LETTER XV.
TO CAPTAIN SMITH.
Smyrna, November 29th.
MY DEAR FRIEND,
Smyrna is the only ancient town of Asia Minor, that continues to thrive. It flourished many centuries before Christ, but was almost destroyed by an earthquake in the reign of Mark Anthony, and has never since recovered its former splendour. For although its advantageous situation for trade soon drew new inhabitants, yet, to lessen the effect of a similar catastrophe, the houses are all very low. The streets are in general dirty, narrow, and ill-paved, for the natives never study regularity in the scite of their buildings, and the Europeans, crowding to the water side, found no room to spare for ornament.
The French have the most numerous factory. The English are next in number of houses, but the Dutch exceed us in shipping. The Venetian and Ragusee vessels are very numerous, but they are seldom more than carriers.
The great advantage England derives from the trade to this country is, that the commodities we bring here are home-wrought, whilst the silk, cotton, and mohair, with which we are repaid, are raw articles, that are afterwards manufactured by ourselves, find work for our people, and are then exported to different parts of the world, and some of them even brought back here.
Besides silk and cotton, we take fruit and drugs, some of which are also re-exported; but I am sorry to find, that though our Levant trade is more flourishing than it has been for many years past, yet its rise is considerably checked by our own laws, and by the want of a regular Lazaretto in England.
If there is the least suspicion of the plague being at Smyrna, no vessel, even of our own nation, is permitted to discharge her cargo in Britain, previous to her having performed a quarantine in some other part of Europe; for our Lazarettos do not admit vessels from infected ports. But since our manufactories must be supplied with silk and cotton, our merchants are obliged to employ the Dutch, who land their goods in a Lazaretto in Holland, and after a short quarantine performed there, send them over to us. Thus do we suffer foreigners to deprive our seamen of employment, and our country of its just profits.
The cause that produces this prejudice to our Levant Company, is our dread of the plague. But are we more likely to be infected by this distemper than the Dutch? Or is England less able than Holland to set apart a small place for a regular Lazaretto? There are innumerable spots in our island which might be inclosed for this purpose, where goods from infected places might be properly aired, and afterwards introduced with more safety by our own subjects, than we at present receive them from the Dutch.
A person who has not been in the Levant, cannot conceive the inconvenience and distress arising to our nation, from this want of a Lazaretto. The enterprising spirit of the English leads them every where in search of employment. A vessel arrives at Smyrna--she gets a cargo, and the last day of her loading perhaps the plague appears on shore. What is she to do? She cannot sail for England--she must either submit to a ruinous loss, unload immediately, and fly to another port in quest of a freight, or go to one of the Lazarettos of Italy, France, or Malta, there perform a quarantine, land and reship her cargo; and after having, to the prejudice of the nation, laid out a considerable sum in a foreign port, she arrives at Stangate Creek; where, though the ship perhaps is not long detained, the cargo is put into one of the hulks, and aired with greater care and length of time, than the cotton has been which we receive without any apprehension from Holland.[3]
Footnote 3:
The Author since his return to England, has been at Stangate Creek, where he found that cotton, and other enumerated goods brought over from Holland, now undergo a similar process to those, which, after having performed a quarantine in a foreign Lazaretto, are brought home by the English. But still the inconvenience to our own people is not lessened, nor ever will, till we have a complete Lazaretto of our own.
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That precautions are necessary nobody will deny; but why should we shackle our own people more than the Dutch? Or why should we be more afraid of allowing goods from an infected place to be landed in one of the many waste spots of Kent, Essex, Devonshire, or Cornwall, than foreigners are of receiving them at the very gates of their capital cities. I shall write you a long letter on this subject, when I have gained more experience in the nature of the plague, which I can already assure you is by no means so dangerous a distemper as Europeans imagine it.
