Part 4

“We read in the papers that such and such a body of working-men has struck for higher wages, by command of such and such a union. Popular sympathy is at once aroused in behalf of the underpaid laborer and the benevolent union that has taken charge of his interests. But the public does not know that the union which orders that the workman’s pay shall be so high also orders that it shall be _no higher_. When the union says to the employer: ‘You shall pay this man two dollars a day,’ it likewise says to the man: ‘You shall not receive _more_ than two dollars a day. If you take ten cents more of your employer, every man in the place must receive a proportionate increase in his wages, or you must give the ten cents back. If you do not obey us, we will fine you. If you will not pay the fine, we will turn you out of the union. We will not let you work in any office where there are union men. If you get work in a non-union shop, we will boycott you, we will boycott your fellow working-men, we will boycott your employers, we will boycott every man who sells you food or gives you lodging.’”

THE SUCKERS OF THE WORKING-MAN’S SUSTENANCE.

_PUCK, May 19th, 1886._

The labor struggle of 1886 was not far advanced before the agency of the professional agitator became apparent--to those, at least, who honestly tried to look below the surface of things. That the whole fight was got up and kept up by these false friends of the laboring man, and that they were the only gainers by the disorder of the time is well known now. But it was not so well known then, and when this cartoon was put forth it had all the interest that attaches to the bold presentation of a truth for which the public is not prepared.

“The Suckers of the Working-man’s Sustenance” was published in PUCK of May 19th, 1886. The three bearded men under the table have features which more or less suggest those of certain professional agitators of the hour--John Most, the editor of a dirty little paper that preached blood-and-thunder anarchy, and a couple of other scamps of the same sort.

THE MEPHISTOPHELES OF TO-DAY--HONEST LABOR’S TEMPTATION.

_PUCK, October 20th, 1886._

The part that Mr. Henry George played in the troublous days of 1886 was probably profitable to himself, and to no one else. He started in with a reputation of a sincere and high-minded philosopher somewhat in advance of his time, but the moment he got the Socialist nomination for Mayor of New York, he turned into as frank and downright a demagogue as ever tried to tempt a mob with promise of the pillage of the rich.

“We are sincerely pleased to see that Mr. Henry George has come out frankly and made his canvass on the basis of an out-and-out alliance with the Anarchists. He no longer pretends to belong among the respectable reformers; he arrays his followers squarely and honestly against the law and the established order of things. He was a sanguine theorist so long as he kept at book-making. Now that he has taken to talking, he is a thorough-going, zealous demagogue of the old-fashioned sort. ‘Vote for me,’ he cries to the lawless, the idle and the improvident, ‘and I will give you free rides and free land; and the police shall be muzzled, and all laws that you do not like shall be repealed. A contract shall no longer be sacred, and if any man has wealth, he shall share it with you. The land of the rich shall be confiscated, and you may boycott to your hearts’ content.’ It may be doubted whether this is the right way to win favor with decent citizens; but it is Mr. George’s way of going to work.”

THE BIG BOYCOTT WINDBAG.

_PUCK, April 28th, 1886._

The series of cartoons on the labor question which Mr. Keppler contributed to PUCK during the years of 1886 and 1887 certainly attracted more attention, and probably did more to influence public opinion than any series of pictures that ever appeared in the paper. They were drawn at a time of great public excitement, when fools, fanatics and unprincipled adventurers were tempting honest laboring-men into all manner of lawlessness and improper use of physical force. The American public had for the first time been introduced to that ugly thing, the “Boycott,” and the Anarchists were seizing the opportunity afforded by the general agitation to spread their infernal doctrines among the working-men. Of course, under such circumstances, the air was full of the hysterical shrieks of the excitable people who thought that all law and order were to vanish from the face of the earth. The value of these clear and direct pictorial expositions was great indeed, in that time of trouble, doubt and perplexity.

