Chapter 6

It was determined that our fleet in the Mediterranean should be reinforced by three or four line-of-battle ships, on the principle that wherever any Power had a large force, we should have one--not a very wise principle, it seems to me, if we are never to use force. I interceded for a few powerful steamers, with 68 pound carronades, and I think Lord Melville seemed inclined to acquiesce.

Questions are to be put to Polignac to ascertain what he would do in certain events. I said he never would open himself to Lord Stuart. It was then suggested by the Duke that Aberdeen could write a private letter. This will, I believe, be done. I said to Fitzgerald, who was next to me, 'Neither letter nor Stuart will get anything out of Polignac. One of ourselves should go to Paris as an individual, see Polignac, and return before the Conference.'

I suggested Rosslyn, as he had nothing to do. Fitzgerald said he could go and return in a week, and seemed to wish to do so. However, nothing was said openly; and with all the means of success in our hands, for, I think, Polignac _might_ be brought into our views, we shall lose all by not using proper instruments; just as we have lost the Greek question by persisting in keeping Stratford Canning.

We had a good deal of conversation as to the limits of Greece. The Duke was for adhering to the Morea. It was _really_ the best line. It was what we had guaranteed. We had told the Turks we did not mean to go beyond it.

Aberdeen has always had a little private hankering after Athens, though he ridicules it. He had no scruple about annexing Athens, although not yet taken. I said I thought Polignac would be disposed to hold our language to Russia, if we would make some concession on the subject of Greece, and enable him to settle that question with _éclat_. He would then be supported by France in any strong language he might hold, and would establish himself by the experiment of his first fortnight of office.

However, the Cabinet seems disposed to look at accessories, not at principles, at the minor objects rather than at _the one great object_, which is inducing France to act with us to prevent the occupation of Constantinople or to force its evacuation. Instead of yielding upon points of minor importance, in order to carry the question, we are to insist now on the minor points-the evacuation of the Morea by the French, and then, I fear we shall weaken Polignac's Government, and lose our object.

Our foreign policy has certainly been, most unsuccessful. We have succeeded in nothing.

The communication to be made to Polignac is to be made to him confidentially, and he is to know it is not to be made to Austria. It is considered that in any case Austria would support France and England if they acted together, and any indication Austria might give of moving alone would bring down Prussia upon her. This line, I think, well considered and prudent.

It seemed to be thought that, if the Turkish Empire should be _dissolved_, Austria might be inclined to share the spoils and be quiet; but if it were only _weakened_, she would feel she suffered.

It seemed to be admitted by all that we ought to have taken a decided step long ago. That we were too late, and that we were inexcusable.

I said a year ago Aberdeen would ruin us--he would gradually let us down, not by any flagrant error, but by being always under the mark. The Duke, occupied as he is as Prime Minister, wanted an efficient secretary for Foreign Affairs, and he could not have had a worse.

Peel seems to think Ireland stands much better since the proclamation respecting the attack made by the Ribbonmen upon the Orangemen in Fermanagh. He seems to think the Irish Government ready enough when things are brought to their notice, but that they do not read or attend to the reports made to them.

_August 19._

I am inclined to think from what Colonel Hodgson says that leather might be made in India as well as here. They have the hide of the buffalo. They want the _tanning_, and some one must be sent from this country to teach them. He told me of a Mr. Cotton who was long at Tanjore, where the iron is, and I have written to him.

_August 22._

The Russians have taken Erzeroum, and have quite dispersed the Turkish army in Asia. Every success of theirs in that quarter makes my heart bleed. I consider it a victory gained over me, as Asia is _mine_.

_August 28._

The 'Courier' of last night throws doubts on the reported victory of Kirkhilissa. The Sultan is said to be now ready to treat. The plague is in the Russian army, and in the country before them. Had a long conversation with Hardinge on Indian affairs.

