Chapter 26

Office. Saw Mr. Sullivan. He seems a sensible, liberal man. His evidence would be a death-blow to the government of the Company. He says the cotton of Coimbatore is carried to Tinnevelly and thence to Madras by country boats, where it is taken up by the China ships. It might be sent directly to the sea on the Malabar coast, the distance being 300 miles. There is no obstruction to the cultivation. The country is under a Ryotwar settlement. The unequal demand of the Company is very injurious. Their great demand at some periods encourages cultivation and raises prices exorbitantly--the next year there is no demand at all. They now purchase by contract. The contracts are too large for the native merchants, and fall, as jobs, into the hands of Europeans. Sufficient notice is not given of the contract. The native merchants have from one lac to one and a half.

Great injury is sustained by the tobacco monopoly. The Company's officers sell it as retailers. The Government is, as I always thought, practically in the hands of the natives. They require European co-operation, but if they combine against their European superior he can do nothing. House at five. Lord Winchilsea made a violent tirade against the Administration, without any motion before the House. The Duke made a few observations on the point of order very quietly, and we rose.

_November 5._

St. James's at half-past one. The clergy of the Province of Canterbury were there, with their address on the accession. They were not expected, and there were no gentlemen pensioners. However, they delivered their address to the King on the throne, and a very good address it was. Peel had to write the answer in a hurry.

Recorder's report. One man left for execution for a street robbery accompanied with violence.

The Recorder gave but a bad account of the disposition of the City. The Chancellor seems a good deal alarmed, and so does Peel. Every precaution is taken, but I cannot help fearing there is a conspiracy of which we know nothing. Aberdeen suspects connection with France.

We are to inquire into the circumstances of the fires in Normandy, which seem very much to resemble ours. We have had one near Godstone, and another at Fair-lawn, in Kent; the sufferers unoffending persons. The object seems to be to spread general terror. It is clear that they are effected by the discharge of some chemical preparation, which ignites after a time. No watching has any effect. Fires take place where no one has approached.

Goulburn told me he thought Sir G. Murray had said much more than he intended, purely from want of habit of speaking; still he had done much injury.

The new French Ministry is formed, and Lafitte is at its head. He pretends to have the same views as the late Ministry; but it is impossible to suppose the French can resist the offer of Belgium. We shall have no war if we can preserve internal peace and the integrity of the Constitution.

_November 6._

A letter from Hardinge, who seems to think we stand ill, not for want of numbers, but of speakers. Astell told me the Duke's declaration against Reform had injured him in the City.

Saw Wortley, and had a long conversation with him respecting the state of the Government. He thinks we cannot go on. The Duke's declaration against Reform has made it impossible for any to join him, and upon the question of Reform it is doubtful if we should have numbers enough.

We talked over possible Governments on the supposition that Lord Grey was at the head, and that Peel remained in. In walking away I was overtaken in Downing Street by Lord Graham, who had been waiting to speak to me on the same subject. He seems to think our fall not so immediately necessary as Wortley does. I then called on Hardinge, who had been with the Duke this morning. Hardinge had candidly told the Duke that if he had a minority on Reform, or a small majority, he would advise him to resign; and previously to tell the King in what a situation he stood. If he had a good majority he might perhaps get some to join; but if not, the position of the Government would be as bad in February, or worse, than it was now. The Duke said he thought things might do still. He had a number of young men who depended upon him. He would take care to give the King timely notice. The King had behaved very well to him. Indeed I know the Duke feels very strongly how admirably and how kindly the King has behaved.

Lord Maryborough had been to Hardinge to express his fears for the Duke's life, and the Duke has received many letters informing him there is a conspiracy to assassinate him on Tuesday, as he goes to Guildhall.

Hardinge said every precaution should be taken, but he begged Lord Maryborough not to tell the Duke his apprehensions. Hardinge, however, has the same; and fears there may be an attempt that day to make London a scene of barricades like Paris and Brussels. Troops will be disposed at intervals in bodies of half battalions, with provisions, and there will be 1,000 cavalry. Two guns will be ready with the marines at the obelisk, and two in the park. Hardinge observed to the Duke that he knew he had bolts inside to the doors of the carnage, and added, 'I shall take pocket pistols!' The Duke said, 'Oh! I shall have pistols in the carriage.' Hardinge asked the Duke to take him, which he does. Arbuthnot goes with the Duke, too. I wish I could manage to follow him in my carriage. I shall buy a brace of double- barrelled pocket pistols on Monday. Hardinge showed me his.

The Duke has made himself very obnoxious by declaring his resolution to oppose Reform, which in fact, however, he did not do in such terms as has been said.

Hardinge told me there was a proposal to Palmerston and others in the summer, and they at once started the difficulty of Reform, which put an end to the negotiation. If I thought Reform would tranquillise the country I should be quite satisfied with a change of Ministers which would produce internal contentment, but that I do not expect.