The factory have great hopes that the generous Philanthrope, who lately visited Asia, will interest himself in their favour. This amiable patriot knows that
the navy is the bulwark of Britain, and that whatever tends to decrease the number of our seamen, tends to diminish the strength of our country; a truth so interesting to an Englishman, that I hope to God the accounts I hear of a most alarming decrease in our Greenlandmen are much exaggerated. A proper Lazaretto in England, by increasing our shipping in the Levant, would afford a sustenance to many of those invaluable subjects, whom a perhaps too rigid public œconomy has bereft of bread.
There are many inconveniencies attending a correspondence between this country and Europe. The post sets out and arrives but twice a month. It goes through Constantinople and Vienna, and unless letters to and from England are taken up, and paid for at each of those places, they will never reach their destination. The want of a more regular communication must be sensibly felt in a place of so much trade.
We found near one hundred sail of merchantmen in the bay, every one of whom saluted us; for, to raise the European Powers in the eyes of the Turks, it is the custom at Smyrna to salute every man of war that enters the port. The same ceremony was performed on our going on shore the next day; and, as soon as we landed at Mr. Hayes', we were waited upon by the Consuls and Factories of the different nations, who have given us the most flattering reception. Scarce an evening passes without a ball or a concert, or some other party, for our amusement: but I am much surprised at the excessive dread in which the Christians live of their fellow subjects, the Mahometans. They dwell in separate districts, and are as fearful of going promiscuously among them, as into a den of wild beasts. The Turks have, indeed, a lordly, imperious air, which I suppose they acquire from the abject manner of the Greeks, who, being a conquered people, are always suspected of rebellious intentions, and almost extirpated on the least appearance of an insurrection; which obliges them to crouch so much to the conquerors, that they imagine all other Christians equally dastardly, and hold us in the same light as we do the Jews--a mean, money-making, unbelieving sect: but I am convinced, that if we went more among them, we should hear of fewer insults. I was so confident of this, that, without mentioning my intentions, I set out, and, after walking round the Turkish town, struck down through its very center, without meeting any interruption, except from one man, who, pointing at me, called out _Bah!_ and two or three boys, who threw stones, but who were immediately called in by their father. I doubt whether a foreigner, in a strange dress, would pass through London with so little molestation.
Nevertheless, like the Jews in England, there have been instances here of the Christians being most inhumanly massacred; but this has never happened but after some signal disaster to the Turks, to which they supposed they had contributed; such as the destruction of their fleet in the Chisemé, which they knew the Russians could not have effected without the assistance of other powers; and the rabble make very little distinction of nations, confounding all Europeans together, under the appellation of Franks.
The poor Greeks complain much of their cruelty and oppression; but, in points of honour, our merchants tell me no people are stricter than the Turks. In other respects, the reports they give of their laws and customs, vary so much, that it is impossible for a stranger, as I am, and ignorant of the language of the country, to send you a more perfect account.
LETTER. XVI.
TO CAPTAIN SMITH.
Smyrna, December 31st.
MY DEAR FRIEND,
The Empress of Russia's late journey to the Crimea, and the confederacy formed there by her Majesty and the Emperor of Germany, have given the late stroke to those reiterated provocations which would, long ere this, have excited to arms a people less irascible than the Turks: but, however inclined the nation at large might be to resent the insults of the Russians, and the frequent infringements of the Treaty of Cainardgie, yet their fiery spirit was kept in awe by the pacific disposition of the reigning Sultan.
Abdoul Hamet is a Prince of a humane and virtuous character; and, although the peace of 1774 was forced upon his country, he determined most religiously to adhere to the conditions it imposed.
At the time this treaty was concluded, the Porte was in a most deplorable state, to which it was in a great measure reduced by the unprecedented support the English afforded to the ambitious views of the Court of Petersburg, against a nation with whom we were at peace.
The Spaniards were well inclined to prevent the Russian fleet entering the Mediterranean; but their objections were quashed at once by the interference of so brilliant a Power as England: a Power whose all-conquering force the Court of Spain had so recently felt, in the repeated victories of the immortal Chatham, which had obliged her to supplicate peace at the feet of our glorious Sovereign.
