Part 16
_Frezier_ has a notion that the _Almighty_ framed at first three different colors of men; _white_, _black_ and the dark _copper_, which last is the hue of all the _Indians_ in _America_: and tho’ the holy scripture is silent as to the origin of these, yet he doubts not that the _Nigros_ or _Blacks_ are children of _Cush Noah_’s grandson, which is an _African_ word and signifies black. But however piously affected he and others may be to that divine history, it is impossible this way to account for the originals of people; or even conjecture how this great extended continent was first planted: and without admitting _Preadamites_ we shall meet with endless absurdities. _Grotius_, who was hardly inferior to any man in wit and learning, rather than disallow mankind’s beginning with _Adam_, would have it that _America_ was peopled from _Norway_. The _Norwegians_ planted _Iceland_; from thence came the _Greenlanders_, who overspread the north-west islands; and so at last all _America_ came to be peopled. But when one comes to consider, that the _Americans_ are no more like the _Norwegians_ than the _Nigros_ are like the _Indians_; and that in all respects the natives of this new world are quite different from the other, that reasoning of _Grotius_ is weak and insufficient: and had he lived to see the _Danish_ account of the _Greenlanders_ with other north discoveries, it would have confounded him; Moreover ’tis certain that the _Chilians_ never lived in a social manner like other nations, but in single families only; nor have they any ideas of God or religion in any kind, or the being of a soul, all which they make a jest of. And tho’ it is said, that at the conquest of these countries the _Spaniards_ found golden and other images in _Peru_, which the _Indians_ used to worship; yet it’s probable they were made only to represent some of their kings, whose memory they held in great veneration. But as this subject requires a separate treatise rather than a place in this book, I shall procede in my other design. And I am persuaded that there must be some more divine influence than the example and arguments of the priesthood, to produce among the _Indians_ so good as an effect a true belief of the _Gospel_.
CHAP. V.
_Observations on the_ Chili _trade._
The town of _St. Malo_ has always been noted for good privatiers. They annoyd the _English_ and _Dutch_ very much in their trade during the whole reign of king _William_, and part of queen _Anne_: and tho’ some religious-headed people fancy that money got by privatiering won’t prosper, yet I may venture to say the St. _Malo_ men are as rich and florishing as any people in _France_. It has thrived so well with them, that all their _South Sea_ trade is owing to their privatiering; and in the late war they were so generous, that they made several free gifts to _Lewis_ XIV. And tho’ our _English Admiralty_ always kept a stout squadron cruising in the _Atlantic_ ocean, yet we never took one of their _South-Seamen_; and my reason for it is this, they kept their ships extremely clean, having ports to careen at which we did not think of. For in the year 1709, when I belongd to his majesty’s ship the _Loo_, being one of the convoys that year to _Newfoundland_, we saw upon that coast a 50 gun ship, which we chased, and soon discoverd she was _French_ built; but she crowded sail and left us in a very little time. She had just been cleand at _Placentia_: and we might well wonder to find such a ship in that part of the world, but were afterwards informd by _French_ prisoners that she was a _South-Seaman_ bound to St. _Malo_, with two or three million of dollars aboard; and was then so trim, that she trusted to her heels and valued no body. By their going so far to westward and northward withal, they had the advantage of westerly winds, which seldom faild of sending them into soundings at one spirt, if not quite home. But since _Placentia_ has been yielded to _Great Britain_, they now make use of St. _Catharine_, the island _Grande_ on the coast of _Brasil_, and _Martinico_ in the _West Indies_.
This trade succeded so well that they all fell into it, sending every year a matter of twenty sail of ships: I my self saw eleven sail together on the coast of _Chili_ in the year 21: among which were several of 50 guns, and one that would mount 70 calld the _Flower de Lis_, formerly a man of war. All this being contrary to the _Assiento_ treaty between _Spain_ and _Great Britain_, frequent memorials were presented at _Madrid_: and the king of _Spain_ willing to keep up his ingagements with _England_, resolved to gratify the _British_ court by destroying the _French_ trade to the _South-Sea_. His _Catholic_ majesty knew there was no way to do this, but by a squadron of men of war. He knew likewise that few of his own subjects were acquainted with the navigation of _Cape Horne_, or could bear the extreme rigor of the climate: therefore was obliged to make use of foreigners for this expedition; and three of the four ships that he sent were mand with and commanded by _Frenchmen_, according to the old saying, Set a thief to catch a thief.