_August 29._

Read a letter from Mr. Cartwright, the Consul at Constantinople, dated the 9th. The loss of Erzeroum is to be attributed to the Janizaries. In all Asia they seem to be rising. The Russians are not expected to advance till they are joined by 15,000 men, coming by sea. Thus our fleet would have saved Constantinople.

Cabinet at half-past three. Before the Cabinet read Lord Heytesbury's and Mr. Gordon's despatches. Lord Heytesbury seems to be a mere Russian.

_August 31._

Mr. Gordon describes the Turkish Empire as falling to pieces. The national enthusiasm and religious feeling of the people seem to be gone. The Sultan is unpopular. The populace of Adrianople desires the advance of the Russians, so scandalous has been the conduct of the Asiatics. The Pacha of Egypt gives no assistance, and thinks the weakness of the Porte constitutes his strength. The people of Trebizond have invited Count Paskewitz. Erzeroum was lost by the treachery of the Janizaries.

The Sultan has acceded to the Treaty of London. This accession is qualified, but not in such a manner as to preclude negotiation. He has consented to treat with Russia, to give freedom to the navigation of the Black Sea, and to observe the Treaty of Akerman--but he stipulates for the integrity of the Ottoman dominions in Europe and Asia. He has not, however, sent Plenipotentiaries.

General Muffling, the Prussian, is arrived at Constantinople. He reports the moderate views of the Emperor Nicholas, and states them.

The French Government, from the information it derived from its Minister at Berlin, has instructed Count Guilleminot to declare to the Turks the terms on which Russia will make peace. Russia requires the execution of the Treaty of Akerman--indemnity--(but moderate) for the expenses of the war and the losses sustained by her commerce, for which indemnity, as it seems, she is willing to take Anapa.

She requires the free navigation of the Dardanelles for all nations. This cession to be secured by treaty, not by territorial occupation.

The terms of the Turks are not very dissimilar; but as Count Diebitch has orders to advance till preliminaries are signed, a catastrophe may take place still.

Mr. Gordon managed to get a paper into the Sultan's own hands, which may have led in some measure to this result. He naturally gave credit to the information contained in the Despatches of Count Guilleminot, but the French Government have no authority for their opinion as to the terms on which Russia will make peace. No communication to that effect has been made officially to them.

The French and Russian Ministers at the Conference said they could not act on Mr. Gordon's letter, which is as yet uncorroborated by Count Guilleminot. They could not yet act as if Turkey had acceded to the Treaty of London.

The Russians would now declare the independence of Greece within the Gulfs of Volo and Arta, and they wanted Aberdeen to take that instead of the treaty. He thought he could get them to declare the independence of Greece _within the Morea_--that they would be satisfied with that, and that, if they would, we had better secure that for the Turks now, than run the risk of the event of war and of the extension which might be given to the terms which might be forced upon them under the Treaty of London.

However, even admitting that the Russians would be content with the independence of Greece within the Morea (with Attica, [Footnote: Attica was still held by the Turks, having been reconquered after its first occupation by the Greeks.] by-the-bye), it was the opinion of the Duke and of every one (but Aberdeen) that it would neither be generous nor honourable to force upon the Turks in their distress terms which _they_, attaching much value to the _suzeraineté_, might think less favourable than what they might obtain under the Treaty of London, and that we should be drawing ourselves into the embarrassment of what would be practically a new treaty at the moment that we were beginning to entertain hopes of getting out of that which had so long harassed us.

Upon the whole, I think the aspect of Eastern affairs is better than it has been since we have been a Government.

Diebitch is said to have 35,000 men, and a reserve of 40,000. I doubt the reserve being so strong. The 15,000 from Sebastopol have joined.

Paskewitz is made Grand Cross of St. George.

Diebitch will be so, of course.

The King, Peel said, is very blind. He has lost the sight of one eye. The Duke said when he was at Windsor last, the King was particularly civil to him, and Peel and the Duke were both of opinion that the King would be most cordial with the Government if the Duke of Cumberland were away, and was now more so than could be expected under his influence.

