CHAPTER V.

DAKOTA AND ASSINIBOIN CULTS.

ALLEGED DAKOTA BELIEF IN A GREAT SPIRIT.

§ 92. That the Dakota tribes, before the advent of the white race, believed in one Great Spirit, has been asserted by several writers; but it can not be proved. On the contrary, even those writers who are quoted in this study as stating the Dakota belief in a Great Spirit, also tell us of beliefs in many spirits of evil. Among the earlier writers of this class is Say, who observes:

Their Wahconda seems to be a protean god; he is supposed to appear to different persons under different forms. All who are favored with his presence become medicine men and magicians in consequence of their having seen and conversed with Wahconda, and of having received from him some particular medicine of wondrous efficacy.

The same writer records that “Wahconda” appeared sometimes as a grizzly bear, sometimes as a bison, at others as a beaver, or an owl, or some other bird or animal.[84] It is plain that Say mistook the generic term, “Wahconda,” for a specific one. (See §§ 6, 21-24.)

Shea says:

Although polytheism did not exist, although they all recognized one Supreme Being, the creator of all, * * * they nowhere adored the God whom they knew. * * * The demons with which they peopled nature, these alone, in their fear they sought to appease. * * * Pure unmixed devil-worship prevailed throughout the length and breadth of the land.[85]

§ 93. Lynd made some very pertinent remarks:

A stranger coming among the Dakotas for the first time, and observing the endless variety of objects upon which they bestow their devotion, and the manifold forms which that worship assumes, at once pronounces them pantheists. A further acquaintance with them convinces him that they are pantheists of no ordinary kind--that their pantheism is negative as well as positive, and that the engraftments of religion are even more numerous than the true branches. Upon a superficial glance he sees naught but an inextricable maze of gods, demons, spirits, beliefs and counter-beliefs, earnest devotion and reckless skepticism, prayers, sacrifices, and sneers, winding and intermingling with one another, until a labyrinth of pantheism and skepticism results, and the Dakota, with all his infinity of deities appears a creature of irreligion. One speaks of the medicine dance with respect, while another smiles at the name--one makes a religion of the raw fish feast, while another stands by and laughs at his performance--and others, listening to the supposed revelations of the circle dance, with reverent attention, are sneered at by a class who deny in toto the wakan nature of that ceremony.[86]

In common with all nations of the earth the Dakotas believe in a Wakantanka or Great Spirit. But this Being is not alone in the universe. Numbers of minor deities are scattered throughout space, some of whom are placed high in the scale of power. Their ideas of the Great Spirit appear to be that He is the creator of the world and has existed from all time; but after creating the world and all that is in it He sank into silence and since then has failed to take any interest in the affairs of this planet. They never pray to Him, for they deem Him too far away to hear them, or as not being concerned in their affairs. No sacrifices are made to Him, nor dances in His honor. Of all the spirits He is the Great Spirit; but His power is only latent or negative. They swear by Him at all times, but more commonly by other divinities.[87]

Yet Lynd is not always consistent, for he says on another page (71) of the same work: “No one deity is held by them all as a superior object of worship.”

§ 94. Pond writes:

Evidence is also wanting to show that the Dakotas embraced in their religious tenents the idea of one supreme existence, whose existence is expressed by the term Great Spirit. If some clans at the present time entertain this idea it seems highly probable that it has been imparted to them by individuals of European extraction. No reference to such a being is found in their feasts, fasts, or sacrifices. Or if there is such a reference at the present time it is clear that it is of recent origin and does not belong to their system. It is indeed true that the Dakotas do sometimes appeal to the Great Spirit when in council with white men, but it is because they themselves have embraced the Christian doctrines. Still, it is generally the interpreter who makes the appeal to the Great Spirit, when the Indian speaker really appealed to the Taku Wakan, and not to the Wakantanka. It is true that * * * all the Dakota gods * * * are mortal. They are not thought of as being eternal, except it may be by succession.[88]

The author agrees with Pond in what he says about the average Indian interpreter of early days, who seldom gave a correct rendering of what was spoken in council. But at the present time great improvement has doubtless been observed.

It should be remembered that Messrs. Riggs and Pond were missionaries to the Dakotas, while Messrs. Say, Shea, and Lynd must be classed among the laity. Yet the missionaries, not the laymen, are the ones who make the positive statements about the absence of a belief in one Great Spirit.

RIGGS ON THE TAKU WAKAN.

§ 95. Riggs remarks:

The religious faith of the Dakota is not in his gods as such. It is an intangible, mysterious something of which they are only the embodiment, and that in such a measure and degree as may accord with the individual fancy of the worshiper. Each one will worship some of these divinities and neglect and despise others; but the great object of all their worship, whatever its chosen medium, is the TA-KOO WAH-KON, which is the supernatural and mysterious. No one term can express the full meaning of the Dakota’s Wakan. It comprehends all mystery, secret power, and divinity. * * * All life is Wakan. So also is everything which exhibits power, whether in action, as the winds and drifting clouds, or in passive endurance, as the bowlder by the wayside.[89]

MEANING OF “WAKAN.”

In the mind of a Dakota * * * this word Wah-kon (we write, wa-kan) covers the whole field of their fear and worship. Many things also that are neither feared nor worshiped, but are simply wonderful, come under this designation. It is related of Hennepin that when he and his two companions were taken captive by a Sioux war party, as they ascended the upper Mississippi one of the men took up his gun and shot a deer on the bank. The Indians said, “Wah-kon chi?”--Is not this mysterious? And from that day * * * the gun has been called Mah-za wah-kon, mysterious iron. This is shortened into Mah-za-kon. The same thing we may believe is true when, probably less than two centuries ago, they first saw a horse. They said “Shoon-ka wah-kon,” wonderful dog. And from that day the horse has been called by the Sioux wonderful dog, except when it has been called big dog, Shoon-ka tonka. These historical facts have satisfied us that the idea of the Great Spirit ascribed to the Indians of North America does not belong to the original theogony of the Sioux, but has come from without, like that (sic) of the horse and gun, and probably dates back only to their first hearing of the white man’s God.[90]

_Taku Wakan._--This is a general term, including all that is wonderful, incomprehensible, supernatural--what is wakan; but especially covering the objects of their worship. Until used in reference to our God, it is believed that the phrase was not applied to any individual object of worship, but was equivalent to “the gods.”[91] As tuwe, _who_, refers to persons, and taku, _what_, to things, the correctness of Riggs’s conclusion can hardly be questioned, provided we add that the Dakota term, Taku Wakan, could not have conveyed to the Dakota mind the idea of a _personal_ God, using the term _person_ as it is commonly employed by civilized peoples.

DAIMONISM.

§ 96. Lynd says:

The divinities of evil among the Dakotas may be called legion. Their special delight is to make man miserable or to destroy him. Demons wander through the earth, causing sickness and death. Spirits of evil are ever ready to pounce upon and destroy the unwary. Spirits of earth, air, fire, and water (see § 36) surround him upon every side, and with but one great governing object in view--the misery and destruction of the human race.[92]

ANIMISM.

§ 97. Their religious system gives to everything a soul or spirit. Even the commonest sticks and clays have a spiritual essence attached to them which must needs be reverenced; for these spirits, too, vent their wrath upon mankind. Indeed, there is no object, however trivial, but has its spirit.[93]

In his article on the Mythology of the Dakotas,[94] Riggs says of the Dakota:

They pray to the sun, earth, moon, lakes, rivers, trees, plants, snakes, and all kinds of animals and vegetables--many of them say, to everything, for they pray to their guns and arrows--to any object, artificial as well as natural, for they suppose that every object, artificial as well as natural, has a spirit which may hurt or help, and so is a proper object of worship.

Lynd says:

The essentially physical cast of the Indian mind (if I may be allowed the expression) requires some outward and tangible representation of things spiritual before he can comprehend them. The god must be present, by image or in person, ere he can offer up his devotions. * * * Similar to this “belief in a spiritual essence” is the general Dakota belief that each class of animals or objects of a like kind possesses a peculiar guardian divinity, which is the mother archetype. * * * Sexuality is a prominent feature in the religion of the Dakotas. Of every species of divinity, with the exception of the Wakantanka, there is a plurality, part male and part female. Even the spirits, which are supposed to dwell in the earth, twigs, and other inanimate substances, are invested with distinctions of sex.[95]

§ 98. Pond asserts that “evidence is wanting to show that these people divide their Taku-wakan into classes of good and evil. They are all simply wakan.”[96]

PRINCIPAL DAKOTA GODS.

The gods of the Dakotas are of course innumerable; but of the superior gods these are the chief: The Unkteḣi, or god of the water; the Wakinyan, or thunder god; the Takuśkanśkan, or moving god; the Tunkan, Inyan, or stone god; the Heyoka god; the Sun; the Moon; the Armor god; the Spirit of the Medicine Sack; and the Wakantanka, who is probably an intrusive deity.[97]

MISS FLETCHER ON INDIAN RELIGION.

§ 99. The following remarks are those of a later writer, Miss Fletcher:

The Indian’s religion is generally spoken of as a nature and animal worship. The term seems too broadcast and indiscriminate. Careful inquiry and observation fail to show that the Indian actually worships the objects which are set up or mentioned by him in his ceremonies. The earth, four winds, the sun, moon, and stars, the stones, the water, the various animals, are all exponents of a mysterious life and power encompassing the Indian and filling him with vague apprehension and desire to propitiate and induce friendly relations. The latter is attempted not so much through the ideas of sacrifice as through more or less ceremonial appeals. More faith is put in ritual and a careful observance of forms than in any act of self-denial in its moral sense, as we understand it. The claim of relationship is used to strengthen the appeal, since the tie of kindred among the Indians is one which can not be ignored or disregarded, the terms grandfather and grandmother being most general and implying dependence, respect, and the recognition of authority. (See §§ 9, 100.)

One of the simplest and most picturesque explanations of the use of the varied forms of life in the Indian worship was given to me by a thoughtful Indian chief. He said: “Everything as it moves, now and then, here and there, makes stops. The bird as it flies stops in one place to make its nest, and in another to rest in its flight. A man when he goes forth stops when he wills. So the god has stopped. The sun, which is so bright and beautiful, is one place where he has stopped. The moon, the stars, the winds, he has been with. The trees, the animals, are all where he has stopped, and the Indian thinks of these places and sends his prayers there to reach the place where the god has stopped and win help and a blessing.”

The vague feeling after unity is here discernible, but it is like the cry of a child rather than the articulate speech of a man. To the Indian mind the life of the universe has not been analyzed, classified, and a great synthesis formed of the parts. To him the varied forms are equally important and noble. A devout old Indian said: “The tree is like a human being, for it has life and grows; so we pray to it and put our offerings on it that the god may help us.” In the same spirit the apology is offered over a slaughtered animal, for the life of the one is taken to supplement the life of the other, “that it may cause us to live,” one formula expresses it. These manifestations of life, stopping places of the god, can not therefore be accurately called objects of worship or symbols; they appear to be more like media of communication with the permeating occult force which is vaguely and fearfully apprehended. As a consequence, the Indian stands abreast of nature. He does not face it, and hence can not master or coerce it, or view it scientifically and apart from his own mental and emotional life. He appeals to it, but does not worship it.[98]

PRAYER.

§ 100. Every power is prayed to by some of the Dakota and Assiniboin. Among the accessories of prayer the Dakota reckons the following: (_a_) Ceremonial wailing or crying (ćéya, to weep, wail; whence, ćékiya, to cry, to pray, and woćékiye, prayer), sometimes accompanied by articulate speech (§§ 177, 208); (_b_) the action called yuwiⁿtapi (yuwiŋ´tapi) described in § 24; (_c_) holding the pipe with the mouthpiece toward the power invoked, as the Heyoka devotees sometimes do (§§ 223, 224); (_d_) the use of smoke from the pipe or the odor of burning cedar needles (§§ 159, 168); (_e_) the application of the kinship terms, “grandfather” (or its alternative, “venerable man”) to a male power, and “grandmother” to a female one (§§ 99, 107, 239); (_f_) sacrifice, or offering of goods, animals, or pieces of one’s own flesh, etc. (see § 185).

SACRIFICE.

§ 101. The radical forms of worship among the Dakota, according to Lynd, are few and simple. One of the most primitive is that of Wocnapi (Wośnapi) or Sacrifice. To every divinity that they worship they make sacrifices. Even upon the most trivial occasions the gods are either thanked or supplicated by sacrifice. The religious idea it carries with it is at the foundation of the every-day life of the Dakota. The wohduze or taboo has its origin there; the wiwaŋyag waćipi or sundance (§§ 141-211) carries with it the same idea; the wakaŋ wohaŋpi or sacred feast (feast of the first-fruits) is a practical embodiment of it; and haŋmdepi or god-seeking of the extreme western tribes is but a form of self-sacrifice. No Dakota in his worship neglects this ceremony. It enters into his religious thoughts at all times, even at the hour of death. The sacrifices made upon recovery from sickness are never composed of anything very valuable, for the poverty of the Indian will not permit this. Usually a small strip of muslin, or a piece of red cloth, a few skins of some animals, or other things of no great use or value are employed. Sometimes a pan or kettle is laid up for a sacrifice. But after a short time, the end for which the sacrifice was made is attained, and it is removed. Those in need of such things as they see offered in sacrifice may take them for their own use, being careful to substitute some other articles. Perhaps the most common forms of sacrifice are those which are made in the hunt. Particular portions of each animal killed are held sacred to the god of the chase or some other deities. If a deer is killed, the head, heart, or some other part of it is sacrificed by the person who has slain it. The part sacrificed differs with different individuals. In ducks and fowls the most common sacrifice is of the wing, though many sacrifice the heart, and a few the head. This custom is called wohduze, and is always constant with individuals, i. e., the same part is always sacrificed. The other wohduze or taboo is connected with the wotawe or armor,[99] and will be described hereafter (§ 125).

§ 102. _Haŋmdepi or god-seeking._--Haŋmdepi or god-seeking is a form of religion among the Dakotas that points back to a remote antiquity. The meaning of the word, in its common acceptation, appears to be greatly misunderstood by some. Literally, it means only to dream, and is but another form of haŋma; but in its use it is applied almost wholly to the custom of seeking for a dream or revelation, practiced by the Sisitonwan, Ihanktonwanna, and Titonwan (Sioux), and by the Crow, Minnetaree, Assiniboin, and other western Dakota. In this respect it has no reference whatever to the common dreams of sleep, but means simply the form of religion practiced.

If a Dakota wishes to be particularly successful in any (to him) important undertaking, he first purifies himself by the Inipi or steam bath, and by fasting for a term of three days. During the whole of this time he avoids women and society, is secluded in his habits, and endeavors in every way to be pure enough to receive a revelation from the deity whom he invokes. When the period of fasting is passed he is ready for the sacrifice, which is made in various ways. Some, passing a knife through the breast and arms, attach thongs thereto, which are fastened at the other end to the top of a tall pole raised for that purpose; and thus they hang, suspended only by these thongs, for two, three, or even four days, gazing upon vacancy, their minds being intently fixed upon the object in which they desire to be assisted by the deity, and waiting for a vision from above. Once a day an assistant is sent to look upon the person thus sacrificing himself. If the deities have vouchsafed him a vision or revelation, he signifies the same by motions, and is released at once; if he be silent, his silence is understood, and he is left alone to his reverie.

Others attach a buffalo hair rope to the head of a buffalo just as it is severed from the animal, and to the other end affix a hook, which is then passed through the large muscles in the small of the back, and thus fastened they drag the head all over the camp, their minds meanwhile being fixed intently, as in the first instance, upon the object in which they are beseeching the deity to assist them.

A third class pass knives through the flesh in various parts of the body, and wait in silence, though with fixed mind, for a dream or revelation. A few, either not blessed with the powers of endurance or else lacking the courage of the class first named, will plant a pole upon the steep bank of a stream, and attaching ropes to the muscles of the arm and breast, as in the first instance, will stand, but not hang, gazing into space, without food or drink, for days.

Still another class practice the haŋmdepi without such horrid self-sacrifice. For weeks, nay, for months, they will fix their minds intently upon any desired object, to the exclusion of all others, frequently crying about the camp, occasionally taking a little food, but fasting for the most part, and earnestly seeking a revelation from their god.[100]

§ 103. Similar testimony has been given respecting the Mandan, Hidatsa, and Arikara, though this last tribe belongs to the Caddoan stock. Smet wrote thus about them:

They cut off their fingers and make deep incisions in the fleshy parts of the body before starting for war, in order to obtain the favors of their false gods. On my last visit to these Ricaries, Minataries, and Mandans I could not discern a single man at all advanced in years whose body had not been mutilated, or who possessed his full number of fingers.[101]

In treating of the religious opinion of the Assiniboin, Smet says:

Some burn tobacco, and present to the Great Spirit the most exquisite pieces of buffalo meat by casting them into the fire; while others make deep incisions in the fleshy parts of their bodies, and even cut off the first joints of their fingers to offer them in sacrifice.[102]

Lynd says:

§ 104. Frequently the devout Dakota will make images of bark or stone, and, after painting them in various ways and putting sacred down upon them, will fall down in worship before them, praying that all danger may be averted from him and his. It must not be understood, however, that the Dakota is an idolater. It is not the image that he worships, * * * but the spiritual essence which is represented by that image, and which is supposed to be ever near it.[103]

This plausible distinction has been made by persons of different nations at various periods in the world’s history, but it seems to be of doubtful value.

USE OF PAINT IN WORSHIP.

§ 105. In the worship of their deities paint forms an important feature. Scarlet or red is the religious color for sacrifices, while blue is used by the women in many of the ceremonies in which they participate (§§ 374, 375). This, however, is not a constant distinction of sex, for the women frequently use red or scarlet. The use of paints the Dakotas aver was taught them by the gods.[104]

For accounts of the Sun-dance and a sacrifice to the Dawn, see §§ 141, 211, 215.

THE UNKTEḢI, OR SUBAQUATIC AND SUBTERRANEAN POWERS.

§ 106. The gods of this name, for there are many, are the most powerful of all. In their external form they are said to resemble the ox, only they are of immense proportions. They can extend their horns and tails so as to reach the skies. These are the organs of their power. According to one account the Unkteḣi inhabit all deep waters, and especially all great waterfalls. Two hundred and eleven years ago, when Hennepin and Du Luth saw the Falls of St. Anthony together, there were some buffalo robes hanging there as sacrifices to the Unkteḣi of the place.[105]

§ 107. Another account written by the same author informs us that the male Unkteḣi dwell in the water, and the spirits of the females animate the earth. Hence, when the Dakota seems to be offering sacrifices to the water or the earth, it is to this family of gods that the worship is rendered. They address the males as “grandfathers,” and the females as “grandmothers.” It is believed that one of these gods dwells under the Falls of St. Anthony, in a den of great dimensions, which is constructed of iron.[106]

§ 108. “The word Unkteḣi defies analysis, only the latter part giving us the idea of _difficult_ [sic], and so nothing can be gathered from the name itself of the functions of these gods. But Indian legend generally describes the genesis of the earth as from the water. Some animal, as the beaver [compare the Iowa and Oto Beaver gentes, Paça and Paqça.--J. O. D.] living in the waters, brought up, from a great depth, mud to build dry land.”[107] According to the Dakota cosmogony, this was done by the Unkteḣi, called in the Teton dialect Ŭñktcexila or Uŋkćeġila. (Compare the Winnebago, Waktceqi ikikaratcada or water-monster gens, and the Wakandagi of the Omaha and Ponka, see §§ 7, 77).

§ 109. The Iowa and Oto tribes have among their nikie names, Niwaⁿcike, Water Person, and Niwaⁿcikemi, Water Person Female. If these do not refer to the beaver, they may have some connection with the water monsters or deities. An Omaha told the author a Yankton legend about these gods of the waters. The wife of the special Unkteḣi coveted an Indian child and drew it beneath the surface of the river. The father of the child had to offer a white dog to the deity in order to recover his son; but the latter died on emerging from the water, as he had eaten some of the food of the Unkteḣi during his stay with the deity. After awhile the parents lost a daughter in like manner, but as she did not eat any of the food of the Unkteḣi, she was recovered after an offering of four white dogs.[108]

Smet tells of offerings made by the Assiniboin to “the water” and “the land,” but it is probable that they were made to the Unkteḣi.[109]

§ 110. The Dakota pray to lakes and rivers, according to Riggs,[110] but he does not say whether the visible objects were worshiped or whether the worship was intended for the Unkteḣi supposed to dwell in those lakes and rivers.

POWER OF THE UNKTEḢI.

§ 111. These gods have power to send from their bodies a wakan influence which is irresistible even by the superior gods. This influence is termed “tonwan.” This power is common to all the Taku Wakan. And it is claimed that this tonwan is infused into each mystery sack which is used in the mystery dance. A little to the left of the road leading from Fort Snelling to Minnehaha, in sight of the fort, is a hill which is used at present as a burial place. This hill is known to the Dakota as “Taku Wakan tipi,” the dwelling place of the gods. It is believed that one of the Unkteḣi dwells there.

§ 112. The Unkteḣi are thought to feed on the spirits of human beings, and references to this occur in the mystic songs. The mystery feast and the mystery dance have been received from these gods. The sacrifices required by them are the soft down of the swan reddened with vermilion, deer skins, dog, mystery feast and mystery dances.

In Miss Fletcher’s article on “The Shadow or Ghost Lodge: A ceremony of the Ogallala Sioux,” we read that 2 yards of red cloth are “carried out beyond the camp, to an elevation if possible, and buried in a hole about 3 feet deep. This is an offering to the earth, and the chanted prayer asks that the life, or power in earth, will help the father” of the dead child “in keeping successfully all the requirements of the ghost lodge.”[111] (See § 146.)

SUBORDINATES OF THE UNKTEḢI.

The subordinates of the Unkteḣi are serpents, lizards, frogs, ghosts, owls, and eagles. The Unkteḣi made the earth and men, and gave the Dakota the mystery sack, and also prescribed the manner in which some of those pigments must be applied which are rubbed over the bodies of their votaries in the mystery dance, and on the warrior as he goes into action.

THE MYSTERY DANCE.

§ 113. Immediately after the production of the earth and men, the Unkteḣi gave the Indians the mystery sack and instituted the Wakan waćipi or mystery dance. They ordained that the sack should consist of the skin of the otter, raccoon, weasel, squirrel, loon, one variety of fish, and of serpents. It was also ordained that the sack should contain four species of medicines of wakan qualities, which should represent fowls, medicinal herbs, medicinal trees, and quadrupeds. The down of the female swan represents the first, and may be seen at the time of the dance inserted in the nose of the sack. Grass roots represent the second, bark from the roots of the trees the third, and hair from the back or head of a buffalo the fourth. These are carefully preserved in the sack. From this combination proceeds a wakan influence so powerful that no human being, unassisted, can resist it.

