Chapter 27

House. The Duke of Buckingham told me they had formed their Government, and expected to be in in a week. They think the Duke will resign after Tuesday. Lord Grey to be Foreign Secretary. The Duke of Richmond to be First Lord of the Treasury. Palmerston and Grant Secretaries of State. Lansdowne President. The Government to be as Tory as possible. The Chancellor to remain.

Lothian told me all the best old friends of the Government were against Philpotts. I told him the reasons why Parliament should not interfere; with which he was satisfied, and was sorry he had not heard them before.

Lord Camden spoke to me on the same subject. I wish we could get rid of Philpotts. He will damage us more than Reform.

The Funds have risen to 84 3/4; that is, 7 1/2 per cent, in three days. I believe this is the consequence, not only of the broken heads, but of the idea that the Duke will be firm and not run away.

We had a two hours' talk about agriculture; the Duke acquiescing in a motion of Salisbury's for a Committee on the Poor Laws.

_November 12._

Wrote a note to Hardinge, suggesting to him the expediency of calling upon Dr. Philpotts and placing before him the hopelessness of his keeping Stanhope, the damage to himself of a vote of Parliament, and to the Church from the example of Parliamentary interference, leading him to propose the exchange of Stanhope for a living near Exeter, and I mentioned Dr. Barnes. If this could be managed we should turn evil into good, and avoid the division we must lose. The Funds rose to 853/4, and then fell to 84 3/4, being still a rise. In the City they think the Government will stand.

There have been threatening notices as near as Colnbrook. In Sussex and Kent things are very bad. I did not, however, see Peel to-day. There was nothing in the House.

_November 13._

It seems Peel and Scarlet licked Brougham well yesterday. The temper of the House is said to have been rather good. Hardinge told me Goulburn made an indifferent speech. Philpotts has so good a case that he looks confidently to the result of the debate. We agreed that there was no reason-why the _congé d'élire_ should not issue. Philpotts himself decides that it should, happen what may as to Stanhope.

We had some talk as to the division on the Civil List. Peel is for refusing a Committee, and the separation of the diplomatic expenditure, and will not yield because he is weak. I think he is right. The better face we put upon it, the more votes we shall have.

Hardinge suggested the placing of Doherty in Arbuthnot's office. Nothing could be better than that arrangement; but he thought, and I think, the Duke would not displace Arbuthnot. Arbuthnot knows more about my office than any one else. Where would they put me?

We had some conversation respecting the Regency. It was determined to legislate as _little_ as we could.

_November 14._

Cabinet at four. Peel is of opinion that the fires are in many cases perpetrated for stock-jobbing purposes. They are certainly done by persons from London.

He said he was satisfied that, whatever might be the division on Reform, the question was carried. Admiral Sotheron, Lindsay, he thought [blank], and I think he mentioned another, voted for it. If the county members did, and it was thrown out by the representatives of Scotch and English boroughs, it was impossible to stand much longer. He read a paper, circulated for signatures in the parish of St. Ann, in which the subscribers declare their readiness to be sworn in as special constables, and their determination to protect property. At the same time they declare their opinion that there ought to be a Reform, first in the House of Commons; but of Church and State. This he considers the commencement of a Burgher Guard. I cannot understand his reasoning; if he thinks Reform must be carried, surely it is better to vote a general resolution, and to fight the details. By objecting to the general resolution we shall probably be turned out, and have much less power to do good out of office than if we were in.

It seems to me that obstinacy, and the fear of being again accused of ratting, lead to this determination to resist when resistance is, in his own opinion, fruitless.

Clive, whom I saw to-day, is for a modified Reform; but he will vote for us in order to keep the Duke in.

We had a long conversation about the Regency, and agreed upon the substance and form of the Bill. Aberdeen wanted again to open the whole question, on which he has no fixed opinion. He has come round entirely. First he thought the right was in the presumptive heir; now he thinks it must be in the child _in utero_.

It appears certain that at Carlisle the 9th was looked to as the day of signal to them and to all England. It seems the plan was to attack the Guildhall and massacre all in it. There would have been a smash, but a most signal defeat, for there would have been 250 cavalry, and from 700 to 800 Volunteers there (the East India Volunteers and the Artillery Company), besides a battalion within reach.

Sir Claudius Hunter has published in the _Sunday Times_ a denial of the speeches attributed to him, and a statement of the City force. Their ordinary force is fifty-four men! With Volunteers, Artillery Company, Picket men, Firemen, Lumber Troop, &c., they would have had about 2,250.

