Part 9

DR. WESTCOTT'S STATEMENTS. | THE TRUTH. | 1. Volkmar: see above. | Volkmar, _Handbuch Einl. Apocr._ | i. pp. 121 ff., 136 f. | | It will be observed on turning to | the passage "above" (10), to which | Dr. Westcott refers, that he quotes | a single sentence containing merely | a concise statement of facts, and | that no indication is given to the | reader that there is anything beyond | it. At p. 136 "the same statement | is repeated briefly." Now either | Dr. Westcott, whilst bringing a most | serious charge against my work, based | upon this "one example," has actually | not taken the trouble to examine my | reference to "pp. 121 ff., 136 f.," | and p. 50 ff., to which he would | have found himself there directed, | or he has acted towards me with a | want of fairness which I venture to | say he will be the first to regret, | when he considers the facts. | | Would it be divined from the words | opposite, and the sentence "above," | that Volkmar enters into an elaborate | argument, extending over a dozen | closely printed pages, to prove that | Ignatius was not sent to Rome at all, | but suffered martyrdom in Antioch | itself on the 20th December, A.D. 115, | probably as a sacrifice to the | superstitious fury of the people | against the [Greek: atheoi], excited | by the earthquake which occurred on | the thirteenth of that month? I shall | not here attempt to give even an | epitome of the reasoning, as I shall | presently reproduce some of the | arguments of Volkmar and others in a | more condensed and consecutive form. | | Ibid. _Der Ursprung_, p. 52 ff. | | Volkmar repeats the affirmations which | he had fully argued in the above | work and elsewhere. | 2. "Baur, _Ursprung d. Episc., | Baur, _Urspr. d. Episc., Tüb. Tüb. Zeitschr._ 1838, ii. H. 3, | Zeitschr._ 1838, H. 3, p. 149 f. p. 149 f. | | "In this passage Baur discusses | Baur enters into a long and minute generally the historical | examination of the historical character of the martyrdom, which | character of the martyrdom of he considers, as a whole, to be | Ignatius, and of the Ignatian 'doubtful and incredible.' To | Epistles, and pronounces the whole establish this result he notices | to be fabulous, and more especially the relation of Christianity to | the representation of his sentence the Empire in the time of Trajan, | and martyr-journey to Rome. He which he regards as inconsistent | shows that, while isolated cases of with the condemnation of Ignatius;| condemnation to death, under and the improbable circumstances | occurred during Trajan's reign may of the journey. The personal | justify the mere tradition that he characteristics, the letters, the | suffered martyrdom, there is no history of Ignatius, are, in his | instance recorded in which a opinion, all a mere creation of | Christian was condemned to be sent the imagination. The utmost he | to Rome to be cast to the beasts; allows is that he may have | that such a sentence is opposed to suffered martyrdom." (P. 169.) | all historical data of the reign of | Trajan, and to all that is known of | his character and principles; and | that the whole of the statements | regarding the supposed journey | directly discredit the story. The | argument is much too long and | elaborate to reproduce here, but I | shall presently make use of some | parts of it. | "3. Baur, _Gesch. chr. Kirche_, | "Ibid., _Gesch. chr. Kirche_, 1863, 1863, i. p. 440, Anm. 1. | i. p. 440, Anm. 1. | "'Die Verurtheilung _ad bestias_ | "The reality is 'wohl nur' that in und die Abführung dazu nach Rom | the year 115, when Trajan wintered ... mag auch unter Trajan nichts | in Antioch, Ignatius suffered zu ungewöhnliches gewesen sein, | martyrdom in Antioch itself, as a aber ... bleibt ie Geschichte | sacrifice to popular fury seines Märtyrerthums auch nach | consequent on the earthquake of der Vertheidigung derselben von | that year. The rest was developed Lipsius ... höchst | out of the reference to Trajan for unwahrscheinlich. Das Factische | the glorification of martyrdom." ist wohl nur dass Ignatius im J. | 115, als Trajan in Antiochien | überwinterte, in Folge des | Erdbebens