CHAPTER III.

CULTS OF THE OMAHA, PONKA, KANSA, AND OSAGE.

BELIEFS AND PRACTICES NOT FOUND.

§ 17. There are certain beliefs and practices which have not been found among the four tribes whose cults are treated of in this chapter. Ancestors were not worshiped. They were addressed reverently when alive, and when they died it was not contrary to custom to refer to them by name, nor did their deaths involve the change of name for a single object or phenomenon. It was a very common occurrence for the name of the deceased to be assumed by a surviving kinsman. This is shown by genealogical tables of a few Siouan tribes, the material for which was collected by the author, and which will form part of his monograph on “Indian Personal Names,” now in course of preparation for publication by the Bureau of Ethnology.

§ 18. They never heard of Satan or the devil until they learned of him from the white people. Now they have adopted the terms, “Wanáxe piäjĭ,” “Iñgȼaⁿxe piäjĭ,” and “Wakanda piäjĭ.” The first is used by the Omaha and Ponka, the others were heard only among the Ponka. They have a certain saying, applicable to a young man who is a liar, or who is bad in some other way: “Wanáxe piä´jĭ égaⁿ áhaⁿ,” i.e. “He is like the bad spirit!” This becomes, when addressed to the bad person, “Wanáxe piä´jĭ éȼikigaⁿ´-qti jaⁿ´,” i.e. “You act just like the (or a) bad spirit.”

§ 19. Though it has been said that hero worship was unknown among the Omaha and Ponka, it has been learned that Omaha mothers used to scare their unruly children by telling them that Icibajĭ (a hero of the ┴e-sĭnde gens) or his friend ┴exujaⁿ (a hero of the [K]aⁿze gens) would catch them if they did not behave. There was no worship of demigods, as demigods were unknown. Two Crows and Joseph La Flèche said that phallic worship was unknown, and they were surprised to hear that it had been practiced by any tribe. (See § 132, 164.) As the Ponka obtained the sun-dance from their Dakota neighbors, it is probable that they practiced the phallic cult.

§ 20. Totems and shamans were not worshiped, though they are still reverenced. Altars or altar-stones were unknown. Incense was not used, unless by this name we refer to the odor of tobacco smoke as it ascended to the Thunder-being, or to the use of cedar fronds in the sweat lodge. There were no human sacrifices, and cannibalism was not practiced.

OMAHA, PONKA, AND KANSA BELIEF IN A WAKANDA.

§ 21. According to Two Crows and Joseph La Flèche, the ancestors of the Omaha and Ponka believed that there was a Supreme Being, whom they called Wakanda. “Wakanda t‘aⁿi tĕ eȼegaⁿi, they believed that Wakanda existed.” They did not know where He was, nor did they undertake to say how He existed. There was no public gathering at which some of the people told others that there was a Wakauda, nor was there any general assembly for the purpose of offering Him worship and prayer. Each person thought in his heart that Wakanda existed. Some addressed the sun as Wakanda, though many did not so regard him. Many addressed Wakanda, as it were, blindly or at random. Some worshiped the Thunder-being under this name. This was especially the case when men undertook to go on the war path. [7] Mr. Say recorded of the Kansa: “They say that they have never seen Wakanda, so they cannot pretend to personify Him; but they have often heard Him speak in the thunder. They often wear a shell which is in honor or in representation of Him, but they do not pretend that it resembles Him, or has anything in common with his form, organization, or size.”

SEVEN GREAT WAKANDAS.

§ 22. Ԁaȼiⁿ-naⁿ-pajĭ said that there were seven great Wakandas, as follows: “Ugahana[p]aze or Darkness, Maxe or the Upper World, ┴ande or the Ground, Iñgȼaⁿ or the Thunder-being, Miⁿ or the Sun, Niaⁿba or the Moon, and the Morning Star. The principal Wakanda is in the upper world, above everything.” (This was denied by Joseph La Flèche and Two Crows; see § 93.) The author thought at first that these were the powers worshiped by Ԁaȼiⁿ-naⁿpajĭ and the members of his gens or subgens; but subsequent inquiries and statements occurring in the course of texts furnish cumulative evidence favoring the view that some or all these powers had many believers among the Omaha and the cognate tribes.

INVOCATION OF WARMTH AND STREAMS.

§ 23. Ԁaȼiⁿ-naⁿpajĭ said that Macte or Warmth was a good Wakanda. Ni ȼiⁿ, the flowing Stream, according to him, was thus addressed by a man who wished to ford it: “You are a person and a Wakanda. I, too, am a person. I desire to pass through you and reach the other side.” Two Crows denied this, saying that his people never prayed to a stream; but George Miller said that it was true, for his father, Little Soldier, prayed to a stream when he was on the war path, and that such invocations were made only in time of war.

PRAYER TO WAKANDA.

§ 24. Prayer to Wakanda, said La Flèche and Two Crows, was not made for small matters, such as going fishing, but only for great and important undertakings, such as going to war or starting on a journey. When a man wished to travel he first went alone to a bluff, where he prayed to Wakanda to help him and his family by protecting them during his absence and by granting him a successful journey. At a time when the Ponka were without food, Horse-with-yellow-hair, or Cañge-hiⁿ-zi, prayed to Wakanda on the hill beyond the Stony Butte. The latter is a prominent landmark in northern Nebraska (in what was Todd county, Dakota, in 1871-’73), about 7 miles from the Missouri River and the Ponka Agency (of 1870-’77)[8]. Several Omaha said that the places for prayer were rocks, high bluffs, and mountains. “All Omaha went to such places to pray, but they did not pray to the visible object, though they called it Grandfather.”--(Frank La Flèche.) They smoked towards the invoked object and placed gifts of killickinnick, etc., upon it. Compare with this the Dakota custom of invoking a bowlder on the prairie; calling it Tŭñkaⁿcidaⁿ (Tuŋkaŋśidaŋ), or Grandfather, symbolizing the Earth-being.[9] Though it has been said that a high bluff was merely a place for praying to Wakanda, and that it was not itself addressed as Wakanda, the author has learned from members of the Omaha and Pouka tribes that when they went on the warpath for the first time, their names were then changed and one of the old men was sent to the bluffs to tell the news to the various Wakandas, including the bluffs, trees, birds, insects, reptiles, etc.[10]

ACCESSORIES OF PRAYER.

Among the accessories of prayer were the following: (_a_) The action called ȼistube by the Omaha and Ponka, riçtowe by the three ┴ɔiwere tribes, and yuwiⁿtapi (yuwiŋtapi) by the Dakota, consisting of the elevation of the suppliant’s arms with the palms toward the object or the face of the being invoked, followed by a passage of the hand downward toward the ground, without touching the object or person (see §§ 28, 35, 36). (_b_) The presentation of the pipe with the mouthpiece toward the power invoked (see §§ 29, 35, 40). (_c_) The use of smoke from the pipe (See §§ 27, 36), or of the odor of burning cedar needles, as in the sweat lodge. (_d_) The application of the kinship term, “grandfather,” or its alternative, “venerable man,” to a male power, and “grandmother” to a female power (see §§ 30, 31, 35, 39, 59, 60, etc.). (_e_) Ceremonial wailing or crying (Xage, to wail or cry--Dakota ćeya. See § 100).[11] (_f_) Sacrifice or offering of goods, animals, pieces of the suppliant’s flesh, etc. In modern times the Kansa have substituted the lives of animals, as deer, grouse, etc., for those of human enemies (see §§ 28, 33, etc.).

OMAHA AND KANSA EXPRESSIONS ABOUT WAKANDA.

§ 25. Samuel Fremont said that before the advent of the white race the Omaha had certain expressions which they used in speaking of Wakanda. When an Indian met with unexpected good fortune of any sort the people used to say, “Wakanda has given him some assistance.”[12] Or they might say, “Wakanda knows him.”[13] Sometimes they said, “Wakanda has planned for his own (i. e., for his friend, relation, or subject).”[14] If a Kansa prospers, he says, “Wakan´da aká aⁿmaⁿ´yüxü´dje aka´ eyaú,” i. e., “Wakanda has indeed been looking at me!” And in speaking of the success of another, he says, “Wakan´da aká níka yiñké uyü´xüdje aká eyaú,” i. e., “Wakanda has indeed been looking at the man.”

Samuel Fremont said that when an animal detected the approach of the hunter and consequently fled from him, the man prayed thus:

Hau´ Wakan´da, wani´ta wiⁿ aⁿȼá‘i éiⁿte cĭ iⁿȼégȼize Ho, Wakanda, quadruped one you gave perhaps again you take to me yours back from me

égaⁿ. Cĭ wiⁿ´ waȼíɔnaaⁿȼákiȼe kaⁿbȼégaⁿ, somewhat again one you cause to appear I hope to me

i. e., “Ho, Wakanda, you may have given me an animal, but now it seems that you have taken it from me. I hope that you will cause another to appear to me.” But if the hunter shot at an animal and missed it, he said nothing.

PONKA BELIEF ABOUT MALEVOLENT SPIRITS.

§ 26. About eighteen years ago, the author was told by the Ponka, whose reservation was then in southern Dakota, that they believed death to be caused by certain malevolent spirits, whom they feared. In order to prevent future visits of such spirits, the survivors gave away all their property, hoping that as they were in such a wretched plight the spirits would not think it worth while to make them more unhappy. At the burial of Mazi-kide, an Omaha, the author observed that some one approached the corpse and addressed it. In referring to this in 1888, Samuel Fremont said that the speaker said, “Wakanda has caused your death.” In telling this, Fremont used the singular. “Wakanda aka.” On repeating this to George Miller, the latter said that it should have been “Wakanda ama,” in the plural, “the Mysterious Powers,” as the Omaha believed in more than one Wakanda before they learned about the one God of monotheism.

This agrees with what was learned about the Dakota by the late missionaries, Messrs. S. R. Riggs and G. H. Pond, and by the late James W. Lynd, as stated in chapter V.

AN OLD OMAHA CUSTOM.

§ 27. “Abicude,” said Samuel Fremont, “is a word which refers to an old Omaha and Ponka custom, i.e., that of blowing the smoke downward to the ground while praying. The Omaha and Ponka used to hold the pipe in six directions while smoking: toward the four winds, the ground, and the upper world.” The exact order has been forgotten by Fremont, but Lewis and Clarke have recorded the corresponding Shoshoni custom. Capt. Lewis tells how the Shoshoni chief, after lighting his pipe of transparent greenstone (instead of catlinite), made a speech, after which he pointed the stem of the pipe toward the four points of the heavens, beginning with the east and concluding with the north. After extending the stem thrice toward Capt. Lewis, he pointed it first toward the heavens and then toward the center of the little circle of guests, probably toward the ground, symbolizing the subterranean power.[15]

In addressing the four winds, a peculiar expression is employed by the Omaha:

┴a[p]é dúba híȼaȼĕ ȼáȼiⁿcé, iⁿ wiñ´ʞaⁿi-gă, Thou who causest Wind four you cause you (sing.) help ye me. it to reach who move there

the four winds to reach a place, help ye me! Instead of the singular classifier, ȼaȼiⁿce, the regular plural, nañkácĕ, ye who sit, stand, or move, might have been expected. (See § 33.)

In smoking toward the ground and upper world, the suppliant had to say, “I petition to you who are one of the two, you who are reclining on your back, and to you who are the other one, sitting directly above us. Both of you help me!” “Here,” said Fremont, “the ground itself was addressed as a person.” Two Crows said that some Omaha appealed to a subterranean Wakanda when their word was doubted, saying, “Iⁿc‘áge hídeaʇa aká aⁿná‘aⁿi,” “The venerable man at the bottom hears me.” The author is unable to say whether this was ┴ande or Wakandagi. (See § 37.)

The following was recorded of the Omaha, and refers to a custom relating to the buffalo hunt.[16]

On coming in sight of the herd, the hunters talk kindly to their horses, applying to them the endearing names of father, brother, uncle, etc. They petition them not to fear the bisons, but to run well and keep close to them, but at the same time to avoid being gored. The party having approached as near to the herd as they suppose the animals will permit without taking alarm, they halt to give the pipe bearer an opportunity to perform the ceremony of smoking, which is considered necessary to their success. He lights his pipe, and remains a short time with his head inclined, and the stem of the pipe extended toward the herd. He then smokes, and puffs the smoke toward the bisons, and the earth, and finally to the cardinal points successively.

THE SUN A WAKANDA.

§ 28. In the Osage traditions the “mysterious one of day” is invoked as “grandfather.”[17]

He replies that he is not the only Wakanʇa. That the Kansa worshiped the sun as a Wakanda appears from the following: “On one occasion, when the Kansa went against the Pawnees, the stick was set up for the mystic attack or ‘waqpele gaxe.’ The war captain addressed the rising sun thus:

“Páyiⁿ áqli kŭⁿ´bla eyaú. Cŭñ´ge wábliⁿ alí kŭⁿ´bla Pawnee I stun by I wish indeed. Horse I have I have I wish hitting them come back

eyaú. Wayü´qpe ckí kŭⁿ´bla eyaú. Haléje uɯíblage. indeed. Pulling down too I wish indeed. Calico (shirt) I tell you (a foe) about it.

Haqiⁿ´ uɯíblage. Haská cki Páyiⁿ áqli-daⁿ´ mík’ü Robe I tell you Blanket too Pawnee I stun when I give to about it. by hitting you

tá miñke, Wákanda-é, é gü´aⁿyakiyé-daⁿ. “I wish to kill will I who O Wakanda! that you cause me to when. (sit) be returning

[Transcriber's note: the hyphen in “gü´aⁿyakiyé-daⁿ” was at the end of a line; the word may have been “gü´aⁿyakiyédaⁿ” or “gü´aⁿyakiyé-daⁿ”.]

a Pawnee! I desire to bring horses when I return. I long to pull down an enemy! I promise you a calico shirt and a robe. I will give you a blanket also, O Wakanda, if you allow me to return in safety after killing a Pawnee!” When warriors performed the “waqpele gaxe” or the attack on the stick representing the foe, no member of the Lṵ or Thunder gens could participate. On such an occasion the warrior turned to the east and said: “Aⁿmaⁿ´pye kŭⁿ´bla aú. Haská To follow me(?) I wish . Blanket or We follow it(?)

uɯíblage aú, Wákanda-é,” i.e., I wish my party to pass along I tell you of it . O Wakanda

the road to the foe(?). I promise you a blanket, O Wakanda (if I succeed?).” On turning to the west he said: “Uⁿ´hŭⁿ Boiling

uɯíblage aú, Wákanda-é,” i.e., “I promise you a feast, O I tell you of it . O Wakanda

Wakanda (if I succeed?).”

When it was decided to perform the “waqpele gaxe,” the dudaⁿhañga or war captain made one of the lieutenants carry the sacred bag, and two of the kettle tenders took bundles of sticks, which they laid down in the road. The four remaining kettle tenders remained at the camping place. The next morning all the warriors but those of the Lṵ gens went to the place where the sticks had been laid, drew a circle around the bundles, set up one of the sticks, and attacked it, as if it were a Pawnee. This ceremony often caused the death of real enemies.

Among the Osage and Kansa prayer was made toward the rising sun in the morning and towards the setting sun in the afternoon and evening.

Among the Omaha and Kansa the head of a corpse is laid towards the east. For this reason no Omaha will consent to recline with his head towards that point. The Kansa lodges also are orientated, and so were those of the Omaha (see § 59). The east appears to symbolize life or the source thereof, but[18] the west refers to death; so among the Osage the course of a war party was towards the mythic or symbolic west, towards which point the entrances of the lodges were turned[19] (see §§ 83 and 384).

Gahige, the late Omaha chief, said that when he was young all the Omaha prayed to the sun, holding up their hands with the palms towards the sun and saying, “Wakan´da, ȼá‘eaⁿ´ȼa-gă,” etc., i. e., “O Wakanda, pity me!” They abstained from eating, drinking, and (ordinary) smoking from sunrise to sunset; but after sunset the restrictions were removed.[20]

For four nights the men who thus prayed did not sleep at home. At the end of that period the task was finished. “Íwackaⁿ gáxai,” i. e., they made or gained superhuman power. They could thus pray at any time from the appearance of grass in the spring until the ground became frozen.

THE OFFERING OF TOBACCO.

