A Political Diary, 1828-1830, Volume II

Chapter 5

Chapter 54,113 wordsPublic domain

The Brazilians had offered as an equivalent for six months an agreement that in future vessels fitted for the slave trade, even if they had no slaves on board, should be seizable. It seemed to be the opinion, a little exaggerated, I think, that no prospect of future prevention of slave- trading could justify us in permitting for an instant the immediate benefit we had within our grasp.

_July 12._

The great day in Ireland; but I hope its happening on Sunday may break its effect. The orders for vigorous interposition, determined upon on Saturday, will have been of no use in preventing collision to-day, or even to-morrow, should the anniversary be postponed.

The Duke of Cumberland goes to Hanover, but he returns in October, and old Eldon meets him then in London. They had a regular Cabinet to decide whether he should go or not.

Read the court-martial of Lieutenant Lewis, of the Bombay Artillery, who struck an officer in the presence of his wife. The Chairs wish to restore him. It is impossible. There is an end of all moral and gentlemanlike feeling if it be not understood that a man's person is sacred in the presence of his wife. We presume a wife to have feeling, and a man to respect it. _The blow_ alone would have been a good cause of dismissal.

Had a letter from the Bishop of Calcutta, who, on offering to execute episcopal functions at the Cape, was told by Hay, of the Colonial Office, that the cape was not in his Patent, and he could no do so. This is a mistake. He can exercise episcopal functions, but not episcopal jurisdictions.

Had a letter from Mr. Joliffe, of Merstham, [Footnote: The seat of the Joliffe family, near Reigate, in Surrey.] proposing steam-boat navigation to India. An application from Salisbury for a letter of recommendation to Lord W. Bentinck, in favour of Mr. Chester. Told him this was not a good time to ask a favour of Lord William, and it would be better to send the recommendation with the man, who does not sail till October.

_July 15, 1829._

Office. Found a letter from Loch, suggesting the irregularity of my sending for his officers, and communicating with them on the subject of despatches to be sent to the Indian Government, and expressing a hope that nothing would occur to interrupt the harmony which existed between us.

I said in reply that I have expressed a wish to see Colonel Salmond, and afterwards to see Colonel Farant, merely from my desire to expedite business, and to do it well. That it was mentioned in conversation with Colonel Salmond and Mr. Wilson on Monday, that there was no irregularity in that course, and that I immediately determined to desist from it. That I believed I had so expressed myself at the time to Colonel Salmond.

I added that I could assure him I would not willingly, by endeavouring to extend the limits assigned by Parliament to the power of the Board, or by my manner of exercising that power, interrupt the harmony which so happily existed between the court and me.

Went to the Foreign Office. I fear the defeat of the Turks near Shumla was decisive; but still we have only Russian accounts, and they do _so lie_! It seems certain the Russians took the opportunity of opening a negotiation. The carelessness of the Turks in not keeping a good look-out towards Silistria seems unaccountable, and they dawdled sadly before Pravady. The new Vizier is very inferior to old Hussein Pacha, whose caution would have avoided this catastrophe.

Dined with the East India volunteers. The officers of the regiment are all clerks in the Company's service. The non-commissioned officers and privates serve in their warehouses.

There are now 600 men. During the war they had three regiments, each 800 strong--all their own servants.

When my health was drunk I spoke of the Duke of Wellington's natural fondness for India, of the high terms in which he always mentioned the gallantry of the Indian army, and the purity of the Civil Service. I said the Ministers were animated by his example, &c.

The Speaker told me he thought Mr. Stanley [Footnote: A curious instance of the failure of political prophecies, even by men of judgment and experience. Seventeen years later he was leader of a party, and twenty- three years afterwards Prime Minister.] would never rise higher than he was now. It had been a curious Session--all men endeavouring to avoid committing themselves.

_July 16._

Loch showed me two letters of Sir J. Malcolm, in which he deprecates the sending of more writers, and says _numbers_ may be diminished, but not _salaries_, especially in the higher ranks; and if writers are sent they must be provided for. I believe he is right. I had already suggested the non-appointment of writers this year, and the Chairs seemed to acquiesce-- indeed, to have thought of it themselves.