The first was the _Glocester_ of 50 guns and 400 men, formerly an _English_ man of war: the second was the _Ruby_ 50 guns and 350 men another _English_ ship: the third was a fregat of 40 guns and 200 men: the fourth was the _Leon Franco_, a _Spanish_ man of war of 60 guns and 450 men all _Spaniards_. _Monsieur Martinet_ a _French_ gentleman was commodore of this squadron, and commanded the _Glocester_: _Monsieur La Jonquiere_ had the _Ruby_; the rest I forget. The _French_ performd their navigation well enough, and got round the _Cape_ tho’ it was in the middle of winter: but the last of the four being _Spaniards_, after several attempts, could not weather _Cape Horne_, but was forced by utter necessity to bear away back to the river of _Plate_, where at last the ship was unfortunately cast away.
It looks here as if an experiment was made to see if the _Spaniards_ were hardy enough to go through that terrible navigation: but as they have little or no trade into any cold climates, and unused to hard work, ’tis no wonder they faild in that point. The _Biscayners_ indeed are robust fellows enough, and if the _Leon Franco_ had been mand with them, she had certainly doubled the cape with the other three ships: but the _Spaniards_ in general, ever since their possessions in _America_, are grown so delicate and indolent, that it would be hard to find an intire ship’s company able to perform that navigation.
The great advantage of the trade of _Chili_ this way is so manifest, that his _Catholic_ majesty is obliged by treaties to shut out all nations from it as well as the _English_, tho’ he makes nothing of it himself: and it’s very rare that a _Spanish_ ship has gone by _Cape Horne_. From hence arises the extraordinary price all _European_ goods fetch at _Chili_ and _Peru_: I have been told at _Lima_ that they often are sold at 400 _per cent._ profit; and I may say the goods that are carryd from _France_ by _Cape Horne_ are in themselves 50 _per cent._ better than those that go in the _Flota_ from _Cales_ to _Cartagena_, or _La vera Cruz_: because the former are delivered fresh and undamaged in six months; whereas the other are generally eighteen months before they can come to _Chili_: so that the _French_, during the foresaid interloping trade, made their markets, furnishd themselves with provision, and got home again in twelve or fourteen months time.
When _Martinet_ arrived at _Chili_, in the year 17, with the king of _Spain_’s commission to take or destroy all his countrymen that were trading there clandestinly, he soon found imployment for his three ships, the fourth being lost as aforesaid. And of fourteen sail of St. _Malo_ men there was but one escaped him; she being landlockt in a little creek, where she lay hid till he was got to leeward: after which she weighd and came away with half her cargo unsold.
Tho’ all this was to execute the orders of his _Catholic_ majesty, and doing a sensible pleasure to the _British South-Sea_ company: yet the _Creole Spaniards_, especially the trading part of them, found themselves almost ruind by it; because it hinderd the circulation of money, and spoild business, so that they could not bear the sight of the _French_ men of War, tho’ they liked the _French_ merchantmen well enough. On the other hand, the _French_ imagining they had done the _Spaniards_ effectual service, expected, no doubt, civil treatment while they stayd among them. But as soon as _Martinet_ brought his prizes into _Callao_, and the _Frenchmen_ had received their proper shares, they forgetting the old antipathy of the _Spanish_ to the _French_ nation, gave themselves extravagant airs ashore by frisking and drinking that still incensed the _Creolians_ more against them, who calld them _Gavachos_ and _Renegados_ for falling foul on their own countrymen. From one thing or other their mutual quarels grew so high that the _Frenchmen_ were forced to go in parties about _Lima_ and _Callao_, the better to oppose public outrages and affronts. At last a young gentleman, who was ensign aboard the _Ruby_ and nephew to captain _Jonquiere_, was shot from a window in one of these frays; and the malefactor took sanctuary in the great church at _Callao_. _Martinet_, _Jonquiere_ and the other captain join in a petition to the viceroy, that the murderer may be deliverd to justice: but the viceroy being an archbishop would by no means violate mother church to humour any body. Upon which they orderd all their men aboard by public beat of drum, and brought their three ships with their broadsides to bear on the town of _Callao_; threatning to demolish the houses and fortification, unless the rogue was deliverd up or executed. All this blustering could not prevail with the viceroy to give them any satisfaction, tho’ they had several other men killd beside the gentleman. At last _Jonquiere_ unwilling to use extremities, and no longer able to bear the place where his nephew was murderd; obtaind of his commodore _Martinet_, that he might make the best of his way home.
