Chapter 21

This he proposed himself to the Duke of Orleans, who wrote to the King, and in accepting the office said his conduct would show with what views he did it. Then he issued a tri-colour proclamation! Lord Stuart says this was done at the last possible moment. The proclamation was received with cries of _Vive la Republique! Vive Napoleon II._! However, these cries ceased, and it was hoped things would go on quietly. Sebastiani and B. Constant expressed hopes that in a few months men's minds would be tranquillised, and things placed on a regular footing It seems that the King is at Trianon, with about 4,000 guards. He talked of resigning to the Dauphin, if he had not already done so. It will probably be too late, and the Dauphin is supposed, I believe very justly, to be implicated in all that has passed.

Lord Stuart states the loss of the troops at 3,000. That of the people at 6,000. Of course these calculations are very vague, and probably exaggerated. It would appear as if there had been more preparation on the part of the insurgents than was imagined. The decisive measure, that of the Bank refusing discounts, was of course suggested by Lafitte. The Royalists are much in want of money. They left forty-two millions in their caisses, and 150 millions at the Bank! Bourmont was to leave Algiers on the 25th. Probably he was called home to be present at the crisis.

The King's troops still remaining in force at St. Cloud, the barricades are continued.

Everybody seems to think the military force was as ill-managed as everything else. Marmont acted _mollement_.

We have been beaten at Canterbury, and what is worse at Norwich, where a brother of Peel's has been driven out by Robert Grant, the most decided enemy of the Government. No one declares himself the opponent of Government, and as such asks support; but our candidates do not succeed at popular elections.

_August 4._

To London early. The King of France is supposed to be gone towards Cherbourg. We fear he will come here. The Duke said the King seemed disposed to receive him, and reminded the King that the Pretender had been three times ordered out of Paris on the representations of this country. I was glad to find a very general feeling that the King of France could not be permitted to remain if intrigues were allowed by him. That he could have no more than a refuge. Peel seemed to feel this most strongly. The Duke seemed to think there had been previous concert on the part of the _patriots_.

The King is violent against the Duke of Orleans.

Our Duke of Orleans, as I call him, the Duke of Sussex, sticks close to the King whenever he appears.

The Duke of Cumberland has resigned the Blues in a huff because they are placed under the Commander-in-Chief. However, he wore the uniform to-day at the levée.

We have a Cabinet to-morrow at 4, on Civil List and Regency. Indeed we know not how soon we may meet Parliament. Perhaps on September 15.

The Queen received the address of the London clergy. She had her whole _état major_.

_August 5._

At four Cabinet. Talk about the Civil List. There are pensions to the amount of about 7,000£ a year which the present King will pay, and he will pay 6,000£ a year to Mrs. Fitzherbert, her charge on Brighton. She had 10,000£ a year before. Many pensions are struck off, one of 500£ to Sir J. Lake, many others, to jockies, &c.

It seems the late King borrowed 50,000£ for himself and as much for the Duke of York, on the revenues of Hanover, which sums have been paid off.

The King of France abdicated, and so did the Dauphin, in favour of the Duc de Bordeaux, in a letter addressed by them to the Duke of Orleans, in which his Lieut.-Generalship was treated as emanating from the King. The Duke of Orleans in his speech to the Chambers announced the abdications, but did not say they were in favour of Henry V. Hence the people of Paris, hearing the King made difficulties, supposed he had receded from his original promise--whereas he only said his original promise was conditional, _and had not_ been fairly made known. Be this as it may, 35,000 men set off for Rambouillet to take him, 10,000 were sent afterwards by the Duke of Orleans to protect him, and he has 7,000 at Rambouillet, chiefly cavalry and artillery, for the same purpose. I think there must be a smash.

Stuart and Pozzo went to the Duke of Orleans to represent the personal danger of the King, and to desire that measures might be taken to preserve his life. The Duke is represented as having been _très ému_, and as having said that his character depended upon the preservation of the King's life, and the measures I mentioned were immediately taken.