_November 15._

House. A very temperate speech of Lord Durham, and a very good one of Lord Suffield, respecting the new police. Lord Bathurst observed to me they spoke as if they expected to come in. I mentioned Salisbury's motion for a Committee which is to be made on Monday next, and Lord Bathurst said 'Shall we be alive then?' He has a serious apprehension of being out.

The Chancellor made a most excellent speech in moving the first reading of the Regency Bill, and was cheered on both sides of the House. It seems as if the measure would be unanimously approved. Lord Eldon seemed to say he should advise the Duke of Cumberland to acquiesce in it.

The ultra Tories were to have a meeting to-day--thirty-eight of them--to decide what they should do about Reform. Yesterday the report was they joined us; but the Duke of Richmond will do all he can to make them go against us, and, if they do, I suppose we shall be obliged to make our bows.

_November 16._

Goulburn opposed the submitting the Civil List accounts to a Committee, and was defeated. We had 204 to 233. Majority against us, 29. Hobhouse asked Peel whether Ministers would resign, to which he got no answer. Brougham rose and said Ministers would have time for consideration.

I suppose this division must be considered to be fatal to us. Henry is going off to take chambers. He means to apply himself to the Law. He is rather in a hurry. For my own part I am by no means sorry to be out of office. I think I shall be better able to regain my proper station in Opposition than I could have done in office, and the emoluments are of no value to me now.

Office. Saw Wortley. He is glad that the division against us has been upon the Civil List, rather than upon Reform. He thinks we should resign to-day, and thus throw upon the Whigs the burden of bringing forward Reform as a Government measure. Probably Brougham would postpone his motion if we resigned.

At about half-past three I received a note from Sir Robert Taylor desiring my immediate attendance at St. James's. I dressed and went, and in a few moments was admitted to the King. I met Lord Melville coming away. The King desired me to sit down, and asked me whether I had any expectation of the division of last night? I said no--I thought that upon any question connected with the Civil List we should have had a majority; that the question itself was one of little importance; but, as the Committee had not been granted before, Sir R. Peel thought it would be a confession of weakness not to oppose it now, and I thought he was right. The King said it was probably chosen as a question merely to try strength.

The King asked me what had taken place between the Government and the Company. I told his Majesty, and added an outline of the plan I had for the new military arrangements, of which he seemed highly to approve. I then said I supposed I must take leave of his Majesty. He said in one sense his Ministers seemed to think they could not go on.

I said I could not but express my sentiments, which were I was sure those of all my colleagues--the sentiments of deep gratitude to his Majesty for the constant kind and honourable confidence he had placed in us.

His Majesty said he thought it his duty to give the full support of the Crown to his Ministers. He had confidence in those he found at his brother's demise; and since July 26, which was the commencement of our troubles, he had regarded with admiration that which was most important in their conduct, their Foreign Policy. He had a feeling of entire satisfaction with them.

I said it must likewise be satisfactory to his Majesty to feel that his late Ministers, fully aware of the real difficulties of the country, would never be led by any personal or party feelings to do anything which could be _prejudicial_ to the country, and that whatever might be their differences in principle from his new Ministers they would ever support his Majesty's interests.

The King was much affected, and had the tears in his eyes all the time I was speaking to him. I then rose and kissed his hand, and he shook hands with me, and wished me good-bye for the present. I asked for the _entrée_, which he gave me very good-naturedly. As I came away I met Rosslyn going in. The three Fitzclarences were in the lower room, seemingly enjoying our discomfiture.

House at five. The Duke had already declared that the occurrence which had taken place elsewhere had induced him to think it his duty to tender his resignation to the King, and his Majesty had been graciously pleased to accept it.

Lord Grosvenor asked a question as to the appointment of a successor to Mr. Buller, and Lord Bathurst said none had been made.

It is a sad loss to Wm. Bathurst, who would have been Clerk of the Council if the Government had lasted three days longer.

Nothing was said. Lord Grey has been sent for by the King.

I went through all the protocols on the table, and have left hardly anything but two unanswered letters to my successor--one respecting the rate of Exchange between territory and commerce; the other respecting Hyderabad affairs.

_November 19._

Office. Saw Cabell, Jones, and Leach. They had all the tears in their eyes. Old Jones could hardly help bursting altogether into tears. Left directions with Leach for placing certain papers before my successor, showing the state of the finances and expenditure prospectively, and the position in which we were as to the renewal of the Charter.

Cabell will place the Hyderabad papers before my successor, with my letter to Astell, and his reply.

Called on Hardinge, who was not at home.

I can only leave a memorandum in the office showing the nature and extent of the military alterations I projected.

