Chapter 22

An insurrection at Brussels, the houses of the Ministers burnt. The troops fired and killed many. They, not being 1,500, retired to the park, and formed before the palace. An evening paper I got at Ashford says the nobility had joined the people, and the troops had acceded on condition of keeping their arms, and guarding the palace. If this Revolution takes the line of union with France, war is almost inevitable. It may be only for a more popular form of Government, but what the people of the Netherlands desire is annexation to a great State. They are ashamed of being Dutch.

Most fortunately all our manufacturers are in full employment, and the harvest is abundant. The peace and constitution of England have depended upon fine weather.

Clare, from whom I heard to-day, tells me Lord Wellesley assures him there is to be a Revolution in Spain, and named the day. The nobles are supposed to be at the head of it. This may all be true, for our Ministers never find anything out; but my apprehension is that there will be a low, ill- supported revolutionary movement.

Received a letter from Lady Londonderry. She first wishes me to obtain, if I can, Ward's exchange to a better climate. This I have told her I have already endeavoured to do; but that I have no expectation of Aberdeen's doing it.

Lady L. says her brother was two hours with the Duke, and as long with Lord Grey. The latter would have acted a second part, but the Duke would not admit him. I have told her I think she must have misunderstood Lord Camden's account, and that she may be assured it is not the Duke's character to fear an equal.

I sent her letter to Hardinge, and asked him if he knew anything of the affair. I cannot imagine when it can have taken place. Lord Camden was an odd person to employ. He knows so little of Lord Grey. Rosslyn would have been the natural envoy if it proceded from the Duke; but I think it must have been a volunteer of Lord Camden's.

_September 2._

Read the papers relative to the Danish claims. Canning seems to have decided one case, that of the Danish East India Company, hastily. However, we cannot undo a decision of a Secretary of State.

The other case, that of the private individuals at Tranquebar, has been determined in their favour.

_September 3._

Had a long conversation with Herries, with whom I rode for a long time, respecting affairs, both here and abroad. He is rather downcast. However, he thinks this Belgian insurrection will be put down. Rothschild has exported 800,000£ in silver and 400,000£ in gold to meet his bills when they become due--diffident of having anything paid to himself.

_September 5._

Cabinet room. Found Lord Rosslyn there. He told me the substance of a report I did not see of Col. Jones, who was sent by the Duke to the Netherlands, and is returned. He says the Prince of Orange is with 1,600 men in the park and palace at Brussels; 5,000 men are close at hand under Prince Frederick of Orange, at Vilvorde, and two bodies of 10,000 each are marching upon the same point. The troops at the palace have twelve guns. All the troops show a good disposition.

The first deputation from Brussels was rather insolent. They were treated accordingly, and told to return without cockades, &c. They did so, and the Prince agreed to go into Brussels without troops. There was a great crowd, and for a moment he was separated from the staff and the Garde Bourgeoise, and alone in the midst of the people. He leapt his horse over a barrier and so got back. A Commission of very respectable men has been appointed to investigate grievances. So the thing will rest till the meeting of the States on September 13.

There is a letter from Lord Heytesbury giving an account of his conversations with the Emperor of Russia. The Emperor is violent against the Bourbons; says very correctly that his treaties only oblige him to maintain a constitutional King. Still he may recognise, but shall always consider the Duke of Orleans as a usurper.

Prussia seems very prudent; disposed to recognise, but to state the condition of peace--that the territorial possessions of 1815 shall be maintained. Austria seems to be less prudent. Metternich sent to Bernstorff the answer he intended to give, which required a declaration of not having any intention to interfere in the affairs of France, but required a pledge as to the observance of the Treaty of 1815 before recognition. Bernstorff very prudently advised Austria to recognise unconditionally.

The Spaniards seem to have been in great consternation at first.