Those who violated their obligations as members of the Mystery dance, were sure of punishment. If they went into forests, the black owl was there, as a servant of the Unkteḣi; if they descended into the earth, they encountered the serpent; if they ascended into the air, the eagle would pursue and overtake them; and if they ventured into the water, there were the Unkteḣi themselves.[112] An account of the mystery or medicine dance is given by Pond, op. cit., pp. 37-41.

“Those Dakotas,” said Lynd, “who belong to the medicine dance esteem the Unkteḣi as the greatest divinity. Among the eastern Dakotas the medicine dance appears to have taken the place of these more barbarous ceremonies (i. e., the self-tortures of the hanmdepi, piercing of the flesh, etc.)--among the Winnebagoes entirely.”

The Omaha do not have the sun dance, but the wacicka aȼiⁿ, answering to the Dakota mystery dance, is said to be of ancient use among them.

“Indeed, the medicine dance, though an intrusive religious form, may be considered as an elevating and enlightening religion in comparison with the hanmdepi.”[113]

THE MINIWATU.

§ 114. The Teton Dakota tell of the Miniwatu, Wamnitu,[114] and Mini waśiću, all of which are probably names for the same class of monsters, the last meaning “Water God or Guardian Spirit.” These powers are said to be horned water monsters with four legs each. “They make waves by pushing the water toward the lowlands; therefore, the Indians prefer to encamp on or near the bluffs. They fear to swim the Missouri River on account of the water monsters, who can draw people into their mouths.” Can these be the Unkteḣi, whom the Teton call Uŋkćeġila?

§ 115. “Long ago,” according to Bushotter, “the people saw a strange thing in the Missouri River. At night there was some red object, shining like fire, making the water roar as it passed upstream. Should any one see the monster by daylight he became crazy soon after, writhing as with pain, and dying. One man who said that he saw the monster described it thus: ‘It has red hair all over, and one eye. A horn is in the middle of its forehead, and its body resembles that of a buffalo.’[115] Its backbone is like a cross-cut saw, being flat and notched like a saw or cog wheel. When one sees it he gets bewildered, and his eyes close at once. He is crazy for a day, and then he dies. The Teton think that this matter is still in the river, and they call it the Miniwatu or water monster. They think that it causes the ice on the river to break up in the spring of the year.”[116]

The Teton say that the bones of the Uŋkćeġila are now found in the bluffs of Nebraska and Dakota.

THE WAKIᴺYAᴺ (WAKIŊYAŊ), OR THUNDER-BEINGS.

§ 116. The name signifies the flying ones, from kinyan, to fly. The thunder is the sound of their voices. The lightning is the missile or tonwan of the winged monsters, who live and fly through the heavens shielded from mortal vision by thick clouds. By some of the wakan men it is said that there are four varieties of the form of their external manifestation. In essence, however they are but one. One of the varieties is black, with a long beak, and has four joints in his wing. Another is yellow, without any beak at all; with wings like the first, except that he has six quills in each wing. The third is scarlet, and remarkable chiefly for having eight joints in each of its enormous pinions. The fourth is blue and globular in form, and it is destitute of both eyes and ears. Immediately over the places where the eyes should be there is a semicircular line of lightning resembling an inverted half moon from beneath which project downward two chains of lightning diverging from each other in zigzag lines as they descend. Two plumes like soft down, coming out near the roots of the descending chains of lightning, serve for wings.[117]

These thunderers, of course, are of terrific proportions. They created the wild rice and a variety of prairie grass, the seed of which bears some resemblance to that of the rice. At the western extremity of the earth, which is supposed to be a circular plain surrounded by water, is a high mountain, on the summit of which is a beautiful mound. On this mound is the dwelling of the Wakinyan gods. The dwelling opens toward each of the four quarters of the earth, and at each doorway is stationed a sentinel. A butterfly stands at the east entrance, a bear at the west, a reindeer [sic, probably intended for a deer.--J. O. D.] at the north, and a beaver at the south [the beaver seems out of place here as a servant of the Wakinyan gods, for, judging from analogy, he ought to be the servant of the Unkteḣi (see § 108)--J. O. D.].

Except the head, each of these wakan sentinels is enveloped in scarlet down of the most extraordinary beauty.[118]

§ 117. The Teton texts of Bushotter state the belief that “some of these ancient people still dwell in the clouds. They have large curved beaks resembling bison humps, their voices are loud, they do not open their eyes except when they make lightning, hence the archaic Teton name for the lightning, Wakinyan tunwanpi, “The thunder-beings open their eyes.” They are armed with arrows and “maza wakan” or “mysterious irons” (not “guns”), the latter being of different kinds. Kaŋġitame, stones resembling coal, are found in the Bad Lands, and they are said to be the missiles of the Thunderers. When these gods so desire they kill various mysterious beings and objects, as well as human beings that are mysterious. Their ancient foes were the giant rattlesnakes and the prehistoric water monsters (Uŋkćeġila: see §§ 108, 114, 115).

§ 118. Long ago the Teton encamped by a deep lake whose shore was inclosed by very high cliffs. They noticed that at night, even when there was no breeze, the water in the middle of the lake was constantly roaring. When one gazed in that direction, he saw a huge eye as bright as the sun, which caused him to vomit something resembling black earth moistened with water, and death soon followed. That very night the Thunderers came, and the crashing sounds were so terrible that many people fainted. The next morning the shore was covered with the bodies of all kinds of fish, some of which were larger than men, and there were also some huge serpents. The water monster which the Thunderers had fought resembled a rattlesnake, but he had short legs and rusty-yellow fur.

§ 119. The Thunderers are represented as cruel and destructive in disposition. They are ever on the war path. A mortal hatred exists between them and the family of the Unkteḣi. Neither has power to resist the tonwan of the other if it strikes him. Their attacks are never open, and neither is safe except he eludes the vigilance of the other. The Wakinyan, in turn, are often surprised and killed by the Unkteḣi. Many stories are told of the combats of these gods. Mr. Pond once listened to the relation, by an eyewitness (as he called himself), of a story in substance as follows: A Wakinyan measuring 25 to 30 yards between the tips of his wings was killed and fell on the bank of the Blue Earth river (Minnesota).

From the Wakinyan the Dakota have received their war implements, the spear and tomahawk, and many of the pigments, which, if properly applied, will shield them from the weapons of their enemies.[119]

§ 120. When a person dreams of the Thunderers, it is a sign that he and they must fight. The Wakinyan are not the only gods of war; there are also the Takuckaⁿckaⁿ (Takuśkanśkan) and the Armor gods. (See §§ 122-3, 127-9.)

Of the circle dance, Riggs says (in Amer. Antiq., II, 267): “They cut an image of the great bird from bark and suspend it at the top of the central pole, which is shot to pieces at the close of the dance.” (He probably means that the image of the great bird, a Thunder bird, is shot to pieces, not the pole.) Sacrifices are made to the Wakinyan and songs are sung both to the Wakinyan and the Unkteḣi.

§ 121. There seems to be some connection between the Heyoka gods and the Wakinyan; but it is not plain. The Heyoka god uses a small Wakinyan god as his drumstick. (See § 218.) The Wakinyan songs are sung by members of the Heyoka dancing order.

Smet was told that the Dakota--

Pretend that the thunder is an enormous bird, and that the muffled sound of the distant thunder is caused by a countless number of young (thunder) birds. The great bird, they say, gives the first sound, and the young ones repeat it; this is the cause of the reverberations. The Sioux declare that the young thunderers do all the mischief, like giddy youth who will not listen to good advice; but the old thunderer or big bird is wise and excellent; he never kills or injures any one.[120]

Next to the Sun, according to Smet, Thunder is the great deity of the Assiniboin. Every spring, at the first peal of thunder, they offer sacrifices to the Wakinyan.[121]

The Assiniboin, according to Maximilian, ascribed the thunder to an enormous bird.[122]

THE ARMOR GODS.

§ 122. As each young man comes to maturity a tutelar divinity, sometimes called “Waśićuŋ” (see § 236), is assigned to him. It is supposed to reside in the consecrated armor then given to him, consisting of a spear, an arrow, and a small bundle of paint. It is the spirit of some bird or animal, as the wolf, beaver, loon, or eagle. He must not kill this animal, but hold it ever sacred, or at least until he has proved his manhood by killing an enemy. Frequently the young man forms an image of this sacred animal and carries it about with him, regarding it as having a direct influence upon his everyday life and ultimate destiny. Parkman says (in his “Jesuits in North America,” p. LXXI, note) that the knowledge of this guardian spirit comes through dreams at the initiatory fast. If this is ever true among the Dakota, it is not the rule. This knowledge is communicated by the “war prophet.”[123] (See §§ 120, 127, 129, 305, etc.)

Ashley tells us that among the Sisseton and Wahpeton Dakota the warrior, as such, was forbidden by custom of law to eat the tongue, head, or heart of many beasts. There were other animals of which the heads might be eaten, but not the tongues. A warrior about to go on the war path could not have intercourse with women, but must go through the purification of the inipi or sweat bath, which lasts four days. A married warrior could not touch his own weapons until he had thus purified himself.[124]

§ 123. The Armor god and the Spirit of the mystery sack are sometimes spoken of as if they were individual and separate divinities; but they seem rather to be the god-power which is put into the armor and sack by consecration. They should be regarded as the indwelling of the Unkteḣi or of the Takuśkanśkan. A young man’s war weapons are wakan and must not be touched by a woman. A man prays to his armor in the day of battle. In the consecration of these weapons of war and the hunt a young man comes under certain taboo restrictions. Certain parts of an animal are sacred and must not be eaten until he has killed an enemy.[125]

THE WAR PROPHET.

§ 124. The war prophet has been referred to. In this capacity the wakan man is a necessity. Every male Dakota 16 years old and upward is a soldier, and is formally and mysteriously enlisted into the service of the war prophet. From him he receives the implements of war, carefully constructed after models furnished from the armory of the gods, painted after a divine prescription, and charged with a missive virtue--the tonwan--of the divinities. From him he also receives those paints which serve as an armature for the body. To obtain these necessary articles the proud applicant is required for a time to abuse himself and serve him, while he goes through a series of painful and exhausting performances which are necessary on his part to enlist the favorable notice of the gods. These performances consist chiefly of vapor baths, fastings, chants, prayers, and nightly vigils. The spear and the tomahawk being prepared and consecrated, the person who is to receive them approaches the wakan man and presents a pipe to him. He asks a favor, in substance as follows: “Pity thou me, poor and helpless, a woman, and confer on me the ability to perform manly deeds.” The prophet gives him the weapons and tells him not to forget his vows to the gods when he returns in triumph, a man. The weapons are carefully preserved by the warrior. They are wrapped in cloth, together with the sacred pigments. In fair weather they are laid outside of the lodge every day. They must never be touched by an adult female.[126]

§ 125. Lynd’s account is slightly different, though in substantial accord with the preceding one:

When a youth arrives at the age proper for going on the warpath he first purifies himself by fasting and the inipi or steam bath for three days, and then goes, with tears in his eyes, to some wakan man whose influence is undoubted, and prays that he will present him with the wotawe or consecrated armor. This wakan man is usually some old and experienced zuya wakan or sacred war leader. After a time the armor is presented to the young man, but until it is so presented he must fast and continue his purifications incessantly. It is a singular fact that nothing but the spear of this armor is ever used in battle, though it is always carried when the owner accompanies a war party. At the same time that the old man presents the armor he tells the youth to what animal it is dedicated, and enjoins upon him to hold that animal wakan. He must never harm or kill it, even though starvation threaten him. At all times and under all circumstances the taboo or wohduze is upon it, until by slaying numerous enemies it is gradually removed. By some the animal is held sacred during life, the taboo being voluntarily retained.[127] (See §§ 101, 127.)

THE SPIRITS OF THE MYSTERY SACKS.

§ 126. These are similar to the armor gods, in that they are divinities who act as guardian spirits. Each of these powers is appropriated by a single individual, protecting and aiding him, and receiving his worship. These spirits are conferred at the time of initiation into the order of the Mystery Dance, and of course are confined to the members of that order.[128] Each spirit of the mystery sack is not a separate god, but a wakan power derived from the Unkteḣi, according to a later statement of Riggs.[129]

TAKUŚKAŊŚKAŊ, THE MOVING DEITY.

§ 127. This is a form of the wakan which jugglers, so-called mystery men, and war prophets invoke. In their estimation he is the most powerful of their gods; the one most to be feared and propitiated, since, more than all others, he influences human weal and woe. He is supposed to live in the four winds, and the four black spirits of night do his bidding. The consecrated spear and tomahawk (see § 124) are its weapons. The buzzard, raven, fox, wolf, and other animals are its lieutenants, to produce disease and death.[130] (Compare this with some of the pictographs on the war chart of the Kansa tribe: Fig. 4, Wind songs; the connection between the winds and war is shown in § 33. Fig. 8, Deer songs. Fig. 9, an Elk song. Fig. 10, seven songs of the Wakanda who makes night songs. Fig. 11, five songs of the Big Rock. This is a rough red rock near Topeka, Kans. “This rock has a hard body, like that of a wakanda. May you walk like it.” Fig. 12, Wolf songs. The wolf howls at night. Fig. 13, Moon songs. Fig. 14, Crow songs. The crow flies around a dead body which it wishes to devour. Fig. 18, Shade songs. There is a Wakanda who makes shade. Fig. 20, song of the Small Rock. Fig. 22, songs of the young Moon. Fig. 23, songs of the Buffalo Bull. Fig. 27, Owl songs. The owl hoots at night.[131])

§ 128. Miss Fletcher has given us a very interesting account of “The Religious Ceremony of the Four Winds or Quarters, as observed by the Santee Sioux.” “Among the Santee (Sioux) Indians the Four Winds are symbolized by the raven and a small black stone, less than a hen’s egg in size.” “An intelligent Santee said to me: ‘The worship of the Four Winds is the most difficult to explain for it is the most complicated.’ The Four Winds are sent by the ‘Something that Moves.’”[132] There is a “Something that Moves” at each of the four directions or quarters. The winds are, therefore, the messengers or exponents of the powers which remain at the four quarters. These four quarters are spoken of as upholding the earth,[133] and are connected with thunder and lightning as well as the wind.[134] * * *

“My informant went on to tell me that the spirits of the four winds were not one, but twelve, and they are spoken of as twelve.”[135] (See § 42.)

§ 129. In Tah-koo Wah-kon, pp. 64, 65, Riggs says:

This god is too subtle in essence to be perceived by the senses, and is as subtle in disposition. He is present everywhere. He exerts a controlling influence over instinct, intellect, and passion. He can rob a man of the use of his rational faculties, and inspire a beast with intelligence, so that the hunter will wander idiot-like, while the game on which he hoped to feast his family at night escapes with perfect ease. Or, if he please, the god can reverse his influence. He is much gratified to see men in trouble, and is particularly glad when they die in battle or otherwise. Passionate and capricious in the highest degree, it is very difficult to retain his favor. His symbol and supposed residence is the bowlder (see Big Rock and Small Rock, § 127), as it is also of another god, the Tunkan.

Pond assigns to him the armor feast and inipi or vapor bath (called steam or sweat bath). He says:[136]

The armor feast is of ordinary occurrence when the provisions are of sufficient abundance to support it, in which the warriors assemble and exhibit the sacred implements of war, to which they burn incense around the smoking sacrifice.

§ 130. In October, 1881, the late S. D. Hinman read a paper before the Anthropological Society of Washington, entitled “The Stone God or Oracle of the Pute-temni band of Hunkpati Dakotas.” He said that this oracle had been seen by him while on an expedition with some Dakotas across the James River valley in Dakota Territory. A Hunkpati man of the party gave the history of the stone and an account of its miraculous movement from the Sacred Hill to the old dirt lodge village. This oracle was called the Takuśkaŋśkaŋ.

§ 131. But the Takuśkaŋśkaŋ assumed other shapes. Said Bushotter, in one of his Teton texts:

The Lakotas regard certain small stones or pebbles as mysterious, and it is said that in former days a man had one as his helper or servant. There are two kinds of these mysterious stones (i.e., pebbles, not rocks). One is white, resembling ice or glass (i.e., is probably translucent; compare the translucent pebbles of the Iⁿ-ʞugȼi order of the Omaha, see Om. Soc., p. 346); the other resembles ordinary stones. It is said that one of them once entered a lodge and struck a man, and people spoke of the stones sending in rattles through the smoke hole of a lodge. When anything was missed in the village the people appealed to the stones for aid, and the owner of one of the stones boiled food for a mystery feast, to which the people came. Then they told the stone of their loss and the stone helped them. It is said that the stones brought back different messages. If anyone stole horses the stones always revealed his name. Once the Omahas came to steal horses, but the stones knew about them and disappointed their secret plans; so that the Lakotas learned to prize the stones, and they decorated them with paint, wrapped them up, and hung a bunch of medicine with each one.

It is very probable that the Assiniboin also worshipped the Takuśkaŋśkaŋ; for they reverenced the four winds, as Smet tells us.[137]

TUNKAN OE INYAN, THE STONE GOD OR LINGAM.

§ 132. It has been said by Lynd[138] that the western tribes (probably the Teton, Yanktonai, Yankton, etc.), neglect the Unkteḣi, and pay their main devotion to Tunkan or Invan, answering to the Hindoo Lingam.

Tunkan, the Dakotas say, is the god that dwells in stones and rocks, and is the oldest god. If asked why he is considered the oldest, they will tell you because he is the hardest--an Indian’s reason. The usual form of the stone employed in worship is round, and it is about the size of the human head. The devout Dakota paints this Tunkan red, putting colored swan’s down upon it, and then he falls down and worships the god that is supposed to dwell in it or hover near it.[139] The Tunkan is painted red (see § 136) as a sign of active worship.[140] In cases of extremity I have ever noticed that they appeal to their Tunkan or stone god, first and last, and they do this even after the ceremonies of the medicine dance have been gone through with. All Sioux agree in saying that the Tunkan is the main recipient of their prayers; and among the Tetons, Mandans, Yanktons, and Western Dakotas they pray to that and the spirit of the buffalo almost entirely.[141]

§ 133. Riggs says:[142]

“The Inyan or Toon-kan is the symbol of the greatest force or power in the dry land. And these came to be the most common objects of worship. Large bowlders were selected and adorned with red and green (sic) paint, whither the devout Dakota might go to pray and offer his sacrifice. And smaller stones were often found, set up on end and properly painted, around which lay eagles’ feathers, tobacco, and red cloth. Once I saw a small dog that had been recently sacrificed. In all their incantations and dances, notably in the circle dance, the painted stone is the god supplicated and worshipped with fear and trembling.”

§ 134. Long tells of a gigantic stone figure resembling a human being, which he found on the bank of Kickapoo Creek. The Indians made offerings to it of tobacco and other objects.[143]

IŊYAŊ ŚA.

§ 135. Rev. Horace C. Hovey says:[144]

“It was the custom of the Dakotas to worship bowlders when in perplexity and distress. Clearing a spot from grass and brush they would roll a bowlder on it, streak it with paint, deck it with feathers and flowers, and then pray to it for needed help or deliverance. Usually when such a stone had served its purpose its sacredness was gone. But the peculiarity of the stone now described is that from generation to generation it was a shrine to which pilgrimages and offerings were made. Its Indian name, ‘Eyah Shah,’ simply means the ‘Red Rock,’ and is the same term by which they designate catlinite, or the red pipe clay. The rock itself is not naturally red, being merely a hard specimen of granite, symmetrical in shape, and about 5 feet long by 3 feet thick. The Indians also called it ‘waukon’ (mystery) and speculated as to its origin. * * * The particular clan that claimed this rude altar was known as the Mendewakantons. Although being but 2 miles below the village of the Kaposias, it was to some extent resorted to by them likewise.[145] The hunting ground of the clan was up the St. Croix, and invariably before starting they would lay an offering on Eyah Shah. Twice a year the clan would meet more formally, when they would paint the stone with vermilion, or, as some say, with blood, then trim it with flowers and feathers, and dance around it before sunrise with chants and prayers. Their last visit was in 1862, prior to the massacre that occurred in August of that year. Since that date, the stripes were renewed three years ago. I counted the stripes and found them twelve in number, each about 2 inches wide, with intervening spaces from 2 to 6 inches wide. By the compass, Eyah Shah lies exactly north and south. It is twelve paces from the main bank of the Mississippi, at a point 6 miles below St. Paul. The north end is adorned by a rude representation of the sun with fifteen rays.”

§ 136. Bushotter writes thus:

“Sometimes a stone, painted red all over, is laid within the lodge and hair is offered to it. In cases of sickness they pray to the stone, offering to it tobacco or various kinds of good things, and they think that the stone hears them when they sacrifice to it. As the steam arose when they made a fire on a stone, the Dakotas concluded that stones had life, the steam being their breath, and that it was impossible to kill them.”

MATO TIPI.

§ 137. Eight miles from Fort Meade, S. Dakota, is Mato tipi, Grizzly bear Lodge, known to the white people as Bear Butte. It can be seen from a distance of a hundred miles. Of this landmark Bushotter writes thus:

“The Teton used to camp at a flat-topped mountain, and pray to it. This mountain had many large rocks on it, and a pine forest at the summit. The children prayed to the rocks as if to their guardian spirits, and then placed some of the smaller ones between the branches of the pine trees. I was caused to put a stone up a tree. Some trees had as many as seven stones apiece. No child repeated the ceremony of putting a stone up in the tree; but on subsequent visits to the Butte he or she wailed for the dead, of whom the stones were tokens.” (See § 304.)

THE SUN AND MOON.

§ 138. The sun as well as the moon is called “wi” by the Dakota and Assiniboin tribes. In order to distinguish between the two bodies, the former is called aŋpetu wi, day moon, and the latter, haŋhepi wi or haŋyetu wi, night moon. The corresponding term in Ȼegiha is miⁿ, which is applied to both sun and moon, though the latter is sometimes called niaⁿba. “The moon is worshiped rather as the representative of the sun, than separately. Thus, in the sun dance, which is held in the full of the moon, the dancers at night fix their eyes on her.”[146]

§ 139. According to Smet[147]--

The sun is worshiped by the greater number of the Indian tribes as the author of light and heat. The Assiniboins consider it likewise to be the favorite residence of the Master of Life. They evidence a great respect and veneration for the sun, but rarely address it. On great occasions, they offer it their prayers, but only in a low tone. Whenever they light the calumet, they offer the sun the first whiffs of its smoke.

This last must refer to what Smet describes on p. 136 as the great “festival lasting several days,” during which the “high priest” offers the calumet to "the Great Spirit, to the sun, to each of the four cardinal points, to the water, and to the land, with words analogous to the benefits which they obtain from each.