in diesem Jahr, in | Antiochien selbst als ein Opfer | der Volkswuth zum Märtyrer | wurde.' | | 4. Davidson: see above. | Davidson, _Introd. N.T._, p. 19. | | "All (the Epistles) are posterior | to Ignatius himself, who was not | thrown to the wild beasts in the | amphitheatre at Rome by command of | Trajan, but at Antioch, on December | 20th, A.D. 115." | 5. Scholten: see above. | Scholten, _Die ält. Zeugnisse_, | p. 51 f. The Ignatian Epistles are | declared to be spurious for various | reasons, but partly "because they | mention a martyr-journey of Ignatius | to Rome, the unhistorical character | of which, already earlier recognised | (see Baur, _Urspr. des Episc._ 1838, | p. 147 ff., _Die Ign. Briefe_, 1848; | Schwegler, _Nachap. Zeitalt._ ii. | p. 159 ff.; Hilgenfeld, _Apost. | Väter_, p. 210 ff.; Réville, | _Le Lien_, 1856, Nos. 18-22), is | made all the more probable by | Volkmar's not groundless conjecture. | According to it Ignatius is reported | to have become the prey of wild beasts | on the 20th December, 115, not in the | amphitheatre in Rome by the order of | the mild Trajan, but in Antioch | itself, as the victim of superstitious | popular fury consequent on an | earthquake which occurred on the | 13th December of that year." | 6. "Francke, _Zur Gesch. | "Cf. Francke, _Zur Gesch. Trajan's_, Trajan's_, 1840 [1837], p. 253 f. | 1840. This is a mere comparative [A discussion of the date of the | reference to establish the important beginning of Trajan's Parthian | point of the date of the Parthian war, which he fixes in A.D. 115, | war and Trajan's visit to Antioch. but he decides nothing directly | Dr. Westcott omits the "Cf." as to the time of Ignatius' | martyrdom.] | | 7. "Hilgenfeld, _Die ap. Väter_, | Hilgenfeld, _Die ap. Väter_, p. 214 ff. p. 214 [pp. 210 ff.] Hilgenfeld | Hilgenfeld strongly supports Baur's points out the objections to the | argument which is referred to narrative in the Acts of the | above, and while declaring the Martyrdom, the origin of which he | whole story of Ignatius, and more refers to the period between | especially the journey to Rome, Eusebius and Jerome: setting | incredible, he considers the mere aside this detailed narrative he | fact that Ignatius suffered considers the historical character| martyrdom the only point regarding of the general statements in the | which the possibility has been made letters. The mode of punishment | out. He shows [97:1] that the by a provincial governor causes | martyrology states the 20th some difficulty: 'bedenklicher,' | December as the day of Ignatius' he continues, 'ist jedenfalls der | death, and that his remains were andre Punct, die Versendung nach | buried at Antioch, where they still Rom.' Why was the punishment not | were in the days of Chrysostom and carried out at Antioch? Would it | Jerome. He argues from all that is be likely that under an Emperor | known of the reign and character of like Trajan a prisoner like | Trajan, that such a sentence from Ignatius would be sent to Rome to | the Emperor himself is quite fight in the amphitheatre? The | unsupported and inconceivable. A circumstances of the journey as | provincial Governor might have described are most improbable. | condemned him ad bestias, but in The account of the persecution | any case the transmission to Rome itself is beset by difficulties. | is more doubtful. He shows, Having set out these objections | however, that the whole story is he leaves the question, casting | inconsistent with historical facts, doubt (like Baur) upon the whole | and the circumstances of the history, and gives no support to | journey incredible. It is the bold affirmation of a | impossible to give even a sketch of martyrdom 'at Antioch on the 20th | this argument, which extends over December, A.D. 115.'" | five long pages, but although | Hilgenfeld does not directly refer | to the theory of the martyrdom in | Antioch itself, his reasoning | forcibly points to that conclusion, | and forms part of the converging | trains of reasoning which result in | that "demonstration" which I | assert. I will presently make use | of some of his arguments.

