Part 1

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SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION----BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.

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A STUDY

of

PUEBLO POTTERY

AS ILLUSTRATIVE OF ZUÑI CULTURE GROWTH.

BY FRANK HAMILTON CUSHING.

CONTENTS.

Habitations affected by environment 473 Rectangular forms developed from circular 475 Flat and terraced roofs developed from sloping mesa-sites 477 Added stories developed from limitations of cliff-house sites 479 Communal pueblos developed from congregation of cliff-house tribes 480

Pottery affected by environment 482 Anticipated by basketry 483 Suggested by clay-lined basketry 485 Influenced by local minerals 493 Influenced by materials and methods used in burning 495

Evolution of forms 497

Evolution of decoration 506

Decorative symbolism 510

ILLUSTRATIONS.

FIG. Page. 490.--A Navajo hut or hogan 473 491.--Perspective view of earliest or Round-house structures of lava 474 492.--Plan of same 475 493.--Section of same 475 494.--Evolution of rectangular forms in primitive architecture 476 495.--Section illustrating evolution of flat roof and terrace 477 496.--Perspective view of a typical solitary-house 478 497.--Plan of a typical solitary-house 478 498.--Typical cliff-dwelling 479 499.--Typical terraced-pueblo--communal type 480 500.--Ancient gourd-vessel encased in wicker 483 501.--Havasupaí roasting-tray, with clay lining 484 502.--Zuñi roasting-tray of earthenware 485 503.--Havasupaí boiling-basket 486 504.--Sketch illustrating the first stage in manufacture of latter 486 505.--Sketch illustrating the second stage in manufacture of latter 486 506.--Sketch illustrating the third stage in manufacture of latter 486 507.--Typical example of basket decoration 487 508.--Typical example of basket decoration 487 509.--Typical example of basket decoration 487 510.--Terraced lozenge decoration or "Double-splint-stitch-form." (Shú k‘u tu lia tsí nan) 488 511.--Terraced lozenge decoration or "Double-splint-stitch-form." (Shú k‘u tu lia tsí nan) 488 512.--Double-splint-stitch, from which same was elaborated 488 513.--Double-splint-stitch, from which same was elaborated 488 514.--Diagonal parallel-line decoration. (Shú k‘ish pa tsí nan) 488 515.--Study of splints at neck of unfinished basket illustrating evolution of latter 489 516.--Example of indented decoration on corrugated ware 490 517.--Example of indented decoration on corrugated ware 490 518.--Cooking pot of spirally built or corrugated ware, showing conical projections near rim 490 519.--The same, illustrating modification of latter 491 520.--Wicker water-bottle, showing double loops for suspension 491 521.--Water-bottle of corrugated ware, showing double handle 492 522.--The same, showing also plain bottom 492 523.--Food trencher or bowl of impervious wicker-work 497 524.--Latter inverted, as used in forming bowls 497 525.--Ancient bowl of corrugated ware, showing comparative shallowness 498 526.--Basket-bowl as base-mold for large vessels 499 527.--Clay nucleus illustrating beginning of a vessel 499 528.--The same shaped to form the base of a vessel 499 529.--The same as first placed in base-mold, showing beginning of spiral building 500 530.--First form of vessel 500 531.--Secondary form in mold, showing origin of spheroidal type of jar 501 532.--Scrapers or trowels of gourd and earthen-ware for smoothing pottery 501 533.--Finished form of a vessel in mold, showing amount of contraction in drying 501 534.--Profile of olla or modern water-jar 502 535.--Base of same, showing circular indentation at bottom 502 536.--Section of same, showing central concavity and circular depression 502 537.--"Milkmaid's boss," or annular mat of wicker for supporting round vessels on the head in carrying 503 538.--Use of annular mat illustrated 503 539.--Section of incipient vessel in convex-bottomed basket-mold 504 540.--Section of same as supported on annular mat and wad of soft substance, for drying 504 541.--Modern base-mold as made from the bottom of water jar 504 542.--Example of Pueblo painted-ornamentation illustrating decorative value of open spaces 506 543 and 544.--Amazonian basket-decorations, illustrating evolution of the above characteristic 507 545.--Bowl, showing open or unjoined space in lines near rim 510 546.--Water-jar, showing open or unjoined space in lines near rim 510 547.--Conical or flat-bellied canteen 512 548 and 549.--The same, compared with human mammary gland 513 550.--Double-lobed or hunter canteen (Me´ wi k‘i lik ton ne), showing teat-like projections and open spaces of contiguous lines 514 551.--Native painting of deer, showing space-line from mouth to heart 515 552.--Native painting of sea serpent, showing space-line from mouth to heart 515 553.--The fret of basket decoration 516 554.--The fret of pottery decoration 516 555.--Scroll as evolved from fret in pottery decoration 516 556.--Ancient Pueblo "medicine-jar" 517 557.--Decoration of above compared with modern Moki rain symbol 517 558.--Zuñi prayer-meal bowl illustrating symbolism in form and decoration 518 559.--Native paintings of sacred butterfly 519 560.--Native painting of sacred migratory "summer bird" 519 561.--Rectangular or Iroquois type of earthen vessel 519 562.--Kidney-shaped type of vessel of Nicaragua 520 563.--Iroquois bark vessel, showing angles of juncture 520 564.--Porcupine quill decoration on bark vessel, for comparison with Fig. 561 521 ~~~ * * * * *