§ 140. Bushotter, in his Teton text, says:

They prayed to the sun, and they thought that with his yellow eye he saw all things, and that when he desired he went under the ground.

Riggs states in Tah-koo Wah-kon (p. 69):

Although as a divinity, the sun is not represented as a malignant being, yet the worship given him is the most dreadful which the Dakotas offer. Aside from the sun dance, there is another proof of the divine character ascribed to the sun in the oath taken by some of the Dakotas: “As the sun hears me, this is so.”

THE SUN DANCE.

§ 141. Pond[148] gave an account of the sun dance obtained from Riggs, in which occurs the following: “The ceremonies of the sun dance commence in the evening. I have been under the impression that the time of the full moon was selected, but I am now (1867) informed that it is not essential.” Neither Capt. Bourke (§§ 197-210) nor Bushotter speaks of the time of the full moon. In Miss Fletcher’s account of the Oglala sun dance of 1882,[149] she says: “The festival generally occurs in the latter part of June or early in July and lasts about six days. The time is fixed by the budding of the _Artemisia ludoviciana_.” (See §§ 138, 150.)

§ 142. Lynd writes:[150]

The wiwanyag wacipi, or worship of the sun as a divinity, is evidently one of the most radical bases of Dakota religion. It has a subordinate origin in the wihanmnapi, or dreaming, and is intimately connected with the hanmdepi, or vision hunting. This most ancient of all worships, though it is of very frequent occurrence among the Dakotas, does not take place at stated intervals, as among the old nations of the East, nor does the whole tribe participate in the ceremonies. It is performed by one person alone, such of his relatives and friends assisting in the ceremonies as may deem fit or as he may designate. Preparatory to this, as to all the other sacred ceremonies of the Dakotas, are fasting and purification. The dance commences with the rising of the sun and continues for three days, or until such time as the dreaming worshiper shall receive a vision from the spirit or divinity of the sun. He faces the sun constantly, turning as it turns, and keeping up a constant blowing with a wooden whistle. A rude drum is beaten at intervals, to which he keeps time with his feet, raising one after the other, and bending his body towards the sun. Short intervals of rest are given during the dance. The mind of the worshiper is fixed intently upon some great desire that he has, and is, as it were, isolated from the body. In this state the dancer is said to receive revelations from the sun, and to hold direct intercourse with that deity. If the worshiper of this luminary, however, should fail to receive the desired revelation before the close of the ceremonies, then self-sacrifice is resorted to, and the ceremonies of the hanmdepi become a part of the worship of the sun.

A DAKOTA’S ACCOUNT OF THE SUN DANCE.

§ 143. Several accounts of the sun dance have been published within the past twenty years, but they have, without exception, been written by white persons. The following differs in one respect from all which have preceded it; it was written in the Teton dialect of the Dakota, by George Bushotter, a Teton. As he did not furnish his description of the dance in a single text, but in several, which were written on different occasions, it devolved on the present writer to undertake an arrangement of the material after translating it. The accompanying illustrations were made by Mr. Bushotter.

§ 144. _Object of the sun dance._--The Dakota name for the sun dance is “Wi waⁿ-yañg wa-tci-pi (Wi waŋyaŋg waćipi),” literally, “Sun looking-at they-dance.” The following are assigned as the reasons for celebrating this dance: During any winter when the people suffer from famine or an epidemic, or when they wish to kill any enemy, or they desire horses or an abundance of fruits and vegetables during the coming summer, different Indians pray mentally to the sun, and each one says, “Well, I will pray to Wakantanka early in the summer.” Throughout the winter all those men who have made such vows take frequent baths in sweat lodges. Each of these devotees or candidates invites persons to a feast, on which occasion he joins his guests in drinking great quantities of various kinds of herb teas. Then the host notifies the guests of his vow, and from that time forward the people treat him with great respect.

§ 145. _Rules observed by households._--The members of the households of the devotees always abstain from loud talking and from bad acts of various kinds. The following rules must be observed in the lodge of each devotee: A piece of the soil is cut off between the back of the lodge and the fireplace, and when virgin earth is reached vermilion is scattered over the exposed place. When the men smoke their pipes and have burned out all of the tobacco in their pipe bowls, they must not throw away the ashes as they would common refuse; they must be careful to empty the ashes on the exposed earth at the back of the lodge. No one ventures to step on that virgin earth, and not even a hand is ever stretched toward it. Only the man who expects to participate in the sun-dance can empty the ashes there, and after so doing he returns each pipe to its owner.

§ 146. _The “U-ma-ne.”_--“The mellowed earth space, U-ma-ne in Dakota, and called by some peculiar names in other tribes, has never been absent from any religious exercise I have yet seen or learned of from the Indians. It represents the unappropriated life or power of the earth, hence man may obtain it. The square or oblong, with the four lines standing out, is invariably interpreted to mean the earth or land with the four winds standing toward it. The cross, whether diagonal or upright, always symbolizes the four winds or four quarters.”[151]

Miss Fletcher uses this term, “U-ma-ne,” to denote two things: the mellowed earth space (probably answering to the u-jé-ʇi of the Omaha and Ponka) and the symbol of the earth and the four winds made within that mellowed earth space. A sketch of the latter symbol is shown in Fig. 189. (See §§ 112, 155, etc.; also Contr. N. A. Ethn., Vol. VI,--471-475.)

§ 147. _Rules observed by the devotee._--During the time of preparation the devotee goes hunting, and if he kills a deer or buffalo he cuts up the body in a “wakan” manner. He skins it, but leaves the horns attached to the skull. He reddens the skin all over, and in the rear of the lodge, in the open air, he prepares a bed of wild sage (_Artemisia_), on which he lays the skull. He erects a post, on which he hangs a tobacco pouch and a robe that is to be offered as a sacrifice. When the devotee takes a meal everything which he touches must be perfectly clean. He uses a new knife, which no one else dares to handle. Whatever he eats must be prepared in the best possible manner by the other members of the household. They make for him a new pipe ornamented with porcupine work, a new tobacco pouch, and a stick for pushing the tobacco down into the bowl, both ornamented in like manner.

§ 148. The devotee must not go swimming, but he can enter the sweat-lodge. There he rubs his body all over with wild sage; he cannot use calico or cotton for that purpose. No unclean person of either sex must go near him. The devotee is prohibited from fighting, even should the camp be attacked. He must not act hastily, but at all times must he proceed leisurely. He has his regular periods for crying and praying.[152]

§ 149. All his female kindred make many pairs of moccasins and collect money and an abundance of all kinds of goods, in order to give presents to poor people at the time of the sun dance. Then they can make gifts to whomsoever they please, and on that account they will win the right to have a child’s ears pierced. The goods or horses, on account of which the child’s ears are to be pierced, are reserved for that occasion at some other place. The man whose office it will be to pierce the children’s ears has to be notified in advance that his services will be required. (See § 205.)

TRIBES INVITED TO THE SUN-DANCE.

§ 150. When the devotees have performed all the preliminary duties required of them, messages are sent to all the neighboring tribes, _i. e._, the Omaha, Pawnee Loup, Cheyenne, Ree, Hidatsa, Blackfeet, Nez Percé, Winnebago, Yankton, and Santee. The latter part of June is fixed upon as the time for the dance. (See §§ 138, 141.) The visitors from the different nations begin to come together in the spring, each visiting tribe forming its separate camp. Though some of the visitors are hereditary enemies, it matters not during the sun-dance; they visit one another; they shake hands and form alliances. In this manner several weeks are spent very pleasantly.

DISCIPLINE MAINTAINED.

§ 151. Policemen are appointed, and a crier proclaims to each lodge that at a specified place there is a broad and pleasant prairie where all are expected to pitch their tents. The overseers or masters of ceremonies have guns, and their orders are obeyed; for if one disobeys his horses and dogs are killed by the policemen. This punishment is called akićita wićaktepi, or, in common parlance, “soldier-killing.”

All who join the camp must erect the upright (or conical) tents, as no low rush or mat tents, such as are found among the Osage and Winnebago, are allowed in the camp circle.

CAMPING CIRCLE FORMED.

§ 152. At length orders are given for all the people to pitch their tents in the form of a tribal circle, with an opening to the north.[153] (See Pl. XLV.) It takes several days to accomplish this, and then all the men and youths are required to take spades and go carefully over the whole area within the circle and fill up all the holes and uneven places which might cause the horses to stumble and fall.

MEN SELECTED TO SEEK THE MYSTERY TREE.

§ 153. Though Bushotter has written that this work requires several days, it is probable, judging from what follows in his manuscript, that only two days are required for such work. For he continues thus:

On the third day some men are selected to go in search of the Ćan-wakan or Mystery Tree, out of which they are to form the sun pole.[154] These men must be selected from those who are known to be brave, men acquainted with the war path, men who have overcome difficulties, men who have been wounded in battle, men of considerable experience.

§ 154. The men selected to fell the mystery tree ride very swift horses, and they decorate their horses and attire themselves just as if they were going to battle. They put on their feather war bonnets. They race their horses to a hill and then back again. In former days it was customary on such occasions for any women who had lost children during some previous attack on the camp, to wail often as they ran towards the mounted men, and to sing at intervals as they went. But that is not the custom at the present day. Three times do the mounted men tell of their brave deeds in imitation of the warriors of the olden times, and then they undertake to represent their own deeds in pantomime.

§ 155. On the fourth day, the selected men go to search for the mystery tree. They return to camp together, and if they have found a suitable tree, they cut out pieces of the soil within the camping circle, going down to virgin earth. (See § 146.) This exposed earth extends over a considerable area. On it they place a species of sweet-smelling grass (a trailing variety) and wild sage, on which they lay the buffalo skull.

TENT OF PREPARATION.

§ 156. After this there is set up within the camping circle a good tent known as the tent of preparation.[155] When the managers wish to set up the tent of preparation, they borrow tent skins here and there. Part of these tent skins they use for covering the smoke hole, and part were used as curtains, for when they decorate the candidates they use the curtains for shutting them in from the gaze of the people and when they finish painting them they throw down the curtains.

In the back part of this tent of preparation are placed the buffalo skulls, one for each candidate. A new knife which has never been used is exposed to smoke. A new ax, too, is reddened and smoked.

§ 157. Wild sage (_Artemisia_) is used in various ways prior to and during the sun dance. Some of it they spread on the ground to serve as couches, and with some they wipe the tears from their faces. They fumigate with the plant known as “ćaŋ śilśilya,” or else they use “walipe waśtema,” sweet-smelling leaves. Day after day they fumigate themselves with “waćaŋġa,” a sweet-smelling grass. They hold every object which they use over the smoke of one of these grasses. They wear a kind of medicine on their necks, and that keeps them from being hungry or thirsty, for occasionally they chew a small quantity of it. Or if they tie some of this medicine to their feet they do not get weary so soon.[156]

§ 158. When the tent of preparation is erected, there are provided for it new tent pins, new sticks for fastening the tent skins together above the entrance, and new poles for pushing out the flaps beside the smoke hole. These objects and all others, which had to be used, are brought into the tent of preparation and fumigated over a fire into which the medicine has been dropped. By this time another day has been spent. Now all the candidates assemble in the tent of preparation, each one wearing a buffalo robe with the hair outside. One who acts as leader sits in the place of honor at the back part of the tent, and the others sit on either side of him around the fireplace. They smoke their pipes. When night comes they select one of the songs of the sun dance, in order to rehearse it. Certain men have been chosen as singers of the dancing songs, and, when one set of them rest, there are others to take their places. The drummers beat the drum rapidly, but softly (as the Teton call it, kpaŋkpaŋyela, the act of several drummers hitting in quick succession).

Three times do they beat the drums in that manner, and then they beat it rapidly, as at the beginning of the sun dance. At this juncture, as many as have flutes--made of the bones of eagles’ wings, ornamented with porcupine quills, and hung around their necks, with cords similarly ornamented, with some eagle down at the tip ends of the flutes--blow them often and forcibly as they dance. While the drum is beaten three times in succession (kpaŋkpaŋyela, as has been described), all the candidates cry aloud (ćeya), but when it is beaten the fourth time, they cry or wail no longer, but dance and blow their flutes or whistles.

§ 159. When the candidates take their seats in the tent of preparation, they select a man to fill the pipe with tobacco. When they wish to smoke, this man passes along the line of candidates. He holds the pipe with the mouthpiece toward each man, who smokes without grasping the pipe stem.[157]

When the candidates are allowed to eat, the attendant feeds them. No one can be loquacious within the tent of preparation. If a dog or person approaches the tent, the offender is chased away before he can reach it. No spectators are allowed to enter the tent. And this regulation is enforced by blows, whenever anyone attempts to violate it.

EXPEDITION TO THE MYSTERY TREE.

§ 160. The next morning, which is that of the fifth day, they prepare to go after the tree that is to serve as the sun pole.[158] The married and single men, the boys, and even the women, are all ordered to go horseback. Whoever is able to move rapidly accompanies the party. When the chosen persons go to fell the mystery tree they rush on it as they would upon a real enemy, just as tradition relates that the Omaha and Ponka rushed on their sacred tree. (See § 42.)[159] Then they turn quickly and run from it until they arrive at the other side of the hill (nearest to the mystery tree), after which they return to the tree.[160] They tie leaves together very tightly, making a mark of the bundle, assaulting it in turn as a foe.

§ 161. The tree is reached by noon. The persons chosen to fell it whisper to one another as they assemble around it. They approach some one who has a child, and take hold of him. Then they bring robes and other goods which they spread on the ground, and on the pile they seat the child, who is sometimes a small girl, or even a large one.

FELLING THE TREE.

§ 162. Each of the chosen men takes his turn in striking the tree. Every one must first tell his exploits, then he brandishes the ax three times without striking a blow, after which he strikes the tree once, and only once, making a gash. He leaves the ax sticking in the tree, whence it is removed by the next man. He who leaves the ax in the tree is by this act considered to make a present of a horse to some one. As soon as he gives the blow, his father (or some near kinsman) approaches and hands him a stick, whereupon the young man returns it, asking him to give it to such a one, calling him by name. For instance, let us suppose that a young man, Mato ćuwi maza, Grizzly bear with an Iron Side, requests that his stick be given to Psića waŋkantuya, or Leaping High. The old man who is employed as the crier goes to the camp and sings thus: “Mato ćuwi maza í-ya-ha-he+! Mato ćuwi maza í-ya-ha-he+!”. The last word is a sign of a brave deed on the part of the donor, and it is so understood by every one. On reaching the tent of the other man, the crier says, “Psića waŋkantuya śuŋkawakaŋ waŋ hiyo u ye+! Mato ćuwi maza ćaŋ-wakaŋ kaksa ȼa taśuŋke waŋ hiyo u ye+!” i. e., “O Leaping High, a horse is brought to you! A horse is brought to you because Mato ćuwi maza has given a blow to the mystery tree!” On hearing this, Psića waŋkantuya says, “Há-ye,” or “Thanks!” as he extends his hands with the palms towards the crier; and he brings them down toward the ground and takes the stick representing the horse. Then the crier passes along around the circle, singing the praises of the donor, and naming the man who has received the present.

§ 163. After all the chosen men have told of their deeds, and have performed their parts, the women select a man to speak of what generous things they have done, and when he has spoken, the larger women who are able to fell trees rise to their feet, and take their turns in giving one blow apiece to the tree. By the time that all the women have struck the tree it falls, and all present shout and sing. Many presents are made, and some of the people wail, making the entire forest echo their voices. Then those men who are selected for that purpose cut off all the limbs of the tree except the highest one, and they do not disturb the tree top. Wherever a branch is cut off they rub red paint on the wound.

§ 164. They make a bundle of some wood in imitation of that for which they have prayed, and hang it crosswise from the fork of the tree. Above the bundle they suspend a scarlet blanket, a buffalo robe or a weasel skin, and under the bundle they fasten two pieces of dried buffalo hide, one being cut in the shape of a buffalo, and the other in that of a man.

Though Bushotter did not state the circumstance, it is remarkable that both the figures have the membrum virile rigid. The author learned about this from two trustworthy persons, who obtained all the paraphernalia of the sun dance, and one of them, Capt. John G. Bourke, U. S. Army, showed him the figures of the man and buffalo used at the sun dance at Red Cloud Agency, in 1882. In the former figure, the lingam is of abnormal size. The connection between the phallic cult and the sun is obvious to the student. (See §§ 19, 132, 146, 155, 169, 170, 176).

THE TREE TAKEN TO CAMP.

§ 165. No one of the company dare to touch the sun pole as they take it to the camp. Before wagons were available, they made a horse carry most of the weight of the pole, part of it being on one side of him and part on the other, while the wakaŋ men chosen for the purpose walked on both sides of the horse in order to support the ends of the pole. (See § 317.) At the present day, a wagon is used for transporting the sun pole to the camp.[161] While they are on the way no person dares to go in advance of the pole, for whoever violates the law is in danger of being thrown from his horse and having his neck broken.

The married men and youths carry leaf shields on their backs, and some of the riders make their horses race as far as they are able. Any member of the party can appropriate the small branches which have been cut from the mystery tree.

When they reach the camp circle, all of the party who carry branches and leaves drop them in the places where they intend erecting their respective tents.

§ 166. Judging from Mr. Bushotter’s first text, the tents are not pitched when the people return with the sun pole. But as soon as they lay the pole in the place where it is to be erected, the tents are pitched again. Then all the objects that are to be attached to the sun pole are tied to it, and some of the men take leather straps, such as the women use when they carry wood and other burdens, and fasten them to the sun pole in order to raise it into position.

RAISING THE SUN POLE.

§ 167. This raising of the sun pole seems to be symbolic of the four winds, the tatúye tópa, or “the four quarters of the heavens,” as Dr. Riggs translates the Dakota term. Those who assist in raising the sun pole must be men who have distinguished themselves. They raise the pole a short distance from the ground, and then they shout, making an indistinct sound; they rest awhile and pull it a little higher, shouting again; resting a second time, they renew their efforts, pulling it higher still. They shout the third time, rest again, and at the fourth pull the pole is perpendicular. Then the men around the camping circle fire guns, making the horses flee. Those who raised the pole have a new spade, and they use it one after another in throwing a sufficient quantity of earth around the base of the pole, pressing the earth down firmly in order to steady the pole.

BUILDING OF DANCING LODGE.

§ 168. Next follows the building of the dancing lodge. (See Pl. XLVI. and § 317.) Forked posts are set in the ground in two concentric circles. Those posts forming the circle nearer the sun pole are a few feet higher than the posts in the outer circle, thus making a slant sufficient for a roof. From the inner circle of posts to the sun pole there is no roof, as the dancers who stand near the pole must see the sun and moon. From each forked post to the next one in the same circle is laid a tent pole; and on the two series of these horizontal tent-poles are placed the saplings or poles forming the roof. In constructing the wall of the dancing lodge they use the leaf shields, and probably some poles or branches of trees, the shields and leaves stuck in the wall here and there, in no regular order, leaving interstices through which the spectators can peep at the dancers. A very wide entrance is made, through which can be taken a horse, as well as the numerous offerings brought to be given away to the poor. Then they smoke the pipe, as in that manner they think that they can induce their Great Mysterious One to smoke.

§ 169. All having been made ready, the aged men and the chief men of the camp kick off their leggins and moccasins, and as many as have pistols take them to the dancing lodge, around the interior of which they perform a dance. As they pass around the sun pole, all shoot at once at the objects suspended from the pole (§ 164), knocking them aside suddenly. Leaving the dancing lodge, they dance around the interior of the camping circle till they reach their respective tents.

THE UUȻITA.

§ 170. This is followed by the “uuȼita.” Each man ties up the tail of his horse and dresses himself in his best attire. When they are ready, they proceed two abreast around the interior of the camping circle, shooting into the ground as they pass along, and filling the entire area with smoke. There are so many of them that they extend almost around the entire circle. If any of the riders are thrown from their horses as they dash along, the others pay no attention to them, but step over them, regarding nothing but the center of the camping circle. (See Pl. XLV.)

§ 171. By this time it is nearly sunset. The young men and young women mount horses and proceed in pairs, a young man beside a young woman, singing as they pass slowly around the circle. The young men sing first, and the young women respond, acting as a chorus. That night the tent of preparation is again erected. The candidates dance there. The people gaze towards that tent, for it is rumored that the candidates will march forth from it.

DECORATION OF CANDIDATES OR DEVOTEES.

§ 172. The candidates spend the night in decorating themselves. Each one wears a fine scarlet blanket arranged as a skirt and with a good belt fastened around his waist. From the waist up he is nude, and on his chest he paints some design. Sometimes the design is a sunflower. A man can paint the designs referring to the brave deeds of his father, his mother’s brother, or of some other kinsman, if he himself has done nothing worthy of commemoration. If a man has killed an animal, he can paint the sign of the animal on his chest, and some hold between their lips the tails of animals, signifying that they have scalped their enemies. Others show by their designs that they have stolen horses from enemies.

§ 173. Each one allows his hair to hang loosely down his back. Some wear head-dresses consisting of the skins of buffalo heads with the horns attached. Others wear eagle war-bonnets. Each candidate wears a buffalo robe with the thick hair outside. He fills his pipe, which is a new one ornamented with porcupine work, and he holds it with the stem pointing in front of him. Thus do all the candidates appear as they come out of the tent of preparation. As they march to the dancing lodge the leader goes first, the others march abreast after him. He who acts as leader carries a buffalo skull painted red. All cry as they march, and on the way they are joined by a woman who takes the place of her “hakata,” or cousin; and sometimes they are joined by a horse that is highly prized by his owner.

OFFERINGS OF CANDIDATES.

§ 174. The first time that they emerge from the tent where they sleep they march around it four times, and they make offerings of four blankets, which they suspend from as many posts set up in the form of a square within which the tent is erected. When they proceed from the tent of preparation to the dancing lodge, one of their servants sets up sticks at intervals, forming a straight line from the tent of preparation to the dancing lodge, and on these sticks he places their offerings of blankets and tobacco pouches. After the gifts are thus suspended, none of the spectators can cross the line of sticks.

§ 175. Capt. J. G. Bourke has a wand that was used by one of the heralds, or criers, during the sun dance. It was about 5 feet long, and was decorated with beadwork and a tuft of horse hair at the superior extremity. Whenever the crier raised this wand the people fell back, leaving an open space of the required area.

CEREMONIES AT THE DANCING LODGE.

§ 176. On reaching the dancing lodge, the candidates pass slowly around the exterior, starting at the left side of the lodge and turning towards the right. They do this four times and then enter the lodge. They stretch their hands towards the four quarters of the heavens as they walk around the interior of the lodge. They sit down at the back part of the lodge, and then they sing.

