe peculiar to the country, as well as cabbages and peas: they likewise sow maize, of which they obtain several harvests in a year, for it always comes to maturity in three months. They have two species of millet, both of which are very common in these parts, and are used for feeding poultry. The stalk of the larger kind contains a very refreshing juice.

Banian, orange, and lemon-trees grow in great abundance, and bear fruit the whole year. The oranges are of an exquisite taste, and are larger than those of Europe; while the lemon-trees, which have for a long time been imported by the Portuguese, have so much degenerated, that the fruit is very small. The ananas, on the contrary, have a much better taste than those of our continent; and they are found throughout the year in the woods and on such soils as are inclined towards the water. The natives also cultivate them to some extent.

Amongst the common fruit trees are the cocoa-tree, which is found in the greatest abundance on the river of Sherbro; the butter-tree, which grows in every part; the tamarind, of which there are several varieties; and also a species of fruit which is hard and insipid, and which is eaten by the natives of the country, who call it _massino_. There is likewise the European fig-tree, which bears fruit no larger than a walnut; it has an agreeable taste, but is not eaten, because it is filled with insects. There is a tree of this genius peculiar to the country, which does not resemble the fig-tree in any respect except in its gravelly seed, and the fruit of which, the size of an ordinary pear, is almost round, and very agreeable. The apricot-tree of the Antilles is here of a particular species, but is not inferior in taste to that in the West Indies. A sort of gooseberry called _antedesma_ is very abundant, and its taste is exactly similar to that of our red gooseberry. The cherries of this country surpass in flavour all the other fruits, and can only be compared to that of the finest nectarine.

Besides these, we find at Sierra Leone the bread-fruit tree, which at a distance has the appearance of an old pear-tree, and grows abundantly in the low and sandy quarters. Its fruit is nearly the size of an apple. When fresh it is very nutritious, and its taste is similar to that of gingerbread; but it loses its odour on getting old; the vine is also met with in these climates; but its fruit, which is round, black, and acid, in no respect resembles the grapes of Europe; the tree being of a species totally different. It is, however, supposed, that it might be ameliorated by culture.

The leguminous productions are not so numerous; and yet of these there are many varieties. A kind of sorrel, which is very common here, contains an acid similar to that of the ordinary species, without resembling it in any other respect. The purslain which rises three days after sowing, is commonly found on the hillocks near the shore: it is said, that the leaves of this plant are a specific by simple application for wounds of all kinds. The leaves of the _gombo_ are used as spinach; and the _calalou_ may likewise be substituted for that plant. This vegetable is indigenous; and by springing from soils newly ploughed, indicates their fertility.