The Minister (Addington) thinks the King and Queen are so popular, and the public interest is so much directed to the Queen's approaching accouchement, that no revolutionary movement of importance is likely to take place. He deprecates, however, the commencement of any such movement, because he thinks it would enable the Apostolical Party [Footnote: The name given in Spain and Portugal to the Absolutist and Clerical Party.] to induce the King to dismiss his present quiet Ministers, and have recourse to measures of rigour, which would infallibly ruin the dynasty. Spain, and indeed all the Powers, seem to look for instruction to England, and there can be no doubt that all will recognise and all be quiet. Salmon, when he communicated to the King the events in France, said, 'Your Majesty sees how dangerous over-zeal is in a Minister. No one could be more devoted to the Royal Family than Prince Polignac.'

The King said, 'I see it.'

However, notwithstanding this, they say he is so weak that he may adopt a violent course.

Nothing can be more correct than the conduct of M. Molé, the French Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. He is most anxious to preserve peace in Europe, the new King's Government in France, and himself in office. He is much alarmed by the events in Belgium, and wished our Minister to join the French Minister at Brussels in recommending some concession to the King of the Netherlands. The Duke has, as Rosslyn told me, written a memorandum to serve as the basis of Aberdeen's dispatch, very civil indeed to Molé, very much satisfied with the disposition evinced by the French Government, but, in our ignorance of the real state of things, declining to advise the King of the Netherlands.

It is very amusing to see the French Government most _liberally_ permitting the Bonaparte family to return to France, and most _prudently_ sending circulars to all the Ministers of the Powers which signed the protocols of 1815, urging them in the name of that treaty not to allow the members of the Bonaparte family to leave their present residences.

It seems this is very necessary; for although their partisans can do little without their presence, they might do much with it.

Martignac has got together sixty members of the Chamber of Deputies who will act _en masse_ for royalty.

There is no military force to keep people in order, and the National Guard does not like doing so. In fact the Revolution is not over. Things may go on as they are, but we have as yet no security. The French seem heartily sick of Algiers. It costs a great deal of money. Tropical products will not grow there. The climate does not suit the French troops, who have besides a most extraordinary _maladie de pays._ They must send 15,000 men more there to maintain it, as now they have no more than the town. They are willing to give it up to the Sultan if he will renounce tribute, &c.

I never considered the acquisition of importance to France. I always felt we might vex the French to death by the use of a little money which would at any time have brought forward all the Arabs from the desert. The port will only hold a few vessels.

The Emperor of Russia proposes to cut the Greek question short by proposing the crown at once, without the intervention of France, to Prince Frederick of Orange, and if he should refuse, then to Prince Charles of Bavaria, who we know will accept.

I should say from all I have read to-day that if France should make an aggressive movement all Europe would be united against her as in 1813; but if she remain quiet within her own frontier no Power will wish to molest her.

It is satisfactory to observe the increased prudence and reasonableness of the great States; their general union, and the deference which in the hour of danger they all show to the opinion of England.

There are some apprehensions, I hear, of riots at Manchester. There is no cause for them. All men can get work. I would put them down with a strong hand.

_September 6._

Saw at the office Colonel Monteith.

The King of Persia has about six millions sterling left in his treasury in gold and silver, besides jewels unsaleable on account of their high price, but which might be estimated at four millions more.

There will be a civil war on the death of the Shah.

Abbas Mirza might succeed if he had energy, but he is the weakest man on earth. Probably all the Rajahs will be put down and some new dynasty established.

The chiefs are not likely to serve the Russians at any time. The Persians are fine men and make excellent soldiers, bearing heat and cold, but not wet and damp. Officers there are none.

The Russians lose 10,000 men a year in Georgia and Caucasus, and it costs them about 500,000£ a year. They have never conquered the country.

The cession lately obtained from Turkey has enabled the Russians to put down the robbers who lived in Abkasia; [Footnote: The country at the western end of the Caucasus.] but it is of no value for purposes of offensive war--of some for defence.