PUCK said of Trades-Union tyranny on April 28th, 1886: “The boycott business is bad. But it is an extravagant, monstrous, impossible thing, that the laws of a free country must crush out, sooner or later. This other evil flourishes in secret and strikes at the laborer’s self-respect. It is part of such a tyranny as no employer or body of employers ever dared to dream of establishing. Every working-man who wants to do something, to be something in the world--something better than the spy-ridden slave of a secret society--should rise up to fight it. There is no need of general organization for this purpose. Wherever one brave man, or a handful of brave men, stands boldly up and insists on every man’s natural right to make his own price for his labor, to sell it for what he chooses to sell it for, a blow will be struck in the cause of the laboring man’s independence. And it rests with the laboring man to work out his own salvation.”

IN THE CLUTCHES OF THE MONSTER.

_PUCK, May 28th, 1890._

Of all the disreputable schemes for illicit money-making that ever flourished in this country, the Louisiana lottery is probably the most iniquitous and inexcusable. No agency of modern times has done more to send boys to the devil, to tempt unprotected women into squandering their subsistence, and to lure decent men from their daily duty by the temptation of illegitimate gain. At the best, every public lottery is a danger to the community; but of all public lotteries of modern times, the Louisiana lottery is easily the worst and most dangerous. At no time has it enjoyed the reputation of being even what is known as a square gambling game. An honest lottery--that is, a lottery honestly conducted--may be profitable to the people who get it up. But the Louisiana lottery has never earned the name of being honestly conducted in any respect. Its only claim to respectability--and it is the thinnest sort of a claim--has lain in its employment of two ex-confederate officers, General Jubal T. Early and General P. G. T. Beauregard as the overseers of its drawings. The fact that they were ex-officers of the confederate army alone gave these men a right to consideration. Personally, such adventurers could be bought by the pound, like a side of pork, for any purpose.

This cartoon appeared at a time when the state of Louisiana was making a vigorous attempt to rid itself of this hideous disgrace. The attempt was but partially successful. Dauphin, the original agent of this infamous concern, is dead, but his successors’ advertisement is still to be found in certain public prints where everybody can see it, except the United States District Attorney.

THE OPENING OF THE CONGRESSIONAL SESSION.

_PUCK, December 7th, 1887._

There is a marvelous pregnancy of significance in this cartoon; as we can not but see when we think that, at the re-assembling of Congress in December, 1887, one of the first questions it had to confront was the question of the Surplus. The revenues of the government, especially those coming from customs duties, were so vast that an enormous, useless, cumbersome and dangerous surplus was steadily piling itself up in the United States Treasury. It was the expectation of the people that Congress would pass laws reducing the customs duties. But the only tariff legislation made by Congress between that date and the appearance of this book has tended to increase rather than to lower these duties. And yet, as these pages go to press, the latest report of the Secretary of the Treasury announces that this surplus is so nearly wiped out that, unless the new administration takes measures to the contrary, there will be a deficit within a year. This is a curious, definitive accounting of a four years’ test of a peculiar latter-day theory of political economy. It is not wonderful that a practical people insisted on the abandonment of the experiment.

RESTLESS NIGHTS.

_PUCK, March 16th, 1887._

That Mr. Cleveland during his first term was the object of more newspaper criticism than a President usually receives was due to a combination of circumstances. He was the first Democratic President elected in a quarter of a century; he was elected in part by Republican or Independent votes, and he had incurred the enmity of a faction of his own party. Nor were his ideas of the duties and responsibilities of government calculated to please a certain numerous and noisy class of Democratic politicians who were “out for the spoils.” On March 16th, 1887, PUCK commented thus upon the situation:

“It is pretty hard for a practical politician and a strict party-man to toil away, day after day, editing a great paper and moulding public opinion at two or three cents per daily mould, and to see public opinion doing its own moulding all the time, in just the way it should not. It is disheartening--it is hard on a truly great editor. And yet to such misery are some of our most prominent moulders subjected. They toil unceasingly to show to President Cleveland the error of his ways--giving the public an incidental glimpse--and the more they show it to him, the less he sees it--and the less the public sees it. He goes on and does his work as he promised to do it, and the public seems to be thoroughly well pleased with him. But it is hard on the moulders.”