§ 29. In 1889 George Miller gave an account of what he called “Niní bahaí tĕ,” i. e. the offering or presentation of tobacco. Whether this phrase was ever used except in a religious or superhuman connection is more than the author is able to say. Whenever the Indians traveled they used all the words which follow as they extended the pipe with the mouthpiece toward the sun: “Haú, niní gakĕ´ Wakan´da, Miⁿ´ ȼé Ho tobacco that Wakanda Sun this lg. ob.

niñkĕ´cĕ! Ujañ´ge ȼiȼíʇa kĕ égaⁿqti uáha té ă. you who sit Road your the just so I follow will ! lg. ob. its course

Iñgáxa-gă! Edádaⁿ ctécte údaⁿqti ákipañkiȼa´-gă! Edádaⁿ Make it for me What soever very good cause me to meet it What

júajĭ wiⁿ´ ĕdedíte ʞĭ´ íbetaⁿañkiȼá-gă! Ȼi´-naⁿ inferior one it is there if cause me to pass Only thou around it

ámusta waȼíɔna ȼagȼiⁿ´, ní-uȼan´da ȼéȼaⁿ ȼéȼaⁿska édegaⁿ, directly in sight you sit island this this large but above (us) place

edádaⁿ waníta ʇan´de uckaⁿ´ckaⁿ ȼaⁿ bȼúgaqti níkaciⁿga what quadruped ground mv. on it here the all person and there

ȼaⁿ´ ctĕwaⁿ´ wiⁿ´ aⁿ´ba ataⁿ´ íȼaɔni´gȼaⁿ ʞĭ, égaⁿ-naⁿ. the soever one day how you decide for when always so. long him

Ádaⁿ wi´ʞa-naⁿ maⁿ´ hă, Wakan´da” This may be rendered Therefore I ask a favor alone . Wakanda of you

freely thus: “Ho, Mysterious Power, you who are the Sun! Here is tobacco! I wish to follow your course. Grant that it may be so! Cause me to meet whatever is good (i. e., for my advantage) and to give a wide berth to anything that may be to my injury or disadvantage. Throughout this island (the world) you regulate everything that moves, including human beings, when you decide for one that his last day on earth has come, it is so. It can not be delayed. Therefore, O Mysterious Power, I ask a favor of you.”

THE PONKA SUN DANCE OF 1873.

In the summer of 1873, when the author was missionary to the Ponka in what was Todd County, Dakota, that tribe had a sun dance on the prairie near the mission house. The scarifications and subsequent tortures and dancing lasted but three hours instead of a longer period, owing to the remonstrances of Bishop Hare, the agent, and the missionary. The head chief, White Eagle, was tied to his pony, after he had been scarified and fastened to the sun pole. Some of his policemen, armed with whips, lashed the pony until it leaped aside, tearing out the lariat that fastened the chief to the sun pole, and terminating his participation in the ceremony. (See Pl. XLVI and § 187.) For obvious reasons the author did not view the sun dance, but he was told about it by some of the spectators. As the chief, Standing Buffalo, had said to Bishop Hare in the council previous to the sun dance, “You white people pray to Wakanda in your way, and we Indians pray to Wakanda in the sun dance. Should you chance to lose your way on the prairie you would perish, but if we got lost we would pray to Wakanda in the sun dance, and find our way again.”

THE MOON A WAKANDA.

§ 30. No examples of invocations of the moon have yet been found among the Omaha and Ponka. But that the moon is “qube” appears from the decorations of robes and tents. (See §§ 45-47.)

The moon is addressed as a “grandfather” and is described as the “Wakanʇa of night” in “Osage Traditions,” lines 55-59.[21]

BERDACHES.

The Omaha believe that the unfortunate beings, called “Miⁿ-qu-ga,” are mysterious or sacred because they have been affected by the Moon Being. When a young Omaha fasted for the first time on reaching puberty, it was thought that the Moon Being appeared to him, holding in one hand a bow and arrows and in the other a pack strap, such as the Indian women use. When the youth tried to grasp the bow and arrows the Moon Being crossed his hands very quickly, and if the youth was not very careful he seized the pack strap instead of the bow and arrows, thereby fixing his lot in after life. In such a case he could not help acting the woman, speaking, dressing, and working just as Indian women used to do. Louis Sanssouci said that the miⁿ-quga took other men as their husbands. Frank La Flèche knew one such man, who had had several men as his husbands. A Ponka child once said to the author, “Miⁿjiñga-ma nujiñga ama ʇi-gaxe-nandi, miⁿquga, ai,” i.e., “If boys make a practice of playing with the girls they become (or are called) miⁿquga.” This term may be rendered “hermaphrodite” when it refers to animals, as “ʇe miⁿquga,” a hermaphrodite buffalo. It must have been of this class of persons, called “Miⁿ-quge” by the Kansa that Say wrote when he said:

Many of the subjects of it (i.e., sodomy among the Kansa) are publicly known, and do not appear to be despised or to excite disgust. One was pointed out to us. He had submitted himself to it in consequence of a vow he had made to his mystic medicine, which obliged him to change his dress for that of a woman, to do their work, and to permit his hair to grow.[22]

After giving an account of the Miⁿquga which agrees with what has been written above, Miss Fletcher[23] tells of “a man who had the misfortune to be forced to this life and tried to resist. His father gave him a bow and some arrows, but the penalty of his vision so wrought upon his mind that, unable to endure the abnormal life, he committed suicide.” (See §§ 212, 353.)

STARS AS WAKANDAS.

§ 31. That the Omaha and Ponka regarded the stars as Wakandas seems probable from the existence of nikie names and the personal mystery decorations. (See §§ 45, 47, and 52.) There are star names in the Night gens of the Kansa, and they point to the mythical origin of the gens. The Kansa made offerings to the morning star. Among the Osage the traditions of the Tsiɔu Wactaʞe and Bald Eagle people mention several Wakanʇas among the stars. These are as follows: Watse ʇuʞa, a “grandfather;” Watse miⁿʞa, a “grandmother;” Miⁿkak’e peȼŭⁿ[p]a, the Seven Stars (Pleiades?), a “grandfather;” the constellation Ta ȼa[p]ȼiⁿ or the Three Deer, a “grandfather;” the morning star, Miⁿkak’e tañʞa (literally, large star), a “grandfather;” the small star, a “grandfather;” the bowl of the Dipper, called “Wa[p]aha ȼiñkce; the Funeral Bier,” a “grandfather,” and the Female Red Bird, a “grandmother,” the eponym of the Tsiɔu Wactaʞe or “Red Eagle” gens. She, too, was probably a star.[24]

§ 32 Gaⁿ edádaⁿ ȼiⁿ´ ctĕwaⁿ ȼahaⁿ´-naⁿi ni´aciⁿ´ga ama´, [p]ahe´ And what the soever usually Indian the hill col. prayed (to) pl. ob. sub.

ʇañga´ ȼiⁿ, ctĕwaⁿ´. “Wakan´da bȼu´gaqti wi´ʞai ă,” e´-naⁿi. large the soever Wakanda all I ask a ! they said col. favor of usually ob.

“Hau, ┴an´de niñkĕ´ cĕ, ʞa´ci jiñ´ga e´gaⁿ a´witaⁿ te´ ă,” Ho Ground you who sit some little so I tread will ! time on you

ai´ ni´kaciⁿ´ga ama´. ┴ade´ ui´ȼĕ du´baha tĕ´ ctĭ say Indians the Whence the wind in four the too pl. sub. is sent hither(?) places

ȼahaⁿ´-naⁿi. “┴ade´ ui´ȼĕ du´baha nañka´cĕ, iⁿwiñ´ʞaⁿi-gă.” they usually Whence the wind in four ye who are help ye me pray (to) is sent hither(?) places

Gaⁿ´ gage´giȼaⁿ´i ni´aciⁿ´ga uke´ȼiⁿ ama´, Wakan´da and they speak in that Indian ordinary the pl. Wakanda manner to (one) sub.

wa´ȼahaⁿi tĕ´di. “The Indians used to invoke various objects, they pray to when them

including the mountains, saying, ‘O, all ye mysterious powers, I ask a favor of you!’ They prayed to the ground, saying, ‘O, you who are the ground! May I tread you a little while longer!’ i. e., ‘May my life on earth be prolonged!’ When one prayed to the four winds, he would say, ‘Ho, ye four winds, help me!’ Thus did speak when they prayed to the Wakandas.”--(George Miller.)

THE WINDS AS WAKANDAS.

§ 33. The Omaka and Ponka invoked the winds, as has been stated in part of the preceding section. See also the statement of Samuel Fremont (§ 27).[25]

In preparing for the pipe dance the tobacco pouch, two gourd rattles, and the ear of corn have a figure drawn on each of them with green paint; it is the cross, indicating the four quarters of the heavens or the four winds.[26]

KANSA SACRIFICE TO THE WINDS.

“In former days the Kansa used to remove the hearts of slain foes and put them in the fire as a sacrifice to the four winds. Even now (1882) offerings are made to every Wakanda by the Kansa, to the power or powers above, to those under the hills, to the winds, the thunder-being, the morning star, etc. As Aliⁿkawahu and Pahaⁿlegaqli are Yata men (i. e., members of gentes camping on the left side of the tribal circle), they elevate their left hands and begin at the left with the east wind, then they turn to the south wind, then to the west wind, and finally to the north wind, saying to each, ‘Gá-tcĕ, Wakan´da, mik’ü´ eyau´,’ i. e., ‘O Wakanda, I really give that to you.’ In former days they used to pierce themselves with knives and splinters of wood, and offer small pieces of their flesh to the Wakandas.”[27]

OSAGE CONSECRATION OF MYSTIC FIREPLACES.

The author considers that the following statement of the Osage chief, [K]ahiʞe-waʇayiñʞa (of the Tsiɔu Wactaʞe gens), refers to the invocation of the four winds. It appears to have been associated with fire or hearth worship. Whenever a permanent village of earth lodges was established among the Osage and Kansa, there was a consecration of a certain number of fireplaces before the ordinary fireplaces could be made by the common people. The consecrated fireplaces were made in two parallel rows, beginning at the west and ending at the east. Among the Kansa there were seven on one side and six on the other, but among the Osage there seem to have been seven on each side. Among the Osage, the Tsiɔu Wactaʞe and Paⁿɥka gentes were the ‘roadmakers,’ i. e., those who consecrated the two rows of fireplaces. [K]ahiʞe-waʇayiñʞa said, “When the old Tsiɔu man made his speech, he went into details about every part of a lodge, the fireplace, building materials, implements, etc. Four sticks were placed in the fireplace, the first one pointing to the west (see §§ 40, 84). When the first stick was laid down, the Tsiɔu leader spoke about the west wind, and also about a young buffalo bull (Tseʇṵ-ɔiñʞa), repeating the name, Wanie-skă (meaning not gained). When the stick pointing to the north was laid down he spoke of Tsehe-qṵʇ[s]e (gray buffalo horns), or a buffalo bull. When the stick at the east was laid down, he spoke of Tse-ʇṵʞa-tañʞa (a large buffalo bull). On laying down the fourth stick, pointing to the south, he spoke of Tse miⁿʞa (a buffalo cow). At the same time a similar ceremony was performed by the aged Paⁿɥka man for the gentes on the right side of the tribal circle. In placing the stick to the east, he mentioned Taʇ[s]e [K]aqpa tsĕ (the east wind) and Tahe ca[p]e (dark horned deer). In placing that to the north, Taʇ[s]e Ԁa[s]aⁿ tsĕ (the north wind, literally, ‘the pine wind’) and Tahe qṵʇ[s]e (the deer with gray horns) were mentioned. In placing that pointing to the west, Taʇ[s]e Maⁿha tsĕ (the west wind) and an animal which makes a lodge and is with the Tahe pa[s]iʞe (probably a deer name) were mentioned. In placing the stick pointing to the south, he spoke of Taʇ[s]e Ak’a tsĕ (the south wind) and Ta wañka he aʞȼaɔi skutañʞa (probable meaning, a large white female deer without any horns).

§ 34. In time of war, prayers were made about the fire (§ 287), when a warrior painted his face red, using the “fire paint,” a custom of the left or Tsiɔu side of the tribe. Those on the right or Hañʞa side used “the young buffalo bull decoration,” and probably offered prayer in connection therewith, in order to be filled with the spirit of their “little grandfather” (the young buffalo bull), as they rushed on the enemy. This will be seen from the words employed by the warrior: “My little grandfather is always dangerous as he makes an attempt. Very close do I stand, ready to go to the attack!”[28]

THE THUNDER-BEING A WAKANDA.

OMAHA AND PONKA INVOCATION OF THE THUNDER-BEING.

§ 35. Among the Omaha and Ponka, when the first thunder was heard in the spring of the year, the Black bear people went to the sacred tent of the Elk gens, and there they assisted the Elk people in the invocation of the Thunder-being. At a similar gathering of the Ponka, the Ponka Black bear people said, “Hau, iⁿc‘áge, ȼiʇúcpa ȼéȼu añ´ga-taⁿ ganáxiwaȼáȼai. Maⁿciáʇahá maⁿȼiñ´gă,” i. e., “Ho, venerable man! by your striking (with your club) you are frightening us, your grandchildren, who are here. Depart on high.”[29]

[Transcriber’s note: The hyphen in “añ´ga-taⁿ” was at the end of a line; the word may have been “añ´gataⁿ” or “añ´ga-taⁿ”.]

THUNDER-BEING INVOKED BY WARRIORS.

The Thunder-being is invoked by all present during the feast preparatory to starting on the warpath, when there is a small party of warriors. Each one addresses the Thunder-being as “Nudaⁿhañga,” leader in war, or war captain.[30]

When a large war party is desired, the Thunder-being is invoked (See history of Wabaskaha, in Contr. N. A. Ethn., Vol. VI, p. 394). Wabaskaha himself prayed, saying, “Oh, Wakanda, though foreigners have injured me, I hope that you may help me.” All who heard him knew that he desired to lead a large war party. When the four captains were chosen, they had to cry incessantly at night as well as by day, saying, “Oh, Wakanda! pity me! help me in that about which I am in a bad humor.” During the day they abstained from food and drink; but they could satisfy their thirst and hunger when night came.

At the feast preparatory to starting off as a large war party, the keepers of the sacred bags sing thunder songs as well as other sacred songs. One of the thunder songs used on such an occasion begins thus:

“Wi-ʇí-gaⁿ naⁿ´-pe-wá-ȼĕ é-gaⁿ, Wi-ʇí-gaⁿ naⁿ´-pe-wá-ȼĕ é-gaⁿ, Wé-tiⁿ kĕ gȼi-haⁿ´-haⁿ ʞĭ, Naⁿ´-pe-wá-ȼĕ ----.” “As my grandfather is dangerous, As my grandfather is dangerous, Dangerous when he brandishes his club, Dangerous ----.”

When he had proceeded thus far, Ԁaȼiⁿ-naⁿpajĭ stopped and refused to tell the rest, as it was very “waqube.” He said that the principal captains of a large war party tied pieces of twisted grass around their wrists and ankles, and wore similar pieces around their heads. But Two Crows, who has been a captain, says that he never did this. (See, however, the Iowa custom in § 75.)

ICTASANDA CUSTOM.

The following “nikie” or ancient custom of the Ictasanda gens was related by George Miller:

Najiⁿ´ daⁿ´ctĕaⁿ´ ʞĭ, naⁿ´pai ʞĭ, gaⁿ´ Wakan´da-ma Rain perhaps if they fear if so the Wakandas (pl. ob.) seen danger

nini´ uji´ wa‘i´i tĕ. Gaⁿ´ nini´ uji´ wa‘i´i tobacco put in they the (past and tobacco put in they gave gave to act) to them them

tĕ´di e´giȼaⁿ´i tĕ: Ȼéȼu waqpa´ȼiⁿ-qti a´ȼiⁿhe´, when they said to the Here very poor I who move (one) (past act)

[Transcriber’s note: the hyphen in “waqpa´ȼiⁿ-qti” was at the end of a line; the word may have been “waqpa´ȼiⁿqti” or “waqpa´ȼiⁿ-qti”.]

aⁿwaⁿ´waʇa´ȼicaⁿ cte´ctewaⁿ ȼiúde ti´gȼe gáxai-gă, in what direction soever to become abandoned make ye (suddenly)

ʇigaⁿ´ha. Ĕ´dedi´ ȼa´ȼiⁿcé (é) jaⁿmiⁿ´. O grandfather. You are mv. there I suspect.

Ȼigȼíze-maⁿ´ȼiⁿ, ĕ´dedí ȼáȼiⁿcé (é) jaⁿmiⁿ´. Walking Forked-lightning, you are mv. there I suspect.

Ȼiaⁿ´ba-ti´gȼe, ĕ´dedí ȼa´ȼiⁿcé. (é) jaⁿmiⁿ´. Sheet-lightning flashes you are mv. there I suspect. suddenly

Ȼiaⁿ´ba-gí-naⁿ, ĕ´dedi´ ȼáȼiⁿcé (é) jaⁿmiⁿ´. Sheet-lightning is often you are mv. there I suspect. returning hither.