Aberdeen seems to have written the letter to Stuart, and Stuart to have communicated it to Prince Polignac. Stuart's idea is that Polignac has had too much to do in fixing himself to think much of foreign politics. He expressed himself, however, disposed to consult with England as to the measures which should be adopted if Russia should break her engagements.

Several representations have been made to France for the withdrawing of the French troops from the Morea--but hitherto without effect. These troops keep the country quiet, and enable the whole force of the Greek State to act offensively. Thus, assisted by French and Russian money, the Greeks have acquired possession of everything within the Gulfs of Volo and Arta, except the Island of Negropont.

_September 1, 1829._

Read with attention a paper of Courtney's on Leach's observations. Wrote some memoranda upon it, which I shall send with it to the Duke, when I have got from Shepheard a statement of the benefit derived by the territory from the fixed rate of exchange. It is a valuable paper. I have written to thank him for it, and to ask him to give me the result of his considerations on the mode of transferring the Government of India from the Company to the King, without materially increasing the patronage of the Crown; and likewise the view he takes of the alterations it would be desirable to introduce, if the Company should continue to govern India, in the powers of the Board of Control and in its relations with the Court.

_September 3._

The Directors are much afraid of the Russians. So am I, and the Russians begin to threaten us. They hint that they have open to them the route to Bagdad, and they announce the presence in Petersburg of an Afghan Chief, and of Ambassadors from Runjeet Singh.

I feel confident we shall have to fight the Russians on the Indus, and I have long had a presentiment that I should meet them there, and gain a great battle. All dreams, but I have had them a long time.

I have some idea of a secret letter to Bombay, directing the Government to take possession of the Island of Karak, [Footnote: A small island in the Persian Gulf to the north-west of Bushire.] and of any other tenable point to seal the Euphrates, in the event of the Russians moving down.

Loch wants to dethrone Runjeet Singh!

_September 4, 1829._

Saw Colonel Willoughby Cotton, who commanded _en second_ in Ava. He has lately visited, as Adjutant-General of King's troops, all the stations of the army in Bengal. He says no army can be in finer order. Lord Combermere has weeded all the old men. The regiments manoeuvre beautifully.

Lord C. wishes to have two King's regiments cantoned under the Himalaya Mountains, where the climate is as good as in England.

Runjeet Singh has conquered Cabul and Cashmere. He has French officers at the head of his infantry and cavalry, and about five others. His artillery he keeps under his own family. He has of regular troops 30,000 infantry, and 10,000 cavalry, about eighty guns. All these easily assembled near the capital.

He is old, and when he dies his two sons are likely to quarrel and call us in.

The two ex-Kings of Cabul are living at Ludeana on pensions. Zemaun Shah, the blind King, and his brother, who was King in Mr. Elphinstone's time.

Colonel Cotton speaks most highly of the Madras troops. They are more disposable than the Bengal troops, more free from prejudice of caste.

He regrets the reduction of the bodyguard which conducted itself nobly in Ava. I like a guard, and I would have an infantry as well as a cavalry guard, to be formed by picked men.

Colonel Willoughby Cotton says Colonel Skinner is about 55. His son is a merchant, and goes every year into Cashmere for shawls. Skinner has still about 1,300 men, and is quartered not far from Delhi. His people fire the matchlock over the arm at full gallop, and with correct aim. They strike a tent-peg out of the ground with their lances.

_September 5._

Received an answer from the Duke. He thinks the question of the six regiments begins to be serious, as the Court throw upon the Government the responsibility of running the risk of a mutiny in the army--desires to see the paper, which I have sent him, and says it must go to the Cabinet.

I feel satisfied I am right. If the Cabinet give in to the Court, they weaken my hands so much that I shall be unable to effect any great reform. They make the Directors the real Ministers of India, and almost emancipate the Indian Government. So I told the Duke in my letter.