It is cheaper in the proportion of 100 to 220 to send goods to Tabriz by Trebizond than by the Persian Gulf.

The Imaum of Muscat carries on a large trade in opium between the Red Sea and China. He carries British manufactures to the Indus, and trades extensively with Cochin China, where sugar is half the price it is in India.

The officers of the Crown Prince's army all speak Turkish. It is more important to have at the head of it a man of energy than one conversant with Persian.

His rank should be increased, as now he is made to rank below the last member of the Mission.

The disturbed state of Persia has driven much trade to the Indus which was carried on by the Euphrates.

Persia may now be considered not as a monarchy, but a Federative State, all the King's sons being independent Princes.

Colonel Monteith was at Algiers--the only Englishman in the army. There may have been twenty foreigners in all. He had letters of introduction and got there in a transport, taking his chance of being sent back. He was with the intendant of the army, and at the siege was attached to a division. Bourmont offered to receive him in his family. Bourmont was hated and despised. He seemed to take very little trouble about the army, and to leave everything to the generals of division. On the 19th, the day of the battle, he lost 600 men by not advancing sooner. The moment he advanced the enemy fled. The loss was 2,200 men in all, yet fifty were never to be seen dead and wounded together. The loss was by skirmishing at long shots along the whole of the line. This sometimes lasted all day, and the troops, being young, were too foolhardy. The Arabs are a miserable race, half naked. Everything beyond Algiers seems a desert. For eight miles round Algiers the cultivation is beautiful, and the villas more numerous than near any town he ever saw. A profusion of water. The town, miserable in the extreme, inhabited by Moors and the descendants of Turks, about 50,000. The port is formed by one pier which hardly protects two or three frigates. There is no safety in the bay.

There were 3,000 Turkish soldiers in Algiers, and about 7,000 in the country. These kept order. Now they are sent away the French may colonise extensively, but they cannot keep the country with the present inhabitants.

The Dey had ten millions sterling in gold and silver, a treasure which had been accumulating since the time of Barbarossa. [Footnote: A famous corsair of the sixteenth century.] He claimed 400,000£ as his own, and was allowed to carry it away. The French enquired about the jewels of the Regency. The Dey said there were no jewels but those which belonged to his wives, and _la galanterie Française_ would respect them as private property. So they did.

There was a magazine containing 250,000£ of things in the trinket line. There were 150 ornamental daggers, all the presents of European princes, &c. Colonel Monteith saw one officer coolly put into his pocket a watch set in diamonds, which had evidently been given by a King of England, worth, he supposed, 2,000£.

General Lavardo pillaged more openly than any one. He had thirty soldiers employed in carrying off his pillage.

The affair at Belida was accidental. Bourmont went out with 1,600 men and invited the chiefs to meet him. They were coming peaceably; but some Arabs saw the French artillerymen taking their horses down to water without their guns, and they could not help attempting to steal. The artillerymen beat them off; but the firing having begun was soon converted into a battle. Bourmont beat them off, but thought it expedient to retreat.

The beach was particularly favourable for landing. The weather fine, and there was plenty of time to prepare.

The thing best done was by General Valagi, who in eighteen hours raised a continued work of a mile and a half. He had 1,600 sappers and miners. Colonel Monteith is in admiration of this entrenchment, which was beautifully finished, and was capable of resisting 30,000 regular troops.

The Arabs are miserably mounted. The Dey's two best horses were not worth 30l. each.

Duperre he thought a man willing to do all, but quite overpowered by the management of 100 ships of war and 500 transports. His reports are all lies. Bourmont's are nearest the truth. The ships, with the exception of those which were in the Levant, were not in good order. There seemed to be no discipline.

The army never wanted either water or provisions. Water was within three feet of the surface everywhere. In the gardens on the side of the hills towards Algiers the water was found at the depth of twenty feet.

Nothing could be more perfect than the equipment of the army. They calculated the cost of the expedition at four millions.