Between them and the pole they cut out the soil in the shape of a half-moon, going down to virgin earth, and on this bare spot they place all the buffalo skulls. After this they paint themselves anew with red paint, on completing which they are lifted to their feet by their attendants. Again they walk around the interior of the lodge, stretching out their hands towards the four quarters of the heavens.

§ 177. A song of the sun dance is started by one of the candidates, and the others join him, one after another, until all are singing. Meanwhile the men who have been selected for the purpose redden their entire hands, and it devolves on them to dance without touching anything, such as the withes connected with the sun pole or the buffalo skulls; all that they are required to do is to extend their hands towards the sun, with the palms turned from them.

At this time all the candidates are raised again to their feet, and brought to the back part of the lodge, where they are placed in a row. They soon begin to cry, and they are joined by the woman who has taken the place of her elder brother.

§ 178. It is customary, when a man is too poor to take part himself in the sun dance, for a female relation to take his place, if such a woman pities him. She suffers as the male candidates do, except in one respect--her flesh is not scarified. This woman wears a buckskin skirt, and she lets her hair fall loosely down her back. She carries the pipe of her brother or kinsman in whose place she is dancing.

§ 179. As the drums beat, the candidates dance and blow their flutes. The woman stands, dancing slowly, with her head bent downward, but with shoulders erect, and she is shaking her head and body by bending her knees often without raising her feet from the ground. She abstains from food and drink, just as her brother or kinsman would have done had he participated in the dance. In fact, all the candidates have to fast from the time that the sun pole is cut, and from that time they cry and dance at intervals.

§ 180. If the owner of a horse decides that his steed must take part in the dance, he ties the horse to one of the thongs fastened to the sun pole, and stands near the animal. Whenever he wishes he approaches the horse, takes him by the lower jaw as he stands and cries, and then he, too, joins in the dance. This horse is decorated in the finest manner; he is painted red, his tail is rolled up into a bundle and tied together, and he wears feathers in the tail and forelock.

§ 181. _Candidates scarified._ When the time comes for scarifying the candidates,[162] if one wishes to dance in the manner about to be described, he is made to stand between four posts arranged in the form of a square, and his flesh on his back being scarified in two places, thongs are run through them and fastened to them and to the posts behind him. His chest is also scarified in two places, thongs are inserted and tied, and then fastened to the two posts in front of him (see Pl. XLVII, 1, Okaśka naźin, or “He stands fastened to” or “within”). Bushotter says nothing about the skewers used in torturing the dancers; but Capt. Bourke obtained three ornamental ones which had been run through the wounds of some of the devotees, in order to be stained with blood and kept thereafter as souvenirs of the bravery of the dancers. Besides these were the regular skewers which were thrust horizontally through the flesh; and to the ends of these skewers were fastened the thongs that were secured by the opposite ends to the sun pole. The last dance allowed by the Government was in 1883, and it would be difficult now to find any of these skewers. (See § 204.)

Another man has his back scarified and a thong inserted, from which a buffalo skull is suspended, as shown in Pl. XLVII, 2, Pte-pa ḳin waći, or “He dances carrying a buffalo skull on his back.” He dances thus, thinking that the weight of the skull will soon cause the thong to break through the flesh. The blood runs in stripes down his back.

§ 182. Another man decides to be fastened to the sun pole. For the use of such dancers there are eight leather thongs hanging down from the pole, being fastened to the pole at a point about midway from the top. For each man tied to the pole it is the rule to take two of the thongs and run them through his flesh after the holes are made with the knife (see Pl. XLVIII). After the thongs are fastened to him, the dancer is required to look upward. When the candidate is a short man, his back is scarified and his attendants push him up high enough from the ground for the thongs to be inserted and tied. In this case the weight of the man stretches the skin where the thongs are tied, and for a long time he remains there without falling (see Pl. XLIX).

§ 183. A very long time ago it happened that the friends of such a short man pitied him, so they gave a horse to another man, whom they directed to release their friend by pulling at the thongs until they broke out. So the other man approached the dancer, telling of his own deeds. He grasped the short man around the body, threw himself violently to the ground, breaking off the thong, which flew upward, and bringing the short man to the ground. Then the kindred of the short man brought presents of calico or moccasins and another horse, with other property, and they made the old women of the camp scramble for the possession of the gifts. The horse was given away by the act called “Kaḣol yeyapi,” or “They threw it off suddenly.” The father of the dancer stood at the entrance of his tent, holding a stick in his hand. He threw the stick into the air, and the bystanders struggled for its possession. Whoever grasped the stick, and succeeded in holding it, won the horse. If a forked stick is thrown up and caught it entitles the holder to a mare and her colt.

§ 184. When a young man has his flesh pierced for him, if he is beloved by his female relations, they furnish him with many objects decorated with porcupine quills, and these objects are suspended from the pierced places of his flesh, this being considered as a mark of respect shown by the women to their kinsman. Very often the women by such acts deprive themselves of all their property.

§ 185. _Pieces of flesh offered._--When the candidates have their flesh pierced for the insertion of the thongs, a number of men who do not intend to dance approach the sun pole and take seats near it. With a new knife small pieces of flesh are cut out in a row from the shoulders of each of these men, who hold up the pieces of their own flesh, showing them to the pole. They also cover the base of the pole with earth. If some of the women desire to offer pieces of their flesh, they come and do so.

§ 186. Very soon after this the people who are outside of the dancing lodge sing a song in praise of the devotees of all kinds, and the old women are walking about with their clothing and hair in disorder, the garments flapping up and down as they dance. The attendants hold the pipes for the candidates to smoke, and they decorate them anew. After they decorate them, the dancing is resumed. By this time it is past noon, so the girls and boys whose ears are to be pierced are collected in one place, and presents are given to all the poor people.[163] After the children’s ears have been pierced, the attendants make the candidates rise again and continue the dance.

§ 187. _Torture of owner of horse._--The man whose horse has taken part in the dance is tied to the tail of his horse, and his chest is pierced in two places and fastened by thongs to the sun pole. Some of the attendants whip the horse several times, making him dart away from the pole, thereby releasing the man, as the thongs are broken by the sudden strain (see § 29).

§ 188. The devotees dance through the night, and when it is nearly midnight they rest. Beginning at the left side of the dancing lodge, every devotee stops and cries at each post until he makes the circuit of the lodge. By this time it is midnight, so the attendants make them face about and stand looking towards the east, just as in the afternoon they had made them face the west.

END OF THE DANCE.

§ 189. At sunrise they stop dancing and they leave the dancing lodge. As they come forth, they pass out by the right side, and march four times around the exterior of the lodge. After which they proceed directly to the lodge of preparation, around which they march four times prior to entering it.

§ 190. When the devotees emerge from the dancing lodge, one of their attendants places more gifts on the line of sticks between the two lodges, and after the procession has moved on there is considerable disputing among the small boys of the camp for the possession of the gifts.

§ 191. After leaving the lodge of preparation, the exhausted devotees are taken back to their own tents, where each one is given four sips of water and a small piece of food, and by the time that he gets accustomed to food after his long fast, he eats what he pleases, enters the sweat lodge, rubs himself with the wild sage, and thenceforward he is regarded as having performed his vow.

§ 192. The spectators scramble for the possession of the blankets and long pieces of calico left as sacrifices at the dancing lodge, and some of them climb to the top of the sun pole and remove the objects fastened there. The sun pole is allowed to remain in its place. The author saw a sun pole at Ponka Agency, then in Dakota, in 1871. It had been there for some time, and it remained till it was blown down by a high wind.

At the conclusion of the dance the camp breaks up and the visitors return to their respective homes.

§ 193. All who participate in the dance must act according to rule for if one slights part of the rites they think that he is in great danger. The men selected as overseers or managers are the persons who act as the attendants of the candidates.

The candidates think that all their devotions are pleasing to the sun. As they dance, they pray mentally, “Please pity me! Bring to pass all the things which I desire!”

INTRUSIVE DANCES.

§ 194. During the sun dance, other dances--intrusive dances, as Lynd terms them--are going on in the camp. Among these are the following: The Mandan dance, performed by the Ćaŋte ṭiŋza okolakićiye, or the Society of the Stout-hearted Ones; the Wakaŋ waćipi or mystery dance, the Peźi mignaka waćipi or the dance of those wearing grass in their belts, the ghost dance, the buffalo dance, and the Omaha kiyotag a-i, popularly called the grass dance.

§ 195. When a man joins the Mandan dance as a leader, he wears a feather headdress of owl feathers, a scarf, called “Waŋźi-ićaśke,” is worn around his neck and hangs down his back, and he carries a pipe, a bow, and arrows. In the Peźi mignaka waćipi, both young men and young women take part. All these dances are held outside the lodge of the sun dance, within which lodge only the one dance can be performed. The grass dance is named after the Omaha tribe. As many men as are able to participate in that dance march abreast until they reach the camp of some gens, where they sit down facing the people whom they visit, hence the name, meaning, “the Omaha reach there and sit down.” Then the visitors sing while a noise is made by hitting the ground with sticks, etc. The singers and dancers sit looking at the tents of the gens that they have visited, and remain so until property and food are brought out and given to them. Then they arise and probably dance. They think that if they ask Wakantanka for anything after the conclusion of the sun dance they will receive it. So they call on him in different songs, thus: “O Wakantanka, please pity me! Let me have many horses!” Or, “O Wakantanka, please pity me! Let there be plenty of fruits and vegetables!” Or, “O Wakantanka, please pity me! Let me live a long time!”

§ 196. During the sun dance they sing about some old woman, calling her by name. They can sing about any old woman on such an occasion.

One of these songs has been given by Mr. Bushotter, but the writer must content himself in giving the words without the music.

“Winŭŋ´ḣća ḳuŋ tókiya lá huŋwo´? He´-ye-ye+! Yatíla ḳuŋ´ śuŋ´ka wíkinićápe. Hé-ye-ye+! E´-ya-ya-ha´ ya´-ha ya´-ha yo´-ho he´-ye-ye+! E´-ya-ya-ha´ ya´-ha ya´-ha yo´-ho he´-ye-yâ!”

That is: “Old woman, you who have been mentioned, whither are you going? When they scrambled for the stick representing a horse, of course you were on hand! How brave you are!”

They sing this in a high key, and when they cease suddenly, they call out, “Ho´wo! Ho´wo! E´-ya-ha-he+! E´-ya-ha-he+!” “_Come on! Come on! How brave you are! How brave you are!_” When they have said this repeatedly an old woman enters the circle, making them laugh by her singing and dancing.

Thus ends the Bushotter account of the sun dance, which was read at a meeting of the Anthropological Society of Washington, May 6, 1890.

CAPT. BOURKE ON THE SUN-DANCE.

§ 197. After the reading of the paper, Capt. John G. Bourke, U.S. Army, remarked that he had seen the sun dance of the Dakota several times, and once had enjoyed excellent opportunities of taking notes of all that occurred under the superintendence of Red Cloud and other medicine men of prominence. Capt. Bourke kindly furnished the author with the following abstract of his remarks on this subject:

In June, 1881, at the Red Cloud Agency, Dakota, there were some twenty-eight who went through the ordeal, one of the number being Pretty Enemy, a young woman who had escaped with her husband from the band of Sitting Bull in British North America, and who was going through the dance as a sign of grateful acknowledgment to the spirits.

The description of the dance given in the account of Bushotter tallies closely with that which took place at the Red Cloud ceremony, with a few very immaterial exceptions due no doubt to local causes.

§ 198. At Red Cloud, for example, there was not a separate buffalo head for each Indian; there were not more than two, and with them, being placed erect and leaning against a frame-work made for the purpose, several elaborately decorated pipes, beautiful in all that porcupine quills, beads, and horsehair could supply. Buffaloes had at that time disappeared from the face of the country within reach of that agency, and there was also an increasing difficulty in the matter of procuring the pipestone from the old quarries over on the Missouri River [sic].[164]

§ 199. First, in regard to securing the sacred tree, after the same had been designated by the advance party sent out to look for it. The medicine men proclaimed to the young warriors that all they were now to do was just the same as if they were going out to war. When the signal was given, the whole party dashed off at full speed on their ponies, and as soon as we arrived at the tree, there was no small amount of singing, as well as of presents given to the poor.

Next, a band of young men stepped to the front, and each in succession told the story of his prowess, each reference to the killing or wounding of an enemy, or to striking _coup_, being corroborated by thumping on the skin which served the medicine men as a drum.

§ 200. The first young man approached the sacred tree, swung his brand-new ax, and cut one gash on the east side; the second followed precisely the same program on the south side; the third, on the west side, and the fourth, on the north side, each cutting one gash and no more.

§ 201. They were succeeded by a young maiden, against whose personal character, it was asserted, not a breath of insinuation could be brought, and she was decked in all the finery of a long robe of white antelope skin almost completely covered with elks’ teeth, as well as with beads. She seized the ax, and, with a few well-directed blows, brought the tree to the ground.

§ 202. In carrying the tree to the camp it was placed upon skids, no one being allowed to place a hand upon the tree itself. Upon reaching the summit of the knoll nearest the camp the tree was left in charge of its immediate attendants while the rest of the assemblage charged at full speed upon the camp itself.

§ 203. When the tree had been erected in place, it was noticed that each of those who were to endure the torture had been provided with an esquire, while there was also a force of men, armed with guns to preserve order, criers to make proclamations, and heralds and water-carriers armed with long staves tipped with bead-work and horse-hair. These water-carriers did not carry water for the men attached to the tree, they were not allowed to drink, but if they happened to faint away the medicine men would take a mouthful of water apiece and spray it upon the body of the patient, producing coldness by the evaporation of the water.

§ 204. All the Indians on that occasion were attached to the tree itself by long ropes of hair or by thongs, fastened to skewers run horizontally under the flesh. (See § 181.)

§ 205. The young woman, Pretty Enemy, was not tied up to the tree, but she danced with the others, and had her arms scarified from the shoulders to the elbows. All this scarification was done by a medicine man, who also slit the ear of the babies born since the last sun dance.

§ 206. The young men were scarified in the following manner: Their attendants, whom I have called esquires, seized and laid them on a bed of some sagebrush at the foot of the sacred tree. A short address was made by one of the medicine men; then another, taking up as much of the skin of the breast under the nipple of each dancer as could be held between his thumb and forefinger, cut a slit the length of the thumb, and inserted a skewer to which a rope was fastened, the other end of the rope being tied to the tree.

§ 207. The young men placed eagle pipes, as they were called, in their mouths. These pipes were flutes which were made each from one of the bones in an eaglet’s wing. They had to be sounded all the time the young man was dancing. This dancing was done in the manner of a buck jump, the body and legs being stiff and all movement being upon the tips of the toes. The dancers kept looking at the sun, and either dropped the hands to the sides in the military position of “attention,” with the palms to the front, or else held them upward and outward at an angle of 45 degrees, with the fingers spread apart, and inclined towards the sun.

§ 208. When laid on the couch of sagebrush before spoken of, each young man covered his face with his hands and wailed. I was careful to examine each one, and saw that this wailing was a strictly ceremonial affair unaccompanied by tears.

§ 209. Before approaching the tree the victims were naked, with the exception of blue cloth petticoats and buffalo robes worn with the fur outside, giving them the appearance of monks of the olden time. The buffalo robes were, of course, thrown off when the young men were laid on the sagebrush, preparatory to the scarification. One young man was unable to tear himself loose, and he remained tied up to the tree for an hour and seven minutes by my watch. He fainted four times. The medicine man put into his mouth some of the small red, bitter, salty seeds of the _Dulcamara_, while the women threw costly robes, blankets, articles of beadwork and quillwork, and others of the skin of the elk and antelope upon the rope attaching him to the tree, in the hope of breaking him loose. The articles thus attached to the rope were taken away by the poor for whom they were given. There was any amount of this giving of presents at all stages of the dance, but especially at this time, and the criers were calling without ceasing, “So and so has done well. He is not afraid to look the poor women and children in the face! Come up some more of you people! Do not be ashamed to give! Let all the people see how generous you are!” or words to that effect. (I had to rely upon my interpreter, who was reputed to be the best and most trustworthy at the agency).

§ 210. One of the prime movers in the organization of this particular dance, Rocky Bear, at the last moment, for some particular reason, decided not to go through the terrible ordeal. He explained his reasons to the tribe, and was excused. He gave presents with a lavish hand, and it was understood that on some subsequent occasion he would finish the dance. There was no sign of dissatisfaction with his course, and everyone seemed to be on the best of terms with him. All through the ceremony there was much singing by the women and drumming by the medicine men, and a feast of stewed dog, which tastes very much like young mutton, was served with boiled wild turnips.

§ 211. By a comparison of the accounts of Miss Fletcher, Capt. Bourke, and Bushotter it will be noticed that while there are several points of disagreement which, as Capt. Bourke remarks, are “due no doubt to local causes,” the accounts are in substantial agreement. Miss Fletcher says that the opening of the camp circle was toward the east; but Bushotter gives it as toward the north. She states that the tent of preparation was erected on the first day after sunset; but Bushotter says it was set up on the fourth day. She represents the selection of the men who go to seek the tree, the departure to fetch the tree, the felling of the tree, the bringing it and setting it up within the camp circle as all taking place on the fourth day. Bushotter states that the men were selected on the third day; they went to seek the tree on the fourth day; they went to fell the tree on the fifth day, and on the same day they brought it to the camp and set it in place. Capt. Bourke saw four men and one girl employed in felling the tree. Miss Fletcher mentions that five men and three girls did this in 1882; but Bushotter recorded that several men and women took part in this performance. The ears of the children were pierced on the fourth day after the raising of the sun pole, according to Miss Fletcher; but Bushotter says that this did not occur till after the devotees had been scarified and fastened to the pole and posts, on the sixth day. Bushotter agrees with Miss Fletcher in saying that on the sixth day the earth was “mellowed,” the devotees scarified, and they danced with the thongs fastened to the pole, etc., and attached to the skewers running under their flesh.

BERDACHES.

§ 212. These unfortunate beings, who have been referred to as miⁿquga and miⁿquge in Chapter III (§ 30), are called wiŋkta by the Santee and Yankton Dakota, and wiŋkte by the Teton. They dress as women and act in all respects as women do, though they are really men. The terms for sodomy, wiŋktapi and wiŋktepi, are significant, and go to prove that the berdaches should not be called hermaphrodites. It is probable that the Dakota regard the moon as influencing these people. (See § 353.)

ASTRONOMICAL LORE.

§ 213. Ho-ke-wiŋ-la is a man who stands in the moon with outstretched arms. His name is said to mean Turtle Man. When the Teton see a short man with a large body and legs they generally call him “Ho-ke-la,” after the man in the moon.

The Teton do not like to gaze at the moon, because at some past time a woman, who was carrying a child on her back, gazed a long time at the moon, till she became very weak and fell senseless.

No Teton dare look at the stars and count even “one” mentally. For one is sure to die if he begin to count the stars and desist before finishing. They are also afraid to point at a rainbow with the index finger, though they can point at it with the lips or elbow. Should one forget, and point with the index finger, the bystanders laugh at him, saying, “By and by, O friend, when your finger becomes large and round, let us have it for a ball bat.”

DAY AND NIGHT.

§ 214. One of Bushotter’s Teton texts reads thus:

Indians are often singing “The day and night are mysterious” or “wakaŋ.” They do so for the following reasons: While the day lasts a man is able to do many wonderful things at different times, and he kills so many animals, including men, and sometimes he receives presents, and besides he is able to see all things. But he does not fully understand what the day is, nor does he know what makes the light. Though the man can do various things during the day, he does not know who makes or causes the light. Therefore he believes that it was not made by hand, i.e., that no human being makes the day give light. Therefore the Indians say that the day is “wakaŋ.” They do not know who causes all these things, yet they know that there is some one thing having power, and that this thing does it. In their opinion, that is the sun. So they pray to the sun; and they respect both the day and the sun, making them “wakaŋ.” On that account they usually sing some songs about them. Then they say that the night is “wakaŋ.” When it is night, there are ghosts and many fearful objects, so they regard the night as “wakaŋ,” and pray to it.

THE DAWN.

§ 215. When Bushotter’s younger brother was sick on one occasion he was made to pray to Anpao, The Dawn. The tent skins were thrown back from the entrance and the sick boy was held up with the palms of his hands extended towards the light, while he repeated this prayer: “Wakaŋ´taŋka, uŋ´śimála yé! Téhaŋ wauŋ´ kte,” i. e., “O Great Mysterious One, please pity me! Let me live a long time!” Then the patient was laid back on his couch. While the sick boy prayed a blanket was held up, and the next morning it was hung from the top of the tent. When the invalid recovered the blanket and a tobacco pouch were taken to a hill and left there as sacrifices. The boy got well, and the people believed that some mysterious power had cured him.

WEATHER SPIRIT.

§ 216. The Teton say that a giant, called Waziya, knows when there is to be a change of weather. When he travels his footprints are large enough for several Indians to stand while they are abreast; and his strides are far apart, for at one step he can go over a hill. When it is cold the people say, “Waziya has returned.” They used to pray to him, but when they found that he did not heed them they desisted. When warm weather is to follow Waziya wraps himself in a thick robe, and when it is to be cold he goes nude. The members of the Heyoka or Anti-natural Society love the acts of Waziya; so they imitate him in always saying or doing the opposite of what might be expected under the circumstances. Riggs says,[165] “Waziya, the god of the north, and Itokaga, the god of the south, are ever in conflict and each in turn is victorious.”

HEYOKA.

§ 217. Waziya and Heyoka are not fully differentiated. Heyoka, according to Riggs,[166] is “the antinatural god.” He is said to exist in four varieties, all of which have the forms of small men, but all their desires and experiences are contrary to nature. In the winter they stand on the open prairie without clothing; in the summer they sit on knolls wrapped in buffalo robes, and yet they are freezing. Each of them has in his hands and on his shoulders a bow and arrows, rattles, and a drum. All these are surcharged with lightning, and his drumstick is a little Wakinyan. The high mounds of the prairies are the places of his abode. He presides over the land of dreams, and that is why dreams are so fantastic.

§ 218. In speaking of the Heyoka gods, Pond says:[167]

Like the Wakinyan, there are four varieties of them, all of which assume in substance the human form, but it would be unnecessarily tedious to note the differences of form, especially as the differences are unimportant. They are said to be armed with the bow and arrows, and with deer-hoof rattles, which things are charged with electricity. One of the varieties carries a drum, which is also charged with the same fluid. For a drumstick he holds a small Wakinyan god by the tail, striking on the drum with the beak of the god. This would seem to us to be an unfortunate position for a god, but it must be remembered that it is “wakan,” and the more absurd a thing is, the more “wakan.”

§ 219. One of these gods in some respects answers to the whirlwind zephyr of Greek mythology. It is the gentle whirlwind which is sometimes visible in the delicate waving of the tall grass of the prairie.[168]

By virtue of their medicine and tonwan powers the Heyoka render aid to such men as revere them, in the chase, or by inflicting and healing diseases, especially those resulting from the gratification of their libidinous passions.