I shall take care to have records in the office to show the line I was prepared to take on the East Indian Monopoly, and the steps already taken. I shall likewise leave a memorandum upon the alterations I propose in the army.

_November 7, Sunday._

All the morning occupied with a letter on the Salt question. At half-past two rode to the Cabinet robin. The Cabinet was to meet at three. We did not, however, all assemble till four, the Duke having been with Peel at the Home Office.

Before the Duke came we had all been talking of the Lord Mayor's Day, and the manner in which we should go into the City and return, and the precautions taken against riot.

The Duke and Peel came together, and it was evident from the first words the Duke spoke that he and Peel had made up their minds to put off the King's visit to the City. The Chancellor seemed almost to take fire at the idea of this, but the Duke very quietly begged him to hear the letters before he decided. The Duke then read various letters he had received, all warning him against going, as there was a plot to assassinate him, and raise a tumult. One of them was from Pearson, a Radical attorney. There was one from a coachmaker, saying he was satisfied, from what his men told him, there was such a design, and offering to come with eighteen of his people and guard the Duke. There was another offer, in a letter not read, to the same effect. There was an examination of a man who serves a Radical printer, and who formerly lived with Cobbett, which showed the intention to exist of attacking the Duke. The impression seemed to be general that the attempt would be made. There was a letter from the Lord Mayor elect (Alderman Key) to the Duke, telling him there was an intention amongst disaffected persons to excite tumult and confusion, and to attack him; that he could not be in safety without a guard, and a strong one; and that if an attack was made _in one quarter_ the civil force would not be sufficient.

The Duke said he would not go. Peel, who had received many letters informing him of the intention to assassinate him, said if he went he would go privately, and come away privately. He observed that if our force, the disposition of which was mentioned, and was admirable, succeeded in putting down a riot along the line of the procession, he could not answer for the security of life or property in other parts of the town. We had information that the Duke's house would be attacked while he was in the City, and it was to be feared that fires might take place to exercise terror and create a diversion.

The feeling in the Duke's mind was that we should not be justified in giving an occasion for the shedding of blood, by means of a crowd of our own making. The consequences of the collision would be incalculable, and might affect all parts of England.

The consequences of putting off the King's visit were not lost sight of; the effect it would produce on the Funds, and on public confidence--all that would be said against the Government as weighing down the King by its unpopularity.

The letter it was proposed to send was written, and the Duke and Peel went with it to the King at a little before seven.

While they were gone the feeling of the Cabinet underwent a change. Lord Bathurst first observed that it would put an end to the Government, and carry Reform. The Chancellor was most unwilling to postpone the King's visit. It would be said we did it for our sakes only, and sacrificed him. Lord Bathurst thought the King would take the advice, but be very angry, and get rid of us.

There would be a violent storm in Parliament, and the mobs would come to our houses. All these feelings rested upon the supposition that the procession could return without a tumult, but the letter had been written on the supposition _that it could not_; which was the correct one. The Duke and Peel came back and told us the King had thought the advice quite right, and had behaved as well as possible. The tears were in his eyes while the Lord Mayor's letter was read. He said he had already determined in his own mind to bring the Duke and Peel back in his own carriage. The Duke thought the King had rather expected the advice, and that his mind was relieved by it.

We knew the Queen was much alarmed; but it had been said that the King would not hear of there being any danger.

The account of the King's manner of receiving the advice seemed to tranquillise those who had before been dissatisfied with the resolution which had been come to. We then went to the Home Office, where we found Alderman Thompson, Mr. Oldham (the Chairman of the Entertainment Committee), Lord Hill, Lord F. Somerset, Sir W. Gordon, General Macdonald, and Mr. Phillips. There were two City men I did not know.

The Duke told them the course we had determined to adopt. Alderman Thompson said he anticipated the decision--that it could not be announced in more proper terms. There would be disappointment undoubtedly, but he thought people in general would be satisfied with the reasons. He was almost in tears, and indeed all were much affected--the _cause_ of the measure being the apprehended danger to the Duke.

Just as the letter was going off Alderman Thompson observed that although he had no doubt the letter from the Lord Mayor elect was written by his authority, as it was in a handwriting in which a letter had been received from him by the Entertainment Committee, yet it was not in the Lord Mayor elect's handwriting, nor was it dated or signed by him as the other letter was. It was immediately determined that it must be ascertained whether the Lord Mayor elect had authorised the sending of the letter before Peel's letter to the Lord Mayor was delivered.

Many began to think there was a hoax, and certainly the forgery of one letter would have thrown suspicion upon all the rest.

We were to meet at half-past ten. In going down at half-past ten I called upon Hardinge, who was in his dressing-gown. His servant gone to bed. He did not seem at all surprised.