NAPOLEON’S RETREAT.

_PUCK, November 19th, 1890._

Subsequent events have proved that there was no mistake made in attributing the Republican defeat of 1890 to the effect of the McKinley Bill. PUCK of November 19th, in enumerating various possible causes for the turn-over, says to the Republicans: “Do not distress yourselves to decide which sort of cake gave you the stomach-ache. You have eaten all the sorts that there were. Any one would have been enough.” Further, the editorial tells the leaders of the defeated party that they have passed “a bill, the like of which could not be drawn up elsewhere, unless it were in Bedlam, than in the Fifty-first Congress. It is called the McKinley Bill; but it ought to be called ‘A Bill to Raise Prices and to Make Life Harder for Everybody except a Few Prosperous Manufacturers.’ So mad a production was this bill that it actually put a tariff tax on tin-plates--something that every man, woman and child uses--not because any tin-plates are made in this country, but because some day, some man, somewhere, might wish to think of making them! And on top of all that, to add gratuitous insult to wanton injury, you raise the price of tobacco, so that every man can have a daily reminder that you don’t care how hard you make life for him. Do you think of anything calculated to irritate and enrage the citizen which you have forgotten to treat him to? Do you wonder that you will sit in the next House with a total representation hardly more than half the size of the Democrats’ clear majority? Nobody else wonders. If the Democrats, after they have been long in power, become half as arrogant, selfish and neglectful of duty as you became, they will be turned out of their places, too, if the people have to fill their seats with Farmers’ Alliance candidates.”

THEY HATE THE LIGHT, BUT THEY CAN’T ESCAPE IT.

_PUCK, March 26th, 1890._

The Senate of the United States has been called the pleasantest club in the country, and perhaps it is. It is certainly a very pleasant club, and it is not unfair to say that very large entrance fees have been collected in certain State legislatures from gentlemen whose wealth constituted their only claim to be admitted to it. But, in view of the fact that the people of the United States pay the members of this delightful club reasonably generous salaries for belonging to it, it may be questioned whether it does not exceed its privileges in keeping up its indulgence in what are known as “Executive Sessions.” There was a time in the dim and distant past when Executive Sessions were rarely secret, and had some excuse in reason and common-sense. But it is many years now since there has been an Executive Session that was not promptly and fully reported in every paper that would give space to its generally unimportant doings. It is, no doubt, a pleasant thing for a Senator to have the doors of the Senate-Chamber closed, and to smoke his cigar in lazy comfort while the reading clerk monotonously and perfunctorily, but as unobtrusively as possible, drones through the thousand and one articles of the treaty to which the law-maker is supposed to be giving his statesman-like attention in spite of the fact that its acceptance or rejection has been decided upon in party caucus weeks or months before. But the people of the United States pay the Senator, and the people of the United States built the gallery in the Senate Chamber, and they really have a right to sit there at all times during his business hours. It is a right that they will sooner or later insist upon. We do not know, however, that there is any serious objection to letting the Senator smoke while they look at him.

PUCK’S SAMPLE SPEAKERS OF THE PARTY OF MORAL IDEAS.

_PUCK, March 5th, 1890._

It is a curious fact, to which PUCK has called attention more than once, that the important post of Speaker of the House of Representatives has been peculiarly unlucky for members of the Republican party. Between 1863 and 1890, when this cartoon appeared, four Republicans and three Democrats had occupied the chair. The three Democrats, Michael C. Kerr, Samuel J. Randall and John G. Carlisle, were all men of unblemished reputation, popular in their party and well liked and thoroughly respected on the other side of the House. They all performed their duties creditably, and retired with honor. But to the four Republicans it proved to be a position fraught with misfortune. The first, Schuyler Colfax, was forced into retirement by the discovery of his connection with the terrible Crédit Mobilier iniquity. The second Republican speaker was Mr. Blaine, and it was while he was in the chair that he became involved in the Little Rock and Fort Smith transaction, which, more than anything else, caused his defeat for the Presidency in 1884. The next Republican speaker was Mr. John W. Keifer--but it is really unfair and insulting to the Republican party to call Keifer a Republican. Of Keifer the best thing that can be said is that he was an accident and that he did not happen again. The fourth speaker of the Republican party was Mr. Thomas B. Reed, a gentleman of fine parts and high character, who was misled by his natural strength of will into adopting a policy of tyrannical unfairness toward his political opponents, which earned for him the nick-name of “Czar Reed,” and probably contributed largely to the revulsion of feeling which produced the famous “turn-over” of November, 1890.