HEYOKA FEAST.

§ 220. Lynd gives an account of the Heyoka feast. He says:[169]

They assemble in a lodge, wearing tall, conical hats, being nearly naked, and painted in a strange style. Upon the fire is placed a huge kettle full of meat, and they remain seated around the fire smoking until the water in the kettle begins to boil, which is the signal for the dance to begin. They dance and sing around it excitedly, plunging their hands into the boiling water, and seizing large pieces of hot meat, which they devour at once. The scalding water is thrown over their backs and legs, at which they never wince, complaining that it is cold. Their skin is first deadened, as I am creditably informed, by rubbing with a certain grass; and they do not in reality experience any uneasiness from the boiling water--a fact which gives their performances great mystery in the eyes of the uninitiated.

§ 221. Dr. Brinton has confounded the Heyoka with the Wakinyan. The two are distinct classes of powers, though there is some connection between them, as may be inferred from the following stories in the Bushotter collection.

§ 222. No Indian belonging to the Heyoka Society ever tells of his own personal mystery. Such things are “wakaŋ,” and not even one man can be induced to sing the Heyoka songs upon an ordinary occasion; because if they sing one of those songs except at the proper time they say that the Thunder-beings would kill the entire households of the offenders. Therefore they object to singing the Heyoka songs and they do not like to speak about them.

STORY OF A HEYOKA MAN.

§ 223. It is said that the people of the olden times knew when they were about to die, and they used to dream about their deaths and how they would be when the time drew near. One of those men said, “When the first thunder is heard next spring, I and my horse shall die.”

For that reason his kindred were weeping from time to time, this man who had dreamed of his death decorated the legs of his horse by moistening light gray clay and drawing zigzag lines down the legs. In like manner he decorated the neck and back of the horse, and he made similar lines on his own arms. Then he would walk about the prairie near the camp, singing and holding a pipe with the stem pointing toward the sky.

When the leaves opened out in the following spring, the first thundercloud was seen. Then the man said, “Ho, this is the day on which I am to die!” So he tied up his horse’s tail in a rounded form, put a piece of scarlet blanket around the animal’s neck, and spread a fine blanket over his back, as a saddlecloth, with the ends trailing along the ground. He painted himself and his horse just as he had been doing formerly, and, taking the pipe, he walked round and round at some distance from the camp, pointing the pipestem towards the clouds as he sang the Heyoka songs. The following is given as a song of the human Heyoka man, but it is said to have been sung originally by the mysterious and superhuman Heyoka in the thundercloud:

Ko-la, o-ya-te kin, ko-la, wan-ni-yaŋg u-pe e-ye he+! Ko-la, o-ya-te, kin, ko-la, wan-ni-yaŋg u-pe e-ye he+! Ko-la, lo-waŋ hi-bu we! Ko-la, će-ya hi-bu we! O-ya-te waŋ-ma-ya-ka-pi ye. He-he-he! Ta-muŋ-ka śni ḳuŋ e-ye-ye he+!

In this song, “oyate” means the Thunder-beings; “kola,” the Heyoka men here on earth, whom the Thunder-beings threatened to kill; “oyate waŋmayakapi,” ordinary Indians who are not wakan; “He-he-he! tamuŋka śni ḳuŋ,” i. e., “Alas! I hate to leave them (living Indians),” means that the singer expects to be killed by the Thunder-beings.

The whole song may be rendered freely thus:

My friends, the people are coming to see you! My friends, the people are coming to see you! My friends, he sings as he comes hither! My friends, he cries as he comes hither! You people on earth behold me while you may! Alas! alas! alas! I hate to leave my own people!

On the day referred to the Heyoka man had not been absent very long from the camp when a high wind arose, and the rain was so plentiful that a person could not see very far. Then the Thunder-beings looked (i. e., there was lightning) and they roared; but still the man and his horse continued walking about over there in sight of the camp. By and by there was a very sudden sound as if the trees had been struck, and all the people were much frightened, and they thought that the Thunder-beings had killed them. Some of the women and children fainted from fear, and the men sat holding them up. Some of the people thought that they saw many stars, and there seemed to be the sound, “Tuŋ+!” in the ears of each person.

When the storm had lasted a long time, the Thunder-beings were departing slowly, amid considerable loud roaring. When it was all over the people ventured forth from their lodges. Behold, the man and his horse had been killed by the Thunder-beings, so his relations were crying ere they reached the scene of the disaster.

The horse had been burnt in the very places where the man had decorated him, and his sinews had been shriveled by the heat, so he lay with each limb stretched out stiff. The man, too, had been burnt in the very places where he had painted himself. The grass all around appeared as if the Thunder-beings had dragged each body along, for it was pushed partly down on all sides. So the people reached there and beheld the bodies.

As the men in former days used to know events beforehand, as has just been told, it has long been the rule for no one to reveal his personal mystery, which he regards as “wakan.”

HEYOKA WOMEN.

§ 224. Bushotter gave the following account of a female Heyoka who was killed by lightning:

A certain woman whom I saw after she had been killed by lightning belonged to the Heyoka Society. When she walked, she carried a pipe with the mouthpiece pointing upward, as she thought that the Thunder-beings would put the mouthpiece into their mouths, though the act would immediately cause her death.

§ 225. “Women used to dream about the Thunder-beings, just as the men did, and in those dreams the Heyoka man or woman made promises to the Thunder-beings. If the dreamers kept their promises, it was thought that the Thunder-beings helped them to obtain whatever things they desired; but if they broke their promises, they were sure to be killed by the Thunder-beings during some storm. For this reason the Heyoka members worshiped the Thunder-beings, whom they honored, speaking of them as wakan.”

§ 226. Some of the women sing, and some do not; but all let their hair hang loosely down their backs, and their dresses consist of a kind of cloth or a robe sewed down the middle of the back. Sometimes the cloth is all blue, at other times half is red and half is blue. Some times there is beadwork on the dress. Even the Heyoka women wear the long red cloth trailing on the ground before and behind them, in imitation of the young dandies of the tribe.

IYA, THE GOD OF GLUTTONY.

§ 227. Lynd speaks of the “vindictive Iya” as driving the hunters “back from the hunt to the desolation of their lodges”.[170]

And Riggs has written:[171]

A people who feast themselves so abundantly as the Dakotas do, when food is plenty, would necessarily imagine a god of gluttony. He is represented as extremely ugly, and is called E-ya. He has the power to twist and distort the human face, and the women still their crying children by telling them that the E-ya will catch them.

IKTO, IKTOMI, OR UNKTOMI.

§ 228. Ikto or Iktomi (in the Teton dialect) or Unktomi (in the Santee) are the names now given to the spider by the Dakota; but the names once belonged to a mythical character, who resembles in many respects the Ictinike of the Omaha and Ponka, and the Ictciñke of the Iowa, Oto, and Missouri tribes. “Ikto,” say the Teton, “was the first being who attained maturity in this world. He is more cunning than human beings. He it was who named all people and animals, and he was the first to use human speech. Some call him the Waunća or Mocker, a name now applied to the monkey.[172] If we see any peculiar animals at any place, we knew that Iktomi made them so. All the animals are his kindred, and they are obliged to act just as he commanded them at the beginning.”

§ 229. In enumerating the powers that delight in working ill to the Indians, Lynd mentions Unktomi thus:

“The ubiquitous Unktomi tortures the Indians in their hunger by bringing herds of buffaloes near the camp, which they no sooner start to pursue than he drives away by means of a black wolf and a white crow.”[173]

§ 230. Though Ikto was very cunning, he was sometimes deceived by other beings. One day he caught the rabbit, and the latter was about to fare hard, when a thought occurred to him. He persuaded his captor to release him on condition that he taught Ikto one of his magic arts. Said the rabbit, “Elder brother, if you wish snow to fall at any time, take some hair such as this (pulling out some rabbit fur) and blow it in all directions, and there will be a blizzard.” The rabbit then made a deep snow in this manner, though the leaves were still green. This surprised Ikto, who thought that he had learned a wonderful accomplishment. But the foolish fellow did not know that _rabbit_ fur was necessary, and when he tried to make snow by blowing his own hair, he was disappointed.

§ 231. On another occasion, Ikto reached a stream which he could not ford. So he stood on the bank and sang thus:

Presently a long object passed, swimming against the current. When it reached him it said, “I will take you across, but you must not lift your head above the water. Should you notice even a small cloud warn me at once, as I must go under the water.” Ikto was then told to give the warning thus: “Younger brother, your grandfather is coming.” Before the other bank was reached Ikto gave the warning, and so sudden was the commotion that Ikto became unconscious. On recovering, he found that the thunder was roaring, and the water was dashing high, but the monster had disappeared.

It is shown in the section on Spider lore (§ 249) how the name Iktomi has been transferred from the mythical character to the insect, who, in turn, is invoked as “grandfather.”

ĆAŊOTIDAŊ AND HOḢNOĠIĆA.

§ 232. These powers have been scarcely differentiated; and some writers speak of them as identical. They seem to have been of the nature of bogies or boggarts. Says Lynd:[174]

Ćaŋotidaŋ draws the hungry hunters to the depths of the wood by imitating the voices of animals, or by the nefarious “_Cico! cico!_” (_i. e._, I invite you to a feast! I invite you to a feast!) when he scares them out of their senses by showing himself to them.

On the same page he distinguishes between the Ćaŋotidaŋ and the Oḣnoġića thus:

“The stray lodge becomes the delight of the wild Ohnogica,” implying that such lodges were haunted by this spirit for the purpose of frightening any unwary traveler who ventured there without a companion.

In Tah-koo Wah-kon (p. 75, note), Riggs speaks of the “Chan-o-te-dan or Hoh-no-ge-cha. The former is a fabulous creature, dwelling usually in the woods as the name indicates. The latter name would seem to give it a place by the door of the tent.” With this we may compare the Omaha invocation, “O thou who standest at the right side of the entrance! Here is tobacco!” (§ 40). The name also reminds us of “The Dweller upon the Threshold” in Bulwer’s “Zanoni.”

Riggs, in his “Theogony of the Sioux,” p. 270, writes thus of the “Chan-o-te-na”:

This means, Dweller in the woods. Sometimes he is called Oh-no-ge-cha, which would seem to assign him to a place in the tent. Whether these are one and the same, or two, is a question in dispute. But they are harmless household gods. The Chan-o-te-na is represented as a little child, only it has a tail. Many Indian men affirm that they have seen it, not only in night dreams, but in day visions.

The name Hoḣnoġića or Oḣnoġića is called by the Teton, Uŋgnaġićala, which is the name of the screech-owl. As the Ponka Indaȼiñga dwells in the forest, and is said to resemble an owl, he must be identical with the Dakota Ćaŋotidaŋ or Uŋgnaġićala. (See § 38.)

ANŬŊG-ITE.

§ 233. Wonderful stories of beings with two faces are found among the Dakota as well as among the Omaha. Lynd[175] states the belief of the Dakota (_i. e._, those speaking the Santee dialect) that “women with child are but torturing sports for the vengeful Anog-ite.”

In the Omaha legend of Two Faces and the Twins[176] the pregnant mother of the Twins died as soon as she had gazed at Two Faces. In the Teton legend of He-who-Has-a-Sword and Ha-ke-la, the latter is said to have met a giant, Anuŋg-ite, or Two Faces, who pretended to be an Indian woman nursing an infant. The infant had been stolen from its parents by the Anuŋg-ite, who drew a rose brush across its face to make it cry. As soon as this was done the Two Faces said, in a woman’s voice, “A-wo! A-wo! A-wo!” that being the expression used by Teton women when they wish to soothe crying infants.

§ 234. The Indians used to hear an Anuŋg-ite or Two Faces pass along kicking the ground. When he kicked the ground with one foot bells used to ring and an owl hooted, and when he kicked with the other it seemed as if a buffalo bull was there, snorting as he does when about to charge. At the next step a chickadee was heard, and when he moved the other foot he made all kinds of animals cry out. The Indians had heard this Anuŋg-ite and were afraid of him. Now and then when a man who thought himself strong was alone when he met the Anuŋg-ite the latter surprised him by catching him and throwing him into one of his ears. These ears were so large that each could hold three men. No person knew where the Anuŋg-ite made his abode, and no one cared to follow him; no one dared to go out of doors at night. Now, there was an old man and his wife who had a lodge to themselves, and their only child was a willful boy. One night he was particularly ill-behaved, and when his mother told him to do something he disobeyed her. So she said: “I will put you out of the lodge and the Anuŋg-ite will toss you into his ear.” She did not believe this, and merely said it to frighten her son into obedience. Finding him heedless, she seized his arm and, though he began to cry, pushed him out of the lodge and fastened the entrance securely. The poor boy ran crying around the lodge, but soon there was silence. The mother in turn began to cry, and went to seek him, but she did not find him outside the lodge. The next morning she and her husband, weeping, went to seek him among the people in the neighboring camp, asking every one about him, but no one had seen him. So they returned to their lodge, and they wept many days for their son. One night the mother was weeping. Suddenly she heard some one say, “Hiⁿ! hiⁿ! You said to me: Ghost, take that one. Hiⁿ! hⁿ!” This was said often, and she noticed a rattling of small bells as the being walked along. Just then she said: “Husband, I think now that a ghost has taken my son.” The husband said: “Yes; you gave the boy to the ghost, and, of course, the ghost took him. Why should you complain? It serves you right.” Then the mother cried aloud, so that her voice might have been heard at a distance. Then said she: “Husband, to-morrow night I will lie hid by the wood-pile, and if the ghost comes I will have a knife in my hand, and after I catch it by the leg I will call to you. Be ready to come at once. You must aid me, and I will recover my son, because I know that he threw him into his ear.” So the next night she lay in wait for the monster. By and by something was coming, crying out “Hiⁿ!” and making all kinds of birds and animals cry out as it walked. She saw a very large being come and stand by the lodge. He was very tall, his head being above the smoke-hole, down which he peeped into the lodge. Suddenly the mother called to her husband, and seized one leg of the monster with both hands. Then she and her husband gashed the legs in many places, and, after tying a thong to one leg, they pulled down the monster and bound him securely. They guarded him till it was day. Then they beheld a hideous monster covered with thick hair, except on his faces. They split his ears with a knife, and within one they found their long-lost son, who was very lean and unable to speak. He had a thick coat of long hair on him from his legs up to his head, but his head and face were smooth. And he would have become an Anuŋg-ite had he not been rescued. He did not survive very long. After the parents had taken their son from the ear of the monster they put many sticks of wood on a fire, and on this they laid the monster. He soon was in flames, and they stood looking on. Many things were sent flying out of the fire in all directions, just like sparks. These were porcupine quills, bags, all kinds of feathers, arrows, pipes, birds, axes, war-clubs, flints, stones for sharpening knives, stone balls resembling billiard balls, necklaces of _tuki_ shells, flints for striking tinder, flint hide-scrapers, whips, tobacco-pouches, all kinds of beads, etc.[177]

PENATES.

§ 235. It has been supposed that the Dakotas had no penates or household gods; but according to Riggs,[178] “such have come into the possession of the missionaries. One of these images is that of a little man, and is inclosed in a cylindrical wooden case, and enveloped in sacred swan’s down.”

GUARDIAN SPIRITS.

§ 236. Each Teton may have his special guardian spirit. If such spirits are remembered they confer great power on their favorites. The latter may be surrounded by foes and yet escape, either by receiving great strength, enabling them to scatter their enemies, or by being made invisible, disappearing like a ghost or the wind. Sometimes it is said that one is rescued by being turned into a small bird that flies off in safety. (See §§ 122, 325.) This refers to those who “ihaŋbla” (have intercourse with spirits) or who have guardian spirits (tawaśićuŋpi) as servants. Bushotter’s stepfather has a guardian spirit who enabled him to tell about lost animals, etc., and bad deeds, even when the latter were committed in secret. So Bushotter and the other children of the household were afraid to do wrong after they had been detected several times by the aid of the guardian spirit.

BELIEFS ABOUT THE BUFFALO.

§ 237. In several of the Siouan tribes the buffalo is considered a “grandfather.” He figures in the traditions of the Osage.[179] Gentes and sub gentes are named after him. His image plays an important part in the sun dance (§ 164).

§ 238. Miss Fletcher[180] mentions a prayer used during the White Buffalo Festival of the Hunkpapa Dakota, in which are remembered the “powers of the earth, wind, sun, water, and the buffalo.” And in her article on “The Shadow or Ghost Lodge; a Ceremony of the Ogallala Sioux,” she states that 2 yards of red cloth are (were) “lifted and offered to the buffalo, with a prayer that good may (might) be granted to the father” (i. e., of the dead child) “during the period of the lodge-keeping.”[181]

§ 239. In her article on the “Elk Mystery of the Ogallala Sioux”[182] is given an important note:

Among the Santees in past times, a man who should dream of buffalo must announce it in the following manner: He takes the head of a buffalo he has killed, carefully removes the skin, preserving it as nearly whole as possible, and throws away the skull and the flesh. He then restores the skin to its natural shape and lets it cure. When this has taken place, a few feet square of earth is set apart at the back of the lodge, the sods cut off, and the exposed earth made fine. This is the “U-ma-ne.” Upon this earth a new blanket, formerly a robe, is spread. The blanket or robe must not belong to a woman. The buffalo head is placed in the center of the blanket, and one side of the head (is) painted blue, and the other (side) red. Upon the blue side, tufts of white swan’s down are tied to the hair of the head. Sometimes small eagle feathers are substituted, and, very rarely, large feathers. Upon the red side, tufts of down-colored red are similarly tied. These decorations look like “a woman’s sunbonnet,” as they cover the head and fall to the shoulders. The pipe is only filled and presented to the head. The feast kettle is hung over the fire. When all is in readiness, the man who prepared the head thus addresses it: “Grandfather! Venerable man! Your children have made this feast for you. May the food thus taken cause them to live, and bring them good fortune.” An Indian of remarkable intelligence, whose father before him had been a priest of the higher class, explained that in some religious festivals the buffalo and the earth were spoken of as one, and (were) so regarded. “Therefore if any one should revile or ridicule the buffalo, ever so softly, the earth would hear and tell the buffalo, and he would kill the man.”

Bushotter furnished two articles on the buffalo, translations of which are appended.

ORIGIN OF THE BUFFALO.

§ 240. The buffalo originated under the earth. It is said that in the olden times, a man who was journeying came to a hill where there were many holes in the ground. He explored them, and when he had gone within one of them, he found plenty of buffalo chips, and buffalo tracks were on all sides; and here and there he found buffalo hair which had come out when the animals rubbed against the walls. These animals were the real buffalo, who dwelt underground, and some of them came up to this earth and increased here to many herds. These buffalo had many earth lodges, and there they raised their children. They did many strange things. Therefore when a man can hardly be wounded by a foe, the people believe that the former has seen the buffalo in dreams or visions, and on that account has received mysterious help from those animals. All such men who dream of the buffalo, act like them and dance the buffalo (bull) dance. And the man who acts the buffalo is said to have a real buffalo inside him, and a chrysalis lies within the flat part of the body near the shoulder-blade; on account of which the man is hard to kill; no matter how often they wound him, he does not die. As the people know that the buffalo live in earth lodges, they never dance the buffalo dance in vain.

THE TATAŊGNAŚKIŊYAŊ OR MYTHIC BUFFALO.

§ 241. It is said that a mythic buffalo once attacked a party of Indians, killing one of them. The others fled and climbed a tree, at which the buffalo rushed many times, knocking off piece after piece of the tree with his horns till very little of it was left. Then one of the Indians lighted some tinder and threw it far off into the tall grass, scorching the buffalo’s eyes, and seriously injuring his horns, causing the hard part of the latter to slip off, so that the animal could no longer gore any one. But as he was still dangerous, one of the men determined to fight him at the risk of his own life, and so he slipped down from the tree, armed with a bow and some arrows. He finally gave the buffalo a mortal wound. Then all the men came down the tree and cut up the buffalo after flaying him. They were about to carry off the body of their dead comrade in a robe, when they were obliged to climb a tree again because another mythic buffalo had appeared. He did not attack them, but went four times around the body of the slain man. Then he stopped and said, “Arise to your feet.” All at once, the dead man came to life. The buffalo addressed him, saying, “Hereafter you shall be mysterious, and the sun, moon, four winds, day and night shall be your servants.” It was so. He could assume the shape of a fine plume, which was blown often against a tree, to which it stuck, as it waved repeatedly.

THE BEAR.

§ 242. The Assiniboin address prayers to the bear.[183] They offer it sacrifices of tobacco, belts, and other esteemed objects. They celebrate feasts in its honor, to obtain its favors and to live without accidents. The bear’s head is often preserved in the camp during several days, mounted in some suitable position and adorned with scraps of scarlet cloth, and trimmed with a variety of necklace collars, and colored feathers. Then they offer it the calumet, and ask it that they may be able to kill all the bears they meet, without accident to themselves, in order to anoint themselves with his fine grease and make a banquet of his tender flesh.

THE WOLF.

§ 243. Smet says, “The wolf is more or less honored among the Indians” (_i. e._ the Assiniboin) “Most of the women refuse to dress its skin for any purpose. The only reason that I could discover for this freak is, that the wolves sometimes go mad, bite those they meet and give them the hydrophobia. It is doubtless to escape this terrible disease and to avoid the destruction of their game, that the Indians make it” (the wolf) “presents, and offer it supplications. In other cases, he is little feared.” The “little medicine wolf” is in great veneration among the Assiniboin. As soon as an Indian hears his barks, he counts the number; he remarks whether his voice is feeble or strong, and from what point of the compass it proceeds. All these things are regarded as good or bad omens. If the undertakings of the Indians result, as they occasionally do, in success, after hearing the barking of the little wolf, this animal is honored by a grand feast after the return of the party.[184]

§ 244. That some of the Dakota reverenced the wolf is evident from the fact that there is a society, called the Wolf Society, but known among the white people as the Dog Society. That society has many beautiful songs, according to Bushotter, and its membership is confined to young men. All the wolf stories belong to this society. Three of these stories follow this section.

§ 245. The man who met the ghost woman after fleeing from the two ghost men[185] encountered a wolf, who pitied him and showed him the way to a camp, where he was received and adopted into the tribe. This man always remembered the wolf as a kind animal, and when he killed any game, he threw a portion outside of the camp, as an offering to the wolf.