Recorder's Report. Before the report Madame de Cayla, the Duchess D'Escars, &c., were presented to the King. I had some conversation with Rosslyn and Herries as to the Indian Question. Herries seemed to be afraid of the House of Commons. Rosslyn a little, too, of public opinion as to the opening of the China trade. They both seemed rather hostile to the continuance of the present system. I said I considered it to be a settled point that the patronage of India should be separated from the Government. The necessity of making that separation led to one great difficulty. The necessity of remitting home in goods 3,200,000£ led to another difficulty, and to making the Government of India, wherever it might be placed, _mercantile_. The East India Company would not, and could not, without the monopoly carry on the concern.

Neither Herries nor Rosslyn seemed to admit the necessary separation of the patronage of India from the Government.

I said that, if it might not be separated, it would be easy to make a better and a cheaper government. I can see that Peel, Fitzgerald, Herries, Rosslyn--perhaps Sir G. Murray--will be against the Company.

The Duke said it was clear to him that the remittances must be made in goods, and could not be made by bills. He is for the monopoly.

In a few days the papers will be printed. A copy will then be furnished to each member of the Government, and I shall receive their observations.

The Recorder's Report was a very heavy one. All the cases bad, and seven ordered for execution.

The King seemed very well.

Stratford Canning and Lord Strangford were at the Court, to be presented on their return.

Before the report we read the last Irish papers. The Duke of Northumberland and Lord F. Leveson seem to think rather favourably of the condition of Ireland. The belief of Peel and Goulburn, and, I believe, of the Duke, is that _one_ example would settle all.

Lord F. Leveson says that the Brunswickers are encouraged _from St. James's_ to expect that the Relief Bill will be repealed. Many wish for an explosion, the Catholics less than the Protestants.

_July 19._

Hardinge and Wood dined with me. Hardinge says the Duke of Cumberland has determined not to leave England, but to send for the Duchess and his son. The Duchess of Gloucester did not before, and will not now, receive the Duchess of Cumberland. Old Eldon wants a guarantee that no more Whigs will be admitted. I believe he would be satisfied with none but his own admission.

Hardinge seems to think we may not have a majority when Parliament meets. I think he is wrong. I trust to the Duke's fortune and to 'the being a Government,' which is much, and to the others not being able to form a Government, which is more.

_July 22._

Had a letter from Loch. He does not like the disbanding of the six regiments, but he says he brings it before the Court again on Monday, having promised every possible information.

Read some of Colonel Tod's 'Rajastan.' I had rather see Rajastan or Rajpootana than any part of India. It would really be interesting. Colonel Tod seems to be an enthusiast about the country and the people. He was there apparently at least sixteen years. The story of the beautiful Princess of Oudeypore [Footnote: Krishna Komari. She was poisoned by her father to avoid the hostilities of the rival princes who demanded her hand. The father was still living when Colonel Tod wrote. The House of Oudeypore was the only native reigning family who disdained to intermarry even with the Emperors of Delhi. See Tod's _Rajasthan_, i. 066.] in Tod's book and Sir J. Malcolm's is the most romantic and the most interesting I know. That family of Oudeypore or Mewar seems to be the most ancient in the world. It far surpasses the Bourbons and the House of Hapsburg.

_July 23._

Chairs at eleven. Told them of the danger in which they were, from the feeling of the mercantile districts and of the country; that we could not look Parliament in the face without having done all in our power to effect reductions in a deficit of 800,000£ a year; that without a commanding case no Government, however strong, could venture to propose a renewal of the monopoly.

They were obliged to me for my information. I advised them to turn their attention immediately to all the great points.

On the subject of the six regiments the Court differ from the view I took. Loch gave me a long statement of facts, which I must read attentively, and then communicate with the Duke.

They are so enamoured of old habits that they hesitate about desiring their Indian Governments and the subordinate correspondents of these Governments to place upon the back of their voluminous letters a _précis_ of their substance!