A STUDY OF PUEBLO POTTERY AS ILLUSTRATIVE OF ZUÑI CULTURE-GROWTH.

* * * * *

BY FRANK H. CUSHING.

* * * * *

HABITATIONS AFFECTED BY ENVIRONMENT.

It is conceded that the peculiarities of a culture-status are due chiefly to the necessities encountered during its development. In this sense the Pueblo phase of life was, like the Egyptian, the product of a desert environment. Given that a tribe or stock of people is weak, they will be encroached upon by neighboring stronger tribes, and driven to new surroundings if not subdued. Such we may believe was the influence which led the ancestors of the Pueblo tribes to adopt an almost waterless area for their habitat.

It is apparent at least that they entered the country wherein their remains occur while comparatively a rude people, and worked out there almost wholly their incipient civilization. Of this there is important linguistic evidence.

A Navajo hogan, or hut, is a beehive-shaped or conical structure (see Fig. 490) of sticks and turf or earth, sometimes even of stones chinked with mud. Yet its modern Zuñi name is _hám´ pon ne_, from _ha we_, dried brush, sprigs or leaves; and _pó an ne_, covering, shelter or roof (_po a_ to place over and _ne_ the nominal suffix); which, interpreted, signifies a "brush or leaf shelter." This leads to the inference that the temporary shelter with which the Zuñis were acquainted when they formulated the name here given, presumably in their earliest condition, was in shape like the Navajo hogan, but in _material_, of brush or like perishable substance.

The archaic name for a building or walled inclosure is _hé sho ta_, a contraction of the now obsolete term, _hé sho ta pon ne_, from _hé sho_, gum, or resin-like; _shó tai e_, leaned or placed together convergingly; and _tá po an ne_, a roof of wood or a roof supported by wood.

The meaning of all this would be obscure did not the oldest remains of the Pueblos occur in the almost inaccessible lava wastes bordering the southwestern deserts and intersecting them and were not the houses of these ruins built on the plan of shelters, round (see Figs. 491, 492, 493), rather than rectangular. Furthermore, not only does the lava-rock of which their walls have been rudely constructed resemble natural asphaltum (_hé sho_) and possess a cleavage exactly like that of piñon-gum and allied substances (also _hé sho_), but some forms of lava are actually known as _á he sho_ or gum-rock. From these considerations inferring that the name _hé sho ta pon ne_ derivatively signifies something like "a gum-rock shelter with roof supports of wood," we may also infer that the Pueblos on their coming into the desert regions dispossessed earlier inhabitants or that they chose the lava-wastes the better to secure themselves from invasion; moreover that the oldest form of building known to them was therefore an inclosure of lava-stones, whence the application of the contraction _hé sho ta_, and its restriction to mean a walled inclosure.

RECTANGULAR FORMS DEVELOPED FROM CIRCULAR.

It may be well in this connection to cite a theory entertained by Mr. Victor Mindeleff, of the Bureau of Ethnology, whose wide experience among the southwestern ruins entitles his judgment to high consideration. In his opinion the rectangular form of architecture, which succeeds the type under discussion, must have been evolved from the circular form by the bringing together, within a limited area, of many houses. This would result in causing the wall of one circular structure to encroach upon that of another, suggesting the partition instead of the double wall. This partition would naturally be built straight as a twofold measure of economy. Supposing three such houses to be contiguous to a central one, each separated from the latter by a straight wall, it may be seen that (as in the accompanying plan) the three sides of a square are already formed, suggesting the parallelogramic as a convenient style of sequent architecture.