§ 246. There was once a handsome young Teton, whose wife’s father disliked him and plotted against him. He dug a pit within his lodge, covering it with skins. Then he invited his son-in-law to a feast. The son-in-law met a wolf, whom he saluted, asking him the way to the village. The young man was persuaded to recline on the skins, which gave way, precipitating him into the pit. The father-in-law and his two single daughters covered the skins with earth, and removed their tent elsewhere on the morrow, when all the people started on a journey. After some days, the wolf who had met the man went to the deserted camping place in search of food. On reaching the place where the accident (?) had happened, he heard a human cry. So he dug away the earth, removed the skins, and found the man, whom he recognized. The wolf pitied him, and said, “As you did not kill me when we met, you shall now be saved.” So he howled, and very soon many wolves appeared. They found a lariat, which they lowered into the pit, and by grasping the other end with their teeth, they pulled the man up. He was very grateful, promising never to harm a wolf. Just then a weeping woman appeared, gazing in surprise at the man, as he was very thin, looking like a ghost. She was his wife, and her heart was soon made glad when he told her of his rescue.

§ 247. Once upon time a man found a wolf den, into which he dug to get the cubs. The mother came, barking, and she finally said to him, “Pity my children;” but he paid no attention to her. So she ran for her husband, who soon appeared. Still the man persevered. Then the wolf sang a beautiful song, “O man, pity my children, and I will instruct you in one of my arts.” He ended with a howl, causing a fog. When the wolf howled again the fog disappeared. Then the man thought, “These animals have mysterious gifts,” and he tore up his red blanket into small pieces, which he put as necklaces on the cubs, whom he painted with Indian red, restoring them to their place in the den. Then the grateful father exclaimed, “When you go to war hereafter, I will accompany you, and bring to pass whatever you wish.” So they parted as friends. In the course of time the man went on the war path. As he came in sight of a village of the enemy, a large wolf met him, saying, “By and by I will sing and you shall steal their horses when they least suspect danger.” So they stopped on a hill close to the village, and the wolf sang. After this he howled, making a high wind arise. The horses fled to the forest, many stopping on the hillside. When the wolf had howled again, the wind died away, and a mist arose; so the man took as many horses as he pleased.

HORSES.

§ 248. These are well named “Cŭñka wakaⁿ (Śuŋka wakaŋ)” for they are indeed wakaŋ. Consequently the Dakota have the Cŭñg olowaⁿ (Śuŋg olowaŋ) or Horse Songs, and they pray to the horses (ćewićakiyapi). If any one paints a horse in a wakaŋ manner, when he has no right to do so, he is sure to pay the penalty: he will encounter misfortune of some sort, or he will fall ill, or he will be slain by a foe, or he will have his neck broken by being thrown from a horse.

SPIDERS.

§ 249. The Teton pray to gray spiders, and to those with yellow legs. When a person goes on a journey and a spider passes, one does not kill it in silence. For should one let it escape, or kill it without prayer, bad consequences must ensue. In the latter case, another spider would avenge the death of his relation. To avoid any such misfortune, when the spider is encountered, the person must say to it, “Iktómi Tuŋkaŋśila, Waʞiŋyaŋ niktepe lo,” i. e., “O Grandfather Spider, the Thunder-beings kill you!” The spider is crushed at once, and his spirit believes what has been told him. His spirit probably tells this to the other spiders, but they can not harm the Thunder-beings. If one thus addresses a spider as he kills it, he will never be bitten by other spiders.

§ 231. One of the Dakota myths tells how Unktomi killed himself, causing his limbs to shrivel up till they assumed the appearance of spiders’ limbs.

SNAKE LORE.

§ 250. Some Dakota will not kill snakes by hitting them. He who violates the law in this respect will dream horrible dreams about various kinds of snakes; and occasionally it happens that such a man has a horse bitten by a snake. The Siŋteḣla taŋka, or the Ancient of Rattlesnakes, was one of the enemies of the Thunder-beings.

“There are some things about which it is most unlucky to dream. Snakes are said to be terrible; they seek to enter a man’s ears, nose, or mouth” (i.e., in the dream); “and should one succeed, it is a sure sign of death. ‘No good comes from snakes.’”[186]

THE DOUBLE WOMAN.

§ 251. In the olden times there was what they called “Wiŋyaŋ nuŋ-papi-ka,” or the The Double Woman, consisting of two very tall females who were probably connected by a membrane. They wore horned headdresses decorated with feathers, and bunches of feathers hung from the right shoulder of one and from the left shoulder of the other. Instead of heel tags, each female had a turtle trailing from the heel or quarter of one moccasin, and a feather from that of the other. In the sketch as given by Bushotter there is a pale blue stripe around the bottom of each skirt, and half of each trailing feather is of that color. Each body, above the top of the blanket, is painted with blue dots on a yellow ground. There is a blue stripe across the right shoulder of the woman on the right, and one across the left shoulder of the other woman, each stripe curving downward towards the opposite side. (See Pl. L.)

They dwelt in a lodge on a very high black cliff. They were always laughing immoderately, as if they were strangers to sorrow. On pleasant evenings they stood on a hill, where they amused themselves by swinging. Should any Indian see them, when he reached home he vomited something resembling black earth, and died suddenly. These women were skillful dancers, and they used to reflect rays of light by means of their mirror, just as the young Indian men do in sport. They jumped many times and sang this song: [Illustration [musical notation]] Će´-paŋ-śi ku-wa´-ni-to´ Tu´-wa le´-ći śi´-na mi´-ćo-ze´. ]

“Cousin, please come over here! Some one waves a robe over in this direction at me. Ha! ha! ha!” Then they walked about. No one knew from what quarter the Double Woman was coming, and how the two lived was a mystery. There are many tall women found now among different Indian tribes who imitate the behavior of the Double Woman.

John Bruyier and other Teton at Hampton, Va., regard this story of the Double Woman as manufactured by Bushotter. But this character figures in two Santee myths in Rev. S. R. Riggs’s collection, about to be published by the Bureau of Ethnology.[187] (See § 394.)

DEER WOMEN.

§ 252. Deer women of the Teton resemble the Wolf women of the Pawnee. Both tempt unwary youths whom they encounter away from the camp in solitary places. Should a youth yield to the woman’s solicitations the result will be a sad one. As soon as he leaves her she will resume her natural shape. The youth will appear as if drunk or insane, and he will reach home with difficulty. His health will become impaired, and he will soon die. So now the hunters avoid any female that they see on the way. They hate the Deer women. The Deer women never speak, but in all other respects they resemble Indian women.

DWARFS OR ELVES.

§ 253. Dwarfs or elves are probably referred to in the following;

This [_i. e._ the object sought by Lewis and Clarke’s party] was a large mound in the midst of the plain, about N. 20° W. from the mouth of Whitestone River, from which it is 9 miles distant. The base of the mound is a regular parallelogram, the longest side being about 300 yards, the shorter 60 or 70; from the longest side it rises with a steep ascent from the north and south to the height of 65 or 70 feet, leaving on the top a level plain of 12 feet in breadth and 90 in length. The north and south extremities are connected by two oval borders, which serve as new bases, and divide the whole side into three steep but regular gradations from the plain. The only thing characteristic in this hill is its extreme symmetry, and this, together with its being wholly detached from the other hills, which are at the distance of 8 or 9 miles, would induce a belief that it was artificial; but as the earth and loose pebbles which compose it are arranged exactly like the steep grounds on the borders of the creek, we concluded from this similarity of texture that it might be natural. But the Indians have made it a great article of their superstition; it is called the Mountain of the Little People, or Little Spirits, and they believe that it is the abode of little devils in the human form, of about 18 inches high, and with remarkably large heads; they are armed with sharp arrows, with which they are very skillful, and are always on the watch to kill those who should have the hardihood to approach their residence. The tradition is that many have suffered from these little evil spirits, and, among others, three Maha Indians fell a sacrifice to them a few years since. This has inspired all the neighboring nations, Sioux, Mahas, and Ottoes, with such terror that no consideration could tempt them to visit the hill.[188]

BOGS.

§ 254. Bogs are very mysterious. There are various strange objects covered with thick hair which remain at the bottom of a bog. These objects have no eyes, but they are able to devour anything, and from their bodies water is ever flowing. When one of these beings wishes, he abandons his abode and reclines under ground at another place; then there is no water issuing from the place where he used to lie, but a spring gushes forth from the new resting place. The water of this spring is warm in winter, but as cold as ice in summer, and before one dares to drink of it he prays to the water, as he does not wish to bring illness on himself by his irreverence. In the olden days one of these strange beings was pulled up out of a bog and carried to the camp, where a special tent was erected for him. But water flowed all around him, which drowned almost all of the people. Then the survivors offered him food, which he held as he sat motionless, gazing at them. The food disappeared before the spectators were aware of it, though they did not see the being eat it.

TREES.

§ 255. The Dakota prayed to trees, because it was reported that in former days a tree had sung at intervals. A man claimed to have witnessed this, and from that time they have been regarded as mysterious.

CUSTOMS RELATING TO CHILDHOOD.

§ 256. The Teton sing on account of the unborn child, and set up a pole inside the lodge, at the part opposite the entrance, fastening eagles’ down to the top of the pole, just as they do when a boy has advanced toward manhood.

§ 257. Soon after birth they paint the face of the infant, whether it be a boy or a girl, with vermilion, in the “Huŋka” style.[189] Should they neglect to do this, it is said that the infant would become blear-eyed or it would suffer from some kind of sickness.

§ 258. When the navel string is cut, a small bag is made of deerskin, cut in the shape of a small tortoise, known as patkaśala. In this bag is placed a piece of the navel string and sweet-smelling leaves, with which the bag is filled. The infant has to carry this bag on its back. Part of the navel string is buried, and when the child is large enough to get into mischief they say, “He is hunting for his navel string.”

§ 259. Prior to the naming of the infant is the ceremony of the transfer of character. Should the infant be a boy, a brave and good-tempered man, chosen beforehand, takes the infant in his arms and breathes into his mouth, thereby communicating his own disposition to the infant, who will grow up to be a brave and good-natured man. It is thought that such an infant will not cry as much as infants that have not been thus favored. Should the infant be a girl, it is put into the arms of a good woman, who breathes into its mouth.

§ 260. Twins are a mystery to the Teton, who believe that they are of superhuman origin, and must come from Twin-land. As they are not human beings, they must be treated very politely and tenderly, lest they should become offended and die in order to return to Twin-land.

In his MS. Teton vocabulary, sent to the Bureau of Ethnology in July, 1890, Dr. J. M. Woodburn, Jr., recently physician at Rosebud Agency, S. Dak., makes the following statement which seems worthy of notice: “Twins are lucky as regards themselves only; the mother is looked upon as unfortunate. The twins may die, but they are sure to be born again into separate families. No ordinary human being can recognize them as twins after the new births; but twins themselves are able each to recognize the other as his fellow-twin in a previous state of existence. Medicine men often claim that their supernatural powers are due to a previous existence as twins.” (See §§ 267, 287.)

§ 261. When a child is able to walk, they say that “He kicks out the teeth of his elder brother” (or “sister,” as the case may be). The teeth of the elder child which have been shed, probably the first set, are buried under the entrance to the lodge so that other teeth may come in their place. Whoever steps over the spot where the teeth have been buried will soon have other teeth in his mouth.

PUBERTY.

§ 262. Among the Oglala Dakota, according to Miss Fletcher,[190] the rites incident to the puberty of girls take place on the fourth day of the sun-dance festival. In a note on page 260 of the Peabody Museum Report, vol. III, the same authority says:

Through the kindness of Rev. A. L. Riggs I learn that among the bands of Eastern Sioux living near Fort Sully, Dak., a feast, called the reappearance of the White Buffalo Skin, is held for the consecration of a girl on her arriving at puberty. The feast is sacred and costly, and not everyone can afford it. Those who have once made the feast become the privileged guests at every such feast, occupy the feast tent, and are served first. A prominent feature in the feast is the feeding of these privileged persons, and the girl in whose honor the feast is given, with choke cherries, as the choicest rarity to be had in the winter. The feast can be held at any time. Bull berries, or, as the Dakotas call them, “rabbits’ noses,” may be substituted, or finely pounded meat mixed with fat, in case no berries are to be had. In the ceremony, a few of the cherries are taken in a spoon and held over the sacred smoke, then fed to the girl. The spoon is filled anew, incensed as each person is fed. As each one is given the cherries, he is addressed thus: “Wi-ća-śa-ya-ta-pi wo-yu-te de ya-tiŋ kte,”

[Transcriber’s note: the last hyphen in “wo-yu-te” was at the end of a line; the word may have been “wo-yute” or “wo-yu-te”.]

i.e., “You will eat this chief’s food.” The eaters are not chiefs; they only partake of chiefs’ food.

§ 263. Initiation to manhood took place in one of two ways: (1) By the wohduze ceremony, or, (2) by the bear dance, as witnessed by Long.

The former has been referred to in §§ 122-125 of this article; the latter has been described by Long[191] as

a ceremony which they are in the habit of performing when any young man wishes to bring himself into particular notice, and it is considered a kind of initiation into the state of manhood. There is a kind of flag made of fawn skin dressed with the hair on, suspended upon a pole. Upon the flesh side of it are drawn certain figures indicative of the dream which it is necessary the young man should have dreamed before he can be considered a proper candidate for this kind of initiation. With this flag a pipe is suspended by way of sacrifice. Two arrows are stuck up at the foot of the pole, and fragments of painted feathers, etc., are strewed upon the ground near it. These pertain to the religious rites attending the ceremony, bewailing and self-mortification. The young man who has had the dream acts the bear in this dance, and is hunted by the other young men; but the same man can not act the bear more than once in consequence of his dreams.

§ 264. Miss Fletcher says:[192]

The maturity of the sexes is a period of serious and religious experiences which are preparatory by their character for the entrance of the youth or maiden into the religious and secular responsibilities of life, both individual and tribal. Among the tribes which hold especial public ceremonies announcing the maturity of a girl, these rights are held not far from the actual time of puberty, and indicate the close of childhood and entrance of the person into the social status of womanhood. The public festival has, however, been preceded by private religious rites. With young men the religious training precedes and follows puberty, and the entrance is publicly announced by the youth joining in the dangers and duties of tribal life. According to the old customs, a young man did not take a wife until he had proved his prowess, and thus became enrolled among the manly element, or braves, as they are sometimes spoken of. The initial fasts of warriors have been mistaken sometimes for ceremonials of puberty.

GHOST LORE AND THE FUTURE LIFE.

MEANING OF WANAĠI.

§ 265. The word “wa-na-ġi” means more than “apparition.” The living man is supposed to have one, two, or more “wanaġi,” one of which after death remains at the grave and another goes to the place of the departed. The writer has been told that for many years no Yankton Dakota would consent to have his picture taken lest one of his “wanaġi” should remain in the picture, instead of going after death to the spirit land. The Teton Dakota apply the name of “ghost” or “shadow” to the lock of hair cut from the forehead of the deceased and kept for some time by the parents; and till that lock is buried the deceased is supposed to retain his usual place in the household circle.

§ 266. Lynd[193] says that to the human body the Dakota give four spirits:

The first is supposed to be a spirit of the body, which dies with the body. The second is a spirit which always remains with or near the body. Another is the soul which accounts for the deeds of the body, and is supposed by some to go to the south, by others to the west, after the death of the body. The fourth always lingers with the small bundle of the hair of the deceased, kept by the relatives until they have a chance to throw it into the enemy’s country, when it becomes a roving spirit, bringing death and disease to the enemy in whose country it remains. From this belief arose the practice of wearing four scalp feathers for each enemy slain in battle, one for each spirit.

§ 267. “Some Sioux claim a fifth scalp feather, averring that there is a fifth spirit, which enters the body of some animal or child after death. As far as I am aware, this belief is not general, though they differ in their accounts of the spirits of man, even in number.

Some of these metempsychosists go so far as to aver that they have distinct recollections of a former state of existence and of the passage into this. The belief, as before stated, does not appear to be general.” (See §§ 260, 287.)

§ 268. With regard to the place of abode of the four spirits of each man--though they believe that the true soul which goes south or west is immortal--they have no idea, nor do they appear to have any particular care as to what may become of them after death. It may be remarked, that the happy hunting grounds, supposed to belong to every Indian’s future, are no part of the Dakota creed--though individual Dakota may have learned something like it from the white men among them.

ASSINNIBOIN BELIEFS ABOUT THE DEAD.

§ 269. The Assinniboin “believe that the dead migrate toward the south,[194] where the climate is mild, the game abundant, and the rivers well stocked with fish. Their hell is the reverse of this picture; its unfortunate inmates dwell in perpetual snow and ice and in the complete deprivation of all things. There are, however, many among them who think that death is the cessation of life and action and that there is naught beyond it.[195]

“The Assinniboine believe that their dead go to a country in the south, where the good and brave find women and buffaloes, while the wicked or cowardly are confined on an island, where they are destitute of all the pleasures of life. The corpses of brave men are not deposited in trees, but on the ground, as they will help themselves, and they are covered with wood and stones to protect them from the wolves.”[196]

GHOSTS NOT ALWAYS VISIBLE.

§ 270. The ghosts of the departed are not always visible to the living. Sometimes they are heard but not seen, though in the lodge with a mortal. Occasionally they become materialized, taking living husbands or wives, eating, drinking, and smoking, just as if they were ordinary human beings.

DEATH AND BURIAL LORE.

§ 271. As ghosts visit the sick at night it is customary to drive them away by making a smoke from cedar wood, or else cedar is laid outside the lodge. Sometimes a piece of cedar is fastened up at the smoke-hole. (See § 42.) One Teton story shows how a female ghost disliked a bad odor and fled from it. When they hear a ghost whistling, some one leaves the lodge and fires a gun. Before death the lodge is surrounded by ghosts of deceased kindred that are visible to the dying person.

All the dead man’s possessions are buried with him; his body is dressed in good clothing. The favorite horse is decorated and saddled, and to this day various articles belonging to the deceased are fastened to him. The horse is shot and part of his tail is cut off and laid near the head of the burial scaffold, as it is thought that in such a case the ghost can ride the ghost of the horse and use all the articles carried by that animal.

§ 272. _Why the Teton stopped burying in the ground._--Long ago the people buried some men on a hill and then removed camp to another place. Many winters afterwards a man visited this burial place, but all traces of the graves had disappeared. So many men came and dug far down into the hill. By and by one said, “A road lies here.” So they dug in that direction and made a fire underground. And there they found a tunnel large enough for men to walk in by stooping, with many similar intersecting ones. They followed the main one and finally came to a place whither a strange animal, the Waḣaŋksića, had dragged the corpses. For this reason the Lakota became unwilling to lay their dead in the ground, so they began to bury on scaffolds which could not be reached by beasts of prey. At the present day the Teton gives three reasons for not burying in the ground: (1) Animals or persons might walk over the graves; (2) the dead might lie in mud and water after rain or snow; (3) wolves might dig up the bodies and devour them.

§ 273. _Importance of tattooing._--In order that the ghost may travel the ghost road in safety it is necessary for each Lakota during his life to be tattooed either in the middle of the forehead or on the wrists. In that event his spirit will go directly to the “Many Lodges.” The other spirit road is said to be short, and the foolish one who travels it never reaches the “Many Lodges.” An old woman sits in the road and she examines each ghost that passes. If she can not find the tattoo marks on the forehead, wrists, or chin, the unhappy ghost is pushed from a cloud or cliff and falls to this world. Such is the lot of the ghosts that wander o’er the earth. They can never travel the spirit road again; so they go about whistling, with no fixed abode.

§ 274. If a quiet and well-behaved person dies his ghost is apt to be restless and cause trouble, but the ghost of a bad person who dies a natural death is never feared. The ghost of a murdered person is always dangerous.

§ 275. If a ghost calls to a loved one and the latter answers, he or she is sure to die soon after. If some one is heard weeping outside of a lodge, it is a sign that a person dwelling in that lodge is doomed to die. If a sister dies, she has a strong desire to return and carry off a beloved brother. So in the event of a death in the family a gun is fired or medicine is thrown on a fire to raise a smoke. If one who is alone encounters a ghost, the latter will be apt to pull his mouth and eyes until they are crooked. This danger is encountered only by one who has dreamed of a ghost. He who has been harmed by a ghost always faints, and it is long before he revives. Mothers scare bad children by saying, “Well, wait a bit and I will tell a ghost to come and carry you off.” Some one who has dreamed of ghosts will draw one on a skin, etc., to frighten the children. Such a person is said to draw his own ghost just as he will appear in future. No one else dares to draw a ghost. (See § 299.)

CEREMONIES AT THE GHOST LODGE.[197]

§ 276. When a son dies the parents with a knife cut off some hair from the top of the head, just above the forehead, placing the hair in a deerskin cover. Then they set up three poles, fastened together at the top and forming a sort of tripod. A cord hung over the top of these holds up the white deerskin pack containing the hair of the deceased. This hair is called the ghost or shade (or wa-na-ġi) of the dead person. The deerskin pack hangs horizontally from the poles and the skin is worked with porcupine quills in many lines, and here and there are various kinds of red and blue circular figures sewed on it. All the sod had been cut away from the ground beneath the pack, and on this bare or virgin earth they put a bowl and a drinking vessel, each ornamented with porcupine work. Three times a day do they remember the ghost, for whom they put the choicest food in the bowl and water in the drinking vessel. Every article is handled carefully, being exposed to the smoke of sweet-smelling herbs. The pack said to contain the ghost is put in the ghost lodge with the knife which he used during life.

The Indians always have observed the custom of smoking pipes and eating while sitting in the ghost lodge. At the back of the lodge they prepare a seat and in the middle they set up two poles similar to those erected outside the entrance to the tents. Before they eat in the lodge, they sacrifice part of the food. Whenever they move the camp or single tent from one place to another all these sacred objects are packed and carried on a horse kept for this special purpose. This horse is called “Wanaġi taśuŋkewakaŋ,” i.e., “The ghost’s horse.” This horse has his tail and mane cut off short; the hair on the body is shaved very close; his body is rubbed all over with yellow clay. Some one then rubs paint on the fingers, touching the rump gently several times, as well as the forehead and around the neck and breast. A feather is tied to the end of the tail. On his back they place a saddlecloth and a saddle, each ornamented with porcupine quills. The horse must mourn--i.e., keep his hair short--as long as the ghost remains unburied; but as soon as the hair is removed from the pack and buried the horse’s hair is allowed to grow long again. As soon as the people stop to encamp the ghost lodge is set up before any of the others. The articles which are kept there remain for a specified time, perhaps for several years, during which period certain ceremonies are performed. At the end of the allotted time comes the ghost feast, the Waéćŭŋpi or Wakíćaġápi, when the ghost pack is opened and the ghost taken out and buried. Then all the people assemble, setting up their tents near the ghost lodge. The kindred of the deceased weep and bring food to the place. All this food has been boiled. They set up in the ground some forked sticks, such as are used for digging wild turnips, and straight poles are laid along the forked sticks. On the poles are hung moccasins, and in the space between the forked sticks are piled blankets, buffalo robes, calico, untanned skin bags, tanned bags, porcupine quills, wild turnips, and fruits.[198] These are distributed by women, and the people spend the time pleasantly. They also give presents to the young women. If the deceased was a male and a member of an order of young men, all who belong to it are invited to a feast (there was a similar custom among the Ponka, in 1872), where they sing songs. When they stop singing they sit with bodies erect, but with bent head and stooping shoulders. Then the parents of the dead youth enter the lodge, weeping as they pass around the circle, and each one places both hands on the head of each guest, because the son, who regarded the men as his friends, is no longer present. If the deceased is a female, only the women assemble, except some men who lead the singing. If horses take part in the ceremonies, their manes and tails are shaved short, and they, too, receive gifts. Here and there one of the kindred of the deceased gives away all his property, and then the bag is opened and the hair or ghost is taken out and buried. From this time the parting with his parents is absolute. They think that, until the hair is buried, the deceased is really present with the household, and that when this burial takes place he dies a second time. After this burial the kindred put on their usual clothing, and while they weep for the dead at intervals they are at liberty to anoint and decorate themselves according to fancy.