At the close of this analysis Dr. Westcott sums up the result as follows:

"In this case, therefore, again, Volkmar alone offers any arguments in support of the statement in the text; and the final result of the references is, that the alleged 'demonstration' is, at the most, what Scholten calls 'a not groundless conjecture.'" [98:1]

It is scarcely possible to imagine a more complete misrepresentation of the fact than the assertion that "Volkmar alone offers any arguments in support of the statement in the text," and it is incomprehensible upon any ordinary theory. My mere sketch cannot possibly convey an adequate idea of the elaborate arguments of Volkmar, Baur, and Hilgenfeld, but I hope to state their main features, a few pages on. With regard to Dr. Westcott's remark on the "alleged 'demonstration,'" it must be evident that when a writer states anything to be "demonstrated" he expresses his own belief. It is impossible to secure absolute unanimity of opinion, and the only question in such a case is whether I refer to writers, in connection with the circumstances which I affirm to be demonstrated, who advance arguments and evidence bearing upon it. A critic is quite at liberty to say that the arguments are insufficient, but he is not at liberty to deny that there are any arguments at all when the elaborate reasoning of men like Volkmar, Baur, and Hilgenfeld is referred to. Therefore, when he goes on to say:

"It seems quite needless to multiply comments on these results. Anyone who will candidly consider this analysis will, I believe, agree with me in thinking that such a style of annotation, which runs through the whole work, is justly characterised as frivolous and misleading"--[99:1]

Dr. Westcott must excuse my retorting that, not my annotation, but his own criticism of it, endorsed by Professor Lightfoot, is "frivolous and misleading," and I venture to hope that this analysis, tedious as it has been, may once for all establish the propriety and substantial accuracy of my references.

As Dr. Westcott does not advance any further arguments of his own in regard to the Ignatian controversy, I may now return to Dr. Lightfoot, and complete my reply to his objections; but I must do so with extreme brevity, as I have already devoted too much space to this subject, and must now come to a close. To the argument that it is impossible to suppose that soldiers such as the "ten leopards" described in the Epistles would allow a prisoner, condemned to wild beasts for professing Christianity, deliberately to write long epistles at every stage of his journey, promulgating the very doctrines for which he was condemned, as well as to hold the freest intercourse with deputations from the various Churches, Dr. Lightfoot advances arguments, derived from Zahn, regarding the Roman procedure in cases that are said to be "known." These cases, however, are neither analogous, nor have they the force which is assumed. That Christians imprisoned for their religious belief should receive their nourishment, while in prison, from friends, is anything but extraordinary, and that bribes should secure access to them in many cases, and some mitigation of suffering, is possible. The case of Ignatius, however, is very different. If the meaning of [Greek: oi kai euergetoumenoi cheirous ginontai] be that, although receiving bribes, the "ten leopards" only became more cruel, the very reverse of the leniency and mild treatment ascribed to the Roman procedure is described by the writer himself as actually taking place, and certainly nothing approaching a parallel to the correspondence of pseudo-Ignatius can be pointed out in any known instance. The case of Saturus and Perpetua, even if true, is no confirmation, the circumstances being very different; [100:1] but in fact there is no evidence whatever that the extant history was written by either of them, [100:2] but on the contrary, I maintain, every reason to believe that it was not.

Dr. Lightfoot advances the instance of Paul as a case in point of a Christian prisoner treated with great consideration, and who "writes letters freely, receives visits from his friends, communicates with Churches and individuals as he desires." [101:1] It is scarcely possible to imagine two cases more dissimilar than those of pseudo-Ignatius and Paul, as narrated in the "Acts of the Apostles," although doubtless the story of the former has been framed upon some of the lines of the latter. Whilst Ignatius is condemned to be cast to the wild beasts as a Christian, Paul is not condemned at all, but stands in the position of a Roman citizen, rescued from infuriated Jews (xxiii. 27), repeatedly declared by his judges to have done nothing worthy of death or of bonds (xxv. 25, xxvi. 31), and who might have been set at liberty but that he had appealed to Caesar (xxv. 11 f., xxvi. 32). His position was one which secured the sympathy of the Roman soldiers. Ignatius "fights with beasts from Syria even unto Rome," and is cruelly treated by his "ten leopards," but Paul is represented as receiving very different treatment. Felix commands that his own people should be allowed to come and minister to him (xxiv. 23), and when the voyage is commenced it is said that Julius, who had charge of Paul, treated him courteously, and, gave him liberty to go to see his friends at Sidon (xxvii. 3). At Rome he was allowed to live by himself with a single soldier to guard him (xxviii. 16), and he continued for two years in his own hired house (xxviii. 28). These circumstances are totally different from those under which the Epistles of Ignatius are said to have been written.