Gáagigȼédaⁿ ĕ´dedí ȼáȼiⁿcé (é) jaⁿmiⁿ´. Gaⁿ´ (a name referring you are mv. there I suspect. And to passing thunder)

gatégaⁿ gáxa-bájĭ ʞĭ´ctĕ níaciⁿ´ga ciⁿȼiqáde ȼégaⁿ in that manner he does not if man (See Note.) thus

najiⁿ´i, maqpi´ kĕʇáȼicaⁿ xagé najiⁿ´i. Gaⁿ´ Wakan´da stands, cloud toward the lg ob. crying stands. And Wakanda

amá wégi[p]ahaⁿ´-bi, aí. Níkaciⁿ´ga the pl. sub. that they know about they say. Person them, their own

taⁿ´waⁿgȼaⁿ wédajĭ amá aȼiⁿ´ naⁿ´pai, gens elsewhere the pl. sub. to have it they fear seen danger,

ijáje gĕ´ ctĕwaⁿ. Águdi´ctĕ níkaciⁿ´ga amá name the pl. in. ob. even. In some places person the pl. sub. (not specified.)

iȼa‘e´ȼĕ amá Icta´sanda úckaⁿ eʇai´ tĕ e´gaⁿ those who have visions, etc. Ictasanda custom their the ob. so

ga´xai. Waaⁿ´ ĕ´qti ga´xai daⁿ´ctĕ giaⁿ´ they do. song they themselves they make perhaps singing their own

najiⁿ´i. Nini´ba kĕ uji´ aȼiⁿ´i e´gaⁿ maqpi´ they stand. Pipe the lg. ob. filled they have as cloud

kĕʇáȼicaⁿ úgaqȼe baha´ najiⁿ´i. Ni´kaciⁿ´ga towards the lg. ob. facing holdingoutto they stand. Person

ama´ a´ji ctĭ ga´xe-naⁿ´i. Ataⁿ´ctĕ nini´ba the pl. sub. different too they often do. Sometimes pipe

aȼiⁿ´-bajĭ gaⁿ´ waaⁿ´ si´aⁿȼe´ daⁿ´ctĕ najiⁿ´-naⁿi. Kĭ they do not have so singing alone perhaps they stand often. And

ni´kaciⁿ´ga ama´ ȼe´ i´ȼa‘e´ȼĕ ama´ úckaⁿ eda´daⁿ údaⁿ person the pl. sub. this those who have deed what good visions, etc.

uha´ ‘i´ȼĕ tai´ ʞĭ´ctĕ i´bahaⁿ´i, cĭ úckaⁿ to follow the course promise will even they know, again deed

júajĭ a´kipa tai´ ʞĭ´ctĕ i´bahaⁿ´i. Gaⁿ ni´kaciⁿ´ga ȼiⁿ unsuitable they will meet even they know. And person the mv. one

aⁿwaⁿ´waʇa gaqȼaⁿ´ maⁿȼiⁿ´ ctĕwaⁿ´ nini´ uji´ in what direction large hunting walks soever tobacco puts in expedition

‘i´i e´gaⁿ waȼi´gȼañkiȼai´. E‘aⁿ´ ujañ´ge uha´ tai gives to as causes him to prophesy. How road he will follow its him course

ʞĭ´ctĕ i´bahaⁿ gi´gaⁿȼai´ e´gaⁿ waañ´kiȼai´. Kĭ even to know wishes for him as causes him to sing. And

ataⁿ´ctĕ ni´kaciⁿ´ga ama´ e´gaⁿi, a´ȼade-naⁿ´i, sometimes person the pl. sub. just so, they often pronounce,

wani´ta daⁿ´ctĕ ube´[s]niⁿ ʞĭ, wani´ta d‘u´ba aⁿ‘i´i hă, e´ quadruped perhaps they find if quadruped some they have . he out given to me says

daⁿ´ctĕaⁿ´i. perhaps. _Notes._

383, 4, et passim. Ȼaȼiⁿce ejaⁿmiⁿ, contracted in rapid pronunciation to, ȼaȼiⁿcejaⁿmiⁿ.

383, 4-6. Ȼigȼize-maⁿȼiⁿ, Ȼiaⁿba-tigȼe, Ȼiaⁿba-gínaⁿ, and Gaagigȼedaⁿ are “nikie names” of the Ictasanda or Thunder gens of the Omaha. They may refer to four Thunder beings, one at each point of the compass, or one dwelling in the direction of each of the four winds.

383, 8. Ciⁿȼiqade, with the arms elevated and the hands stretched out, palms down, towards the clouds.

383, 9-10. Nikaciⁿga wedajĭ ama, etc. Other gentes of Omaha fear to mention these Ictasanda names, or to bestow them on members of their gentes.

383, 11. Agudictĕ ... iȼa‘eȼĕ ama, etc. Refers to the Iñgȼaⁿ iȼa‘eȼĕ ama, or the Thunder shamans, of the other Omaha gentes.

_Translation._

When the Ictasanda people become fearful during a shower, they fill a pipe with tobacco and offer it to the Thunder-beings. And when they offer the tobacco, they speak thus: “O grandfather! I am very poor here. In some direction or other cause a place to be abandoned by those (who would injure me?). I think that you are there O Ȼigȼize-maⁿȼiⁿ! I think that you are there. O Ȼiaⁿba-tigȼe! I think that you are there. O Ȼiaⁿba-gi naⁿ! I think that you are there. O Gaagigȼedaⁿ! I think that you are there.”

And when they do not offer the tobacco, they stand with the arms elevated and the hands stretched out, palms down, as they cry towards the clouds. And they say that the Thunder-beings know about them, their worshippers.

The Omaha of the other gentes fear to mention these Ictasanda nikie names, or to bestow them on members of their gentes, as well as to invoke the Thunder-being or beings, unless they belong to the order of Thunder shamans. In that case, they can do as the Ictasanda people do. They make songs about the Thunder-beings, and stand singing their own songs. They fill the pipe with tobacco, and stand, holding it with the mouth-piece toward the clouds, as they gaze towards them.

These shamans often act otherwise. Sometimes they do not fill the pipe, and then they stand singing the Thunder songs, without offering anything to the Thunder-beings.

And these shamans know when anything promises to result in good or evil to the person undertaking it. So when a person wishes to join a large hunting party, he fills a pipe with tobacco, and offers it to a shaman, thus causing him to prophesy. As he wishes him to know the result of following a certain course, (i. e., of traveling in a certain direction), he induces the shaman to sing (sacred songs). And sometimes the shaman predicts the very occurrence which comes to pass; if, for instance, he foretells that the inquiring man will kill game, he may say, ‘The Thunder-beings (?) have given me some quadrupeds.’

KANSA WORSHIP OF THE THUNDER-BEING.

§ 36. The following was a custom of the Lṵ or Thunder-being gens. At the time of the first thunder-storm in the spring of the year, the Lṵ people put a quantity of green cedar on a fire, making a great smoke. The storm ceased after the members of the other gentes offered prayers. The Buffalo or Tcedŭñga gens aided the Lṵ gens in the worship of the Thunder-being, by sending one of their men to open the sacred bag of gray hawk skin and remove the mystery pipe. These objects were kept by a Lṵ man, Kinuyiñge, who was not allowed to open the bag.

Pahaⁿle-gaqli, of the Large Hañga gens, and Aliⁿkawahu, of the Small Hañga, are the leaders in everything pertaining to war. Pahaⁿle-gaqli furnished the author with a copy of his war chart, on which are represented symbols of the mystery songs. In the middle of the chart there should be a representation of fire, but Pahaⁿle-gaqli said that he was afraid to draw it there, unless he fasted and took other necessary precautions. The songs used in connection with the chart are very “wakandagi,” or mysterious. They are never sung on common occasions, or in a profane manner, lest the offender should be killed by the Thunder-being. One of the three songs about the sacred pipe, sung when the wrappings are taken from the pipe (See § 85) by Aliⁿkawahu is as follows:

“Ha-há! tcé-ga-nú ha-há! Ha-há! tcé-ga-nú ha-há! Ha-há! tcé-ga-nú ha-há! Hü-hü´!”

(Unintelligible to the author. Said when Aliⁿkawahu presses down on the covers or wrappings of the pipe.)

“Yu! yu! yú! Hü-hü´! Hü-hü´!”

(Chorus sung by all the Large and Small Hañga men.)

This last line is an invocation of the Thunder-being. The arms, which are kept apart and parallel, are held up toward the sky, with the palms of the hands out. Each arm is then rubbed from the wrist to the shoulder by the other hand.[31]

After the singing of these three songs, Pahaⁿle-gaqli carries the sacred clam shell on his back.

The second figure on the chart is that of the venerable man or Wakanda, who was the first singer of all the Hañga songs. When Aliⁿkawahu and Pahaⁿle-gaqli are singing them, they think that this Wakanda walks behind them, holding up his hands toward the Thunder-being, to whom he prays for them.

When the war pipe is smoked by any Hañga man, he holds the pipe in his right hand, and blows the smoke into the sacred clam shell, in his left. The smoke ascends from the clam shell to the Thunder-being, to whom it is pleasant.

The Kansa used to “cry to” the Thunder-being before going on the warpath. When the captain (the head of the Large Hañga gens) smoked his pipe, he used to say, Haú, Wákanda-é, Páyiⁿ-máhaⁿ miⁿ´ ts’e kŭⁿ´bla Ho? O Wakanda! Skidi one to die I wish

eyau,” i. e. “Ho, Wakanda! I really wish a Skidi” (or, Pawnee Loup) indeed

“to die!”

The men of the two Hañga gentes unite in singing songs to stop rain, when fair weather is needed, and songs to cause rain when there has been a drought. (See § 43.)

SUBTERRANEAN AND SUBAQUATIC WAKANDAS.

§ 37. The Omaha and Ponka believe in the Wakandagi, monsters that dwell beneath the bluffs and in the Missouri river. These monsters have very long bodies, with horns on their heads. One myth relates how an orphan killed a Wakandagi with seven heads.[32]

The Omaha have a tradition that a Wakandagi was seen in the lake into which Blackbird creek empties, near the Omaha agency. It is impossible to say whether the Wakandagi and the ┴ande or Ground were differentiated (See § 27). The Kansa Mi-á-lṵ-cka were somewhat like the Wakandagi, though in one respect they resembled the mythical Ԁá-[s]nu-ta of the Omaha, i. e., in having enormous heads. The Kansa speak of the Mialṵcka as a race of dreadful beings with large heads and long hair.[33] They dwelt in remote places, to which they were supposed to entice any unwary Indian who traveled alone. The victim became crazy and subsequently lived as a miⁿquga or catamite. Some of the Mialṵcka dwelt underground or in the water, sitting close to the bank of the stream. The ancient Mialṵcka was a benefactor to the Indians, for he took some wet clay and made first a buffalo calf and then three buffalo bulls, which he ordered the Indians to shoot, after teaching them how to make bows and arrows and to use them.

THE INDAȻIÑGA.

§ 38. The Ponka, in 1871, told the author of a being whom they called the Ĭndáȼiñga. This being was a superhuman character, who dwelt in the forests. He hooted like an owl, and he was so powerful that he could uproot a tree or overturn a lodge. The Ponka had a song about him, and mothers used to scare their children by saying, “Behave, else the Ĭndaȼiñga will catch you!” Joseph La Flèche had heard it spoken of as a monster in human shape, covered with thick hair. As the Ponka for wearing a mask is “Ĭndáȼiñga gáxe,” or “to act the Ĭndáȼiñga,” it may be that this character was an aboriginal bogy. Compare the Dakota Ćaŋotidaŋ, Hoḣnoġića, Uŋgnaġićala, etc. (§ 232.) Omaha mothers used to scare their children by telling them that if they did not behave, Icibajĭ (a hero of the ┴e-sĭnde gens) or ┴exujaⁿ (a hero of the [K]aⁿze gens) would catch them.[34] Another fearful being was Ĭnde-naⁿba, or Two Faces, the very sight of whom killed a woman who was enceinte.[35] This being resembled, in some respects, Ictinike, the deceiver,[36] though Ictinike was usually the counterpart of the Dakota Ikto, Iktomi, or Uŋktomi. (See §§ 228-231.) As a worker of evil Ictinike may be compared with the Dakota Anŭŋg-ite or Two Faces, and the latter in turn resembled the Ĭndáȼiñga of the Ponka. (See §§ 233, 234.)

OTHER KANSA WAKANDAS.

§ 39. The third figure on the Kansa war chart is[37] that of the Wakanda or aged man who gives success to the hunter. He is thus addressed by Aliⁿkawahu and Pahaⁿle-gaqli: Ts‘áge-jiñ´ga haú! Dáble Venerable man Ho! To hunt large quadrupeds

maⁿ´yiⁿ-aú! Dádaⁿ wadjü´ta níkaciⁿga ckédaⁿ wáyakípa-bá[p]aⁿ walk thou What quadruped person soever you meet them and (pl.)

[Transcriber’s note: the hyphen in “maⁿ´yiⁿ-aú” was at the end of a line; the word may have been “maⁿ´yiⁿaú” or “maⁿ´yiⁿ-aú”.]

ts’éya-bána-hau! kill ye !

[Transcriber’s note: the last hyphen in “ts’éya-bána-hau” was at the end of a line; the word may have been “ts’éya-bánahau” or “ts’éya-bána-hau”.]

i.e., “Venerable man, go hunting! Kill whatever persons or quadrupeds meet you!” They think that this being drives the game towards the hunter.

In the war chart there are seven songs of the Wakanda who makes night songs. Fig. 16 of that chart refers to a song of another Wakanda who is not described. Fig. 18 refers to two shade songs. Shade is made by a Wakanda. Fig. 19 is a dream song. There is a Wakanda who makes people sleepy, an Indian Somnus.

§ 40. OMAHA INVOCATIONS OF THE TRAP, ETC.

Jábe daⁿ´ctĕ úji ʞĭ, makaⁿ´ ígaxe maⁿȼiⁿ´i ʞĭ, é Beaver for instance he if, medicine making he walks if, that traps for that it purpose

niní bahá eʇá tĕ é. (The invisible being who first made tobacco showing his the it.

the medicine was thus addressed:) Níkaciⁿga pahañ´ga makaⁿ´ Person first medicine

ícpahaⁿ niñkĕ´cĕ, [p]éjehíde ckaⁿzé niñkĕ´cĕ, niní gakĕ´! Ȼéȼu you knew you who medicine you you who tobacco that Here (sit), taught (sit), lg. ob.

edádaⁿ ckaⁿzé gĕ iȼápahaⁿ-majĭ´-qti wiⁿ´ áiȼágaȼaȼiⁿhé what you taught the I do not know at all one I am carrying on pl. my arm and in my in. ob. hand as I move

ȼaⁿ´ja, caⁿ´edádaⁿ ctécte íwamakáaȼĕ té ă. Niní though, yet what soever I get it easily by will ! Tobacco means of

gakĕ´, aí níaciⁿga amá. (He then prays to the beaver:) Haú, Jábe! that, says person the mv. Ho, Beaver! lg. ob., sub.

Niní gakĕ´! Úbahi e‘aⁿ´ ckáxai gĕ bȼúgaqti ugígȼacaⁿ´i-gă! Tobacco that! Feeding how you made the all travel ye in your place them pl. own! in ob.

Niní gakĕ´! (Next, to the medicine:) Haú, Ԁéjehíde, niní gakĕ´! Tobacco that! Ho, Medicine, tobacco that! lg. ob. lg. ob.

‘Aⁿ´qti ctécte waníta wiⁿ uhé eaⁿ´ȼĕ taté, eȼégaⁿ No matter how it quadruped one pass me on the shall, thinking it is (_or_ At any road (to the rate) trap)

najiñ´-gă. ‘Aⁿ´qti ctécte [p]áqȼuge aⁿ´ȼaⁿská taté, stand thou. At any rate nostrils large enough shall, for me (i. e., to smell me.)

eȼégaⁿ najiñ´-gă. Niní gakĕ´! (Invocation of the trap:) Haú, thinking it stand thou. Tobacco that! Ho, lg ob.

Maⁿ´zĕ nañkácĕ! niní gakĕ´! ‘Aⁿ´qti ctécte wiⁿ´ wat’éaȼĕ Iron ye who (sit) tobacco that! At any rate one I kill it lg. ob.

tá miñke, eȼégaⁿ gȼiⁿ´i-gă. (Invocation of the pack-strap:) will I who, thinking it sit ye.