Another account of Bushotter states that when they prepare for the ghost feast they redden the sack containing the hair and hang the war bonnet of feathers on the three poles at right angles with the ghost sack. They wish to remember his deeds in war, so they also stick one end of his war spear in the ground, with its top leaning against the tops of the three poles. His shield is suspended from one of the poles. The three pipes on the shield in a colored sketch prepared by Bushotter denote that on so many expeditions the deceased warrior carried a war pipe. The red stripes declare how many of the enemy were wounded by him, and the human heads show the number of foes that he killed. The half-moon means that he shouted at his foes on a certain night. Once he threw aside his arms and engaged in a hand-to-hand struggle with a foe; this is shown by the human hand. The horse-tracks indicate that he ran off with so many horses. If his name was Black Hawk, for instance, a black hawk was painted in the middle of his shield.

All these things are arranged before they open the bag containing the hair. Then they enter the lodge, and there they open all the things that they have brought. The kindred of the deceased are the only ones to enter the lodge, and when they see the hair taken from the sack they scream suddenly for a minute or two. It is at this time that they distribute the gifts. Food has been boiled in many kettles, and is now divided among the people not the kindred of the deceased, who are scattered around the ghost lodge, and some food is usually given to the young men of the order to which the deceased belonged.

A woman who attends to collecting the food, calico, bags, clothing, etc., turns to the four posts of the scaffold in succession, and utters one of the following sayings or prayers at each post: “If the ghosts eat this, may I live long!” or “May the ghosts eat this, and I obtain many horses!” or “If my nephew (or niece) eats this, may someone give me many presents!” This woman is careful to put the best part of the food on the bowl or dish, under the scaffold near the head of the corpse.[199] Should any one eat before the food has been put aside for the ghost, all the ghosts become angry with him, and they are sure to punish him; they will make him drop his food just before it reaches his mouth, or they will spill the water when he tries to drink, and sometimes they cause a man to gash himself with a knife.

GOOD AND BAD GHOSTS.

§ 277. Some ghosts are beneficent, but most of them are maleficent. They know all things, even the thoughts of living people. They are glad when the wind blows. Bushotter’s younger brother was crazy at one time, and a doctor or peźuta wićaśa said that the sickness had been caused by a ghost.

INTERCOURSE WITH GHOSTS.

§ 278. Lynd says: The belief in the powers of some Dakotas to call up and converse with the spirits of the dead is strong in some, though not general. They frequently make feasts to those spirits and elicit information from them of distant friends and relatives. Assembling at night in a lodge, they smoke, put out the fire, and then, drawing their blankets over their heads, remain singing in unison in a low key until the spirit gives them a picture. This they pretend the spirit does; and many a hair-erecting tale is told of the spirit’s power to reveal, and the after confirmation.[200]

GHOST STORIES.

A few ghost stories of the Teton collection will now be given.

§ 279. _The ghost husband._--A young Lakota died just before marrying a young girl whom he loved. The girl mourned his death, so she cut her hair here and there with a dull knife, and gashed her limbs, just as if she had been an old woman. The ghost returned and took her for his wife. Whenever the tribe camped for the night the ghost’s wife pitched her tent at some distance from the others, and when the people removed their camp the woman and her husband kept some distance behind the main body. The ghost always told the woman what to do; and he brought game to her regularly, which the wife gave to the people in exchange for other articles. The people could neither see nor hear the ghost, but they heard his wife address him. He always sent word to the tribe when there was to be a high wind or heavy rain. He could read the thoughts of his wife, so that she need not speak a word to him, and when she felt a desire for anything he soon obtained it for her.

§ 280. _The solitary traveler._--Once a solitary traveler was overtaken by a tremendous thunderstorm near a forest. So he remained there for the night. After dark he noticed a light in the woods, and when he reached the spot, behold, there was a sweat lodge, in which were two persons talking. One said, “Friend, some one has come and stands without. Let us invite him to share our food.” The listener fled suddenly, as they were ghosts, and they pursued him. Though he looked behind now and then, he could not see them; so he ran with all his might towards a hill, and escaped from them. As he was ascending a divide of the Bad Lands, all at once he heard the cry of a woman. He was very glad to have company for the rest of the journey; but no sooner had he thought about the woman than she appeared by his side, saying, “I have come because you have just wished to have my company.” This frightened the man, but the ghost woman said, “Do not fear me, else you will never see me again.” So they went on silently till daybreak. Then the man looked at her, but her legs could not be seen, though she was walking without any apparent effort. Then the man thought, “What if she should choke me?” Immediately the woman disappeared like the wind. (See § 245).

§ 281. _The ghost on the hill._--One day, when the people were hunting the buffalo, a strange man appeared on a hill. He wore a winter robe, with the hair outside. When he was descending the hill the people became alarmed, but he continued to advance. The young men rushed to meet him, taking bows and arrows. They could not see his face. They tried to shoot him, but each arrow passed by him on one side or the other. So they finally fled, as he was a ghost.

§ 282. _The Indian who wrestled with a ghost._--A young man went alone on the warpath. At length he reached a wilderness, encountering many difficulties, which did not deter him from his undertaking. One day, as he was going along, he heard a voice, and he thought, “I shall have company.” As he was approaching a forest he heard some one halloo. Behold, it was an owl. By and by he drew near another forest, and as night was coming on he had to rest there. At the edge of the forest he lay down in the open air. At midnight he was aroused by the voice of a woman, who was wailing, “My son! my son!” Still he remained where he was, and continued putting wood on the fire. He lay with his back to the fire, placing his flint-lock gun in readiness before him. He tore a hole in his blanket large enough to peep through.

Soon he heard the twigs break under the feet of one approaching, so he peeped without rising. Behold, a woman of the olden days was coming. She wore a skin dress with long fringe. A buffalo robe was fastened around her at the waist. Her necklace was composed of very large beads, and her leggins were covered with beads or porcupine work. Her robe was drawn over her head, and she was snuffling as she came. The man lay with his legs stretched out, and she stood by him. She took him by one foot, which she raised very slowly. When she let it go it fell with a thud, as if he was dead. She raised it a second and third time. Still the man did not move himself. Then the woman pulled a very rusty knife from the front of her belt, seized his foot suddenly, and was apparently about to lift it and gash it, when up sprang the man, saying, “What are you doing?” Without waiting for a reply he shot at her suddenly, and away she went, screaming “Yuŋ! yuŋ! yuŋ! yuŋ! yuŋ! yuŋ!” Then she plunged into the forest and was seen no more.

Once again the man covered his head with his blanket, but he did not sleep. When day came he raised his eyes, and, behold, he saw a human burial scaffold, with the blankets, etc., ragged and dangling. He thought, “Is this the ghost that came to me?” On another occasion he came to a forest where he had to remain for the night. He started a fire, by which he sat. Suddenly he heard some one making the woods ring as he sang. The man shouted to the singer, but the latter paid no attention to him. The man had a small quantity of wasna (grease mixed with pounded dried buffalo meat and wild cherries) and plenty of tobacco. So when the singer, who was a male ghost, came to him and asked him for food, the man replied, “I have nothing whatever;” but the ghost said, “Not so; I know that you have some wasna.” Then the man gave some of it to the ghost and filled the pipe for him. After the meal, when the ghost took the pipe and held it by the stem, the man saw that his hand had no flesh, being nothing but bones. As the ghost’s robe had dropped from his shoulders to his waist all his ribs were visible, there being no flesh on them. Though the ghost did not open his lips as he smoked, the smoke was pouring out through his ribs. When he finished smoking the ghost said to the man, “Ho! we must wrestle together. If you can throw me, you shall kill a foe without hindrance, and steal some horses.” The young man agreed to the proposition; but before beginning he gathered plenty of brush around the fire, on which he put an armful. Then the ghost rushed at the man, seizing him with his bony hands, which pained the man, but this mattered not. He tried to push off the ghost, whose legs were very powerful. When the ghost was brought near the fire, he became weak, but when he managed to pull the man towards the darkness, he became very strong. As the fire got low the strength of the ghost increased. Just as the man began to grow weary the day broke. Then the struggle was renewed. As they drew near the fire the man made a desperate effort, and with his foot he pushed a firebrand suddenly into the fire. As the fire blazed again, the ghost fell just as if he was coming to pieces. So the man won, and the ghost’s prophecy was fulfilled; he subsequently killed a foe, and stole some horses. For that reason people have believed whatever the ghosts have said.

§ 283. _The man who shot a ghost._--In the olden time a man was traveling alone, and in a forest he killed several rabbits. After sunset he was in the midst of the forest, so he made a fire, as he had to spend the night there. He thought thus: “Should I encounter any danger by and by, I have this gun, and I am a man who ought not to regard anything.” He cooked a rabbit and satisfied his hunger. Just then he heard many voices, and they were talking about their own affairs, but the man could see nobody. So he thought, “It seems that now at length I have encountered ghosts.” Then he went and lay under a fallen tree, which was at a great distance from the fire. He loaded his gun with powder only, as he knew by this time that they were really ghosts. They came round about him and whistled, “Hyu, hyu, hyu!” “He has gone yonder,” said one of the ghosts. They came and stood around the man, just as people do when they hunt rabbits. The man lay flat beneath the fallen tree, and one ghost came and climbed on the trunk of that tree. Suddenly the ghost gave the cry uttered on hitting an enemy, “Aⁿ-he!” and he kicked the man on the back. But before the ghost could get away, the man shot at him and wounded him in the legs; so the ghost gave the male cry of pain, “Au! au! au!” And finally he went off crying as females do, “Yuŋ! yuŋ! yuŋ!” And the other ghosts said to him; “Where did he shoot?” And the wounded one said: “He shot me through the head and I have come apart.” Then the other ghosts were wailing on the hillside. The man decided to go to the place where they were wailing. So, as the day had come, he went thither, and found some graves, one of which a wolf had dug into so that the bones were visible, and there was a wound in the skull.

ASSINNIBOIN BELIEFS ABOUT GHOSTS.

§ 284. Smet says:[202]

The belief in ghosts is very profound, and common to all these tribes. Indians have often told me that they have met, seen, and conversed with them, and that they may be heard almost every night in the places where the dead are interred. They say that they speak in a kind of whistling tone. Sometimes they contract the face [of a human being whom they meet] like that of a person in an epileptic fit.[201] The Assinniboines never pronounce the name of Tchatka [i.e., Ćatka, or, Left Hand, a former chief] but with respect. They believe that his shade guards the sacred tree; that he has power to procure them abundance of buffalo and other animals, or to drive the animals from the country. Hence, whenever they pass they offer sacrifices; they present the calumet to the tutelary spirits and manes of Tchatka. He is, according to their calendar, the Wah-kon-tangka par excellence, the greatest man or genius that ever visited their nation.[202]

PRAYERS TO THE DEAD, INCLUDING ANCESTORS.

§ 285. Riggs says[203] that the Dakota pray to the spirits of their deceased relatives. [See §§ 67-71.] And in his account of the Assinniboin, Smet says:

The Assinniboines esteem greatly a religious custom of assembling once or twice a year around the graves of their immediate relatives. These graves are on scaffolds about 7 or 8 feet above the surface of the ground. The Indians call their dead by name and offer to them meats carefully dressed, which they place beside them. The ceremony of burying the dead is terminated with tears, wailings, howlings, and macerations of all present. They tear the hair, gash the legs, and at last they light the calumet, for that is the Alpha and Omega of every rite. They offer it to the shades of the departed and entreat them not to injure the living. During their ceremonious repasts, in their excursions, and even at a great distance from their graves, they send to the dead puffs of tobacco smoke and burn little pieces of meat as a sacrifice to their memory.

§ 286. Before consulting the tutelary spirits [see § 34] or addressing the dead, they begin by kindling the sacred fire. This fire must be struck from a flint, or it must reach them mysteriously by lightning, or in some other way. To light the sacred fire with a common fire would be considered among them as a grave and dangerous transgression.[204]

METAMORPHOSES AND THE TRANSMIGRATION OF SOULS.

§ 287. They believe in transformations, such as are described in Ovid, and they think that many of the stars are men and women translated to the heavens. They believe in the transmigration of souls. Some of the medicine men profess to tell of what occurred to them in bodies previously inhabited for at least six generations back. [See §§ 260, 267.]

EXHORTATIONS TO ABSENT WARRIORS.

§ 288. Among the Teton it has been customary for those remaining at home to make songs about the absent warriors, calling them by name, as if they could hear the speakers. This Dakota custom agrees with what has been recorded of the Omaha.[205]

Bushotter has told of another Teton custom. The kindred of a slain warrior make songs in his honor, and sing them as they mourn for his death.

MYSTERIOUS MEN AND WOMEN.

§ 289. Lynd says:

Certain men profess to have an unusual amount of the wakan or divine principle in them. By it they assume the working of miracles, laying on of hands, curing of the sick, and many wonderful operations. Some of these persons pretend to a recollection of former states of existence, even naming the particular body in which they formerly lived. Others assert their power over nature, and their faculty of seeing into futurity, and of conversing with the deities. A third class will talk of the particular animals whose bodies they intend to enter when loosed from their present existence [§§ 260, 267, 287]. In endeavoring to sustain these pretensions they occasionally go through performances which are likely to deceive the ignorant throng.[206]

Pond wrote thus of the Dakota wakaŋ men:[207]

They do not spring into existence under ordinary operations of natural laws, but, according to their faith, these men and women (for females, too, are wakan) first arouse to conscious existence in the form of winged seeds, such as the thistle, and are wafted by the * * * influence of the four winds till they are conducted to the abode of some Taku Wakan, by whom they are received into intimate communion. They remain there till they become acquainted with the character and abilities of the class of gods whose guests they happen to be, and until they have imbibed their spirits, and are acquainted with all the chants, feasts, dances, and rites which the gods deem necessary to impose on men. Thus do some of them pass through a series of inspirations with different classes of divinities, till they are fully wakanized and prepared for human incarnation. They are invested with the invisible wakan powers of the gods, their knowledge and cunning, and their omnipresent influence over mind, instinct, and passions. They are taught to inflict diseases and heal them, discover concealed causes, manufacture implements of war, and impart to them the ton-wan power of the gods; and also the art of making such an application of paints that they will protect from the powers of the enemies. This process of inspiration is called “dreaming of the gods.” Thus prepared and retaining his primitive form, the demi-god rides forth on the wings of the wind over * * * the earth, till he has carefully observed the characters and usages of the different tribes of men; then, selecting his location, he enters one about to become a mother, and, in due time, makes his appearance among men. * * * When one of these wakan men dies he returns to the abode of his god, from whom he receives a new inspiration, after which he passes through another incarnation as before, and serves another generation. In this manner they pass through four incarnations, * * * and then return to their original nothingness.

§ 290. There are different persons who regard themselves as wakaŋ, says Bushotter. Among these are those who practice medicine, those who act as Heyoka, those who boil for the grizzly bear feasts, those who take part in the mystery dance, those who foretell the future, those who detect wrong-doers and find what has been lost or stolen, and those who do various things in a cunning manner. It happens thus to them: A man hears a human voice during the day and he does what the voice directs to be done, or on a certain night a tree converses with him, and the two talk about their own affairs, and what the tree tells him to do, that he does, so he says, or, it orders him to keep some law or custom as long as he lives. Among these superstitious notions are the following: Some men direct the pipe to be handed around the lodge from the left side to the right, and others vice versa. Some men dare not gash a firebrand with a knife; and should a visitor do so heedlessly, they say that he “cuts his finger.” Others will not kill a swallow, lest thunder and hail ensue. Some do not allow a knife to be passed above a kettle.

§ 291. The wakan men claim that they are invulnerable. To prove this they assemble at stated intervals, having painted themselves in various styles. Each one has a flute suspended over the chest by a necklace. They wear long breechcloths, and march in single file. Two men armed with bows and arrows rush suddenly towards the waken men and shoot at them; but instead of wounding them they merely bend the arrows! Sometimes the men fire guns at them, but the bullets fall to the ground, and when they are examined they are flattened! No visible mark of a wound can be found on the bodies of these wakan men, though when they were hit by the bullet or arrow blood pours from their mouths. After they wash off the paint from their bodies their flesh becomes tender and is vulnerable. This is the excuse urged when an ordinary person succeeds in wounding a wakan man. It is supposed that the wakan men rub themselves with some kind of medicine known only to themselves, making them invulnerable, and that perhaps the bullets or arrows are rubbed with the medicine prior to the shooting. It is also supposed that the playing of the flute aids in rendering them invulnerable. (See § 306, etc.)

§ 292. Bushotter names two kinds of Dakota doctors--the Mato wapiya, or Grizzly Bear doctor, who is very wakan, and the Peźuta wapiya, or Peźuta wićaśa, the doctor who prescribes roots. The person who practices medicine claims to have had interviews with the spirits, but he never reveals what the spirits have told him, though he says that immediately after the revelation made him by the spirit he begins to act according to its directions. And in some cases of sickness this doctor takes the flesh of the patient into his mouth and makes a sucking sound while inhaling, and from the patient’s side he pretends to remove something. When he has made the sucking sound after taking the flesh into his mouth, or when he has taken blood or something else from the side of the patient, he spits it from his mouth. Then he sees the patient’s mother, whom he tells what is the cause of the disease, and whether the patient will recover or die. Such doctors pretend to have within themselves one of the following: A small red hawk, a common woodpecker, a real buffalo, a rattlesnake, or a grizzly bear. And when one of these doctors kicks on the ground there is heard something within him, singing in a beautiful voice; and so the people believe what the doctors say about diseases.

§ 293. When the doctor has sucked the patient’s flesh a long time without removing anything, he asks a favor of the mysterious being dwelling within himself, and then that being cries out often, and the doctor succeeds in his efforts. It is by the aid of these mysterious beings that the doctors are enabled to practice medicine. In the olden time one of the doctors was very mysterious. Once, when he was practicing, a bowl of water was set down before him. He vomited into the bowl and a water-snake appeared in it. But when the doctor opened his mouth again the snake glided gently into it and disappeared down his throat. Such exhibitions by the doctors have been observed by the Indians, who are constrained to believe what the doctors claim for themselves. And because they believe that the doctors are very mysterious, the latter are able to gather together many possessions as pay for their services. Therefore the men and women doctors try to excel one another in their skill, as it pays them so well.

§ 294. A “peźuta wicaśa” told Bushotter to say to his step-father that his son, Bushotter’s younger brother, had been made crazy by a ghost. The doctor came and fumigated the patient, and after he felt a little better he sucked at the boy’s chest and drew out some blood. He resumed the operation, and then declared that there was in the boy’s side a flat object resembling a serpent, the removal of which would insure the boy’s recovery. The doctor was promised a horse if he would attend the patient until he cured him. Acting by his directions, Bushotter’s elder brother caught a large catfish, of the species called “howasapa,” and handed it to his step-father, who offered a prayer and marked the fish with a knife on the top of the head. After this the fish was cooked, and the sick boy ate it and recovered his health. It was after this that the same boy was cured by invoking the Dawn and offering sacrifice, as related in § 215.

GOPHER LORE.

§ 295. Scrofulous sores on the neck under the jaw are said to be caused by gophers. These animals can shoot at persons in a magical way with the tip of a species of grass, wounding them very mysteriously, the injured person being unconscious of the harm done till some time has elapsed. The place swells, splits open, and becomes very bad, affecting even the face of the sufferer. Few doctors can cure it. He who can relieve the patient pretends to extract pieces of grass from the neck, and then the person begins to recover. The people are so afraid of gophers that they go around the camp with their hands over their jaws. No one dares to go near a gopher hill except he or she be a mysterious person. Such a one can go near it and even touch it with impunity, as he has different remedies at his command.

CAUSES OF BOILS AND SORES.

§ 296. Whoever gets into the habit of eating the large intestine of cattle, known as the taśiyaka, is sure to “be hit by a śiyaka,” _i. e._, he will have a boil.[208] Śiyaka is the name of the grebe or dabchick, but what connection there is between the bird and the boil has not been learned. The boil will be on some covered part of the body, not on the hands or face. The Teton fear to go outside of their lodges at night lest the cause of boils be blown to them. If a man eats the liver of a female dog, or if a woman eats that of a male dog, the face of the offender will break out in sores.

RESULTS OF LYING, STEALING, ETC.

§ 297. Warts betray a bad person, one given to stealing. If the skin of the hard palate peels off, it is said that the person is untruthful. When the Teton doubt a man’s word, they ask him to open his mouth and let them see his hard palate. He who makes a practice of eating the calves of the legs of any species of animal will have a cramp in the muscles of his own legs. When one wishes to extract the marrow from a bone, he takes care not to split the bone in two, lest his own legs should be in frequent pain, or he should become lame.

SECRET SOCIETIES.

§ 298. The Dakota use “ihaŋbla” or “ihaŋmda” as the Omaha and Ponka do “iȼa‘eȼĕ,” to describe the mysterious communications received from the animals and spirits (§§ 8, 43-52).

Among the Siouan family of Indians there are societies, religious in character, which are distinguished by the name of some animal. Each society has a ritual composed of chants and songs to be sung during different parts of the ceremonies, having words describing in simple and direct terms the act which accompanies the music. These musical rituals, it is often claimed, have been received in a mysterious or supernatural manner, and are therefore regarded as possessing a religious power * * * Some societies admit women to membership, through their own visions, or occasionally by those of their husbands’, but more generally by means of the visions of male relatives. * * * Membership in these societies is not confined to any particular gens, or grouping of gentes, but depends upon supernatural indications over which the individual has no control. The animal which appears to a man in a vision during his religious fasting determines to which society he must belong.[209]

§ 299. Those having visions or revelations from ghosts are called Wanaġi ihaŋblapi kiŋ. It is such persons who can draw pictures of ghosts with impunity. It is also said that the only persons who have their faces drawn awry by the ghosts are the members of this order. (See § 275.)