_September 7._

Office. Saw Sir A. Campbell. He came to offer himself for a command in India. I spoke to him of his papers respecting war with the Burmese. He says large boats carrying 100 men could go up to Aeng, the troops need not land at Ramree. He was never an advocate for a diversion at Rangoon, and thinks they make too much fuss about the frontier of Munnipore.

Saw a Mr. Cotton, for a long time collector of Tanjore. He is against introducing the Ryotwaree settlement into that country, and by his account it seems very ill adapted to it, for according to him the Murassidars are there really proprietors, and with them the settlement is now made for the village.

I sent for him to tell me about the iron I had understood to be in the neighbourhood of Tanjore; but there is none, it is at Satara. He seems a sensible man, and I must see him again.

The Turks seem to have endeavoured to back out of their accession to the Treaty of London, or rather to clog it with insuperable objections. But Mr. Gordon has brought them back again, and on August 12 all was right, but no Plenipotentiaries sent. The Russians were said to be moving on Adrianople. They had not above 35,000 men. There is a very bad account from Smyrna of the state of the population in Asia. In fact the Duke of Wellington's prediction is fulfilled. The Turkish Empire is breaking to pieces. By Lord Heytesbury's account the Russians are very desirous of peace, and very apprehensive that a popular tumult may put an end to the Sultan. It is impossible to see the end of the calamities which would occur, complicated as they would be, if such an event as the dissolution of the Turkish Empire took place.

The new French Ministry is changing the municipalities. They hope to succeed at the next elections. Lord Stuart considers M. de la Bourdonnaye as the real head.

Polignac very prudently rests on his oars as to Greece, and properly observes it is idle to make protocols here when the march of events may have altogether changed the state of things before the protocols arrive.

_September 8._

Office at 11. Went to the Duke. He read to me a long letter he had written on the question of the six regiments, in which he entered at length into the state of the Indian army such as he knows it to be, and concludes in favour of a revision of the line I had adopted with his approbation. He said the Government of India was wrong--every line of the proposed letter abstractedly right; but there was to be considered the expediency of writing it.

I have written a letter to Lord W. Bentinck, stating confidentially the grounds of the change of opinion as to the disbanding of the six extra regiments. I added, 'However, such an event will not happen in your time, nor I hope in mine,' or something to that effect.

_September 11._

Chairs at 11. Read to them the Duke's letter on the six regiments. Told them I had written a private letter to Lord William to relieve his mind from the censure intended for former Governments (a very small portion of which is chargeable on him), and to caution him against similar errors. Gave them the alteration I had intended to make in the draft respecting pensions granted to King's soldiers enlisted into their army. They will consider it.

_September 14._

Read the papers containing the correspondence with the local Governments respecting the provision of stores in India. It is hardly credible, yet it is true, that till within these few years the Medical Board indented upon England for drugs which were produced in India! From Madras as late at 1827 they indented for file handles and blacksmiths' tongs! From Bombay in 1826 for wooden canteens and triangles! It is evident the local Governments have never displayed any energy.

_September 16._

Received from the Duke his ideas on the subject of a campaign against Ava. He would hold the great Dagon Temple at Rangoon, but only for the purpose of having vessels in the river to co-operate with the army.

_September 17._

To-day has been an idle day. I have done nothing; but I have taken exercise, and so acquired _health_, without which I cannot do business.

_September 20._

Met Mr. Conyngham of the Foreign Office. He told me the Turks were ready to make the required concessions. Of the disposition of the Russians nothing seems known. R. Gordon has of his own authority ordered up Sir Pulteney Malcolm from Vourla to the Dardanelles. I suppose to carry away Englishmen and their property in the event of an insurrection or of some terrible catastrophe at Constantinople.

Lord Stuart, as I suspected, gives no opinion as to the probable result of the political contest in France.

I had a letter from the Duke respecting half-Batta.