CONSISTENCY.

_PUCK, January 21st, 1891._

The talk of the hour often renders editorial comment unnecessary at the time a cartoon is published, though its republication may make it necessary to accompany it with a word or two of elucidation. It seems proper to say that this picture is not meant for an outright arraignment of the Indian policy of our government, but as a reminder that there was no consistency in lavishing money and care upon foreign objects while far more pressing necessities much nearer home fail to receive proper attention. There is no doubt that for a long time our Indian Agencies have stood in need of a thorough overhauling; and our neglect in this matter was emphasized at the time of the publication of this cartoon, (January 21st, 1891,) by the extraordinary activity of the philanthropists who sought to express their sympathy with famine-stricken Russia by making Uncle Sam go down into his pocket for a relief-fund.

IT ISN’T THE COWL THAT MAKES THE MONK.

_PUCK, August 28th, 1889._

The first attempt of the Tammany Hall organization to swing into line with the national democracy, and to put municipal government in New York on a business-like basis, was received with a general incredulity that was natural enough under the circumstances. In a sense it was a most unfortunate thing that Tammany’s sincerity in the purpose of self-improvement was not more readily recognized by those whose opposition to Tammany rule was based on a broad-minded and reasonable distrust of factional control of party power. When Tammany Hall began to expel objectionable members and to put only able and trustworthy men in charge of public affairs, that powerful organization removed what had hitherto been the chief reproach against it. Yet the corruption and inefficiency which had characterized Tammany’s management in the past were but an accident of factional rule and not an organic element. This most obvious objection to the Tammany organization being removed, the average citizen was quite willing to accept the idea of Tammany Hall’s supremacy without reflecting at all upon the danger of allowing a part of a party to substitute its will for that of the majority.

Unhappily--if government by faction is a dangerous and objectionable scheme, as PUCK has always contended--the most earnest and conspicuous opponents of Tammany Hall were rather theorists than practical folk. They were not in touch with the people, and had little knowledge of plain work-a-day life. In the common phrase, they meant well, but they didn’t know. In the face of a most striking and remarkable advance in efficient and economical municipal government they continued their fight against Tammany on the same lines upon which they had begun it years before, when the organization was undoubtedly open to the charge of gross malfeasance in office. This was a mistake, tactically--that it was also a mistake, practically, time may show. Tammany had little difficulty in showing that, whatever she might have done in the past, she had now taken to governing New York uncommonly well and uncommonly cheaply. That was enough to satisfy the minds of most citizens as to the advisability of renewing the contract with Tammany; and in 1890 and in 1892 Tammany riveted her rule upon New York as tight as a collar on a steamboat shaft. No matter what that rule may be, good, bad or indifferent, it is factional rule, and as such, to PUCK’S thinking, dangerous and founded on injustice. If it ever brings mischief to New York, we must not forget that the responsibility lies with the theorists who made opposition hopeless by persistently conducting it upon untenable grounds.

THE RAVEN.