"But the most powerful testimony," Dr. Lightfoot goes on to say, "is derived from the representations of a heathen writer." [101:2] The case of Peregrinus, to which he refers, seems to me even more unfortunate than that of Paul. Of Peregrinus himself, historically, we really know little or nothing, for the account of Lucian is scarcely received as serious by anyone. [102:1] Lucian narrates that this Peregrinus Proteus, a cynic philosopher, having been guilty of parricide and other crimes, found it convenient to leave his own country. In the course of his travels he fell in with Christians and learnt their doctrines, and, according to Lucian, the Christians soon were mere children in his hands, so that he became in his own person "prophet, high-priest, and ruler of a synagogue," and further "they spoke of him as a god, used him as a lawgiver, and elected him their chief man." [102:2] After a time he was put in prison for his new faith, which Lucian says was a real service to him afterwards in his impostures. During the time he was in prison he is said to have received those services from Christians which Dr. Lightfoot quotes. Peregrinus was afterwards set at liberty by the Governor of Syria, who loved philosophy, [102:3] and travelled about, living in great comfort at the expense of the Christians, until at last they quarrelled in consequence, Lucian thinks, of his eating some forbidden food. Finally, Peregrinus ended his career by throwing himself into the flames of a funeral pile during the Olympian games. An earthquake is said to have taken place at the time; a vulture flew out from the pile crying out with a human voice; and, shortly after, Peregrinus rose again and appeared clothed in white raiment, unhurt by the fire.

Now this writing, of which I have given the barest sketch, is a direct satire upon Christians, or even, as Baur affirms, "a parody of the history of Jesus." [102:4] There are no means of ascertaining that any of the events of the Christian career of Peregrinus were true, but it is obvious that Lucian's policy was to exaggerate the facility of access to prisoners, as well as the assiduity and attention of the Christians to Peregrinus, the ease with which they were duped being the chief point of the satire.

There is another circumstance which must be mentioned. Lucian's account of Peregrinus is claimed by supporters of the Ignatian Epistles as evidence for them. [103:1] "The singular correspondence in this narrative with the account of Ignatius, combined with some striking coincidences of expression," they argue, show "that Lucian was acquainted with the Ignatian history, if not with the Ignatian letters." These are the words of Dr. Lightfoot, although he guards himself, in referring to this argument, by the words "if it be true," and does not express his own opinion; but he goes on to say: "At all events it is conclusive for the matter in hand, as showing that Christian prisoners were treated in the very way described in these epistles." [103:2] On the contrary, it is in no case conclusive of anything. If it were true that Lucian employed, as the basis of his satire, the Ignatian Epistles and Martyrology, it is clear that his narrative cannot be used as independent testimony for the truth of the statements regarding the treatment of Christian prisoners. On the other hand, as this cannot be shown, his story remains a mere satire with very little historical value. Apart from all this, however, the case of Peregrinus, a man confined in prison for a short time, under a favourable governor, and not pursued with any severity, is no parallel to that of Ignatius condemned _ad bestias_ and, according to his own express statement, cruelly treated by the "ten leopards;" and further the liberty of pseudo-Ignatius must greatly have exceeded all that is said of Peregrinus, if he was able to write such epistles, and hold such free intercourse as they represent.

I will now, in the briefest manner possible, indicate the arguments of the writers referred to in the note [104:1] attacked by Dr. Westcott, in which he cannot find any relevancy, but which, in my opinion, demonstrate that Ignatius was not sent to Rome at all, but suffered martyrdom in Antioch itself. The reader who wishes to go minutely into the matter must be good enough to consult the writers there cited, and I will only sketch the case here, without specifically indicating the source of each argument. Where I add any particulars I will, when necessary, give my authorities. The Ignatian Epistles and martyrologies set forth that, during a general persecution of Christians, in Syria at least, Ignatius was condemned by Trajan, when he wintered in Antioch during the Parthian War, to be taken to Rome and cast to wild beasts in the amphitheatre. Instead of being sent to Rome by the short sea voyage, he is represented as taken thither by the long and incomparably more difficult land route. The ten soldiers who guard him are described by himself as only rendered more cruel by the presents made to them to secure kind treatment for him, so that not in the amphitheatre only, but all the way from Syria to Rome, by night and day, by sea and land, he "fights with beasts." Notwithstanding this severity, the martyr freely receives deputations from the various Churches, who, far from being molested, are able to have constant intercourse with him, and even to accompany him on his journey. He not only converses with these freely, but he is represented as writing long epistles to the various Churches, which, instead of containing the last exhortations and farewell words which might be considered natural from the expectant martyr, are filled with advanced views of Church government, and the dignity of the episcopate. These circumstances, at the outset, excite grave suspicions of the truth of the documents and of the story which they set forth.