After the Chairs were gone I saw Bankes and Leach, and while they were with me Sir Archibald Campbell called. I saw him immediately. He is a fat, rather intelligent-looking man, well mannered, and sensible. I talked to him of the idea of exchanging Tenasserim. [Footnote: The furthest province of the British territory towards Siam, extending along the coast south of Pegu, and lately conquered from the Burmese Empire.] He did not like giving up his conquest. I gave him one secret letter, and he will make his observations upon it.

He left Lord William at the mouth of the Hooghly. They had found out the removal of the Government was contrary to law. They had intended to be itinerant for a year or two.

It is only in the Bengal army that the officers are old. There they rise by seniority. In the Madras army they are made from fitness.

The Madras army, though most gallant, was quite unequal, from deficiency of physical strength, to face the Burmese. The Burmese soldiers brought fourteen days' provisions. All men are liable to be called upon. They never had more than 120,000 in the field.

The English army took 2,000 cannon, and it was believed the Burmese had 2,500 left.

Sir A. Campbell says there have been 60,000 refugees from Ava--all now settled in Tenasserim. I had thought there had never been more than 10,000, and that some, about half, had returned.

Upon the whole, he seems enamoured of his conquests, but he did not adduce any good reason against exchanging it.

At the Cabinet room. Saw Lord Rosslyn there, as I used to be last year, _désoeuvré_ and bored, as all Privy Seals will be. He seemed dissatisfied with the state of affairs in Ireland and in England. At Manchester there is a fear of a turn-out of some more cotton-spinners. Every thing depends upon the harvest.

The negotiations with the Turks came to nothing. The Grand Vizier's answer to Diebitch is excellent.

The sickness amongst the Russian troops continues, and Diebitch has not more than 40,000 men, even with Roth's corps.

The Ambassadors have been very well received at Constantinople. All are in good humour there, notwithstanding the losses near Shumla.

The Emperor does not go to the army.

Lord Heytesbury represents Russia as being the least formidable of the great Powers for the purpose of offensive operations, and seems to think she contains many elements of convulsion.

Metternich is trying to cajole the Russians by pretended fears of revolutionary principles.

They talk of a King in Columbia, and the French are intriguing to place a French prince on the throne, after Bolivar.

_July 25, 1829._

Cabinet room. The Ambassadors seem to have been received most cordially at Constantinople. We know no more of the Grand Vizier's losses. That he experienced a complete defeat there can be no doubt.

In Columbia, the French seem rather inclined to place, after Bolivar, a Prince of the House of Orleans on the throne, and it does not seem unlikely that the Columbians may consider it their best arrangement.

The Emperor of Russia seems to be desirous of Peru, and the King of Prussia has, at his request, sent the Baron von Müffling as his Minister to the Porte to mediate.

The Irish accounts are very bad. Lord F. Leveson seems now to think very seriously of the state of things. Doherty is come back much alarmed from Barris, where he has been with Blackie on a special commission.

_July 28._

I recommended to the attention of the Chairs the establishment of steam communication with India by the Red Sea.

_July 29._

Read _précis_ relative to Kotah.

These _précis_ will make me thoroughly acquainted with the history and circumstances of the Rajpoot States, which are by far more interesting than others.

There is a looseness and a vulgarity in the East India House writing, the literature of clerks which is quite disgusting. Our clerks write better than theirs, but they do not write concisely and correctly.

_July 30._

Read Lord Heytesbury's letters. He is very Russian. They have certainly got the plague at Odessa, and in all the stations of the Russian army.

Met Peel at the Cabinet room. He said Ireland was in rather a better state. He agreed with me in thinking the Brunswickers were the cause of all the mischief. He believed the King had begged the Duke of Cumberland to stay, and that the Duchess was certainly coming over. They wish to attack the Ministry through the side of Ireland--to make a civil war rather than not turn out a Government.

He had written to the Duke suggesting that we ought to have a Cabinet respecting Ireland, and he thought the Duke would come to town on his letter.