Haú, Wé‘iⁿ niñkĕ´cĕ! niní gakĕ´! Aⁿ´qti ctécte wí Ho, Packstrap you who (sit)! tobacco that! At any rate I lg. ob.

waníta áhigi weát‘ĕ, eȼégañ-gă. Haú, ┴ijébe íɔnugaʇá quadruped many I touch think thou. Ho, Entrance at the right them, side

ȼátaⁿcé! niní gakĕ´! ‘Aⁿ´qti ctécte wí waníta aⁿȼaⁿ´bakĭn´de you who tobacco that! At any rate I quadruped brushing by me stand! lg. ob.

anájiⁿ tá miñke, eȼégañ-gă. Haú, ┴e-sĭn´de ugácke I stand will I who think thou. Ho, Buffalo-tail tied to it (sit),

ȼátaⁿcé! niní gakĕ´! ‘Aⁿ´qti ctécte wí waníta aⁿʇáp‘ĕ you who tobacco that! At any rate I quadruped near to me stand! lg. ob.

anájiⁿ tá miñke, eȼégañ-gă. Haú, Unéȼĕ niñkĕ´cĕ! niní I stand will I who think thou. Ho, Fireplace you who tobacco (sit), (sit)!

gakĕ´! ‘Aⁿ´qti ctécte wi waníta aⁿ´naaí agȼiⁿ´ tá miñke, that! At any rate I quadruped drops over I sit will I who lg. ob. on me (from (sit) the kettle)

eȼégañ-gă. think thou.

_Notes._

Told by George Miller. In the last invocation, he began to dictate thus:

“Haú, Náwiⁿxe dúba ákipasan´de nañkácĕ!” i. e., “Ho, ye Ho, Firebrand four meet at a common ye who point

four firebrands that meet at a common point (i. e., in the middle of the fireplace)!” He subsequently changed it to an invocation of the fireplace itself. But it is very probable that there was an invocation of the four firebrands, resembling the ceremonies of the Kansa and Osage (see § 33). George has given all that he remembers of the invocations, but he does not recollect the exact order.

387, 3. [p]eje-hide, “lower part,” or “roots of grass,” an archaic name for “makaⁿ”, medicine. Nini gakĕ--the classifier kĕ shows that a long object, the pipe, is referred to, the tobacco being in the pipe when it is offered to the powers.

388, 1. aiȼagaȼaȼiⁿhe, contr. from áiȼágaȼa áȼiⁿhé, used here in the sense of “abȼiⁿ,” I have.

388, 12. aⁿȼaⁿbakĭnde, eq. to aⁿȼaⁿbista ȼéwaȼĕ, to send them (through) when they are so close that they touch me.

_Translation._

The invisible being who first made the beaver medicine and taught its use to mankind, was thus addressed: “Oh, Thou who didst teach how to make the medicine, here is tobacco! Though I have your medicine, the nature of which I do not understand at all, grant that I may easily acquire something or other by means of it! Here is tobacco!”

When he addressed the beavers, he said, “Ho, ye Beavers! Here is tobacco! Let all of you travel in your feeding places which you have made. Here is tobacco!” To the beaver medicine itself, he said, “Ho, Medicine! Here is tobacco! Stand thinking thus, ‘At any rate an animal shall surely pass me and be caught in the trap, and its nostrils shall be large enough to smell me.’” The trap itself was thus addressed: “Ho, ye pieces of iron! Here is tobacco! Sit ye and think thus: ‘At any rate I will kill one!’” To the pack-strap was said, “Ho, pack-strap! Here is tobacco! Think thou, ‘At any rate I shall press against many quadrupeds.’” The right side of the entrance to the tent (?) was thus addressed: “Ho, Thou who standest at the right side of the entrance to the tent! (§ 232) Here is tobacco! Think thou, ‘At any rate I shall continue to have some one bring dead animals on his back and send through me suddenly, rubbing against me as they pass through.’” To the principal tent pole these words were said, “Ho, Thou who standest with the buffalo tail tied to thee! Here is tobacco! Think thou, ‘At any rate, I shall have a quadruped to come near me.’” When the man invoked the fireplace, he said, “Ho, Fireplace! Here is tobacco! Think thou, ‘At any rate I shall sit and have the water fall on me in drops as it boils over from the kettle containing the quadruped.’”

These invocations may be compared with what the prophet Habakkuk tells us about the Chaldeans, in the first chapter of his prophecy. In his prayer to God, he says, “These plunderers pull out all men with the hook, draw them in with their casting net, and gather them with their draw net, and rejoice and are glad in it. Therefore they make offerings to their casting net, and burn incense to their draw net, for through them their catch is rich and their food dainty.”[38]

FASTING.

§ 41. This topic naturally precedes that of visions or dreams about mystery, animals, and objects. Two Crows and Joseph La Flèche heard the following spoken of as an ancient custom. It was told them in their youth by some of the old men of that day, who had received it from their elders as having been practiced by the tribe for unnumbered generations. When old men had sons, sisters’ sons, or grandsons, who approached manhood, they used to direct those youths to abstain from food and drink, and to put clay on their faces, saying: “Qaⁿxa´ʇa Far away

xage´ maⁿȼiⁿ´i-gă. Aⁿ´ba ȼa´bȼiⁿ du´ba jaⁿ´ ʞĭ, waȼáta-bajíi-gă, crying walk ye. Day three four sleep if, do not eat (pl.),

kĭ ní ȼataⁿ´-bajíi-gă. Ȼiqu´bajĭ cte´ctĕwaⁿ, caⁿ´ Wakan´da and water do not drink (pl.) You are not even if, still Wakanda “qube”

aká uȼi´ʞaⁿ tá aka. Wa´ȼawaqpáni maⁿɔniⁿ´i ʞĭ, the sub. he will aid you. You act as if poor you walk if,

waɔnáhaⁿ-de ȼaxáxage ʞĭ, uȼi´ʞaⁿ ta´ aka,” i. e., “Walk ye in remote you pray when you cry if he will aid you.

places, crying to Wakanda. Neither eat nor drink for three or four days. Even though you do not acquire personal mysterious power, Wakanda will aid you. If you act as poor men, and pray as you cry, he will help you.”

When their throats became dry, their voices gave out. When they had completed their fasts, they went home, being exceedingly emaciated. At that time they could not swallow solid food, so they were obliged to subsist on mush mixed with much water, till by degrees they became able to eat what they pleased. Many thought that this fasting enabled them to have superhuman communications with Wakanda.

Fasting was practiced at other times, but always in order to obtain superhuman assistance or to acquire a transfer of superhuman power. A Ponka war captain exhorted each of his followers thus: “Ahaú! Wackaⁿ´ egañ´-gă! Qu´bekiȼa´-bi ȼiⁿhe´!” i.e., “Oho! Do exert yourself! Be sure to make yourself the possessor of superhuman power by the aid of the animal that you have seen in your vision after fasting!”[39] Members of a small war party had to fast four days, counting from the time that they started on the warpath.[40] Before the large war party was formed to avenge the wrongs of Wabaskaha, the four prospective captains fasted.[41] When the Kansa captain fasted, he could not visit his family, but a small fasting lodge was erected for him at some distance from his own house.[42]

MYSTIC TREES AND PLANTS.

§ 42. The Omaha have two sacred trees, the ash and the cedar. The ash is connected with the beneficent natural powers. Part of the sacred pole of the Omaha and Ponka is made of ash, the other part being of cottonwood. The stems of the niniba weawaⁿ, or “sacred pipes of friendship,” are made of ash. But the cedar is linked with the destructive agencies, thunder, lightning, wars.[43]

When the seven old men took the pipes around the Omaha tribal circle, the bad Maⁿȼiñka-gaxe people wore plumes in their hair and wrapped branches of cedar around their heads, being awful to behold. So the old man passed them by and gave the pipe to the other Maⁿȼiñka-gaxe, who were good. In the Osage traditions, cedar symbolizes the tree of life. When a woman is initiated into the secret society of the Osage, the officiating man of her gens gives her four sips of water, symbolizing, so they say, the river flowing by the tree of life, and then he rubs her from head to foot with cedar needles three times in front, three times at her back, and three times on each side, twelve times in all, pronouncing a sacred name of Wakanʇa as he makes each pass. Part of the Paⁿɥka gens of the Osage tribe[44] are Red Cedar people. The Pañka gens of the Kansa tribe is called “Qŭndjalaⁿ,” i.e., “wearers of cedar (branches) on the head.” Cedar is used by the Santee Dakota in their ceremony of the four winds. (See § 128.) The Teton Dakota believe in the efficacy of the smell of cedar wood or of the smoke from cedar in scaring away ghosts. (See § 272.) In the Athapascan creation myth of Oregon, obtained by the author in 1884, the smoke of cedar took the place of food for the two gods who made the world, and the red cedar is held sacred as well as the ash, because these two trees were the first to be discovered by the gods.[45]

That the Hidatsa have a similar notion about the red cedar is shown by their name for it, “midahopa,” mysterious or sacred tree. Compare what Matthews tells about the Hidatsa reverence for the cottonwood with what is recorded above about the Omaha sacred pole.[46] (§ 344.)

The cottonwood tree also seems to have been regarded as a mystic tree by the Omaha and Ponka, just as it is by the Hidatsa. The sacred pole of the two tribes was made from a tall cottonwood.[47] When the lower part of the sacred pole became worn away, about 8 feet remained, and to this was fastened a piece of ash wood about 18 inches long. In preparing for the dance called the Hede watci, the Iñke-sabĕ people sought a cottonwood tree, which they rushed on, felled, and bore to the center of the tribal circle, where they planted it in the “ujeʇi.” Mystic names taken from the cottonwood are found in the Ȼixida and Nika[p]aɔna, the two war gentes of the Ponka tribe, and in the Ȼatada and [K]aⁿze gentes of the Omaha.[48]

That there were other mystic trees and plants, appears from an examination of the personal names of the Omaha, Ponka, and cognate tribes. For instance, ┴ackahigȼaⁿ, a nikie name of the ┴a[p]a, or Deer gens of the Omaha, conveys some reference to a white oak tree, ʇackahi; and in the Nuqe, a Buffalo gens of the Ponka tribe, we find the name ┴abehi, from a plant, bush, or tree found in Nebraska, the leaves of which, resembling those of red cherry trees, are used by the Omaha for making a tea. Further study may show that the Winnebago, who have the name Waziʞa, Pine Person, reverence a pine tree. (Query: May not this name be Cedar Person, rather than Pine Person?)

Among the Iowa, Oto, and Missouri, we find several cedar, corn, and pumpkin names. Several corn and pumpkin names occur in the name list of the Kansa tribe. Corn, elm, and black hawthorn names are found in the Osage name list, as well as cedar names; and their traditions tell of the cedar, red oak, and sycamore, as well as of the corn and pumpkin.[49] (See § 49.)

IȻA‘EȻĔ.

§ 43. This term has been defined in Chapter II (§ 8). It is very probable that fasting for several days tended to produce the condition of mind and body requisite for the supposed superhuman communications. According to Ԁaȼiⁿ-naⁿpajĭ and other Omaha, some persons thought that they saw or heard ghosts or various animals. Sometimes men were roused from sleep, imagining that they heard mysterious voices. They claimed to have interviews with U-ga-ha-na-[p]a-ze, or the Ancient of Darkness; Ma-qpi, or the Ancient of Clouds; ┴ande, or the Ground Being; Iñgȼaⁿ, or the Thunder-being; the Sun, the Moon, the Morning Star, the Ancient of Rattlesnakes, the Ancient of Grizzly Bears, the Ancient of Black Bears, the Ancient of Buffaloes, the Ancient of Big Wolves, and the Ancient of Prairie Wolves. Each being or animal thus seen in a dream or vision seems to have been regarded as the special guardian spirit of the person claiming to have had interviews with him. The Iñgȼaⁿ iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma, or Those who had interviews with the Thunder-being, never danced at the meetings of their society. They invited one another to feast, and they sang as they remained seated. The songs referred to the Thunder-being. When they finished eating and singing the ceremonies ended. This order of Thunder shamans claimed the power to make rain (see § 36).

According to Ԁaȼiⁿ-naⁿpajĭ and Little Village Maker, these shamans could also make circles of seven colors around the sun and moon, and the two men just named said that they had seen this done. Joseph La Flèche and Two Crows gave the following explanation: “When there are clouds that obscure the moon, a circle is seen around the moon, and it sometimes resembles a rainbow.” Though Two Crows belongs to the Buffalo society (┴e iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma, or Order of Buffalo shamans--see § 89), he said that he had never had an interview with a mysterious buffalo, but that his work in the order was confined to the practice of surgery, he being the keeper of the “makaⁿ skiȼĕ,” or sweet medicine. Notwithstanding this, there are certain buffalo songs, the property of the order, and which they claim to be powerful charms capable of working cures, when used by the surgeons of their order. Said Two Crows to the author, “If they had sent for the doctors of our order we could have cured President Garfield.” The author obtained two of these Buffalo songs from an Omaha, but they are recorded only in singing notation.[50]

Among the Omaha societies are the Cañge iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma, the Horse shamans,[51] the Caⁿʇañga iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma, the Big Wolf shamans,[52] and the Maⁿtcu iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma, the Grizzly Bear shamans.[53]

According to Francis La Flèche,[54]

“There are three degrees of powers which come to men through visions: First, when the vision takes the form of an animal which addresses the man, he will then have acquired a power which will stead him in danger, and give him success in life. Second, if the vision assumes the appearance of a cloud, or a human shape having wings like an eagle, and a voice addresses the man, he will have the additional power of being able to foretell events. Third, when the vision comes without any semblance and only a voice is heard, the man is given not only the power to achieve success and foretell events, but he can foresee the coming of death. Should a man endowed with the third degree so elect, he can in due form join the Ghost Society; or, if he prefers, he can practice his powers individually.”

His father, the late Joseph La Flèche, told the author in 1882 that the Ghost Dance formerly belonged to the Ponka tribe, from whom the Omaha took it; though it has not been used by the Omaha since about A. D. 1850.[55] The only inference which the author can draw from this statement of the father is that if the Omaha obtained the Ghost Dance from the Ponka, the Ghost Society or order of Ghost shamans is not an original Omaha society. That the two are closely connected is proved by the names, Wanaxe iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma, the (order of) Ghost shamans (or, The Ghost Society), and Wanaxe iȼa‘eȼĕ watcigaxe, The dance of those who have visions of ghosts, or, The Ghost Dance.

The Kansa have the Tce wactce, or Buffalo shaman, and an order of such shamans. When a Kansa had a vision or dream (i-ya-k’e-ye) of an animal, etc., he painted the mystery object on his shield. An old woman used to “iyak’eye” of a flying serpent, the [M]yets‘a táji lícka. The remains of such enormous serpents are found in the Black Hills, “and if one finds such a reptile, he must die.” For an account of the Kansa “wakandagi” see § 66.

The Kwapa or Ukaqpa Indians speak a dialect more closely allied to that of the Omaha and Ponka than to those of the Kansa and Osage. With them, to have superhuman communications is called dȼa-q‘é-dȼĕ; shamans and doctors are níka qúwĕ, mysterious men, and among their societies of such men are the following: Te dȼáq‘edȼĕ, Those having superhuman communications with the Buffalo; the Maⁿtú dȼaq‘édȼĕ, Those having interviews with the Grizzly Bear; the Iⁿtaⁿ´dȼaⁿ tañ´ʞa dȼaq‘édȼĕ, Those having interviews with the Panther; and the Jawé dȼaq‘édȼĕ, Those having interviews with the Beaver. There were doubtless other orders, but they are unknown to the author’s Kwapa informant, Alphonsus Valliere, of the Wajiñʞa or Bird gens.[56]

PERSONAL MYSTERY DECORATIONS.

§ 44. The Omaha and Ponka have certain personal mystery decorations, some of which are worn on garments, and others appear on the tents of their owners. The makers and wearers of such decorations must be members of one of the orders of shamans. George Miller’s father, Little Soldier, used to wear a buffalo robe decorated in the style shown in Figs. 156 and 157. It was his personal mystery decoration, which no one else could use. Even members of his gens (the Ictasanda, a Thunder and Reptile gens) feared to imitate it. The father promised to paint this decoration on four white blankets for his son George, but he died before he could paint the fourth one.

George received the first one when he was about seventeen years of age. Before he married he had worn out three. He still has the right to decorate and wear the fourth blanket, according to his father’s intention. He could decorate other white blankets in this style, and wear them, if he wished, but he could not transmit to any one of his children (the grandchildren of Little Soldier) the right to make and wear such a decoration, unless George himself should hereafter see the objects in a dream or vision.

The right to use such designs on a buffalo robe, blanket, tent, etc., must originate with one who has had a vision or dream in which the mystery objects are manifested. Those who could use the class of designs represented in the accompanying illustrations (Figs. 156-161) were members of the order of Thunder shamans (Iñgȼaⁿ iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma).

ORDER OF THUNDER SHAMANS.

§ 45. This order is composed of those who have had dreams or visions, in which they have seen the Thunder-being, the Sun, the Moon, or some her superterrestrial objects or phenomena.