Went on to the Cabinet room. Found every word of the letter was in the Lord Mayor elect's own handwriting.

Mr. Phillips, Sir R. Binnie, and Col. Rowan came in, and Lord F. Somerset, and Sir W. Gordon. The artillerymen and marines, of whom there were to have been 500, with two guns, at the Obelisk, are not to be moved up. All the other troops are to remain, and every precaution to be taken, as an attempt to create disturbance may be expected on Tuesday.

After we had disposed of this matter we spoke a little of Civil List and Regency. Notice is to be given to-morrow of the two bills, _as if we were still a Government_, but I now think nothing but general alarm can enable us to weather the question of Reform.

_November 8._

The letter to the Lord Mayor is in the _Times_, and the measure is temperately approved of.

At the same time the result of the Conference on the affairs of Belgium is announced--namely, the declaration that there must be an armistice. This will, I trust, give more solid expectations of peace than men have entertained since the King's Speech. The opening of the West India ports to American ships is likewise announced. Both the measures are well-timed.

Rode down to the Horse Guards. Overtaken by the Duke, who said he heard that people were delighted with the measure of postponing the King's visit to the City. However, whether they _would say so_ was another thing. He spoke with much feeling of the King's kindness. He said he had behaved as well as possible.

Some boys hooted, but in general people took off their hats.

Dodd, the coachmaker, told me the people in his neighbourhood were almost all well-disposed. There were very few Radicals. Colonel Jones had told him he could get very few people to attend his meetings, and none who were respectable.

Met Hardinge. He considers it to be the end of the Government. We met Lord Hill, who lamented the measure, but concluded it was necessary. Went to the office, where I saw Wortley. He thought it a sad business, and fatal to the Government. He said London had been full of reports yesterday. Wynne was talked of for the India Board.

Hardinge's idea (as well as the reports) was that Leach would be Chancellor, and Brougham Master of the Rolls.

All the world was much amused by the Chancellor's giving a dinner to Lord Grey, Brougham, Lord Lansdowne, and others. They themselves must have been much amused, and the Chancellor's not getting to dinner till a quarter past eight, and going away at a quarter-past ten, must have satisfied them that something was in the wind.

Desired Jones to make out the appointment of Leach's son to a clerkship immediately, and signed it in the course of the evening.

House at five. It was very full. Every Whig who is above ground and some who are half under it were present. After an hour of talk about everything but the only thing men were thinking of, the Duke of Richmond outed with it in an offensive manner, and he is the last man who should have done so. The Duke made his explanation very well. Lord Grey afterwards spoke in a very bad temper, with personal civility, however, to the Duke. The Duke replied, which prevented my speaking at all. Lord Grey had spoken 'of measures tending to bring this country into the situation in which France was the time of the late Revolution;' words which should have been taken up, but the Duke's rising after him prevented it.

Upon the whole I think the measure is considered right, and people are very glad; indeed, the danger is no longer hanging over their heads. I hear that in the Commons Peel did admirably, and that he was cheered by the whole House when a Colonel Davies _sneered_ at the letter from the Lord Mayor to the Duke. Brougham made as mischievous a speech as he could.

The Chancellor gave notice of the Regency Bill for Friday.

I do not think our friends see our danger, and they will never forgive us if we go out of office without absolute necessity.

_November 9._

Looked into the Salt question in the morning. Cabinet at two. There was last night a meeting at the Rotunda; about 2,000 people within, and 3,000 or 4,000 without. About half-past ten they dispersed, and from 200 to 600 ran down to Westminster, first going to the House, which was up, and then to Downing Street. The police licked them well, and sent them off. They came so quick that a man who headed them, and brought information to the Home Office, where Peel and the Duke were, could not, by hard running, get in advance above a minute, and they had passed the Horse Guards before the Duke, who went there by the back way from the Home Office, had got into the courtyard. He was going out at the door when the porter told him the mob was passing. One man was taken, in whose pocket was found his will, leaving his body to form a rampart against the troops, &c.

It was determined to endeavour to induce the mob to disperse as soon as the Rotunda was full, and then to read the Riot Act as soon as the law justified it, and to disperse them by police. There will be common constables there besides. Mr. Chambers will be there; and if he sends for assistance to the Horse Guards, two bodies of fifty each, each headed by a magistrate, will go over Westminster Bridge, one by Stamford Street, the other by the Blackfriars Road, to the Rotunda.

There will be about 300 or 400 new police there. I suggested to Chambers the having a boat ready to take a note to the Horse Guards, as his messenger might be impeded in the streets. Persons are flocking in from Brixton and Deptford, and by the Kentish roads.

Mr. Chambers represents the mob as very cowardly.

There are two shorthand writers at the Rotunda. The speeches are not very seditious.

The _Times_ is turning against us, and I hear the Press is worse than it was--none of the newspapers fighting our measure well.