All this, I need scarcely add, agrees not only with my own observations in the field but with the kind of linguistic research above recorded. It would also apparently explain the occurrence of the circular semisubterranean _kí wi tsi we_, or estufas. These being sacred have retained the pristine form long after the adoption of a modified type of structure for ordinary or secular purposes, according to the well known law of survival in ceremonial appurtenances.

In a majority of the lava ruins (for example those occurring near Prescott, Arizona), I have observed that the sloping sides rather than the level tops of _mesa_ headlands have been chosen by the ancients as building-sites. Here, the rude, square type of building prevails, not, however, to the entire exclusion of the circular type, which, is represented by loosely constructed walls, always on the _outskirts_ of the main ruins. The rectangular rooms are, as a rule, built row above row. Some of the houses in the upper rows give evidence of having overlapped others below. (See section, Fig. 495.)

FLAT AND TERRACED ROOFS DEVELOPED FROM SLOPING MESA-SITES.

We cannot fail to take notice of the indications which this brings before us.

(1) It is quite probable that the overlapping resulted from an increase in the numbers of the ancient builders relative to available area, this, as in the first instance, leading to a further massing together of the houses. (2) It suggested the employment of rafters and the formation of the _flat_ roof, as a means of supplying a level entrance way and floor to rooms which, built above and to the rear of a first line of houses, yet extended partially over the latter. (3) This is I think the earliest form of the terrace.

It is therefore not surprising that the flat roof of to-day is named _té k‘os kwïn ne_, from _te_, space, region, extension, _k‘os kwi e_, to cut off in the sense of closing or shutting in from one side, and _kwïn ne_, place of. Nor is it remarkable that no type of ruin in the Southwest _seems_ to connect these first terraced towns with the later not only terraced but also literally cellular buildings, which must be regarded nevertheless as developed from them. The reason for this will become evident on further examination.

The modern name for house is _k‘iá kwïn ne_, from _k‘iá we_, water, and _kwin ne_, place of, literally "watering place;" which is evidence that the first properly so called houses known to the Pueblos were solitary and built near springs, pools, streams, or well-places. The universal occurrence of the vestiges of single houses throughout the less forbidding tracts of the Pueblo country (see Figs. 496 and 497) leads to this inference and to the supposition that the necessity for protection being at last overcome, the denizens of the lava-fields, where planting was well-nigh impossible, descended, building wherever conditions favored the horticulture which gradually came to be their chief means of support. As irrigation was not known until long afterwards, arable areas were limited, hence they were compelled to divide into families or small clans, each occupying a single house. The traces of these solitary farm-houses show that they were at first single-storied. The name of an upper room indicates how the idea of the second or third story was developed, as it is _ósh ten u thlan_, from _ósh ten_, a shallow cave, or rock-shelter, and _ú thla nai e_, placed around, embracing, inclusive of. This goes to show that it was not until after the building of the first small farm-houses (which gave the name to houses) that the caves or rock-shelters of the cliffs were occupied. If predatory border-tribes, tempted by the food-stores of the horticultural farm-house builders, made incursions on the latter, they would find them, scattered as they were, an easy prey.

ADDED STORIES FOR CLIFF DWELLINGS DEVELOPED FROM LIMITATIONS OF CLIFF-HOUSE SITES.

This condition of things would drive the people to seek security in the neighboring cliffs of fertile canons, where not only might they build their dwelling places in the numerous rock-shelters, but they could also cultivate their crops in comparative safety along the limited tracts which these eyries overlooked. The narrow foothold afforded by many of these elevated cliff-shelves or shelters would force the fugitives to construct house over house; that is, build a second or upper story around the roof of the cavern. What more natural than that this upper room should take a name most descriptive of its situation--as that portion built around the cavern-shelter or _ósh ten_--or that, when the intervention of peace made return to the abandoned farms of the plains or a change of condition possible, the idea of the second story should be carried along and the name first applied to it survive, even to the present day? That the upper story took its name from the rock-shelter may be further illustrated. The word _ósh ten_ comes from _ó sho nan te_, the condition of being dusky, dank, or mildewy; clearly descriptive of a cavern, but not of the most open, best lighted, and driest room in a Pueblo house.