When a person saw the Thunder-being or some other mystery object, he kept the matter a secret for some time. He took care to join the first war party that went from his camp or village. When the party reached the land of the enemy or got into some trouble the man told of his dream or vision. Should the dreamer or seer kill or grasp a foe while a member of the expedition he made a Thunder song. He who brought back one of the enemy’s horses also had the right to make a Thunder song. Some time having elapsed after the return of the warriors, the seer painted the mystery objects on a robe or blanket, and prepared a feast, to which he invited all the members of the order of Thunder shamans. When the guests had assembled the robe was hung up and shown to them. Then all who were present rejoiced. From that time onward the host was a member of the order, and he could wear the robe with safety.

He could give his son the right to wear such a robe, but unless that son had a similar vision he could not transmit the right to one of the next generation. Little Soldier painted a buffalo robe with his personal mystery decoration, and gave it to Two Crows, whose father had been one of the leaders of the order of Thunder shamans. So Two Crows wore the robe, and he can make another like it; but he can not transmit the right to his son, Ga‘iⁿ-bajĭ. Two Crows would have been afraid to wear the robe or to copy the decoration on it had he not been a member of the order by direct inheritance from his father. A father can clothe his son in such a robe when that son is large enough to go courting. The man can not give such a robe to his daughter, but he can give one to his son’s son, or to his daughter’s son, should that grandson be a large youth, who has neared or reached the age of puberty.

If a man who became eligible by his vision to membership in the order of Thunder shamans ventured to wear the decorated robe without inviting the members of the order to a feast, he incurred the anger of the members and misfortune was sure to follow. Should a man wear such a decorated robe without having had a vision of the mystery object, he was in danger (if the object was connected with the Thunder-being, etc.) of being killed by lightning. Every Omaha feared to decorate his robe, tent, or blanket with an object seen by another person in a dream or vision. For instance, George Miller would not dare to have bears’ claws, horses’ hoofs, etc., on his robe, because neither he nor his father ever saw a bear or horse mysteriously. There are penalties attached to violations of the prohibitions of the other orders, but George Miller did not know about them.

Besides the personal mystery decoration of the robe or blanket, is that of the tent. Pl. XLIV, E is a sketch of a tent, furnished to the author by Dried Buffalo Skull, an old man of the Ȼatada gens of the Omaha. The decoration of this tent was the personal mystery or “qube” of Hupeȼa, Sr., father of Hupeȼa, Jr. (now known as ┴enugaʇañga), of the Wasabe-hit‘ajĭ or Black Bear sub-gens of the Ȼatada. After the death of Hupeȼa, Sr., the decoration became the property of his kinsman, Agaha-wacuce, of the same sub-gens, and father of Ԁaȼiⁿnaⁿpajĭ. The circle at the top, representing a bear’s cave, is sometimes painted blue, though Agaha-wacuce had it reddened. Below the four zigzag lines (representing the lightnings of different colors) are the prints of bears’ paws. The lower part of the tent was blackened with ashes or charcoal. Among the four zigzag lines, red, according to Mr. Francis La Flèche, symbolizes the east.

Wanukige, a chief of the Ictasanda gens, had a vision of the aurora borealis, so he depicted this on his robes and tent, as shown in Figs. 158 and 159. On the tent were seven stripes, three on each side of the entrance and one in the rear. Each robe that he wore had seven stripes.

Fig. 160 represents the personal mystery decoration of Ȼaqube of the [K]aⁿze gens. George Miller’s father could wear this decoration, but the right to it could not be transmitted by him to any one else. Ԁahe-ʇap‘ĕ, of the [K]e-‘iⁿ subgens of the Ȼatada gens, once had a vision of two stars and the new moon. Consequently he decorated his buffalo robe, as shown in Fig. 161, and joined the order of Thunder shamans. He died when the author was at the Omaha agency (between 1878 and 1880).

GENERIC FORMS OF DECORATION.

§ 46. There are examples of generic forms of decoration, as well as those of specific forms. For instance, when a person had a vision of the night, or of the Thunder-being, or one of some other superterrestrial object, he blackened the upper part of his tent and a small portion on each side of the entrance, as shown in Fig. 162.

It was given thus by George Miller:

Níaciⁿga amá águdi ctĕ haⁿ´ daⁿ´ctĕ íȼa‘eȼé amá ʇí People the where ever night for example they have the tent pl. visions sub. of it

ugȼiⁿ´i ʞĭ, wiⁿdétaⁿ sábeȼaí, kĭ ci águdí ctĕ they if one-half the they blacken and again where ever dwell length in

níkaciⁿga amá iñgȼaⁿ´ íȼa‘eȼé amá cĭ égaⁿ people the pl. thunder they have the pl. again so sub. being visions sub. of it.

ugȼiⁿ´-biamá. they dwell in, they say.

SPECIFIC FORMS OF DECORATION.

A specific form related to the generic one just described is shown in Fig. 163. The blackened part of the tent represents the night, and the star denotes the morning star. There was a star on the left hand at the back of the tent, and another star on the right side. Black and blue are occasionally interchangeable in Omaha symbolism; hence we find that the night is represented by a blue band on a coyote skin worn by the elder Aⁿpaⁿ-skă, and subsequently by his son and namesake, when the latter was a small boy. The blue band was worn next the shoulders of the owner (Fig. 164).

The decoration refers to his “qube” or “sacred vision.” Little Cedar, of the Maⁿȼiñka-gaxe (Omaha) gens, belonged, we are told, to the Miⁿ iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma, or order of Sun and Moon shamans, probably identical with the order of Thunder shamans. Fig. 165 represents a vision which Little Cedar once had, described thus by George Miller:

Gaⁿ´ níaciⁿga aká íȼa‘eȼá-bi egaⁿ´ ȼetégaⁿ ʇi ugá tĕ And man the having had a vision, like this tent painted the sub. they say std. ob.

ugȼiⁿ´-biamá. Mázi-jiñ´ga ijáje aȼiⁿ´-biamá. Sábe tĕ haⁿ´ he dwelt in, Cedar Little his name had, they Black the night they say, say

kĕ é gáxai; niaⁿ´ba ȼaⁿ éȼaⁿbe tĕ gáxai. Niaⁿ´ba the that made moon the cv. emerging the made. Moon lg. ob. ob.

uȼan´da ȼan´di níkaciⁿga ugȼiⁿ´ gáxai, gañ´ʞĭ íȼa‘eȼaí ȼiñké in the in the person sitting made and one seen in the one midst of part in a vision who

é tĕ. Niaⁿ´ba éȼaⁿbe atí-nandi náqȼiⁿ that the Moon emerging comes regularly, blazes when (sends up light)

égaⁿ-naⁿ´i. The black band refers to the night; the circle, to somewhat usually.

the moon; the circumscribed figure is a ghost that he saw in the moon; and the dots above the moon refer to the “white which stands above the rising sun or moon.” Pl. XLIV B shows another tent decoration of the same man. The red circle represents the sun, in which stands a man holding the ʇa-cá-ge, or deer rattles, made of the hard or callous knobs found near the hoofs of the deer. These knobs are split, hollowed out, and strung on sticks. The tent being very large, the figure of the man was almost life size, and a real feather was tied to his head. The blue band at the bottom may represent night, but there is no certainty about it.

§ 47. Fig. 166 is the decoration of one of the tents of Ni-ku-ȼi-bȼaⁿ, father of the present Wackaⁿ-maⁿȼiⁿ (Hard Walker), an ex-chief of the Omaha. Nikuȼibȼaⁿ was one of the two leaders of the order of Thunder shamans, and was regarded as being very “qube” or mysterious. The black band at the bottom refers to the night, and above it are seen the moon and a star. The old man named one of his grandchildren Haⁿakipa (Meets the Night), after the vision to which the tent decoration refers.

George Miller furnished the description of Nikuȼibȼaⁿ’s tent, obtained from an old woman, who is his widow:

“Gaⁿ wíqti ʇaⁿ´ba-májĭ ȼaⁿ´ja, uȼaí égaⁿ ana´‘aⁿ hă. Gaⁿ´ And I I did not though they have as I have And myself see him told about heard it. him

iñgȼaⁿ´ⁿ íȼa‘eȼá-biamá, ádaⁿ ʇuɔniñ´ge gáxai tĕ Thunder he had a vision of therefore rainbow made it the Being him, they say (past act)

gátĕ. ┴íhuʞaⁿ ȼaⁿʇá bagȼéjai tĕ, é uȼaí hă that ob. Smoke-hole at the painted in the that told it . part spots (past act)

wa‘újiñga igáqȼaⁿ aká. Maⁿ´ciaʇá aȼiⁿ´ akíi, á-biamá. old woman his wife the sub. On high having had he said, him reached they say. there again

Eʇá ctĭ majaⁿ´ ȼé égaⁿ, á-biamá. Qubĕ´qti gáxai There too land this like he said, they Very mysterious they say. made him

níaciⁿga, ádaⁿ ʇí ugá tĕ áwatégaⁿ gáxe gaⁿ´ȼai man therefore tent painted the how to make he wished it

ʞĭ, gaⁿ´ égaⁿ gáxai. Bagȼéjai tĕ mási é wakaí when at any so he made it. Made spotted he hail that it meant rate by painting

tĕ.” the (past act).

That is, “I myself did not see him, but I have heard what was told. They say that he had a vision of the Thunder-being, so he made that rainbow which appears in the figure (Fig. 167). The old woman, his widow, has told that he painted the top of the tent, near the smoke-hole, in spots. They say that he said that the Thunder-being had carried him up on high, and that the place there resembled this world. The man was regarded as very mysterious; therefore he decorated his tent according to the pattern that he wished to make. The painted spots represent hail.” Many years ago, Nikuȼibȼaⁿ said that he had been carried up into the world above this one, and that he found it resembled the world in which we live. The rainbow and hail depicted on the tent formed part of the vision, but their exact significance has not been explained.

Cu-ʞa maⁿ-ȼiⁿ, an Omaha, had a vision which gave him the right to use the decoration given in Fig. 168. The meanings of the different marks have not been learned. Cuʞa maⁿȼiⁿ bequeathed the blanket to his son, [K]axe-giaⁿ (Flying Crow), now known as Gilbert Morris.

§ 48. The old chief ┴e-saⁿ (Ta sone of Maj. Long), Distant-white Buffalo, father of the chiefs Standing Hawk and Fire Chief, had a vision of a cedar tree, which he painted on each side of his tent, as seen in Fig. 169. The next sketch (Fig. 170) shows the back part of another tent of ┴e-saⁿ. The blue band near the top is called “sabe” (black); below this is the sun and a blue rainbow; near the bottom are two horsetails. The only decorations on the front of the tent are two horsetails, one on each side of the entrance. This tent was used by Standing Hawk after the death of his father. This decoration may have been made after a vision of horses, as Standing Hawk was a member of the order of Horse Shamans (Cañge iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma). George Miller speaks thus about it:

Gaⁿ´ níaciⁿga aká níkagahí átai egaⁿ´ íȼa‘éȼĕ daⁿ´etĕaⁿ´i And man the sub. chief he was as he had a perhaps beyond vision

tĕ, miⁿ´ ȼaⁿ ugaí, íʇi. Cĭ cañ´gĕ sĭn´de the (past sun the he painted he painted the Again horse tail act) cv. ob. tent with it.

ctĭ gáxai, hidé kĕ´di. ┴íhuʞaⁿ [p]así ȼaⁿ too he made bottom at the Smoke hole tip end the part

sábĕȼai. That is, “As the man was a head chief, he may have had a he blackened.

vision, for he occupied a tent on which he painted the sun, and he also decorated it with horse-tails at the lower part. He painted the border of the smoke-hole a dark blue (ʇu sabĕ, which is some-times called, sabĕ).”

“Iȼádi amá daⁿ´ctĕ égaⁿ gáxai tĕ´di, ijiñ´ge amá His father the pl. sub. perhaps so did when his son the pl. sub.

íȼa‘éȼa-bájĭ ctĕwaⁿ´ égaⁿ gáxe-naⁿ´-biamá, ádaⁿ égaⁿ they did not have even so usually did, they therefore so visions of it say

gáxai.” That is, “When the fathers decorate their tents in consequence he did

of their respective visions, their sons (who succeed them) usually imitate them (or dwell in the decorated tents), even when they themselves have not had visions of the objects. Therefore he (i.e., Standing Hawk) did so.”

George Miller told the following about Ԁede-gahi or Fire Chief, another son of ┴e-saⁿ:

Cĭ égaⁿ Ԁéde-gáhi aká ugȼiⁿ´i waʇaⁿ´be. Wataⁿ´zihi íʇi Again so Fire Chief the he sat in I saw Corn-stalk painted sub it on the tent

waʇaⁿ´be ȼaⁿ´ja, áwatégaⁿ iȼápahaⁿ-májĭ ȼaⁿ´ja, níkagáhi égaⁿ I saw though of what sort I knew not though chief like

égaⁿ ugȼiⁿ´i tĕ. Wataⁿzi ȼiⁿ´ ctĭ waqu´be gáxai. Kĭ so he sat in the Corn the col. too mysterious he made and (past ob. it act)

cĭ´ Ԁéde-gáhi aká taⁿ´waⁿgȼaⁿ eʇá amá Wajiñ´ga-ȼatájĭ amá again Fire Chief the gens his the pl. Bird eat not the pl. sub. sub. sub.

wahába pahañ´ga ju´t‘aⁿ tĕ´di ȼatá-bajĭ wahába ear of corn first matures when they do not ear of corn eat

ȼiⁿ´, níkaciⁿga amá naⁿ´wape ȼaté tai tĕ´. Ȼataí ʞĭ, the col. people the pl. fear them they will the They if ob. sub. eat (act) eat

wahába ȼiⁿ´, wajiñ´ga ȼasniⁿ´ weʞubaí. Iñké-sabĕ ear of corn the col. bird devour they fear Shoulder black ob. them

ákadí ctĭ égaⁿ gáxe-naⁿ-biamá ʇí ugá. Hañ´ga among too so make usually they say tent painting. Foremost the the

ákadí ctĭ égaⁿ gáxe-naⁿ´-biamá ʇí ugá. among too so make usually they say tent painting.

This refers to Fig. 171, and may be thus rendered: “And I have likewise seen the tent of Fire Chief. It was decorated with cornstalks, but I do not know the reason for it. He dwelt in such a tent because he was a chief. Corn was regarded as “waqube,” mysterious. In the sub-gens of Fire Chief, the Wajiñga-ȼatajĭ, or, those who eat no small birds, the people feared to eat the first ears of corn that matured, lest the small birds (particularly blackbirds) should come and devour the rest of the crop. There was a similar tent decoration in the Iñke-sabĕ and Hañga gentes.” In the former, it was used by Waqaga (see § 53). The cornstalks and ears were green, the tips of the ears were black. There were two similar cornstalks on the back of the tent.

CORN AND THE BUFFALO.

§ 49. Corn is regarded as a “mother” and the buffalo as a “grandfather” among the Omaha and other tribes.[57] In the Osage tradition, corn was bestowed upon the people by four buffalo bulls or “grandfathers.”[58] Dr. Washington Matthews tells of a similar Arikara belief about an ear of corn.[59] (See § 42.)

OTHER OMAHA MYSTERY DECORATIONS.

§ 50. Among the members of the order of Buffalo (┴e iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma) was Niȼactage, whose robe is shown in Fig. 172. The red band is at the top. The black spots represent the places where the buffaloes play “buffalo wallows.” Buffalo hoofs are in blue.

Duba-maⁿȼiⁿ’s father had a vision of horses, hence he wished to depict horse-tails and tracks on his tent, as found in Fig. 173; but he died before he finished it.

The father of Maⁿtcu-naⁿba had a vision of horses, and bequeathed to his son Maⁿtcu-naⁿba the right to decorate his tent in the style shown in Fig. 174. The yellow was connected with the vision. When the owner dwelt in an earth-lodge, the horse-tail was tied to a long pole, which was thrust through the opening at the top of the lodge. So when he used his skin tent, the horse-tail hung from the top of a long pole above the smoke-hole.

When the Omaha dwelt near the present town of Homer, Nebr., and Wackaⁿhi was a young child, he went out to play, and fell asleep. He said that he was aroused by the sounds made by many chickens crowing and cackling. In those days (_fide_ George Miller) there were no white people in that neighborhood; but now in that very place where Wackaⁿhi had the vision, there is a wealthy family living, and besides large herds they have a great many chickens. In remembrance of that occurrence, Wackaⁿhi painted his tent with his personal decoration as given in Fig. 175.

An unknown Omaha had a vision of deer, so he decorated his tent accordingly. (See Fig. 176.) George Miller could not furnish the man’s name.