A George, and a Chatham, are names which the patriotic Englishman could for ever dwell upon; but both the politics of the one, and the virtues of the other, are too exalted to be extended by a panegyric from my humble pen. To return, then, to the Turks, and to a time when, I am sorry to say, our prejudice in favor of Russia, made us adopt a line of conduct in a high degree contrary to but own interest: The terror of the English having compelled the Spaniards to suffer the Russians to enter the Mediterranean, our port at Mahon immediately received them with open arms. Here they were not only supplied with every refreshment, but our hospitals, nay, even our arsenals, were opened to them, and every encouragement was given to our officers and seamen, to enter into their service.
Thus supplied and equipped, the Russian fleet sailed for the Archipelago, and gave battle to the Turks. Victory (as may naturally be supposed, from the superior abilities and nautical experience of Commodore Elphinstone and the British officers) declared for the Russians.
The Ottoman fleet retired to the Bay of Chisemé; and the Moscovites, unaccustomed to naval exertions, were not disposed to pursue their advantage. It was with the utmost difficulty that Commodore Elphinstone could persuade them to follow the enemy, and attack him in port: but at length, by threats and entreaties, having stimulated them to this enterprize, he led them to the Chisemé the ensuing night. The Turks, astonished at the unexpected attack, were instantly panic-struck, and, without any shew of defence, abandoned and set fire to their ships.
Thus did an Englishman give a fatal blow to the Turkish empire--a blow from which I much doubt whether the Porte will ever recover.
Commodore Elphinstone instantly pushed for the Dardanelles, and, by guarding the entrance of those straits, cut off all communication by sea between Constantinople and the southern provinces. The capital was streightened for provisions; Egypt revolted, and most of the Greek islands joined the Russians.
These were the first consequences of the disaster at Chisemé; and every day brought on others still more distressing to the Porte.
The Russian fleet, now unopposed, was enabled to attack every part of the Turkish coast in the Adriatic, the Archipelago, and the Mediterranean; and, although the troops they had on board were but few, yet, from the facility with which they were transported from place to place, the Turks were obliged to detach a very large part of their grand army to oppose their different attacks.
But this was not all. Many of the soldiers employed to the north, were volunteers from the southern provinces, who, hearing that their own homes were attacked, deserted in large corps. These desertions, and the detachments sent to the south, weakened and discouraged the northern army so much, that the Russians gained repeated victories, and at last compelled the Porte to sue for peace.
The Treaty of Cainardgie was highly humiliating in itself, and was rendered still more so by the haughty manner of the Russians, which seemed entirely calculated to provoke the Turks to hostilities, in which they have at last succeeded.
Monsieur Bulgakow, the Russian Envoy, who had been sent for by the Empress, to assist at the conferences between her Majesty and the Emperor of Germany, and probably to give the Confederate Powers information of the disposition, and the measures most likely to be pursued by the Porte, had no sooner returned to Constantinople, than the Turkish Ministry, convinced of the oppressive and aspiring views of the Court of Petersburgh, made the Envoy a formal representation of the many causes of complaint his Court had given to the Porte.
This representation was followed by a second; but the Envoy, in conformity, I suppose, to the plan agreed upon at Cherson, gave no manner of satisfaction, and the hostile views of his Court becoming every day more notorious, the Porte summoned him to a conference on the 16th of August, and there demanded a categorical explanation of the intentions of the Empress towards the Turks.
M. Bulgakow's answers appearing vague and unsatisfactory, the Divan determined to have recourse to arms, and in conformity to the Turkish custom on such occasions, the Envoy, with part of his suite and attendants, were sent to the Seven Towers, where, though state prisoners, they have every indulgence but liberty. And such is the pacific disposition of the Sultan, that he declares his only motive in going to war, is to inforce the conditions imposed by the Treaty of Cainardgie--a treaty, which, though the most disadvantageous the Turks ever signed, he declares himself still ready to renew.