To continue, we may see how the necessity for protection would drive the petty clans more and more to the cliffs, how the latter at every available point would ultimately come to be occupied, and thus how the "_Cliff-dwelling_" (see Fig. 498), was confined to no one section but was as universal as the farm-house type of architecture itself, so widespread, in fact, that it has been heretofore regarded as the monument of a great, now extinct _race_ of people!

COMMUNAL PUEBLOS DEVELOPED FROM CONGREGATION OF CLIFF-HOUSE TRIBES.

We may see, finally, how at last the cañons proved too limited and in other ways undesirable for occupation, the result of which was the confederation of the scattered cliff-dwelling clans, and the construction, first on the overhanging cliff-tops, then on _mesas_, and farther and farther away, of great, many-storied towns, any one of which was named, in consequence of the bringing together in it of many houses and clans, _thlu él lon ne_, from _thlu a_, many springing up, and _él lon a_, that which stands, or those which stand; in other words, "many built standing together." This cannot be regarded as referring to the simple fact that a village is necessarily composed of many houses standing together. The name for any other village than a communal pueblo is _tí na kwïn ne_, from _tí na_--many sitting around, and _kwïn ne_, place of. This term is applied by the Zuñis to all villages save their own and those of ourselves, which latter they regard as Pueblos, in their acceptation of the above native word.

Here, then, in strict accordance with, the teachings of myth, folk-lore and tradition, I have used the linguistic argument as briefest and most convincing in indicating the probable sequence of architectural types in the evolution of the Pueblo; from the brush lodge, of which only the name survives, to the recent and present terraced, many-storied, communal structures, which we may find throughout New Mexico, Arizona, and contiguous parts of the neighboring Territories.[1]

[1] See for confirmation the last Annual Report to the Archæological Institute of America, by Adolph F. Bandelier, one of the most indefatigable explorers and careful students of early Spanish history in America.

POTTERY AFFECTED BY ENVIRONMENT.

There is no other section of the United States where the potter's art was so extensively practiced, or where it reached such a degree of perfection, as within the limits of these ancient Pueblo regions. To this statement not even the prolific valleys of the Mississippi and its tributaries form an exception.

On examining a large and varied collection of this pottery, one would naturally regard it either as the product of four distinct peoples or as belonging to four different eras, with an inclination to the chronologic division.

When we see the reasonable probability that the architecture, the primeval arts and industries, and the culture of the Pueblos are mainly indigenous to the desert and semi-desert regions of North America, we are in the way towards an understanding of the origin and remarkable degree of development in the ceramic art.

In these regions water not only occurs in small quantities, but is obtainable only at points separated by great distances, hence to the Pueblos the first necessity of life is the transportation and preservation of water. The skins and paunches of animals could be used in the effort to meet this want with but small success, as the heat and aridity of the atmosphere would in a short time render water thus kept unfit for use, and the membranes once empty would be liable to destruction by drying. So far as language indicates the character of the earliest water vessels which to any extent met the requirements of the Zuñi ancestry, they were tubes of wood or sections of canes. The latter, in ritualistic recitation, are said to have been the receptacles that the creation-priests filled with the sacred water from the ocean of the cave-wombs of earth, whence men and creatures were born, and the name for one of these cane water vessels is _shó tom me_, from _shó e_, cane or canes, and _tóm me_, a wooden tube. Yet, although in the extreme western borders of the deserts, which were probably the first penetrated by the Pueblos, the cane grows to great size and in abundance along the two rivers of that country, its use, if ever extensive, must have speedily given way to the use of gourds, which grew luxuriantly at these places and were of better shapes and of larger capacity. The name of the gourd as a vessel is _shoṕ tom me_, from _shó e_, canes, _pó pon nai e_, bladder-shaped, and _tóm me_, a wooden tube; a seeming derivation (with the exception of the interpolated sound significant of form) from _shó tom me_. The gourd itself is called _mó thlâ â_, "hard fruit." The inference is that when used as a vessel, and called _shoṕĭ tom me_, it must have been named after an older form of vessel, instead of after the plant or fruit which produced it.