§ 51. Among the members of the order of Grizzly Bear shamans was an Omaha named ┴ebi‘a (Frog). The top of his tent was painted yellow, as shown in Fig. 177. There was no other decoration; but this yellow evidently was connected with a grizzly bear vision, as it appears in the decoration adopted by the father of Two Crows, who was not only one of the two leaders of the order of Thunder shamans (Iñgȼaⁿ iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma) but also a member of the orders of Buffalo and Grizzly Bear shamans (┴e iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma and Maⁿtcu iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma). (See Pl. XLIV, D, in which a grizzly bear is depicted as emerging from his den. The blue part represents the ground.)

This decoration (of the tent of Two Crows’ father) is thus described by George Miller: Maⁿtcú iȼa‘eȼaí egaⁿ´ ʇí tĕ égaⁿ gáxai. Grizzly bear they have as tent the so they visions of it std. ob. make it

Maⁿtcú wadaⁿ´bai tĕ´di ʇan´de kĕ maⁿ´taʇa éȼaⁿbe tí Grizzly bear they see them when ground the within emerging come lg. ob.

wadaⁿ´bai, gaⁿ´ égaⁿ gáxai ʇí tĕ. ┴an´de kĕ ʇúȼĕ-naⁿ´i, they see them and so they tent the Ground the they usually make it std. lg. ob. paint blue ob.

ʇí hébe kĕ zíȼĕ-naⁿ´i.” That is, “When they have had visions tent part the they usually lg ob. paint yellow.

of grizzly bears, they decorate their tents accordingly. When they see grizzly bears, they behold them coming out of the ground, and so they paint the tents. They always (or usually) paint the ground blue, and part of the tent they paint in a yellow band.” This shows the conventional use of colors. See Pl. XLIV, E, for the sketch of another tent representing the vision of a grizzly bear.

KANSA MYSTERY DECORATIONS.

§ 52. Three Kansa decorations follow. They are taken from an original sketch made by a Kansa man, known to the white people as Stephen Stubbs. The first tent (Fig. 178) is that of a man who had fasted and held mysterious communication with an eagle which gave him some feathers. He had danced the pipe dance once for some one. At the base of this tent are seen two peace pipes on each side of the entrance. At the back are a black bear and a large turtle. The second tent (Fig. 179) is that of a man who had danced the pipe dance three times. Buffalo tails are fastened to the tops of the triangular pieces forming the shelter of the smoke-hole, feathers hang from the two shields, and the stars are above and on the base of the tent skins. Feathers, shields, and stars are also on the back of this tent.

Fig. 180 is the tent of a man who has danced the pipe dance four times. It is very probable, judging from the stars on the tents, that the owners of the second and third Kansa tents had had visions. The Kansa say that when a man has danced the pipe dance twice, his tent can be decorated with two cornstalks at the front (one on each side of the entrance), and two more at the back. The pipes used in the calumet or pipe dance are regarded as “Wakandaʇaȼicaⁿ” by the Omaha and Ponka, and the inference is that the Kansa and Osage had a similar belief about these pipes and the accompanying dance. Perhaps there was a time when no man could undertake the pipe dance unless he had a vision of some kind.

OMAHA NIKIE DECORATIONS.

§ 53. As the gentes of the Omaha and Ponka are regarded as being “Wakandaʇaȼicaⁿ,” the “nikie” and “nikie names” have a religious significance. George Miller has furnished the author with a few nikie decorations, which are now given.

Maⁿze-guhe, an Omaha, belonged to the Waȼigije sub-gens of the Iñke-sabĕ gens. The decoration of his robe (Fig. 181) marks the nikie of the sub-gens, as it consisted of spiral forms known as “waȼigije.” That of the tent (Fig. 182) refers to the nikie of the entire gens. In the latter case, the buffalo head was painted on the back of the tent.

Duba-maⁿȼiⁿ, who has a nikie name referring to the buffalo, belongs to the Waȼigije sub-gens. His father wore a black blanket embroidered with beadwork in two rows of spirals, between which was a star. All these figures were made of white beads. (See Fig. 183.)

In the Pipe sub-gens of the Iñke-sabĕ there were several tent decorations. Of the first, George Miller speaks thus:

Níkaciⁿ´ga-ma taⁿ´waⁿgȼaⁿ´-ma niníba t‘aⁿ´ amá Iñké-sabĕ The people those in the gentes pipe have the pl. Black shoulder sub.

akádi ʇí ugaí, niníba íʇi. Kĭ wédajĭ-ma among tent they pipe painted the And those elsewhere the paint tent with

wédahaⁿ-májĭ, añ´ka-bájĭ ebȼégaⁿ. Iñké-sabĕ akádi I do not know them they are not so I think. Black shoulder among the

níkagáhi aká égaⁿ gáxai ebȼégaⁿ, aⁿ´ctĕwaⁿ´ gáxa-bájĭ chief the sub. so made I think of any pattern he did not make

ebȼégaⁿ. Niníba waqúbe gáxai ʞĭ, niníba jaⁿ´ kĕ bȼáska gáxai, I think. Pipe mysterious made when pipe wood the flat made thing lg. ob.

uȼískai, wajiñ´gadá ájii tĕ, ʇáhiⁿ jíde put porcupine bird heads put many the “deer fur” red work around it on it past act

íkaⁿtaⁿ´i.” tied to it.

That is, “Those persons who belong to the Iñke-sabĕ sub-gens known as Keepers of the Pipes, paint their tent(s) with the pipe decoration. I do not know of any other persons, members of other gentes, using this decoration; I think that no others use it. I think that the Iñkesabĕ chief decorates his tent in this manner, and that he did not decorate it in any way he pleased. When the sacred pipes were made (on the tent) the pipestem was made flat, porcupine work was put around it, several heads of birds were fastened on it, and tufts of reddened horses’ hair were tied to it at intervals.” (See Fig. 184 and Pl. XLIV, C.) This Iñke-sabĕ tent had only two pipes on it--one on each side of the entrance.

The second Iñke-sabĕ tent decoration is thus described by the same authority:

Aⁿjiñ´ga tĕ´di ʇi´-ugȼiⁿ´ waʇaⁿ´be ʞĭ, ȼekégaⁿ The small when tent dwelt in I saw them when like this lg. ob.

ugȼiⁿ´i. Niníba mácaⁿ ugȼé íʇi waʇaⁿ´be Niníba t‘aⁿ´ they dwelt Pipe quill attached painted I saw Pipe had in feather to at the tent right with angles

akádi, Waqága égaⁿ íʇi waʇaⁿ´be. Niníba waqúbe kĕ among Burrs so painted I saw them Pipe sacred the lg. the the tent ob. with

ékigaⁿ´qti ȼaⁿ´ja, e mácaⁿ ugȼé gáxai, niníba just like it though that quill attached to made pipe feather at right angles

wéawaⁿ akéĕ hă. Ȼaⁿ´ja niníba kĕ é ínikagáhi calumet that is it . Though pipe the lg. that chief by ob. aforesaid means of it

ʞiʞáxai, níaciⁿ´ga amá átaqti gáxai niníba waqúbe. they make people the pl. exceedingly make it pipe sacred themselves sub.

Níaciⁿ´ga amá píäjĭ´qti ctéctĕwaⁿ´, ukít‘ĕ ákikiȼáqti People the pl. very bad notwithstanding foreign contending sub. nation fiercely together

maⁿȼiⁿ´i ctéctĕwaⁿ´, kikídĕqti maⁿȼiⁿ´i ctéctĕwaⁿ´, they walk notwithstanding shooting often they walk notwithstanding and fiercely

niníba kĕ éȼaⁿbe aȼiⁿ´ ahíi ʞĭ, uȼúci kĕ uhá pipe the lg. coming they take it when in the the following ob. forth thither middle lg. its course line

aȼiⁿ´ aȼai´ ʞĭ, múkictaⁿ tai´. Téqi gáxai níaciⁿ´ga they when they stop will Precious they people take it shooting at make it one another

amá. the pl. sub.

That is, “When, in my childhood, I saw the tents in which the people dwelt, they were of this sort. (See Fig. 185.) I saw the tent decorated with the pipes having feathers attached to each pipe at right angles. I saw a tent of this sort when it was occupied by Waqaga of the Pipe sub-gens. (See another tent decoration of this man, § 48.) Though these pipes closely resemble the peace pipes (niniba waqube), they are made with the feathers attached to the stems at right angles. These are the pipes used in the pipe dance. By means of the pipes the people made for themselves that which was equivalent to (or, lead to) the chieftainship. So they regarded the sacred pipes as of the greatest importance. Even when the people were very bad, even when different tribes continued to struggle with one another; even when they shot often at one another, when some persons came forth with the peace pipes, and bore them to a place between the opposing forces, carrying them all along the lines, they stopped shooting at one another. The Indians regarded the pipes as precious.”

A ┴a[p]a nikie tent decoration is shown in the tent of Heqaga. (Pl. XLIV, C.) This tent had two pipes on each side of the tent, double the number on the Iñke-sabĕ tent (Fig. 184).

Fig. 186 is given as the nikie decoration of a robe belonging to Waqaga. The bird on the robe is an eagle. Members of the Pipe sub-gens of the Iñke-sabĕ have eagle birth names. And we know that Waqaga belonged to that sub-gens.

The author understood Joseph La Flèche and Two Crows to say, in 1882, that while nikie names possessed a sacredness, it was only the sacredness of antiquity, and that they were not “Wakandaʇaȼicaⁿ.”

But the author now thinks that such a statement needs modification; for, besides what appears at the beginning of this section, we know that among the Osage and Kansa the nikie names are associated with the traditions preserved in the secret society of seven degrees, and that this applies not only to names of gentes and sub-gentes, but also to personal nikie names. The author frightened an Osage in January, 1883, by mentioning in public some of this class of names.

OMAHA NIKIE CUSTOMS.

§ 54. Among the nikie of the Omaha, the following may be mentioned: The Wajiñga-ȼatajĭ, or “Blackbird people,” had a curious custom during the harvest season. At that time the birds used to devour the corn, so the men of this sub-gens undertook to prevent them, by chewing some grains of corn which they spit around over the field.[60] During a fog, the [K]e-‘iⁿ men would draw the figure of a turtle on the ground, with its head to the south. On the head, tail, middle of the back, and each leg, were placed small pieces of a (red) breechcloth with some tobacco. They imagined that this would make the fog disappear very soon.[61] The [K]aⁿze gens, being Wind people, flap their blankets to start a breeze when mosquitoes abound.[62] The ┴a-[p]a gens have a form for the naming of a child on the fifth morning after its birth, according to Lion, one of the chiefs of that gens.[63] In the feast on the hearts and tongues,[64] the Hañga men who belong to the sub-gens keeping the sacred pole, eat the buffalo tongues, though the buffalo is their “grandfather” and the eponym of their gens; but they can not eat the “ʇa” or buffalo sides. However, the other Hañga men, who can not eat the tongues, are allowed to eat the consecrated buffalo sides, after the ceremonies connected with the thanksgiving and anointing of the sacred pole.[65] No Omaha child had its hair cut until it had been taken to an old man of the Ictasanda gens, to have the first locks cut, the first moccasins put on the child’s feet, and prayers to be said over it. Sometimes the old man said “┴ucpáha, Wakan´da O grandchild, Wakanda

ȼa‘éȼiȼé-de ʞáci maⁿȼiñ´ka sí áȼagȼé tate,” i.e., "O pity you when a long time soil foot you set it shall, erect on

grandchild, may Wakanda pity you, and may your feet rest a long time on the ground!” Another form was sometimes used--“Wakanda ȼa‘eȼiȼe tate. Maⁿȼiñka si aȼagȼe tate. Gudihegaⁿ ne tate,” i.e., “May Wakanda pity you! May your feet tread the ground! May you go ahead (or, live hereafter)!”[66]

§ 55. When there is a “blizzard,” the other Kansa beg the members of the Tcihaciⁿ or Kaⁿze gens to interpose, as they are Wind people.

“[M]i´tcigu-e´, haⁿ´ba ya´li kŭⁿ´bla eyau´. Ciñ´gajiñ´ga yi´ta O grandfather, day good I desire indeed. Child your be decorated (_or_ painted)

kik’ŭⁿ´yakiye´ tce au´[64], a´be au´.” i.e., “They say, ‘O you cause him to will . they . be decorated (_or_ say painted)

grandfather (said to one of the Kaⁿze gens), I wish good weather. Please cause one of your children to be decorated!’” Then the youngest son of one of the Kaⁿze men, say one over 4 feet high, is chosen for the purpose, and painted with red paint (I´gamaⁿ jü´dje i´kik’ŭⁿ´kiya´be au). The youth rolls over and over in the snow and reddens it for some distance all around him. This is supposed to stop the storm.

GOVERNMENTAL INSTRUMENTALITIES.

§ 56. Among the Omaha governmental instrumentalities which are “Wakandaʇaȼicaⁿ” are the chiefs, the keepers of the three sacred tents, the keepers of the sacred pipes, the gentes, sub-gentes, and taboos, none of which can be regarded as fetiches, and the following which appear to be fetiches: The sacred pipes (including the war pipes of the Elk gens, the two peace pipes kept by the Iñke-sabĕ gens, the mysterious objects kept by the “keepers of the pipes” in the Ȼatada, [K]aⁿze, Maⁿȼiñka-gaxe, ┴e-sĭnde, ┴a-[p]a, and Ictasanda gentes, and the weawaⁿ or pipes used in the calumet dance), the sacred pole, the sacred hide of a white buffalo, the sacred arrows of divination, and the sacred clam shell of the Elk gens.[67]

§ 57. OMAHA AND PONKA TABOOS.

Buffalo skull not touched by-- 1. ┴e-[p]a it‘ajĭ sub-gens of Ȼatada (Omaha). 2. Waȼigije sub-gens of Iñke-sabĕ (Om.). 3. ┴e-sĭnde gens (Om.). 4. Part of the Wacabe gens (Ponka). 5. Part of Necta gens (P.).

Buffalo tongue not eaten by-- 1. Waȼigije sub-gens of Iñke-sabĕ (Om.). 2. Hañgaqti or Wacabe sub-gens of Hañga (Om.). 3. Part of Nika[p]aɔna gens (P.). 4. Part of Wacabe gens (P.). 5. Part of Necta gens (P.).

Buffalo (black) horns not touched by part of Iñke-sabĕ gens (Om.).

Buffalo sides (when consecrated), not eaten by ┴a waqube ȼatajĭ sub-gens of Hañga gens (Om.).

Buffalo rib (lowest one, ʇeȼiʇ-ucagȼe), not eaten by ┴e-sĭnde gens (Om.).

Buffalo and domestic calf not eaten when the hair is red, but can be eaten when the hair turns black, by ┴e-sĭnde gens (Om.).

Buffalo calf can not be touched, when its hair is “zi” (yellow or red), by a sub-gens of the Necta gens (P.).

Buffalo calf can not be eaten at any time by-- 1. Iñgȼe-jide gens (Om.). 2. Part of Wacabe gens (P.). 3. Part of Necta gens (P.).

Deer not eaten by-- 1. Part of Hisada gens (P.). 2. Part of Nika[p]aɔna gens (P.).

Male deer not eaten by Elk gens (Om.); but Deer gens can eat venison.

Skin of any animal of the deer family can not be touched by ┴ada gens (Om.).

Flesh of male elk not eaten by Elk gens (Om.).

Bladder and sinew of male elk not touched by Elk gens (Om.).

Elk not eaten by part of Nika[p]aɔna gens (P.).

Turtles not eaten by Turtle sub-gens (Om.).

Black bear skin not touched by-- 1. Black bear sub-gens (Om.). 2. Black bear sub-gens (P.).

Wild-cat skin, not touched by pipe sub-gens of Deer gens (Om.).

Cranes and swans not eaten by part of Hañga gens (Om.).

Swans not touched (formerly?) by Miⁿxasaⁿ wet‘ajĭ sub-gens of Maⁿ-ȼiñka-gaxe gens (Om.).

Small birds not eaten by Wajiñga-ȼatajĭ (Blackbird or Small bird) sub-gens of the Ȼatada gens (Om.). They can eat wild turkeys, ducks, geese, swans, cranes. When members of this sub-gens are sick they can eat grouse.

(Small birds) blackbirds, (_black_ ones), swallows, and grouse not eaten by part of Hisada gens (P.).

Reptiles neither touched nor eaten by-- 1. Ictasanda gens (Om.). 2. Wajaje gens (P.).

Blood not touched by part of the Ȼixida gens (P.), hence their name, Wami it‘ajĭ.

Red corn not eaten by a sub-gens of the Iñke-sabĕ gens (Om.).