About this time many fathers and other rich passengers were got together at the town of _Conception_, intending when this squadron came by, to take their passage to _Europe_: for they knew that all ships bound by _Cape Horne_ must touch at _Conception_, or thereabouts, for provision. Herein _Jonquiere_ got the whip hand of his commodore having now the advantage of so many good passengers in his ship; for as the king of _Spain_ has no officers at _Conception_ to register the money shipt there, so it’s unknown what great sums these passengers and missionaries put on board the _Ruby_. The reason why there are no such officers, is because ’tis not worth while, all the money going the north way to come home in the _Flota_.
By this opportunity the _padres_ and others gaind two great advantages; first they were spared the trouble of a voyage to _Panama_ or _Acapulco_; and thence traversing the continent to _Portobello_ or _La vera cruz_, where they must expect to have had their coffers visited to see if the _Indulto_ to his Majesty was fairly accounted for. And then they saved every shilling of the said indulto or duty, because the _Ruby_ touchd first in _France_, where no cognisance at all was to be taken of the affair. So that as they saved one moiety of the duty payable in _America_, they likewise got clear of the other payable in _Spain_, because the ship arrived in _France_ where they put all their money ashore.
There was on board the _Ruby_ beside these passengers money, a considerable sum arising to his _Catholic_ majesty from the confiscation of the thirteen interlopers taken by this squadron. All which together I was well informd amounted to four million of dollars aboard that ship. What a fine booty then have we missd, thro’ _Shelvocke_’s obstinate conduct? For when this same ship _Ruby_ found us in the harbour of St. _Catherine_; _Jonquiere_’s company, as I said in my first section, were so infirm, that he had not more than sixty well men in 400 souls: so that he really was afraid of us; and would not even send his boat ashore to the watering place, where we kept guard, and our coopers and sailmakers were at work, till he had first askd our captain leave. Nor is this at all strange, for understanding we had a consort, he was really in pain all the time he was there, lest the _Success_ should come in: and if _Shelvocke_ had not wilfully lost company with _Clipperton_, and perversly determined never to joyn him, which he might have done at _Canarie_, there is probability enough that we should have met with _Jonquiere_ at sea, if not at _St. Catherine_: then our business had been done for this time without going any farther: and we were certainly able as it was, to carry the _Ruby_ our selves, had we known her condition.
After captain _Martinet_ had cleard the coasts of _Peru_ and _Chili_ of his countrymen; he sent express with the news to _Madrid_ his brother in law _monsieur de Grange_, who came by way of _Portobello_, _Jamaica_ and _London_. Upon delivering his message the king askd him, what he should do for him. _De Grange_ humbly beggd, that his majesty would please to give him the command of a ship to go round _cape Horne_ again. He accordingly had the _Zelerin_ of fifty guns. He came first to _Cales_ where the ship was getting ready, but was surprizd to find a very cold reception from the _French_ merchants and other gentlemen of his acquaintance residing there, for as there were merchants of several nations interested in the ships taken and confiscated as aforesaid, they unanimously lookd upon him and all the _French_ aboard that squadron to be false brethren for serving a foreign power to the prejudice of their own countrymen: and while he expected a valuable cargo consignd to himself, being what he aimd at, he found himself quite disappointed; for no man would ship the value of a dollar with him.