After the Duke was gone there was a little said about Reform. Many defections announced--the Staffords, young Hope, Lord Talbot, the Clives very unwilling to vote against it, thinking the public feeling so strong. I suggested that neither the Duke nor Peel had gone further than to say that no proposition had yet been made which seemed to them to be safe, and that we might perhaps agree to a Committee to inquire into the state of the Representation, and afterwards defeat the specific measures. Peel said he thought the terms of the motion did not signify. It was 'Reform, or no Reform!' He never would undertake the question of Reform. Lord Bathurst, of course, was against me, and generally they were; but they had, before my suggestion, said, 'Had we not better, then, consider what we shall do?' Afterwards they said nothing.

Peel and the Duke both think the measure generally approved, and Peel is satisfied with the House of Commons. Goulburn, on the other hand, thinks the general feeling is against us.

House. Nothing said. There was a crowd at the door, and much hooting. I had to drive my horse through it. While we were in the House the mob was removed by the police. Not knowing this, Clanwilliam and I came home in the Duke's carriage. There was no mob till we passed Bridge Street, where there were a good many people who recognised the carriage, and followed it hooting. They ran into Downing Street, and we passed on through the Horse Guards. I was glad to find a Grenadier at the Duke's. Clanwilliam said he had ten or twelve there.

Altered the Bill respecting the fees of officers in the Superior Courts, and sent it with a letter to Lawford, appointing eleven on Thursday for seeing him at the office.

_November 10._

Office. Wrote a placard and showed it to Peel, who will have it printed. The tide is turning. Carlisle began to abuse the Duke last night, and found it would not do. Some cried out, 'He gained the Battle of Waterloo!' and Carlisle was obliged to begin to praise him. He then tried to abuse the new police, but that would not do, and he was obliged to praise them too.

There was a good deal of rioting in different parts of the town. The City Police was inefficient, and at Temple Bar rascals were masters for some time. The new police, however, gave them a terrible licking opposite Southampton Street, and not far from Northumberland House. They got licked, too, in Piccadilly--and the whole was put down by the Civil Power.

The military were so arranged that, had they been called for, they would have enveloped the rioters. The thing may be considered as nearly put down, and the Government strengthened by it.

The Funds have risen to-day, and are as high as before the postponement of the King's visit--indeed higher. So much for Lord Clanricarde's speech.

Cabinet dinner at the Duke's. The King is anxious about the duration of his Government. He would concede on the subject of Reform, although he is against it. Peel told him he thought that by opposing all Reform in the first instance the Government would be able to make better terms afterwards. The King said either course had its conveniences and inconveniences. He did not decide between them; but he evidently inclines to concession.

It seems the Queen _now_ declares herself much disappointed at not going to Guildhall, and the Fitzclarence family are turning against the Government, wishing, as the Duke says, to be Dukes and Duchesses, which is impossible.

On Tuesday night 4,000 troops could have been collected in St. James's Park in ten minutes. There were 2,000 police near Whitehall as a grand reserve. The Lord Mayor wrote to Peel acknowledging the total inefficiency of the City Police. The contrast between the City and Westminster was most striking.

The Press is turning against us. Like cats, they are leaving the falling house.

In the House of Commons this evening there was an almost unanimous shout when Peel admitted that the new Bishop of Exeter was to hold the living of Stanhope _in commendam_. It seems all unite upon that question, which is an unlucky one, although the interference of Parliament is quite irregular.

There was much talk about the Regency question after dinner, and I left them talking still at half-past eleven.

On Friday the Chancellor should open the question to the House, and we are not prepared, having called Parliament together for this specific purpose!

We have neglected the Press too much. The Duke relies upon the support of 'respectable people,' and despises the rabble; but the rabble read newspapers, and gradually carry along with them the 'respectable people' they outnumber.

I do not think the being out of office for a Session would be of any ultimate disadvantage to me. I am sure I should enjoy better health, and I should have much more to do in the House. I should be enabled to regain my proper place.

_November 11._

Office. Saw Wortley. He says the spirits of our friends are improved, and those of our foes lowered, the few last days as to Reform. Cabinet at two. A fire at Melton-Constable. The country round Battle and Hawkhurst almost in insurrection. Troops sent there The accounts from France good. The French Government acknowledges the right of the Diet to drive the Belgians out of the Duchy of Luxembourg, which is a part of the German Empire. They have instructed Talleyrand to promote the interests of the Prince of Orange.

Regency Bill. Decided that the Princess Victoria shall be considered Queen, and the oath of allegiance taken to her with the reservation of the rights of any child that might be born. If the child should be born, the Queen Dowager to be Regent. During the Princess's minority the Duchess of Kent.

The Duke saw the King to-day, and found him very well satisfied with the postponement of the dinner, and tranquil.