Charcoal not touched by-- 1. A sub-gens of the Iñke-sabĕ gens (Om.). 2. The Pipe sub-gens of the Deer gens (Om.). 3. A sub-gens of the Ȼixida gens (P.). 4. The Pipe sub-gens of the Wajaje gens (P.).

Verdigris not touched by-- 1. [K]aⁿze gens (Om.). 2. Pipe sub-gens of Deer gens (Om.). 3. Part of the Ȼixida gens (P.). 4. Pipe sub-gens of the Wajaje gens (P.).

FETICHISM.

§ 58. According to Dr. Tylor, “Fetichism is the doctrine of spirits embodied in, or attached to, or conveying influence through, certain material objects.”[68]

Fetiches may be regarded as of two kinds--those pertaining to the tribe or gens, and those belonging to individual members of the social organization. Some fetiches are amulets, others are charms.

FETICHES OF THE TRIBE AND GENS.

§ 59. _Omaha tribal fetiches._--The sacred pole and white buffalo hide, in the keeping of the Hañga gens until a few years ago, but now in the Peabody Museum of Archæology and Ethnology at Cambridge, Mass., were regarded by the Omaha as “wakanda egaⁿ,” i.e., “like Wakandas,” or “partaking of the nature of deities.” During the public thanksgiving after the buffalo hunt, prayer was made towards the sacred pole.[69]

The sacred tent in which the sacred pole of the two tribes was kept was never painted. When the people remained in their permanent villages of earth lodges, the entrance of the sacred tent faced the sunrise; but when the tribe migrated, the entrance of the tent faced the direction in which they traveled. The pole was never exposed to dew, rain, or snow, but was kept within the lodge, during any kind of bad weather. It was never laid down, but was tied to a tent pole. In good weather it was exposed to view. Sometimes it was tied to one of the tent poles near the entrance, as shown in Fig. 187. When not tied thus, it rested on a forked post set in the ground, either in the rear of the tent or in front of it. The top of the pole, to which the scalp was fastened, projected beyond the forked post. When this post was in the rear of the tent, the top of the pole pointed towards the tent; but when the post was set up in front, the pole pointed in the direction to be traveled. The place for the pole in good weather was determined by its keeper.

The people feared the pole, and they would not dare to tread on the tent or its tent-poles. Should a horse tread on a tent-pole of this tent, its legs were sure to be broken subsequently. George Miller knew of two horses that did this, and their legs were broken when the people were surrounding a herd of buffalo.

Frank La Flèche has told the author about some sacred stone arrows which were used for purposes of divination. Hence, the nikie name, Maⁿ pĕjĭ, Bad Arrow, i.e. _Good_ Arrow, a personal name of the Hañga gens. Other objects, which may have been fetiches, have been named in § 56. In addition to all which have been mentioned must be named the waȼixabe or mysterious bags. While these are not governmental instrumentalities, they are “waqube” mysterious things, and on certain occasions they are addressed as “grandfathers.” There used to be five of these bags among the Omaha, but only three are now in existence. Those which could be carried in time of war were made of the skins and feathers of the gȼedaⁿ or pigeon hawk, the iⁿbe-jañka or fork-tailed hawk, and the nickucku or swallow.[70]

┴ade uȼeȼĕ, according to Big Elk (but denied by Joseph La Flèche and Two Crows) is the mystic rite performed by the principal captain when near the camp of the enemy. It is thus described by Big Elk (See § 62):

“Four times he untied the bag which he had made sacred. He caused the wind to waft the odor of the medicine toward the lodges. When the medicine arrived there, it made the Pawnees forget their warlike temper; it made them forget their weapons.”[71]

That there was some foundation for this statement, compare what is said in Omaha Sociology, p. 321:

“When the principal captains wish to open their sacred bags, they assemble their followers in a circle, making them sit down. Any of the followers or servants may be ordered to make an “ujeʇi” in the center of the circle by pulling up the grass, then making a hole in the ground (the “U-ma-ne” of Miss Fletcher[72]). Then the sacred bags are laid at the feet of the principal captains, each one of whom opens his own bag (i.e. the one borrowed by him from its keeper), holding the mouth of the bird toward the foe, even when some of the warriors are going to steal horses.”

During the ordeal of the “wastegistu,” as the Omaha call it, the successful warriors were called up, one by one, and as each man stood over one of the sacred bags, he addressed the bag itself thus:

“Hau´, iⁿc‘a´ge-ha, eda´daⁿ uwi´bȼa tá miñke ȼaⁿ´ja, Ho! old man ! what I will tell you though

iȼáusi´ctaⁿ-ma´jĭ uwi´bȼa ta´ miñke,” i.e., “Ho, venerable man! I tell a I not I will tell you lie

though I will tell you something, I will not lie when I tell it to you.” As he spoke he let a small stick drop on the bag. It was supposed that if the stick rested on the bag instead of rolling off, the man had told the truth (Om. Soc., p. 328).

§ 60. _Osage tribal fetiches._--The corresponding Osage custom has been described by the author:[73] The old men assembled at the war tent. The sacred bags were brought into the tent to test the warriors, who were watched very closely by the old men. All the old men who had been distinguished in war were painted with the decorations of their respective gentes. * * * Each warrior had four sticks about 6 inches long, and he was required to lay them in succession on the sacred bag. The warriors were taken in the following order: First, the captain, next the lieutenants, then the heralds, after whom came the man who had struck the first blow, then he who gave the second blow, and so on. As each captain laid his first stick on the bag he said, “Ho, O grandfather! I lay this down on you because I am the one who has killed a man.” On laying down the second stick, he said, “Ho, O grandfather! I wish to be fortunate in stealing horses! I wish our children, too, to be as fortunate as we have been!” When he put down the third, he said, “Ho, O grandfather! I wish to raise a domestic animal. I wish to succeed in bringing it to maturity.” By this he meant _a son_. The prayer made when the last stick was laid down was as follows: “Ho, O grandfather! May we continue a people without sustaining any injuries!” Similar petitions were made by the lieutenants and heralds. He who gave the first blow said, as he laid down the first stick, “Ho, O grandfather! I lay this down on you as one who has caused another to stun a foe!” The rest of his petitions were those made by the captains. He who struck the second blow said as follows, on laying down the first stick: “Ho, O grandfather! I place this on you because I was the next one to strike and stun a man!” The other petitions follow, as given above. The first petition of each of the remaining warriors is as follows: “Ho, O grandfather! I lay this on you as a token that I have aided in overcoming the enemy.”

§ 61. _Kansa tribal fetiches._--Among the Kansa, the following fetiches belong to the two Hañga gentes: The war pipe and the war clam shell. The war pipe was kept in 1882 by Pahaⁿle-wak’ü, the son of Aliⁿkawahu, for the two Hañga gentes. This pipe has an eye on each side, so that it may see the enemy! There is no pipestem, but there is one hole to which the mouth is applied, and in the bowl is another hole in which the tobacco is placed. The pipe, which is all in one piece, is of catlinite, about as thick as two hands. It is never taken from the wrappings, except when all the men of the two Hañga gentes assemble at the lodge of the chief Aliⁿkawahu. The sacred clam shell was kept in 1882 by Pahaⁿle-gaqli, the chief of the other Hañga gens. It is wrapped in five coverings, similar to those around the war pipe. They are as follows: (1) The innermost covering, the bladder of a buffalo bull; (2) next covering, made of the spotted fur of a fawn; (3) made of braided rushes or “sa;” (4) a very broad piece of deerskin; (5) the outermost covering, made of braided hair from the head of a buffalo bull.

PERSONAL FETICHES.

§ 62. Ԁaȼiⁿ-naⁿpajĭ said that there were some Omaha who considered as “waqube” the skins of animals and the skins and feathers of birds used in making their “waȼixabe” or mystery bags. Among these birds and animals he named the eagle, sparrow hawk, yellow-backed hawk, green-necked duck, great owl, swallow, otter, flying squirrel, mink, miʞa skă (“white raccoon” sic), and mazaⁿhe. The last is an animal resembling an otter. It is covered with thick black and reddish-yellow hair, and its tail is bushy. Samuel Fremont said (in 1889) that this animal was not found in that part of Nebraska where the Omaha dwelt, but that he had heard of its being found among the Dakota. Two Crows and Joseph La Flèche never heard of the miʞa skă and mazaⁿhe among their own people; but they said that when the Omaha traveled, some used to take with them their respective “makaⁿ” or medicines, evidently their personal fetiches, for they used to say, “Our medicines are wise; they can talk like men, and they tell us how many horses we are to receive from the people to whom we are going.”

When the Omaha went against the Pawnee during the boyhood of the present Big Elk, one of the captains, named Gi‘aⁿhabi, had a war club of the kind called “weaqȼade.” He made this club “waqube,” in order to use it mysteriously. When near the camp of the enemy he brandished the club four times toward the Pawnees. This was followed by the use of the sacred bag, as related in § 59.

It is probable that the medicines of the Watci Waȼupi, Wase-jide aȼiⁿ-ma, and the Ԁaȼiⁿ-wasabĕ watcigaxe ikagekiȼĕ, of the Omaha,[74] the Red Medicine of the Kansa, and the Red Medicine of the Osage Makaⁿ ɔüʇ[s]e watsiⁿ or Red Medicine Dance, were used as fetiches, as they conferred wonderful powers on those who used them. When the author was at the Omaha Agency, in 1878, he obtained the following: Rocky Mountain beans, which are scarlet, and are called “Makaⁿ jide” or Red Medicine, confer good luck on their owners. If the beans like their owners, they will never be lost; even if dropped accidentally, they will return to the possession of their owners. Ni-k’ú-mi, an aged Oto woman, told one of her granddaughters (then Susette La Flèche, known as Bright Eyes after 1879, and now the wife of T. H. Tibbles) of her own experience with one of these beans. She had dropped it in the grass, but she found it on retracing her steps. It is impossible to say whether this scarlet bean was identical with the Red Medicine of the Iowa (§ 87), Kansa, and Osage; but it certainly differed from that of the Wase-jide aȼiⁿma of the Omaha.

There are sacred or mystery rites practiced by the dancing societies, including those to which the wazeȼĕ or doctors belong. Two Crows said that he did not know those of his society, the ┴e iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma. As initiation into one of these societies is very expensive, it is unreasonable to suppose that Two Crows would communicate the secrets of his order for a small sum, such as $1 a day.

SORCERY.

§ 63. There have been sorcerers, i.e., such as prepared love potions for those who bought them, and who were thought to cause the death of those persons who had incurred their displeasure. The author has been told that the sorcerers give a high price for a small quantity of the catamenial discharge of a virgin. It is mixed with a love potion, and when the compound is administered to a man he can not help courting the woman, even when he knows that he does not love her.

JUGGLERY.

§ 64. Ickade or sleight of hand exists not only in the secret societies but also along with the practice of medicine, government, and religion. Some of the Omaha and Ponka doctors of the first class (the wazeȼĕ, not the makaⁿ aȼiⁿ-ma or root doctors) pretend to draw sticks from the bodies of their patients, or worms from aching teeth, saying that those things are the causes of the diseases. Every disease is a “nie” or “pain,” and there must be a cause for that pain.

§ 65. In 1872 Big Grizzly Bear, a subordinate Ponka chief, told the following to the author: “One day Whip, a head chief, said, ‘I am going to make the sun blue.’ And he did so. Then he said, ‘I am going to pull out some of the hair of the man in the moon.’ He held up his hands to show that they had no hair in them. Then he began to sing. Suddenly he had some bloody hair in each hand. Ga-ʇi-de maⁿ-ȼiⁿ and a great many others were witnesses. Once, when the Ponka were destitute of food, Buffalo Bull, the father of Grizzly Bear’s Ear, said, ‘I will use magic.’ His wife replied, ‘Please do so.’ So he made a pile of earth about 2 feet high and shot four arrows into it. A large deer was slain, furnishing them with plenty to eat.”

In 1871 the author saw an exhibition of the skill of Cramped Hand and Bent Horn, two Ponka shamans. One afternoon, near sunset, about two hundred persons, mostly Indians, stood in a large circle around a tent in which sat the shamans and their assistants. Presently the shamans and the aged chief, Antoine Primeau, came out of the tent and stood within the circle. One of the shamans, Cramped Hand, danced along the inner side of the circle, exhibiting a revolver (Allen’s patent), one chamber of which he seemed to load as the people looked on. After he had put on the cap, he handed the weapon to the chief, who fired at the shaman. Cramped Hand fell immediately, as if badly wounded. Bent Horn rushed to his relief and began to manipulate him. It was not long before Cramped Hand was able to crawl around on his hands and knees, though the bullet had apparently hit him in the mouth. He groaned and coughed incessantly, and after a tin basin was put down before him he coughed up a bullet which fell in the basin, and was shown in triumph to the crowd. This is told merely to show how the Indian juggler has adopted some of the tricks of his white brother. In a few moments Bent Horn danced around, showing to each of us an object which appeared to be a stone as large as a man’s fist, and too large to be forced into the mouth of the average man. Cramped Hand stood about 10 or 15 feet away and threw this stone toward Bent Horn, hitting the latter in the mouth and disappearing. Bent Horn fell and appeared in great pain, groaning and foaming at the mouth. When the basin was put down before him, there fell into it, not one large stone, but at least four small ones. We were told that the chief, Antoine, had to give a horse for the privilege of shooting at the shaman.

It is probable that some of the Omaha shamans performed similar tricks, though the author has been unable to obtain any accounts of them.

§ 66. He was fortunate, however, in making the acquaintance of the chief “wakandagi,” or shaman of the Kansa, when at Kaw Agency, in the winter of 1882. This man, Nixüdje-yiñge, was very communicative. He said that there used to be ten shamans in the tribe, and all had round pebbles which they blew from their mouths against the persons whom they “ʞilŭⁿxe” or “shot in a mysterious manner.” The arrow of the shamans was called “Mi-pa-ha,” which is a name of the Buffalo gens. This missile was made of part of the red-breasted turtle.

A woman named Saⁿ-si-le had two “makaⁿ” (medicines, fetiches?) which she used for “ickade” or “wakandagi wagaxe” (magic, shamanistic legerdemain). She could swallow a knife; and when she swallowed a certain kind of grass she drew a green snake from her mouth. John Kickapoo’s father had a red medicine, which was used for women who desired to become enciente, for horses, and for causing good dreams. Nixüdje-yiñge’s mother, who was a shaman, has a small pebble and a clam shell, which she used in her mystery acts.

Pagani had a “sika-hyuka” or “needle” (so represented by Nixüdje-yiñge, but it may not have been a steel needle), which he swallowed and voided through the urethra. Gahige-wadayiñga used to stab himself with a “mahiⁿsü” or arrow-point, about 6 inches long, causing the blood to spurt from his left shoulder as he danced. The other shamans used to spurt water on his back from their mouths, while he held his arms horizontally from his body, with the forearms pointing upward. When they finished no wound could be found. One shaman had a fish called “hu blaska” or flat fish, to which he talked. He made a necklace of the skin, and he used it for “ʞilŭⁿxe.”

Wakanda-zi had the skin of a small black bear as his sacred bag. As he danced he held it by the tail and shook the skin. After shooting the round pebble from his mouth at a person he thrust the bear skin at the wounded man, drawing it back very quickly. The round pebble was drawn into the mouth of the bear and dropped on the ground when the skin bag was held with the tail up.

He who wished to be shot at handed a gun to some one, who shot him in the side, much blood escaping. He seemed to be dead; but the shamans assembled and manipulated him. One put the mouth of the otter (of the otterskin sacred bag) to the mouth of the patient in order to perform the act called “lüpayiⁿ” (to raise up or resuscitate his own). Then, “Zü´be aká eyaú tuhnañ´ge aká,” i.e., when the bag was drawn away rapidly, the otter made the sound “zübe,” as when one draws in the breath, and the bullet was in its mouth. On the patient’s recovery he gave a horse to the man who shot at him.

Mañge-zi had a clam shell and a snake that he used in his sleight-of-hand acts. He also swallowed “mahiⁿ-tu,” a kind of green grass about a foot long and as thick as a pencil. Before swallowing this, he warmed it at a fire. He rubbed himself on his chest after swallowing it, saying, “Let all look at me!” Then he called to him a man to act as his assistant. He coughed and in the assistant’s hand there was a snake, which he took around the circle of spectators, showing it to every one, though no one handled it. On his returning the snake to Mañge-zi, the latter swallowed it and coughed up the long grass.

Nixüdje-yiñge said that there were eight objects used by the shamans for “shooting,” the needle; flint (?) arrow head; beaver teeth; the half of a knife blade, i.e., that part next to the point; the fish-fan, made of “huqtci” or “real fish;” the red medicine; the hiyádadáxe or medicine bag that was caused to fly; and the tuhnañge, or otter skin bag. (See §§ 292-295, 307.)