Captain _Fitzgerald_ who was then at _Cales_ seeing this, made him a considerable proposal for the privilege of going his next officer, and to take aboard what goods he could procure in his own name. _De Grange_ being a little imbarrast accepted the offer, and obtaind from court a commission for him as second captain. Accordingly they mand the _Zelerin_ chiefly with _French_, and some _English_ seamen; and away they went, getting very well round the _cape_. When our two privatiers _Success_ and _Speedwel_ were known to be in the _South-Sea_, this same ship _Zelerin_ was one of those commissiond by the viceroy of _Peru_ to cruise for us. _Fitzgerald_ sold his goods at _Lima_ to great advantage, where he continued, while _De Grange_ served as captain under the admiral _Don Pedro Midranda_ who took me and the rest of us prisoners.
The _St. Malo_ merchants, tho’ great sufferers by so many confiscations, were not much discouraged; for in the year 20, we found the _Solomon_ of _St. Malo_ carrying 40 guns and 150 men at _Hilo_ on the coast of _Chili_ with several small _Spanish_ barks at her stern. She sold her cargo in six weeks time, got a fresh supply of provision and left the coast without interruption; for by this time _Martinet_’s squadron was all come away. The _Solomon_’s good success gave them such incouragement that they immediately fitted out fourteen sail together; all which arrived in the _South-Sea_ beginning the year 1721: three of whose commanders having the best acquaintance among the _Creolians_, quickly sold their cargos and returnd home.
About this time the people of _Lima_ judged the _English_ privatiers were gone off the coast, at least that no more hostilities would be committed, because of the truce made between the two crowns. Whereupon the three _Spanish_ men of war fitted out chiefly to cruise on us, were orderd against these fresh interlopers. I was on board the _Advice_ boat calld the _Flying Fish_ in company with the said three men of war, when they came up with the eleven sail of _St. Malo_ men altogether on the coast of _Chili_; and instead of firing upon them, the _Spaniards_ joynd them like friends. The _French_ expecting to be attackt, kept all together in a line and dared the men of war to begin. This to me seemd new, that three such ships purposely fitted for this cruise, should on their own coast decline doing their duty: for had they proved too weak they had ports of their own under their lee. In short, the men of war contented themselves to watch the others motion, keeping them always in sight: and when any of the _French_ ships steerd to the shore, the _Spaniards_ sent their pinnace or long boat with the _Spanish_ flag hoisted; the sight of which effectually deterrd the _Creoles_ from treating or trading with the _French_. Thus they made shift to hinder all these ships disposing of their goods: except they were met by chance at sea and sold some clandestinely. At length, being tired out, the _Frenchmen_ got leave to take in provision, and went home with at least half their goods unsold. Notwithstanding all this and the severe edicts against it in _France_, I know they still continue the trade, tho’ privately: nor is it probable they will ever leave off so sweet a commerce, except some other power prevent it.
With these remarks I shall bring this book to a conclusion; having indeavourd through the whole, to make all the subjects agreeable: even the controversial part of it, as it was unavoidable, I hope is inoffensive. After all my difficulties and sufferings, my personal pain and anxiety of mind, I have one pleasure remaining; which is gratefully to thank those gentlemen who used me and my ship-mates with great kindness and generosity while it was our fate to be confined in so remote a part of the world.
_Don Pedro Midranda_ the admiral who took us, used us with great humanity, and permitted me to eat with him while aboard.
_Monsieur de Grange_ his second captain who gave me a whole sute of apparel as soon as we were taken, having been stript by the soldiers that first boarded us.
_Don Jeronimo Baldevieso_ and _Don Antonio Chierose_, who handsomly entertaind three of us at _Piura_ at the admiral’s request, before we were sent to _Lima_.
Captain _Nicholas Fitzgerald_ who passd his word for me at _Lima_; entertaind me in his house; gave me money and all necessaries during the eleven months I was there, and afterwards gave me and twenty more our passage to _Cales_, and wages to those who workd.