I see by the newspapers that the Prince of Orange yielded the point of the colours to the deputation from Brussels. He seems to have conceded a great deal, but to have acted with great personal courage and decision. It is expected that the Commission he appointed have asked for the separation of Holland from Belgium, and the establishment of a Federal union only; two countries under one King with distinct legislatures, armies, &c. The great towns are quiet. Holland ready to march upon Brussels.

I shall not be satisfied unless some of the Bruxellois are hanged for pillage.

The answers of the King seem to have been firm and judicious.

It is impossible not to admire the constancy of the troops, who bivouacked for eight days in the park.

The French Government seems too weak or too timid to prevent outrage in Paris. The printers' devils will have no machinery for printing! It is entertaining to see those who make all revolutions suffer by them.

_September 7._

Saw Greville at the Treasury. He told me he had got from Lord Chesterfield that Palmerston had no objection to come in. Lord Melbourne had; but they required the sacrifice of Aberdeen, Bathurst, and Arbuthnot. There must be some mistake about this condition. I told Greville if he could get a _fact_ to communicate it to the Duke.

It is feared the Prince of Orange is gone away to the Hague. He promised Colonel Jones he would be firm.

_September 8._

The Prince of Orange certainly went to the Hague. He was received there enthusiastically. The proposition he takes is for Federal union. I fear he must submit to some modification of that, or encounter real opposition and civil war.

_September 9._

Hardinge gives me rather an indifferent account of Ireland. Great animosity still existing between the Catholics and Protestants in the _lower_ ranks; in the higher, peace. A revolutionary disposition raised in the middle classes by the example of Prance. Great dissatisfaction in consequence of the proposed taxation of last session.

He told the Duke, and so did Arbuthnot, that he might dispose of their offices if he wanted them. He seems to think Peel is tired and anxious to withdraw--annoyed at the idea of being unpopular, an idea the defeat of his brothers has given him. This makes him less energetic than he should be with respect to the measures necessary to strengthen himself in the House of Commons.

_September 10._

It seems the desire of separation is general in the Netherlands. It is the result of national prejudice and vanity. The Dutch seem just as violent the other way, and the deputies were rather in danger at Rotterdam. The separation will probably defeat the objects of the great Powers in 1814, for it is idle to expect such terms of Federal union as will enable the two States to act cordially together.

_September 11._

By withdrawing his troops from the palace, and going to the Hague, the Prince of Orange has ruined his cause. He has appeared to give it up.

_September 13._

Read on my way to London the intelligence obtained by Lord Heytesbury relative to the Russian trade with Tartary and on the Caspian. It is very full and satisfactory.

The 'Times' has a sensible article on the state of France; the want of materials to form a constitutional monarchy, the growing dissatisfaction that _more_ is not done in a revolutionary sense, and the irresponsible power of a deliberative army of 800,000 men.

Ghent and Antwerp seem to cling to the connection between Holland and Belgium, and I begin to hope that if France is tranquil the Bruxellois and Liègeois may grow tired and become reasonable. Men cannot play at barricades long when no one attacks them.

_September 14._

House of Lords. I had to wait half an hour for the seals, which were carelessly carried off by Lady Lyndhurst in her carriage.

Talked to Rosslyn. He told me Aberdeen was led to expect another revolution in France. The paper they were going to prosecute was an _affiche_ calling upon the French people to overthrow _l'aristocratie bourgeoise_, which was as bad as the other, and to divide the lands.

In the Netherlands the people and their leaders are divided, and if Antwerp and Ghent, &c., remain firm, it signifies little what Brussels does. Brussels will be brought into terms by distress.

Rosslyn thinks some of the Whigs as well as of the Tories will be alarmed by events on the Continent and support Government.

He hears of no negotiations for accessions.