OMAHA AND PONKA BELIEF AS TO A FUTURE LIFE.

§ 67. They have a very crude belief. Each person is taught to have a wanaxe or spirit, which does not perish at death. According to Joseph La Flèche and Two Crows, the old men used to say to the people, “Ȼiudaⁿ ʞĭ, wanaxe udaⁿ-maʇa ci tate. Ȼipiäjĭ ʞĭ, wanaxe piäjĭ-maʇa ci tate,” i.e., “If you are good, you will go to the good ghosts. If you are bad, you will go to the bad ghosts.” Nothing was ever said of going to dwell with Wakanda, or with demons.[75]

Rev. William Hamilton found a belief that retribution is in this life, and he says, “Their notions are exceedingly crude.”

§ 68. Frank La Flèche told the author before 1882 that he had heard some old men relate a tradition that years ago a man came back to life and told about the spirit land. He said that for four nights after death the ghost had to travel a very dark road, but that after he reached the Milky Way there was plenty of light. For this reason, said he, the people ought to aid their deceased friends by lighting fires at the graves, and by keeping them burning for four nights in each case. After going along the Milky Way, the ghost came at last to a place where the road forked; and there sat an aged man, clothed in a buffalo robe with the hair outside. (See § 359½.) He said nothing, but pointed to each inquirer the road for which he asked. One road was a very short one, and he who followed it soon came to the place where the good ghosts dwelt. The other road was an endless one, along which the ghosts went crying. The spirits of suicides could not travel either road; but they hovered over their graves. But Joseph La Flèche and Two Crows (in 1882) said that the road of the ghosts was not the Milky Way, and they regarded the account of the endless road as a modern addition, which is very probable. The latest statements of Frank La Flèche are given in the Jour. Amer. Folk-Lore, vol. II, No. 4, pp. 10, 11:

There are a variety of beliefs concerning the immediate action of the spirit upon its withdrawal from the body. Some think that the soul at once starts upon its journey to the spirit land; others, that it hovers about the grave as if reluctant to depart. Because of this latter belief, food and water are placed at the head of the grave for several days after the burial. The spirit is supposed to partake of this food. No Indian would touch any article of food thus exposed; if he did, the ghost would snatch away the food and paralyze the mouth of the thief, and twist his face out of shape for the rest of his life; or else he would be pursued by the ghost, and food would lose its taste, and hunger ever after haunt the offender. There is a belief in the tribe that before the spirits finally depart from men who died of wounds or their results, they float toward a cliff overhanging the Missouri, not far from the present Santee Agency, in Nebraska, and cut upon the rocks a picture showing forth their manner of death. A line in the picture indicates the spot where the disease or wound was located which caused the death. After this record is complete, the spirit flies off to the land of the hereafter. It is said that these pictures are easily recognized by the relatives and friends of the deceased. This place is known as Iñ-gȼaⁿ´-xe ʞi-ʞá-xai ȼaⁿ,[76] or, Where the spirits make pictures of themselves. A suicide ceases to exist; for him there is no hereafter. A man struck by lightning is buried where he fell, and in the position in which he died. His grave is filled with earth, and no mound is raised over one who is thus taken from life.

In 1873 some of the Ponka said they had the following beliefs concerning a murderer: (1) The ghosts surround him and keep up a constant whistling; (2) he can never satisfy his hunger, though he eat much food; (3) he must not be allowed to roam at large lest high winds arise.

It is important to compare this whole section with the Dakota beliefs found in §§ 266-278.

The author was told by the Omaha that when a man was killed by lightning, he ought to be buried face downwards, and the soles of his feet had to be slit. When this was done, the spirit went at once to the spirit land, without giving further trouble to the living. In one case (that of a Wejiⁿcte man, Jadegi, according to George Miller and Frank Le Flèche)[77] this was not done, so it was said that the ghost _walked_, and he did not rest in peace till another person (his brother) was slain by lightning and laid beside him.

When Joseph La Flèche and Two Crows heard what Frank had told about the Milky Way, etc., they remarked, “We have never been to the spirit land, so we can not tell what is done there. No one has ever come back and told us.” All that they had ever heard was the old story about the forked road.

§ 69. Gahige, the late chief of the Iñke-sabĕ (a buffalo gens), told the author about the address made to a member of his gens, when dying. According to him, the person was addressed thus: “You are going to the animals (the buffalos). You are going to your ancestors. Ánita dúbaha hné (which may be rendered, You are going to the four living ones, if not, the four winds). Wackañ´-gă (Be strong).” Gahige was understood to speak of four spirits or souls to each person, but Joseph La Flèche and Two Crows said that the Omaha did not believe that a person had more than one spirit. Two Crows gave the following as the address to a dying member of his gens, the Hañga, another buffalo gens: “Waníʇa etáʇaⁿ Quadruped from

ȼatí. Gaⁿ ĕʇa ȼagȼé taté hă. Gaⁿ dúduȼagaqȼajĭ te hă. you And thither you go shall . And you do not face will . have this way (please) come

Hné tĕʇa caⁿ´caⁿ maⁿȼiñ´-gă há,” i.e., “You came hither from the you go to the always walk thou !

animals. And you are going back thither. Do not face this way again. When you go, continue walking.” The last sentence is a petition to the departing spirit not to return to this earth to worry or injure the survivors. That the dead are referred to as still existing, and as having some knowledge of what is happening here, may be seen from the address to a Ponka chief at his installation: “Ȼiádi gáhi, ȼijiⁿ´ȼĕ gáhi, ȼiʇígaⁿ gáhi, ámustáqti ȼidaⁿ´be maⁿ´ȼiⁿ tai;” i.e., “Your father was a chief, your elder brother (i.e., his potential elder brother, Ubiskă, a former head chief of the Ponka) was a chief, and your grandfather was a chief; may they continue to look directly down on you!”[78]

§ 70. Those who boil sacred food, as for the warpath, pour some of the soup outside the lodge, as an offering to the ghosts. (Omaha custom.)

There has been no belief in the resurrection of the body, but simply one in the continued existence of the ghost or spirit. While some of the Iowas expressed to Mr. Hamilton a belief in the transmigration of spirits, that doctrine has not been found among the Omaha and Ponka, nor has the author heard of it among other Siouan tribes.

Not all ghosts are visible to the living. They may be heard without being seen. One Omaha woman, the mother of Two Crows, told how she had been in a lodge with many persons, who were invisible from the knees upward.[79]

KANSA BELIEFS RESPECTING DEATH AND A FUTURE LIFE.

§ 71. When the author was at Kaw Agency, Indian Territory, in the winter of 1882-’83, a man named Ho-sa-sa-ge died. After the representatives of all the gentes had assembled at the house, Wakanda (named after the Thunder-being), the father-in-law of the deceased, removed the lock of hair called the “ghost,” and took it to his own house, weeping as he departed.

When Mr. Say was among the Kansa[80] he obtained the following information about their beliefs concerning death and the future life:

When a man is killed in battle the thunder is supposed to take him up, they do not know whither. In going to battle each warrior traces an imaginary figure of the thunder on the soil; he who represents it incorrectly is killed by the thunder. A person saw this thunder one day on the ground, with a beautiful moccasin on each side of it. Having need of a pair, he took them and went his way; but on his return to the same spot the thunder took him off, and he has not since been heard of.

They seem to have vague notions about the future state. They think that a brave man or a good hunter will walk in a good path; but a bad man and a coward will find a bad path. Thinking that the deceased has far to travel, they bury with his body moccasins, some articles of food, etc., to support him on the journey. Many persons, they believe, who have revived have been, during their apparent death, to strange villages, where they were not treated well by the people, so they returned to life.

The author, when among the Kansa, in the winter of 1882-’83, learned the following, which differs from anything he has ever obtained elsewhere: “The Kansa believe that when there is a death the ghost returns to the spirit village nearest the present habitat of the living. That is to say, all Indians do not go to one spirit village or ‘happy hunting ground,’ but to different ones, as there is a series of spirit villages for the Kansa, beginning with the one at Council Grove, where the tribe dwelt before they removed to their present reservation in Indian Territory, and extending along both sides of the Kansas River to its mouth, thence up the Missouri River, as far as the tribe wandered before meeting the Cheyennes (near the State line), thence down the river to the mouth of Osage River, and so on, down to the mouths of the Missouri and Ohio rivers,” etc.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 7: See James, Account Exped. to Rocky Mountains, vol. I, p. 126.]

[Footnote 8: See Jour. Amer. Folk-lore, vol. I, No. 1, p. 73.]

[Footnote 9: See §§ 132-136, and Tuŋkaŋśila, in Riggs’s Dakota-English Dictionary, Contr. N.A. Ethnology, vol. VII.]

[Footnote 10: See Contr. N.A. Ethn., vol. VI, pp. 372, 373, 376, and Omaha Sociology, in 3d Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnology, pp. 324, 325.]

[Footnote 11: Contr. N.A. Ethn., Vol. VI, p. 394, lines 10-19; p. 395, lines 14-16.]

[Footnote 12: Wakanda aka uiʞaⁿi egaⁿ.]

[Footnote 13: Wakanda aka ibahaⁿi.]

[Footnote 14: Wakanda aka igiȼigȼaⁿi.]

[Footnote 15: Lewis and Clarke, Expedition, ed. Allen, Dublin, vol. I, 1817, pp. 457, 458; also M’Vickar’s abridgment of the same, Harpers, N. Y. vol. I, 1842, p. 303.]

[Footnote 16: James’s Account of Long’s Exped., Phila., vol, I, 1823, p. 208.]

[Footnote 17: Ha, witsiʞue. 6th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., p. 385, line 50; p. 389, line 50; p. 391, line 4, etc.]

[Footnote 18: Am. Naturalist, Feb. 1884, p. 126; _Ibid._, July, 1885, p. 670.]

[Footnote 19: Ibid., Feb. 1884, pp. 115, 116, 117, 120, 123, 125.]

[Footnote 20: A similar rule about fasting obtained among the Kansa when mourning for the dead. See Amer. Naturalist, July, 1885, pp. 670, 672, 679.]

[Footnote 21: See 6th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., pp. 385, 389.]

[Footnote 22: James’ Account Long’s Exped., Phil., vol. I, 1823, p. 129.]

[Footnote 23: Rept. Peabody Museum, Vol. III, p. 281, note.]

[Footnote 24: See “Osage Traditions,” pp. 384-395, in 6th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn.]

[Footnote 25: For an account of the offering of meat to the four winds, see Om. Soc., 3d Ann. Rept., Bur. Ethn., p. 284.]

[Footnote 26: See Miss A. C. Fletcher on the “Wawan or Pipe Dance of the Omahas,” Rept. Peabody Museum. Vol. III, p. 311, note 11, and the author’s paper, Om. Soc., pp. 278, 279.]

[Footnote 27: Pahaⁿle-gaqli and Waqube-k’iⁿ gave this information in the winter of 1882-’83. Compare the self-inflicted tortures of the Dakota and Ponka in the sun dance (§§ 29, 181-3, 185, 187).]

[Footnote 28: Account of the war customs of the Osages: in Amer. Naturalist, Vol. XVIII, No. 2, February, 1884, p. 133.]

[Footnote 29: See Omaha Sociology, § 24, 3d. Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., p. 227.]

[Footnote 30: Omaha Sociology, in 3d. Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., p. 316.]

[Footnote 31: This song and the invocation of the Thunder-being are used by the Ponka as well as by the Kansa. According to Miss Fletcher, the “sign of giving thanks” among the Hunkpapa Dakota is made by moving the hands in the opposite direction, i. e., “from the shoulder to the wrist.” See “The White Buffalo Festival of the Uncpapas,” in Peabody Museum Rept., vol. III, p. 268.]

[Footnote 32: Contr. N. A. Ethn., vol. VI, pp. 108-131.]

[Footnote 33: Compare the hair of the Thunder-men, in Contr. N. A. Ethn., vol. VI, pp. 187, 188.]

[Footnote 34: Contr. N. A. Ethn, vol. VI, p. 390. See also § 19.]

[Footnote 35: Ibid., p. 207.]

[Footnote 36: Ibid., pp. 40, 134, etc.]

[Footnote 37: Am. Naturalist, July, 1885, vol. 19, Pl. XX, p. 676.]

[Footnote 38: Geikie’s paraphrase, in “Hours with the Bible,” vol. V, p. 357.]

[Footnote 39: Contr. N. A. Ethn., vol. VI, pp. 370, 371.]

[Footnote 40: Om. Sociology, in 3d. Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., p. 317.]

[Footnote 41: Ibid, p. 319.]

[Footnote 42: “Kansas Mourning and War Customs,” in Am. Naturalist, July 1886, p. 672.]

[Footnote 43: Miss Fletcher, in Am. Assoc. Adv. Sci., Proc., vol. XXXIII, pt. 2, 1885, pp. 616, 617. Francis La Flèche, ibid., p. 614.]

[Footnote 44: Osage Traditions, in 6th Ann. Rept. of the Director Bur. Ethn., 1888, p. 377.]

[Footnote 45: Am. Anthropologist, vol. II., No. 1, 1888, p. 59. (“January, 1889.”)]

[Footnote 46: U. S. Geol. and Geogr. Survey, Hayden; Miscel. Publ., No. 7, 1877; Matthews’ Ethnography and Philology of the Hidatsa, 1877, p. 48.]

[Footnote 47: Om. Soc., p. 234. Contr. N. A. Ethn., vol. VI, 468, line 3.]

[Footnote 48: Om. Soc., p. 297. Contr. N. A. Ethn., vol. VI, 471, lines 3-5.]

[Footnote 49: Osage Traditions, in 6th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., pp. 377, 379, 390.]

[Footnote 50: See Jour. Am. Folk-lore, vol. I, No. 3, p. 209; and Om. Sociology, in 3d Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., pp. 347-8.]

[Footnote 51: Om. Sociology, p. 348.]

[Footnote 52: Ibid, pp. 348, 349.]

[Footnote 53: Ibid, p. 349.]

[Footnote 54: “Death and Funeral Customs among the Omahas,” in Jour. Amer. Folk-lore, vol. II, No. 4, p. 3.]

[Footnote 55: Om. Soc., p. 353.]

[Footnote 56: This Kwapa information was obtained in January, 1891, some time after the preparation of the greater part of this paper. In such a combination as dȼ the ȼ is scarcely heard.]

[Footnote 57: See Om. Soc., in 3d Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn. §§ 123, 163, and several myths in Contr. to N. A. Ethnology, vol. VI.]

[Footnote 58: See Osage Traditions, in 6th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., p. 379.]

[Footnote 59: U. S. Geol. and Geogr. Surv., Hayden, Miscell. Publ., No. 7, 1877; Ethnography and Philology of Hidatsa Indians, p. 12.]

[Footnote 60: Om. Soc., in 3d Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., p. 238.]

[Footnote 61: Ibid., p. 240.]

[Footnote 62: Ibid., p. 241.]

[Footnote 63: Ibid., pp. 245, 246.]

[Footnote 64: Ibid., pp. 290, 291.]

[Footnote 65: Ibid., p. 295.]

[Footnote 66: For detailed accounts, see “Glimpses of Child-life among the Omaha Indians,” by Miss A. C. Fletcher, in Jour. Am. Folk-lore, vol. I, No. 2, pp. 115-118; and Omaha Sociology, in 3d Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., pp. 249, 250.]

[Footnote 67: See pp. 221-251 and Chap. XI of Omaha Sociology, in 3d Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn.]

[Footnote 68: Prim. Culture, vol. II. p. 132.]

[Footnote 69: See Om. Soc., in 3d. An. Rept. Bur. Ethn., p. 295.]

[Footnote 70: See Om. Soc., p. 320.]

[Footnote 71: Contr. N. A. Ethn., Vol. VI, p. 404.]

[Footnote 72: Rept. Peabody Museum, Vol. III, p. 263, note 8.]

[Footnote 73: In the Am. Naturalist, Feb., 1884, pp. 128, 129.]

[Footnote 74: See Om. Soc., pp. 349-351.]

[Footnote 75: Compare the Oregon story: No Indians go after death to the upper world to dwell with Qawaneca. Am. Anthropologist, Jan., 1889, p. 60.]

[Footnote 76: This name is given in the notation of the Bureau of Ethnology, not as published by Mr. La Flèche.]

[Footnote 77: See Jour. Am. Folklore, Vol. II, No. 6, p. 190.]

[Footnote 78: Om. Soc., p. 360.]

[Footnote 79: See “Death and Funeral Customs of the Omahas,” by Francis La Flesche, in Jour. Am. Folk-lore, Vol. II, No. 4, pp. 4, 5.]

[Footnote 80: See James’s Account Exped. to Rocky Mountains, Vol. I., p. 125.]