_August 1._

Had from Sir G. Murray papers relative to the Canada question, upon which he wishes to have the opinion of the Cabinet to-morrow. The immediate question is whether a Bill passed by the Colonial Legislature for altering the state of the representation shall be confirmed by the Crown.

The state of Canada is such that I am convinced we ought in prudence to place the revenue collected under the 14th Geo. II. at the disposal of the Chambers, retaining, as they are willing to retain, a fixed salary for the Government judges, independent of the annual vote.

_Sunday, August 2._

Cabinet at 4. Irish question. Lord F. Leveson seems to be much alarmed. He wants to use the Bill of this year for the suppression of an expected meeting at Derry, which meeting is to be unarmed, sing songs, drink toasts, make speeches, and petition for a change of Ministers.

It was considered that the powers entrusted to Government by the Bill for the suppression of the Roman Catholic Association were never intended to be exercised for the putting down of such a meeting as that intended to be held at Derry. If the Brunswickers there come out of their houses and have a procession _causing fear_ and threatening the peace, the common law can put them down. Care will be taken to have troops enough at Derry.

Lord F. Leveson likewise asks whether he shall proclaim martial law! Peel very properly asks him what martial law is. In fact it is the absence of all law--and can only be endured when a country is on the eve of rebellion or actually in rebellion. [Footnote: This was exactly the description given of it by Lord Beaconsfield with reference to Jamaica in 1866.]

It seems to me that Lord Francis is unequal to his situation. I wish we had Hardinge there. He would never go wrong.

Herries told me he thought, after reading the papers I had sent him, that there was more of care for the Company than he expected.

Peel has written a very good letter to Lord F. Gower, telling him that the first thing they must do is to establish an _efficient police_, to be paid for by Ireland--and of which the officers must be appointed by Government.

_August 3._

Saw Hardinge. He has perfected a very excellent system in Ireland by which all the 30,000 pensioners are divided into districts, in each of which is a chief constable who pays them. If they move from one district to another they have a ticket, so that the residence and the movements of all are known. Of 30,000 about 10,000 are fit for duty. Blank orders are ready at the Castle, directing the march of these men upon five central points, where they would be incorporated with the regiments, so that in a few days the army could be reinforced by 10,000 men. There are others who are not very capable of doing anything but mischief if against us. These would be ordered to the garrisons.

I wish Hardinge was in Ireland instead of Lord Francis.

_August 6._

Chairs at 11.

Astell does not seem to like my letters relative to the delay in answering despatches from India and in communicating events in India; and respecting the amount of military stores sent to India, and the expediency of enquiring whether their amount could not be diminished. Loch did not say anything. It was an attempt at bullying on Astell's part, which I resisted, and successfully.

_August 10._

The Russians appear to have passed the defiles on the northern side of the Balkans, and almost without loss. There is, I conclude, a force near Bourgas, but all that is to be hoped is that the Turks will be wise enough not to fight. It was an unlucky appointment, that of the Grand Vizier. Old Hussein never would have committed his fault.

R. Gordon has been magnificently received at Constantinople.

Polignac has been made Prime Minister of France. De Rigny is made Minister of Marine. The Government is Tory, and I should think very favourable to English alliance, not Greek, and certainly not Russian. If it should be able to stand, it must be good for us. Received letters from Colonel Macdonald from Tabriz. He says the Russians at Tiflis talk as if they were going to war with us.

_August 11._

Received Persian despatches. The Persians will pay no more. They wanted to go to war. No one would go as Envoy to Petersburg but an _attaché_. They all thought they should be beheaded. Macdonald seems to have kept them quiet.

Cabinet room. Met Lord Melville. Read Gordon's letters from Constantinople. The Turks have not above 20,000 men there. They are not disposed to yield at all. Gordon thinks if we declared we would fix in any manner the limits of Greece, and maintain them, the Porte would not quarrel with us, and would rather do anything than yield the point of honour by acknowledging the independence of the Greeks.

The Russians mean to pass the Balkans with 60,000 men and march on Adrianople. They send a large force by sea to Sizeboli to turn Bourgas.