_PUCK, August 13th, 1890._

President Garfield had the opportunity of choosing for his Secretary of State the man who, in the national convention, had worked hard and almost successfully to secure the nomination of another candidate. But Mr. Garfield declined Mr. Conkling’s assistance, and lived to see his course receive the emphatic approval of his party. He chose for his “next friend” Mr. James G. Blaine, with whom he was entirely in accord, although Mr. Blaine had for many years been a candidate for the nomination. Four years later Mr. Blaine got the nomination and was defeated at the polls. Four years after that, again Mr. Blaine yielded the nomination to Mr. Harrison; and, when Mr. Harrison was elected, became Secretary of State. Mr. Blaine made no pretence of personal regard for Mr. Harrison or of devotion to his interests; in fact, during the last two years of Mr. Harrison’s term of office the probability of Mr. Blaine’s opposition in the next national convention was a constant menace to Mr. Harrison, who earnestly desired a re-nomination. Mr. Blaine’s health, however, was far from good; and he delayed putting himself forward as a candidate until it was entirely too late to obtain the support which he might normally have counted upon. The cartoon shows Mr. Blaine in the gloomy and depressing character of Poe’s “Raven,” croaking unfriendly discouragement to Mr. Harrison’s fond dreams of future success. In a rough parody of the famous poem, PUCK, on August 13th, 1890, represented President Harrison as saying of the Blaine raven “perched above his chamber door:”

“Then this ebony bird beguiling My sad fancy into smiling, By its manner strange suggesting Little Rock and Arkan_sor_, ‘Though thy plumes are not Elysian,’ Said I, ‘tell me with precision, Art a jimblaine or a vision? Art thou here for peace or war? Tell me, is it peace between us? Shall an end be made of war?’ Quoth the Raven, ‘Nevermore!’

“Much I marveled this confounded Fowl the question thus propounded With veracity to answer-- Which was not his wont of yore. ‘But,’ I thought, ‘he is but thinking Of his own hopes, shipwrecked, sinking, As he sits there, blankly blinking, Dreaming still of ’84, Dreaming of his matchless tumble, In the year of ’84--’ Quoth the Raven, ‘Nevermore!’

“‘Prophet!’ said I, ‘thing of evil! Prophet, if you are a _dee_vil-- Whether Reed gets left, or whether Poor McKinley goes ashore-- Tell me, am I Fate’s selection For a glorious re-election-- Shall I join a freak collection-- Shall I serve my first term o’er-- _Must_ I go to Injinap’lis? Can’t I tide two termlets o’er?’ Quoth the Raven, ‘Nevermore!’”

THE WAR OF THE OPERAS.

Italian Opera will succeed German at the Metropolitan.

--_Daily Papers._

_PUCK, February 11th, 1891._

DIE GÖTTERDÄMMERUNG.

TENOR.

Juchheia! Hoja! Tuba! Toobahd! Geh’ ich. Ich gehe. Gingend’weise geh’ ich! Italienische Nonsensikalische Knocken mich aus. Alles is up mit true music. Of Donizetti the day dawns. Wagner has waggled his wag. Vogner has voggled his vog.

CHORUS.

Juchheia! Hoja!

Ahdehr![A] Stehdehr! Muhvahn!

_Orchestra_ _Embdy-iss-der-Gradle motif._

SOPRANO.

But for the baseborn barbarians, Tinkling triumphantly tunes, Scornfullest scorn, Spurnfullest spurning is ours.

_Orchestra_ _Gondempt motif._

CONTRALTO.

Look at the long-haired loon! Limp is his ten-pound libretto! Time with his foot beats he no longer! Howling his hisses Louder than laughterful boxes! Homeless is he! Hoja! Where shall he go?

VOICE OF THE MOUNTAIN GUMBOIL.

What’s the bacillus on Bloomingdale?

_Orchestra_ _Daemd-outraitch motif._

BASSO PROFUNDO.

Who has a Weinhandlung handy? Moozeek is dead.

[_Dead motif._]

Who has a Weinhandlung to sell? Moozeek is dead.

[_Deader motif._]

Not too far from Dairt’ Ayvennoo! Moozeek is dead.

[_Slightly-decomposed motif._]

Vogner has voggled his vog.

CHORUS.

Vait till the vind of the Vinter, Vistling through Verdi’s viskers, Vailfully vails for Vogner, Vailing in vain!

TRIONFO DA MONK’.

CHORUS.

Strewing flow’rs along the way, Strewing flow’rs along the way, Thus the Duca della Monka- Tanka-Shina-Fivacenta Comes unto these halls to-day.

THE DUKE. [_recitativo._]