§ 300. Bushotter’s step-father belongs to the Tataŋg ihaŋblapi kiŋ, or the Society of those who have Revelations from the Buffalo, answering to the Omaha ┴e iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma (§§ 43, 50). In one of his visions he saw a buffalo with cocklebur down in his hair, so the man subsequently put such down in his own hair in imitation of the buffalo. One night he saw (probably in a vision) a bison going toward the south with a hoop on his head. So the man painted a small hoop red all over and wore it on his head, giving his nephew the name Ćaŋgleśka waŋyaŋg mani, He Walks In-sight-of a Hoop.

§ 301. Some Dakota belong to the Hećiŋśkayapi ihaŋblapi kiŋ, or the Society of those who have Revelations from Goats. Goats are very mysterious, as they walk on cliffs and other high places; and those who dream of goats or have revelations from them imitate their actions. Such men can find their way up and down cliffs, the rocks get soft under their feet, enabling them to maintain a foothold, but they close up behind them, leaving no trail. Members of the Wakaŋ waćipi, or the Order of the Mystery Dance, commonly called the medicine dance, are also reckoned among the mysterious or “wakaŋ” people (see § 113). One of Bushotter’s texts relates to this order. Another of his articles tells of the Miwatani okolakićiye kiŋ or The Mandan Society, which used to be called Ćaŋte ṭiŋza okolakićiye, or Society of the Stout Hearted Ones. It is now known as Kaŋġi yuha, Keeps the Raven. For a notice of this order, see §§ 194, 195.

§ 302. The report of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology for 1884 contains an article on the Elk Mystery or Festival of the Oglala, a division of the Teton Dakota (pp. 276-288). Those who have visions of the elk are the Heḣaka ihaŋblapi kiŋ. Bushotter has recorded articles on different societies as follows: Big Belly Society, Iḣoka and Tokala (animal) Societies, Dog Society, Kaṭela or Taniġa iću Society, Grizzly Bear Dance, and Night Dance; but we have no means of learning whether any or all of them are composed of persons who had visions of animals.

FETICHISM.

PUBLIC OR TRIBAL FETICHES.

§ 303. Among these may be included the Bear Butte, referred to in § 137; and any white buffalo hide, such as has been described in “The White Buffalo Festival of the Uncpapas.”[210]

Smet gives a description of a gathering of all the Assiniboin, and a religious festival lasting several days:

Offerings are placed on perches that are fastened to the tops of posts supporting certain buffalo skin lodges. A tall pole is erected in the middle of the circle (it is between 30 and 40 feet high), and to it they fasten the medicine bags, containing the idols, their arrows, quivers, trophies won from their enemies, especially scalps. Men, women, and children join in raising and planting the pole, amid the acclamations of the tribe.[211]

PRIVATE OR PERSONAL FETICHES.

§ 304. Smet also tells us that “A Sioux chief has his war wakaŋ, the colored picture of the Russian general, Diebitsch.”[212] In speaking of the Assinniboin, the same author states:

Each savage who considers himself a chief or warrior possesses what he calls his wah-kon, in which he appears to place all his confidence. This consists of a stuffed bird, a weasel’s skin, or some little bone or the tooth of an animal; sometimes it is a little stone or a fantastical figure, represented by little beads or by a coarsely painted picture. These charms or talismans accompany them on all their expeditions for war or hunting--they never lay them aside. In every difficulty or peril they invoke the protection and assistance of their wah-kon, as though these idols could really preserve them from all misfortunes. If any accident befalls an idol or charm, if it is broken or lost, it is enough to arrest the most intrepid chief or warrior in his expedition, and make him abandon the most important enterprise in which he may be engaged.[213]

We may also reckon among the personal fetiches the wohduze of each warrior (see the Armor god, §§ 122-5), and perhaps the use of the initipi or sweat lodge, and the wild sage or Artemisia, by each of which personal purification is supposed to be effected.

ORDEALS OR MODES OF SWEARING.

§ 305. While there are no oaths or curses as we have them, the Teton can invoke higher powers. Thus one may say: “The Thunderers hear me” (Waʞiŋ´yaŋ namáḣuŋwe ló, The Flying one really hears me!), and if he is lying the Thunderers or one of their number will be sure to kill him. Sometimes the man will put a knife in his mouth, and then if he lies he will be stuck by a knife thereafter, and death must follow. Or, he will say, “The horse heard me” (Śuŋ´kawakaŋ´ namáḣuŋ we ló), knowing that the penalty for falsehood will be certain death from a horse that will throw him and break his neck. When one says, “The Earth hears me” (Maká kiŋ lé namáḣuŋ we ló), and he lies, he is sure to die miserably in a short time, and his family will also be afflicted.

Smet says:[214]

The objects by which an Assinniboine swears are his gun, the skin of a rattlesnake, a bear’s claw, and the wah-kon that the Indian interrogates. These various articles are placed before him, and he says, “In case my declaration prove false, may my gun fire and kill me, may the serpent bite me, may the bears tear and devour my flesh, and may my wah-kon overwhelm me with misery.” In extraordinary and very important affairs, which demand formal promises, they call upon the Thunder to witness their resolution of accomplishing the articles proposed and accepted.

SORCERY AND JUGGLERY.

§ 306. As among the Omaha and other Siouan tribes, so among the Dakota do we find traces of the practice of sorcery, and there is a special word in the Dakota dictionary: “ḣmuŋġa, to cause sickness or death, as the Dakotas pretend to be able to do, in a supernatural way--to bewitch--kill by enchantment.” The syllable “ḣmuŋ” seems to convey the idea of humming, buzzing, or muttering.

Jugglery or sleight-of-hand performances are resorted to by the mysterious men and women. (See §§ 64-66, 291-4.) Some of these practitioners claim to possess the art of making love-charms, such potions being sold to women who desire to attract particular men of their acquaintance. When a woman obtains such a medicine, she uses it in one of two ways. Sometimes she touches the man on his blanket with the medicine, at others she persuades the man to give her a piece of chewing gum, which she touches with the medicine. Then she seizes him, and he can not escape from her, even should he wish to leave her. So he is obliged to marry her.

OMENS.

BODILY OMENS.

§ 307. Ringing in one ear signifies one of two things. Some one will come without his family, and he must be entertained, or you will hear news. The direction whence the person or news will come is shown by the ear that is affected.

If the eye twitches involuntarily some one will weep. If any other part of the body twitches involuntarily some one will hit the person there or he will be stabbed or shot there. If the palm of the hand twitches often he will soon strike some one, or else he will become angry. When a woman has a son sick somewhere, or if he has been killed on the way home, her breasts are often very painful.

If one sneezes once his special friend or fellow, his son or his wife has named him; so the sneezer calls out, “My son.” If he sneezes twice he exclaims, “My son and his mother!”

ANIMAL OMENS.

§ 308. When whip-poor wills sing together at night, saying, “Hohiŋ, hohiŋ,” one says in reply, “No.” Should the birds stop at once it is a sign that the answering person must die soon. But if the birds continue singing the man will live a long time.[215]

The uŋgnaġíćala (gray screech owl) fortells cold weather. When the night is to be very cold this owl cries out, so the Teton say, just as if a person’s teeth chattered. When its cry is heard, all the people wrap themselves in their thickest robes and put plenty of wood on the fires.

The Ski-bi-bi-la is a small gray bird, with a black head, and spotted here and there on the breast. It dwells in the forest, and is said to answer the person who calls to it. When this bird says, “Glí huŋ wó,” i.e., “Has it returned?” the people rejoice, knowing that the spring is near. When a boy hears this bird ask the question, he runs to his mother and learns from her that he must reply, “No; it has not yet returned.” The reason for giving this reply has not been obtained.

When the people first hear the cry of the night hawk in the spring, they begin to talk of going to hunt the buffalo, because when the night hawks return the buffalo have become fat again, and the birds bring the news, for they never cry in vain.

OMENS FROM DREAMS.

§ 309. There are some animals which are esteemed as bringing better fortunes than others. Hawks are lucky. Bears are not so good, as the bear is slow and clumsy, and apt to be wounded; and although savage when cornered, is not as likely as some animals to escape harm. Among some tribes in this family of Indians to dream of the moon is regarded as a grave calamity.[216] See § 30.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 84: Say, in James’s Account of Long’s Exped. Rocky Mts., Vol. I, 268.]

[Footnote 85: Shea, Amer. Cath. missions, p. 25.]

[Footnote 86: Lynd, Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. II, pt. 2, p. 63. Compare these seeming contradictions with those observed among the Omaha and Ponka, especially §§ 21-24.]

[Footnote 87: Ibid, pp. 64-65.]

[Footnote 88: Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. II, pt. 3, p. 34.]

[Footnote 89: Riggs, Tah-koo Wah-kon, pp. 56, 57.]

[Footnote 90: Riggs in Am. Antiq., Vol. II, No. 4, p. 265; and in Am. Philolog. Assoc. Proc., 1872, pp. 5, 6.]

[Footnote 91: Riggs, in Am. Antiq., vol. II, No. 4, p. 266. Pond, Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. II, pt. 3, p. 33. Smet, op. cit., 120, note.]

[Footnote 92: Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. II, pt. 2.]

[Footnote 93: Lynd, Ibid., p. 67.]

[Footnote 94: Am. Antiq., vol. V, 149.]

[Footnote 95: Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. I, pt. 2, pp. 67, 68.]

[Footnote 96: Ibid., pt. 3, p. 33.]

[Footnote 97: Riggs, Tah-koo Wah-kon, p. 61, et passim.]

[Footnote 98: Rept. Peabody Museum, vol. III, p. 276, note.]

[Footnote 99: Lynd, Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. II, pt. 2, p. 72.]

[Footnote 100: Lynd, Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. II, pt. 2, pp. 72, 76, 77.]

[Footnote 101: Smet, Western Missions and Missionaries, p. 92.]

[Footnote 102: Ibid., p. 134.]

[Footnote 103: Lynd, Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. II, pt. 2, p. 67.]

[Footnote 104: Lynd, Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. II, pt. 2, p. 80.]

[Footnote 105: Riggs, in Am. Antiq., vol. II, p. 266.]

[Footnote 106: Riggs, Tah-koo Wah-kon, p. 62. See Maza or Iron names of Indians in the author’s forthcoming monograph on Indian Personal Names.]

[Footnote 107: Riggs, in Am. Antiq., vol. II, p. 267.]

[Footnote 108: Contr. N. A. Ethn. vol. VI, pp. 357-358.]

[Footnote 109: Missions and Missionaries, p. 136.]

[Footnote 110: Am. Antiq., vol. V, p. 149.]

[Footnote 111: Rept. Peabody Museum, vol. III, p. 297.]

[Footnote 112: Pond, Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll, vol. II, pp. 35-38.]

[Footnote 113: Lynd, Ibid., pt. 2, pp. 71-77. Riggs, in Amer. Philolog. Assoc. Proc, 1872., p. 6.]

[Footnote 114: A picture of “Wah-Menitu, the spirit or god in the water,” is given on p. 161 of Lloyd’s translation of Maximilian, London, 1843.]

[Footnote 115: According to Omaha tradition, two buffalo gentes are of subaquatic origin. See Om. Soc., pp. 231-233.]

[Footnote 116: From an unpublished text of Bushotter.]

[Footnote 117: The Thunderers in the Omaha myth have hair of different colors. One has white hair, the second has yellow, the third, bright red, and the fourth, green hair. See Contr. N. A. Eth., vol. VI, p. 187.]

[Footnote 118: Pond, Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. II, pt. 2, 41-42.]

[Footnote 119: Pond, Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. II, pt. 3, p. 43. Riggs, Tah-koo Wah-kon, pp. 62-64.]

[Footnote 120: Missions and Missionaries, p. 143.]

[Footnote 121: Smet. op. cit., p. 134.]

[Footnote 122: Maximilian, Travels in North America, p. 197.]

[Footnote 123: Riggs, Tah-koo Wah-kon, pp. 69, 70.]

[Footnote 124: Rev. E. Ashley, MS. letter to Dorsey, March 24, 1884.]

[Footnote 125: Riggs, in Am. Antiq., vol. II, No. 4, p. 270.]

[Footnote 126: Pond, Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. II, pt 3, p. 53.]

[Footnote 127: Ibid., pt. 2, p. 73.]

[Footnote 128: Riggs, Tah-koo Wah-kon, pp. 70, 71.]

[Footnote 129: Am. Antiq., Vol. II, No. 4, p. 270.]

[Footnote 130: Riggs in Am. Antiq., Vol. II, p. 268.]

[Footnote 131: Mourning and War Customs of the Kansas, in Am. Naturalist, July, 1885, pp. 676, 677.]

[Footnote 132: That is, the Takuśkaŋśkaŋ.]

[Footnote 133: Geikie, in his Hours with the Bible (New York: James Pott. 1881), Vol. I, p. 55, has the following quotation from Das Buch Henoch, edited by Dillmann, Kap. 17, 18: “And I saw the cornerstone of the earth and the four winds which bear up the earth, and the firmament of heaven.”]

[Footnote 134: Note that both the Takuśkaŋśkaŋ, the “Something that Moves,” and the Wakiŋyaŋ or the Thunder-beings, are associated with war.--J. O. D.]

[Footnote 135: Rept. Peabody Museum, Vol. III, p. 289, and note 1. The use of the number twelve in connection with the ceremony of the Four Winds finds a counterpart in the Osage initiation of a female into the secret society of the tribe; the Osage female is rubbed from head to foot, thrice in front, thrice on each side, and thrice behind, with cedar needles.--J. O. D.]

[Footnote 136: Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. II, pt. 3, p. 44.]

[Footnote 137: Op. cit., p. 136.]

[Footnote 138: Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. II, pt. 3, p. 71.]

[Footnote 139: Ibid., p. 79.]

[Footnote 140: Ibid., p. 81.]

[Footnote 141: Ibid., p. 84.]

[Footnote 142: Am. Antiq., vol. II, p. 268.]

[Footnote 143: Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. II, pt. 1, pp. 55.]

[Footnote 144: Hovey on “Eyah Shah” in Am. Assoc. Adv. Sci., Proc., vol. XXXIV, Buffalo Meeting, 1886. Salem, 1887, p. 332. Also in Am. Antiq., Jan., 1887, pp. 35, 36.]

[Footnote 145: Mr. Hovey appears ignorant of the fact that the Kapoźa (“Kaposias”) are a division of the Mdewakantonwan. The latter had six other divisions or gentes.]

[Footnote 146: Riggs, Tah-koo Wah-kon, p. 69.]

[Footnote 147: Western Missions and Missionaries, p. 138.]

[Footnote 148: Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. II, pt. 3.]

[Footnote 149: Proc. Am. Assoc. Adv. Sci., Montreal meeting, Vol. XXXI, p. 580.]

[Footnote 150: Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. II, pt. 2.]

[Footnote 151: Miss Fletcher, in Rept. Peabody Museum, vol. III, p. 284, note.]

[Footnote 152: Compare Miss Fletcher, in Proc. Am. Assoc. Adv. Sci., 1882, p. 581.]

[Footnote 153: Miss Fletcher says, in Proc. Am. Assoc. Adv. Sci., 1882, p. 580, “The people camp in a circle, with a large opening at the east. In 1882 over 9,000 Indians were so camped, the diameter of the circle being over three-quarters of a mile wide.”]

[Footnote 154: Miss Fletcher’s account (Proc. Am. Assoc. Adv. Sci., p. 582) names the fourth day as that on which they sought for the sun pole.]

[Footnote 155: Miss Fletcher (Proc. Am. Assoc. Adv. Sci., 1882, p. 580) states that “the tent set apart for the consecrating ceremonies, which take place after sunset of the first day, was pitched within the line of tents, on the site formerly assigned to one of the sacred tents.”]

[Footnote 156: The author heard about this medicine in 1873, from a Ponka chief, one of the leaders of a dancing society. It is a bulbous root, which grows near the place where the sun pole is planted.]

[Footnote 157: With this compare the Omaha act, uiȼaⁿ, in the Iñke-sabĕ dance after the sham fight, Om. Soc., in 3d. Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., p. 299.]

[Footnote 158: See Miss Fletcher, Proc. Am. Assoc. Adv. Sci., 1882, p. 582.]

[Footnote 159: See § 28, the Kansa ceremony of the waqpele gaxe, and Om. Soc., in 3d An. Rept. Bur. Ethn., pp. 234, 297.]

[Footnote 160: Contr. N. A. Ethn., vol. VI, 470, 12-15; and Om. Soc., p. 296.]

[Footnote 161: Miss Fletcher states that the sun pole is carried to the camp on a litter of sticks, and must not be handled or stepped over. Op. cit., p. 582.]

[Footnote 162: See Miss Fletcher’s account, Proc. Am. Assoc. Adv. Sci., 1882, p. 584.]

[Footnote 163: Miss Fletcher, _op. cit._, p. 583.]

[Footnote 164: The famous pipestone quarry was near the Big Sioux river in Minnesota.]

[Footnote 165: Concerning Dakota Beliefs, in Proc. Amer. Philol. Assoc., 3d An. Session, 1872, p. 5.]

[Footnote 166: Theogony of the Sioux, p. 269.]

[Footnote 167: Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. II, pt. 2, p. 44.]

[Footnote 168: Compare the Maⁿnaⁿhiⁿdje sub-gens of the Kansa tribe, and part of the wind gens, as the [K]aⁿze gens of the Omaha, Kansa and Osage may be associated with the Takuṡkaŋśkaŋ of the Dakota.]

[Footnote 169: Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. II, pt. 2, pp. 70, 71.]

[Footnote 170: Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. II, pt. 2, p. 67.]

[Footnote 171: Theogony of the Sioux, p. 270.]

[Footnote 172: With this compare the belief of some African tribes that the monkey has the gift of speech, but fears to use it lest he should be made a slave.]

[Footnote 173: Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. II, pt. 2, p. 66.]

[Footnote 174: Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. II, pt. 2, p. 66.]

[Footnote 175: Ibid., p. 66.]

[Footnote 176: Cont. N.A. Ethnol., vol. VI, pp. 207-219.]

[Footnote 177: Translated from the original MS. in the Bushotter collection. Tuki is the Teton name for a univalve shellfish said to come from the Great Lakes.]

[Footnote 178: Tah-koo Wah-kon, p. 71.]

[Footnote 179: Osage Traditions, in 6th An. Rept. Bur. Ethn., pp. 379, 380. Am. Naturalist, February, 1884, pp. 113, 114, 133. Ibid, July, 1885, p. 671, Om. Soc., in 3d An. Rept. Bur. Ethn., pp. 228, 233, 244, 247.]

[Footnote 180: Rept. Peabody Museum, vol. III, p. 264. Note how in the sun dance the sun, the four winds, and the buffalo are referred to (§§ 147, 164, 167, 173, and 181, and Pl. XLVIII), and ceremonies are performed connected with the earth, such as mellowing the earth (§§ 146, 155, and 176) and the “Uuȼita,” in which they shoot into the ground (§ 170).]

[Footnote 181: Op. cit., p. 297.]

[Footnote 182: Op. cit., p. 282, note.]

[Footnote 183: Smet, Western Missions and Missionaries, p. 139.]

[Footnote 184: Smet, Western Missions and Missionaries, p. 140.]

[Footnote 185: See Ghost Lore, § 280.]

[Footnote 186: Miss Fletcher, Elk Mystery of the Ogalalla Sioux, in Rept. Peabody Museum, vol. III, p. 281, note.]

[Footnote 187: Contr. to N. A. Ethn., vol. IX, Dakota Grammar, Texts, and Ethnography. Washington: Government Printing Office. 1893. pp. 131, 141, 144, 148.]

[Footnote 188: Lewis and Clarke, Expedition, ed. Allen, Dublin, 1817, vol. I, pp. 65, 66.]

[Footnote 189: See “Calumet Dance,” in Om. Sociology, 3d Am. Rept. Bur. Ethn., p .280.]

[Footnote 190: Proc. Am. Assoc. Adv. Sci., Montreal meeting, 1882, p. 583.]

[Footnote 191: Skiff Voy. to Falls of St. Anthony, in Minn. Hist. Coll., II, pt. 1, pp. 18-19.]

[Footnote 192: Rept. Peabody Museum, vol. III, pp. 277, 278.]

[Footnote 193: Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. II, pt. 2, pp. 68, 80.]

[Footnote 194: A similar belief has been held by the Athapascans now on the Siletz reservation, Oregon. This has been published by the author in The American Anthropologist for January, 1889, p. 60.]

[Footnote 195: Smet, Western Missions and Missionaries, p. 142.]

[Footnote 196: Maximilian, Travels in North America, p. 197.]

[Footnote 197: Read in this connection the article by Miss Fletcher on “The Shadow; or, Ghost Lodge: a Ceremony of the Ogallala Sioux,” Rept. of Peabody Museum, vol. II, pp. 296, 307.]

[Footnote 198: These things are probably given by the kindred of the deceased, but Bushotter has not so informed us.]

[Footnote 199: In one of his papers Bushotter says that it is the mother of the deceased person who deposits the food under the scaffold and utters the prayers. John Bruyier, a half-blood Teton from Cheyenne River Agency, South Dakota, never heard the petition about the horses, for if parents obtained horses after the death of their son, they gave them away.]

[Footnote 200: Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. II, pt. 2, p. 69.]

[Footnote 201: Western Missions and Missionaries, p. 140.]

[Footnote 202: Western Missions and Missionaries, p. 204.]

[Footnote 203: Am. Antiq., vol. V, 1883, p. 149.]

[Footnote 204: Western Missions and Missionaries, p. 243.]

[Footnote 205: Om. Sociology, Third Ann. Rept. Bur. Eth., p. 325.]

[Footnote 206: Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. II, pt. 2, p. 70.]

[Footnote 207: Pond, in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, vol. VI, pp. 652. 1857.]

[Footnote 208: See Contr. to N. A. Ethn. vol. IX, pp. 146, 149.]

[Footnote 209: Miss Fletcher: Elk Mystery of the Ogallala Sioux; in Ann. Rept. Peabody Museum, 1884, pp. 276, 277.]

[Footnote 210: Miss Fletcher in Rept. Peabody Museum, Vol. II, pp. 260-275.]

[Footnote 211: Western Missions and Missionaries, p. 136.]

[Footnote 212: Ibid., p. 46.]

[Footnote 213: Western Missions and Missionaries, p. 141.]

[Footnote 214: Ibid., p. 143.]

[Footnote 215: This is also an Omaha belief.]

[Footnote 216: Miss Fletcher, “Elk Mystery of the Ogalalla Sioux,” in Rept. Peabody Museum, Vol. III, p. 281 note.]