The manifesto published by the Porte states, that ever since the year 1774, the Court of Russia has been constantly infringing the Treaty of Cainardgie, and disturbing the harmony which that treaty was intended to secure. That she has even seized on the Crimea, and raised up Prince Heraclius, who was an acknowledged vassal of the Porte. That not content with endeavouring to drive the Oczakowians from their own salt-pans, and many other attacks, she proceeded so far as to order her Envoy to make a demand of several dangerous and humiliating concessions from the Porte, and to threaten, that in case of a refusal, Prince Potemkin, with 70,000 men, had orders to advance to the frontiers. That since the Porte could not with any safety agree to these conditions, she was obliged to declare war. And submits her motives to the equity of her friends.
So vigorous a step was not immediately expected by the Empress; and had the Turks been in any degree prepared for the hostile measures they were compelled to adopt, the surprise in which they took the Russians, would probably have given them a decisive advantage.
The fact is, the Court of Petersburgh did not expect hostilities to commence before the ensuing spring, and the Turks never thought of them till M. Bulgakow's return from the Crimea. Thus both parties were equally surprised.
The season was too far advanced for the Grand Vizir to take the field. Those troops, however, that could be collected on the frontiers, immediately began to act, and in different recounters with the Russians, have been generally victorious.
No enterprize, however, of any moment has as yet been undertaken by the Turks, except an attack upon Kimbourn.
This fortress is situated on the Russian side of the Liman, or mouth of the Dnieper, exactly opposite to Oczakow, and from its situation is of the first importance. The Porte therefore ordered an immediate attempt to carry it by a coup-de-main. A detachment from Oczakow was accordingly landed in the night of the 11th of October, and carried all before them till they arrived at the very scarp of the fort; but by this time the Russians had recovered their surprise, and the Turks, from the nature of the enterprise, being unprepared to attempt a regular escalade against a garrison whose numbers they found were very little inferior to their own, were obliged to retreat.
The loss on each side was nearly equal, and on the part of the Russians, M. Souwarow and M. Reck, two generals of note, were both severely wounded.
The Court of Petersburgh, however, has great reason to rejoice at this escape, since had Kimbourn been carried, none of her vessels could have entered the Liman till it was retaken, which probably would not have happened this year, and consequently, should the Porte even choose to act on the defensive in the spring, the Russians would still be obliged to begin the ensuing campaign with a siege in their own country.
Count Romanzow, with an army, has entered Polish Russia, but the season was too far advanced for him to attempt any active operations, I have not heard any thing else of importance on the land side; but in the naval line, fortune has struck a capital blow in favor of the Turks.
The little fleet the Empress had, with great difficulty, collected on the Black Sea has been entirely dispersed and dismasted, and a line of battle ship, of sixty-four guns, commanded by Captain Teesdale, to avoid being wrecked, was obliged to push for Constantinople, and give herself up to the Turks.
As she is very little damaged, she will sail in the spring, under the banners of the Porte. The Russians were before very inferior to the Turks on the Black Sea; and the loss of one ship to them making a difference of two in favor of their enemies, renders their inequality still more desperate.
The Turks having no idea of prisoners on parole, the Russian Captain is sent to associate with the Envoy in the Castle of the Seven Towers. The rest of the ship's company are disposed of in the Bagnio.
Notwithstanding our impolitic ill usage, so fatal to the Turks during the last Russian war, I think we are the favorite nation of such of them as are at all acquainted with the different powers of Europe: I say, impolitic ill usage, because, depend upon it, the very extensive Empire of Turkey will never be in hands so beneficial to England, as whilst it remains in those of its present possessors.
The Turks, happily for us, are not a commercial people, notwithstanding their Empire has every advantage to induce them to become so. We cannot do without those valuable articles which their soil produces almost spontaneously; and the Turk, like the easy possessor of a very rich mine, allows us to enrich ourselves at our pleasure. Three per cent. duty equally on all exports and imports, is, with little exception, their only restriction to Europeans engaged in their trade.