The people of Brunswick, very justly provoked, have turned the Duke [Footnote: This was the eccentric Duke who died a few years ago at Geneva, bequeathing his whole property to the city, who have erected a monument to him.] out of the town and burnt his palace. He escaped with ten Hussars. He deserves his fate. I believe he is mad. He is a complete _vaurien._

When Parliament is prorogued, as to-day, the peers are without their robes. The Chancellor was in his legal dress. The Commons appear without a summons by their clerks, and the Chancellor merely desires the proclamation to be read. However, as it is held, _improperly,_ to be the first day of the sitting of Parliament, the return of the Scotch peers is laid on the table. All this is sanctioned by precedent, but contrary to reason.

_September 20, 1830._

Wrote a long letter to Hardinge upon the political consequences of Huskisson's death, [Footnote: He was killed, as is well known, at the opening of the Liverpool and Manchester Railway.] urging the introduction of Palmerston and Stanley. The latter to Vent the junction of the Whig aristocracy with the Radicals.

I am sure, if measures are not taken immediately, we shall have all the Huskissonians, Whigs and Ultra-Tories (the last are insane), united against us.

Received from Sir J. Malcolm a letter with some enclosures about suttees. He has reluctantly and fearfully abolished suttee, making it culpable homicide to assist, and murder to force the victim. He has done it, I think, wisely by a repeal of a clause in one regulation and an amendment. Thus not putting it vainly forward as Lord William did in a pompous document.

He has abolished the Military Board, I believe, very wisely; but there may be a difficulty with the Duke, if I cannot do it without talking to him about it. I believe Sir J. Malcolm is quite right, and that there would have been no hope of preserving a system of real economy had the Military Board been permitted to remain.

I am curious to see his measure of checks on expenditure, that if it be good it may be adopted at the other Presidencies.

Received some letters from Lord W. Bentinck. Lord Dalhousie has been very ill, and the command of the army would fall, Lord William says, into the weakest hands, if anything happened to him.

The spirit of the army was becoming better, I gather from Lord William's letter, but it required much attention. I have been thinking all day of what measures may be adopted for improving it.

_September 21._

Office. Read to Cabell my memorandum on the alterations which might be introduced into the army, which I wrote hurriedly this morning. He was long in the military department, and can be of much use. Cabinet room. I think the result of Lord Stuart's dispatches is that the moderate party are gaining strength. I should say the facts we see in the newspapers lead to a different conclusion.

The Ministers and the old leading members of the Chamber of Deputies act manfully against the crowd. Their declarations of intention are satisfactory. I really believe they mean to act honestly if they can.

Austria seems to have hesitated about the acknowledgment of the King of the French after the receipt of a dispatch from Petersburg, and Metternich, who seems to be growing weak, wavered after he had received General Belliard very cordially.

Prussia, that is _the King,_ hesitated about signing the letter to Louis Philippe when he heard of the doubts of Austria. The result, however, is that all _entrainés_ by us will acknowledge; the Emperor of Russia, who was the most reluctant, having determined to do so if the others did. I should say there is this satisfactory conclusion to be drawn from what we have seen, that if France showed a disposition to aggrandise herself all Europe would be against her.

The object of the French Government is to place France exactly in the position in which she stood a fortnight before the ordonnances--that is, Talleyrand's wish, and he has _rédigé_ his own instructions.

Read Aberdeen's letter, dated the 17th, stating the necessity of maintaining cordial intercourse with and between Spain and Portugal, and intimating that on the promulgation of an amnesty according to the terms recently communicated England will resume diplomatic relations with Miguel, but not otherwise.

Spain seems to be sensible. There was a movement of folly about Royalist volunteers which was put down, and the Government seems by no means disposed to give way to Absolutists. If the Queen should have a son Spain will probably be tranquil.

Talleyrand pretends the French will be reasonable about Algiers. I do not wish them to be so. I believe they could not have made a worse purchase. They will find the possession very expensive. Their troops will hate it, they will have nothing beyond their outposts, and it is no port.

My first opinion is strengthened, that they could not be worse than if they were left as they are.

_September 24._