_Don Juan Baptista Palacio_ a worthy _Spaniard_ of _Biscay_, knight of the order of _St. James_, who came weekly to the prison at _Lima_, and gave money to all our men as well as _Clipperton_’s, according to their degree.
To captain _John Evers_ of the _Britannia_, who gave me his table and my passage to _London_.
And to the following persons of honour and worth who presented me ten guineas each upon my appearance in _London_, as a token of their concern for my hardships.
The right honorable _Henry_ earl of _Lincoln_.
_Edward Hughes_ } _William Sloper_ } Esquires. _Alexander Strahan_ }
_Samuel Winder_ } _Beake Winder_ } _Henry Heal_ } Merchants. _John Barnes_ }
_Humphry Thayer_ } _Thomas Stratfield_ } Druggists.
Thus have I led my reader through the voyage.--When I first thought of this work, I intended only to clear my self from the infamous reflexions of captain _Shelvocke_; but being authorised by men of worth and distinction, I determined not only to justify my self and fellow-sufferers, but to give this full account of the whole expedition: for _Shelvocke_’s is no account of the voyage at all, but a libel invented to give a gloss to all his evil actions, and blind those who knew nothing of the story. And tho’ the undertaking proved abortive, ’tis fit mankind should know the true reason of it, and not be deceived with base accounts to palliate base actions. Neither do I think it should be any discouragement to a future subscription of this kind; for the mistakes in this voyage may be of great use to others, tho’ they have ruind some of us, and been injurious to all.
_An_ ACCOUNT _of the_ JESUITS settlement in the province of_ Paraguay _in south_ America.(_translated from the_ French.)
Tho’ many of the _European_ powers have planted colonies in _America_ since the _Spanish_ conquest, yet there never was in any country one so remarkable, as the settlement of the jesuits in _Paraguay_: The beginning of it was only about fifty families of _Indians_, which these fathers collected together, and seated in the middle of the country: since which it has multiplyd so fast, that there are now 300,000 families; which at the usual computation is two million of souls. These possess some of the finest land on all the continent, lying along the river _Paraguay_, between twenty and thirty degrees south latitude; 600 mile north of _Buenos Ayres_; as much to the south of the _Portuguese Paulists_, and 400 from the province of _Tucuman_: being separated from _Chili_ by the _Cordileer_ mountains.
The jesuits have not been able yet to carry their mission farther among the _Indians_ for want of more fathers: otherwise they could take in 5 or 600 mile of as good pasturage as the world affords. But the country they now possess is as fruitful as any, and as well waterd; having their meadows full of sheep and black cattle. They have also stock enough of timber, corn, indigo, flax, cotton, sugar, pulse and fruit: and what excels all this, they have mines of gold and silver tho’ the good fathers won’t own it: however, there have been so many proofs of it, that it is now indisputable.
The natives are good humourd, tractable and laborious; and by management of the jesuits learn all useful trades. They are divided into forty two parishes, which like towns lye five, ten and twenty mile asunder. Every parish has a _Padre_ for their sovereign, who is obeyd with exact fear and respect. He punishes every crime as he thinks fit: so that he is both their absolute priest and king.
The common discipline is a certain number of stripes with a whip, according to the nature of the transgression. The magistrates whom they put in under them, are not excused from the same punishment: but which is very particular, he that is soundly flogd comes humbly and kisses the father’s sleeve, owns his fault and thanks him for the chastisement. And this is the way one man governs seven or eight thousand families: so that there never was a more complete dominion, or a more passive, obedient people.
The same method is not only observed in all the parishes, but is also attended with perfect satisfaction of mind. The _Indians_ are content with food and rayment; and happy in their condition, tho’ the jesuits intirely reap the fruit of all their labour. They are taught to expect the felicities of another life, and stedfastly believe the reverend fathers have the distribution of that happiness. There are warehouses in each parish, where the people carry all their manufacture, goods and provision: for they must not eat a chicken of their own, without it comes in their daily allowance.