Would the Empress be equally moderate, if in possession of this fertile region? Believe me she would not. As several of our manufactures could not be carried on without her productions, she would only give them on her own terms. Perhaps only in her own bottoms. All her politics would be directed to increase her trade and shipping, and consequently her naval force; and, thus inclined, with such a country, she would soon rise to a maritime power much beyond what the world has ever experienced. We have only to look to Tyre, to Rhodes, and many other places scarce bigger than specks on the map of Turkey, to conceive what a force might arise from this immense, this all producing Empire.
In its present state, Turkey, as I have already hinted, may be compared to a rich mine, to which the industrious from every nation have free access. In the hands of the Empress it would be like the barred treasure of an ambitious Lord, never to be opened but to be increased.
In this I do not mean to reflect on her Imperial Majesty, since, I fancy, every European power, in a similar situation, would act the same part. I only desire to evince that England will never derive such advantages from Turkey, as whilst it remains in the hands of the Ottomans, and consequently that it is our interest, as well as that of every other nation that does not expect a share in the partition of the Turkish Empire, to break the confederacy between the Empress of Russia and the Emperor of Germany, and check the progress of the two Imperial Courts. I mention the Emperor, because, though he has not yet declared war, it is very well known that he is bound, both by treaty and inclination, to assist the Russians.
The French Court very wisely, in the last war, supported the Porte; but from the indifference with which she now beholds the threatened ruin of a power with whom she trades to so much advantage, a rumour gains ground that she has been brought over to the ambitious views of the Imperial Courts, by the promise, that should their designs succeed, Egypt and the Island of Candia shall be given to France.
Should this ever happen, England may bid adieu to the trade of the Levant, and, in a short time, by the easy communication the French will establish with the East-Indies, by the way of the Isthmus of Suez, they will give a fatal blow to our India trade also.
To prevent these schemes from succeeding, our first object is to countenance the Spaniards in opposing the entrance of the Russian fleet into the Mediterranean; since, if the Turks can bring their whole force to act towards the north, I do not think, now that their fleet has such a decided superiority on the Black Sea, that they have much to fear in the present state of Europe. The King of Sweden, were he countenanced, is well disposed to take an open part in their favour; and this countenance the King of Prussia will undoubtedly afford him.
As to Europe's having any thing to dread from the Turks extending their conquest, the idea is absurd. Their Empire is already larger than they well can keep in order; and, from the nature of their government, the more they extend it, the more will it be weakened. Their army may make irruptions, but must soon return to its proper bounds.
They do not, like the Romans, incorporate the vanquished with the conquerors, so as, in time, to become one people, and to increase in numbers as they increase in territory. On the contrary, the farther the Turk advances in Europe, the more he augments the number of his rebellious subjects, and by dispersing, he weakens his own.
Constantinople excluded, the Grand Signior's subjects in Europe are computed at eight Greeks to one Turk. Totally different in language, manners, and religion, a natural antipathy is bred between them. The Turk spurns the Greek as an impious dastard. The Greek, urged by revenge, is ever ripe for a revolt, and ready to join the first invaders.
If we consider this striking circumstance, and the success of the Russians in the last war, it may be imagined, that on the Emperor's taking the field, the Turks will very soon be driven out of Europe; and of this our factory here are in the highest apprehension. But we must at the same time recollect, that it was England who gave force to Russia, in the manner I before related, and that this force, if it does not now oppose her, will, at least, not operate in her favor.
Monsieur St. Felix arrived here lately with a squadron of frigates and sloops, eight in number. The Governor immediately sent to the French Consul to know the meaning of so many men of war coming to this port. M. Amoreux answered, that they only came in for refreshments. Whether or not it was in consequence of this message, I cannot take upon me to affirm, but the majority of the French squadron put to sea in the course of the two following days. This, I think, confirms that a jealousy of France exists in the minds of the Turks.