Called on the Duke. He told me Peel came to him in a very nervous state on Monday night. Arbuthnot and Goulburn were with him. It was clear that the majority would have been against us if there had been a House of 500. The Duke sent for the Chancellor, who said as soon as he heard of the division he thought the game was up--that we could not go on. The Duke went to the King in the morning, and told him it was better he should resign immediately, and so force the new Government to bring forward their measure of Reform. It was better for the country. The King asked the Duke's opinion of Lord Grey, and whether he had ever had any communication with him. The Duke said No. The King knew the personal objections the late King had to Lord Grey, and he could not, although often pressed by Lord Grey's friends, have any communication with him without either deceiving _him_ or deceiving the King; and he would not do either. The King asked what sort of a man Lord Grey was? The Duke said he really did not know. He had the reputation of being an ill-tempered, violent man; but he knew very little of him. He had never had any political conversation with him. The King was much agitated and distressed.

I told the Duke what passed at my interview with his Majesty yesterday.

Drummond, Greville, and Sir J. Shelley, whom I saw in the ante-room, congratulated me on being out, but condoled on Lord Durham's being removed out of my way. He goes Minister to Naples _vice_ Lord Burghersh, _dismissed_. It is understood Brougham will not _positively_ take my office.

Levée. The Duke of Buckingham told me the King was much out of spirits. He expressed himself much pleased with his Ministers.

The King desired Lord Camden to come and see him frequently--every three or four days.

The Duke of Newcastle, Lord Falmouth, Sir E. Knatchbull, Sir R. Vyvyan, will not support the new Government. Having had their revenge they mean to put their knees in our backs and do all they can to get out the others. They are sorry for the work they have performed, and regret their vote. They had intended to stay away on the question of Reform--now they mean to vote against it.

Lord Anglesey goes to Ireland; a very bad appointment. The Duke of Devonshire would have been a very unexceptionable one.

None of the Whigs or Whig Radicals were at the levée, but a good many Tories. We were there as usual as Ministers, and those who had business with the King went in to him as usual.

I proposed to Herries, Goulburn, Arbuthnot, and others, that we should in each department prepare a statement of what has been done since the Duke came into office. This we shall do to-morrow.

I likewise proposed we should have a large sheet of paper with columns for the new Ministers, and in each column their pledges with the dates.

Croker has promised to undertake a newspaper, probably the 'Star.'

Arbuthnot told us before dinner that as yet no progress had been made by Lord Grey, except in getting Lord Althorp after much solicitation. Brougham has again in the House of Commons to-night declared he has nothing to do with the new Government, and will positively bring on his motion on the 25th. The new Government wish to postpone the question till March, when they promise to bring in a Bill.

Lord Lansdowne is said to be much dissatisfied, and the Palmerston party think they have not enough offered to them. It is evident that Brougham prefers power to temporary emolument and distinction, and he will be very dangerous acting at the head of the Whig Radicals.

The Duke said 300 people had called upon him to-day--amongst the rest Lord Cleveland, with whom Lord Grey was early this morning, and whom he in vain endeavoured to induce to go to Ireland.

William Bankes, whose father did us most mischief on Monday, and who did not vote with us, came to ask the Chancellor for a living to-day!

Lord Grey was much agitated when he was with the King, and has expressed himself as very much struck by the strong terms in which the King declared his approbation of his late Ministers.

My fear is that the Whigs will not be able to form a Government. It is of much importance to the country that their incompetence should be exhibited, and the fallacy of the grounds upon which they have been attempting to obtain popular favour. We shall never be strong until it is proved they cannot form a Government. Again I say my fear is they will be unable to take the first step. It was considered that we ought to transact all the ordinary business of our several departments.

_November 18._

Called on Hardinge. He is out of spirits. Yesterday at the meeting of the _employés_ Lord G. Somerset asked Peel if he would lead them--to which Peel gave a damping answer. Hardinge feels that he is capable of business, that his circumstances require he should exert himself and be in office; and, as he would not take office without the Duke's acquiescence, he thinks it rather hard he should be deprived of a Parliamentary leader, and thus of the means of coming in.

I told him Peel would be in Opposition in a fortnight, as soon as he recovered his health and his spirits. There has been a report that the Duke had declared he would not take office again--which is untrue.

Office. Saw Jones. Received a letter from the Chairs asking whether I had given Sir J. P. Grant authority to appeal to my sanction for his remaining in India, notwithstanding the Order in Council for his return. My answer is _No_. I add that I imagine the misapprehension arose out of some private communications from Sir J. P. Grant's friends, of the purport of a conversation with me which must have been inaccurately reported to him. I showed my draft reply to Lord Rosslyn, and begged him to show it to Grant's son.

The report Hardinge gave me was that Lord Wellesley was to succeed me.