_September 24._

Cabinet room. Read all the letters from Petersburg, Paris, Berlin, and Constantinople during the last fortnight, and the despatches sent during the last month.

R. Gordon seems to have done very well. He and Guilleminot have acted cordially together, and when they had induced the Porte to consent to make peace on the terms prescribed by the Russians, Gordon managed very prudently to get General Muffling to send his secretary to the Russian head-quarters with the Turkish Plenipotentiaries. Muffling would have gone with them to the Reis Effendi had he been well enough; as it was, he sent his secretary, who afterwards went to the Russian head-quarters and was thus enabled to state distinctly what had passed in the conference held with the Effendi. I think it very possible that without the intervention of the Prussian Minister, who was known to be acquainted with the feelings of the Emperor, General Diebitch would not have agreed to an armistice. The armistice seems to have been made on August 29. We know of it from Seymour at Berlin.

Polignac seems excellently well disposed. He would act cordially with us if he dared. At present he is obliged to cover all he does under the instructions given to Guilleminot by his predecessor under a different state of things, before the great Russian successes. He talks of a Congress of the Powers interested, and of a joint declaration if Russia should not adhere to her promise.

Russia may be kept to her promises by the fear of a revolutionary movement in France. The French Opposition desire the success of the Russians, the dissolution of the Turkish Empire, and the occupation of the Dardanelles by the Emperor Nicholas, because they know that such events would lead to a _sotto sopra_ in Europe, a general scramble in which they would get the Rhine as their boundary. Generally, I have no doubt, young France wishes for confusion.

Austria is alarmed and would do nothing. The Prussians hold that the existence of the Ottoman Empire is not essential to the balance of power (that is, some of them do), and they would be glad to see Austria and Russia divide Turkey, Prussia having her compensation in Germany. However, Muffling, going rather beyond his instructions, has been made to do good.

I think all things tend to the preservation of peace if there should be no explosion at Constantinople or in France. The Ottoman Empire seems, however, to be falling to pieces. The Government has been so oppressive that the people will not fight for it. The Sultan has but 4,000 troops, and it is said the appearance of 10,000 Russians would lead to the capture of Constantinople.

Diebitch seems to dread the catastrophe which might ensue, and the ambassadors have placed before him in strong terms the fatal consequences of an explosion at Constantinople.

I must say R. Gordon has done ably and well.

The rascally Russians have been intriguing with our Ionian subjects, and Aberdeen has written a very strong letter to Lord Heytesbury on the subject.

Polignac, desirous as he is of withdrawing the French troops altogether from the Morea, is at present afraid of doing so.

Aberdeen told me things were not going on well here. The King has quite lost the sight of one eye, and the sight of the other is indistinct. It gives him pain, too, and the fear of blindness makes him nervous. The Duke of Cumberland is always about him, as mischievous as ever, but pretending not to be hostile.

The Duke of Wellington gives the King up as a bad job. He sees him very seldom. At first he liked seeing him and setting things to rights; but he says he found what he did one day was undone the next, and he is in despair. The King has no constancy. There is no depending upon him from one day to another.

Aberdeen says the accession of Rosslyn has not produced the effect we anticipated--that Lord Grey is very hostile. What we shall do for a majority next session I know not, but I think we shall stand, [Footnote: This might have been but for the events on the Continent in the year following, which formed a new starting-point in the politics of a large part of Europe.] although we shall not, I fear, be a strong Government. The Catholic Relief Bill has destroyed our unity and the spirit of party. It has likewise destroyed that of the Opposition, who have no longer any rallying point. Thus the formation of a strong Government is difficult. The Brunswickers cannot form one, and the King cannot be persuaded to make one out of the Opposition. Indeed, that the Duke of Cumberland would never advise. The Brunswickers will endeavour to make terms with us as a body--to make martyrs of some of the old Protestants, particularly of the Duke and Peel, and placing themselves at the head to go on as well as they could with the rest of us. This will not do.

_September 26._