Lord Francis Leveson holds out the apprehension of a long religious contest in Ireland. [Footnote: Unhappily, like other pessimists, he seems to have judged Ireland correctly.] I believe he looks only at the surface and judges from first appearances.

_August 12._

A victory gained by Paskewitz over the Seraskier, whom he has taken prisoner, with thirty-one pieces of cannon, &c., near Erzeroum--that is, three days after the battle, Paskewitz, still in pursuit, was within forty miles of Erzeroum.

Wrote two letters to the Duke--one on the subject of Sir J. P. Grant, who has closed the Courts at Bombay because the Government would not execute an unlawful process, and the other respecting Persian affairs, giving the substance of the despatches which I enclosed.

We have a Cabinet to-morrow at 12 on Turkish affairs. I would not allow the Russians to advance any further. I would send one from our own body, _incognito,_ to Paris to talk to Polignac and endeavour to get him to join us in an act of vigorous intervention which would give character to his Government and save Constantinople. I would pass the English and French fleets through the Dardanelles, and give Russia a leaf out of the Greek Treaty. But I do not expect that this will be Aberdeen's course.

Drummond, whom I saw, said the Duke was delighted with the account of the Jaghirdars of the Kistna. Granville is gone to Ireland.

The Duke was gone to Windsor. It is the King's birthday.

_August 13._

When the Cabinet was assembled the Duke said we were not to consider the state of things at Constantinople, and what we should do. He thought the Russians would get to Constantinople, and into it. If they did he thought there was an end of the Ottoman Empire. He was doubtful whether, after the innovations introduced, the Turks would cordially support Mahmoud, [Footnote: Sultan Mahmoud, as is well known, remodelled the whole internal organisation of the Turkish Empire. He was denounced as the Giaour Sultan by old-fashioned Turks.] and already there were insurrections of the Greeks. It was just what he predicted in his letter to La Ferronays, and what Lord Dudley afterwards said in a letter to Lièven; the success of the Russians was the dissolution of an Empire which could not be reconstituted. It was too late to interfere by force, even if we had been disposed to do so alone.

He thought France, if we did nothing, would be quiet--if we did anything, she would take the other line. Polignac was a more able man than people supposed, and he would adhere to the course he adopted. We might endeavour, at any rate, to ascertain his feelings and intentions.

As to the Greek question we must have a conference, and consider the suggestions of the Ambassadors, namely, that whatever we chose to make Greece, should be declared independent, and guaranteed. Both the Duke and Aberdeen thought France and Russia would both take the proposition into consideration. The former as to _limits_, the latter for delay. France had already told us that, provided we could agree upon the limits, she was inclined to adopt the suggestion of the Ambassadors.

We asked whether the permanent occupation of Constantinople by Russia was to be submitted to? The answer was, _No_, to be opposed by war. It seemed to me and to Fitzgerald we had better endeavour to prevent, at a small expense, even if alone, a measure we could only retrieve if it took place at an enormous expense, if at all, and which would in all probability effect the ruin of the Turkish Empire. I did not think affairs quite so desperate. I thought the Russians might get to Adrianople, but not to Constantinople, and that they could not maintain themselves at Adrianople without the command of the sea. We had six ships at the mouth of the Dardanelles, and these with the Turkish Fleet would open the Black Sea.

I was for passing our ships up to Constantinople and placing them at the disposal of the Ambassador, for from hence we cannot give orders adapted to circumstances. It was replied _that_ would be war. If war were to be declared we should do as much mischief as possible, and go to Cronstadt, not to the Black Sea. We should have our ships beyond the Bosphorus when Russia occupied the Dardanelles, and shut us in. This would make us ridiculous.

As the object is not to do mischief to Russia, but to save the Turkish Empire, I should say that measure was to be effected at the Bosphorus, for Constantinople, once taken, and the Ottoman Power annihilated, it would be of no use to distress Russia.

Fitzgerald seemed to be of my opinion that, however desperate the chance, we should do all we could to save Constantinople, and at any risk.