Chateaubriand and Hyde de Neuville are for the Due de Bordeaux.

Stuart has, I know not why, counselled the Duc de Bordeaux's friends to be quiet.

The Duke of Wellington thinks there is Radicalism in everything-that the Lieut.-General will have no power.

The King went in grand state through the City to the Tower. He had six carriages and six. At the Tower the Duke gave him a breakfast. He then went on to Greenwich by water, and returned to London by land. He was very well received.

_August 6._

At the dinner we had the Ministers, Household, and Trinity House. Chairman and deputy-Chairman of the East India Company, Governor and deputy-Governor of the Bank, Lord Mayor, and Ward and Thompson, members for the City. The King made speeches and gave toasts as if he was Duke of Clarence at the Trinity House. He alarmed and pained us, but he did less mischief than I should have expected; and as all the people present were real friends, he only let down the dignity of the Crown.

He gave the healths of the Ministers, and afterwards of the Duke of Wellington. Some things he said very well. The Duke answered very well.

There is so much good feeling about the King that his errors of taste are pardoned. He will improve, and wear his robes more gracefully.

_August 7._

Cabinet. Determined that the principle of the Regency Bill should be that the mother of the Sovereign should be Regent. The Regent to have unlimited power. If any limitation, it should only be placed upon the creation of Peers, and a Council of Regency should exist only for that purpose.

We separated till the 23rd.

_August 9._

In coming down to Sandgate read James's and Cabell's memoranda on the progress of the British Government in India, and our foreign relations.

As I was coming out of Maidstone met the candidates coming in. Sir E. Knatchbull in a cocked hat, attended by thirty or forty gentlemen in black, all covered with dust, preceded by about six blue flags, and followed by some carriages with ugly women. Then came T. Law Hodges (why _Law_ I do not know), with many light blue flags, and some low people--few gentlemen. The numbers, however, of the Hodges colours and people were greater than that of the Knatchbull squad. Not a cheer for either. The whole thing flat and ridiculous--worthy of Hogarth. There were some people collected in Maidstone, but not so many as on a market day--there were none on the roads.

By the 'Times' I see the Chamber has modified the Charter, and has proclaimed the Duke of Orleans King of the French; at least has offered him the Crown on the condition of his acceptance of the modified Charter.

The Chamber of Peers is put by. It is only advised to _eliminate_ the last seventy-six peers.

_August 10._

Briscoe comes in for Surrey, to the exclusion of Jolliffe, our friend. Certainly the popular elections have all been unfavourable to us. In fact the Tories have not yet recovered their good-humour, and the Government has some furious enemies, and no warm friends. I do not think we can go on without an accession of speaking strength. Our measures must be modified to meet the circumstances of the times, and so far I have no fear.

_August 13._

Cabinet room. Read Lord Stuart's despatches. There is little in them that is not in the newspapers. He says the Revolution has been brought about by small proprietors acting under the influence of bankers and lawyers. The troops have shown no great popular feeling. Many have taken the opportunity of going home.

The new King's oath-taking was flatly received. As long as he can keep La Fayette with him he is master of Paris.

Lord Stuart seems to have behaved prudently in merely acknowledging the receipt of the communication from Marshal Jourdan of his being appointed foreign secretary. The Neapolitan Ambassador wished to have a note generally agreed upon. All the Ambassadors say they are so sure England will judge rightly, that they will, without instructions, follow in our wake.

La Fayette has originated the idea of a mission of deputies of the National Guard to London to thank the English people for their sympathy. Lord Stuart hopes the King will induce La Fayette to give up this mischievous and foolish scheme.

_August 18._

Lord J. Russell is not returned for Bedford. He lost it by one vote. He has published a good address, and is evidently very indignant.

Brougham has had questions put to him by Martin Bree, which he has answered satisfactorily to the venereal doctor. It would have been good fun had they fought.

The only merit of the French Revolution seems to be that it has not been vindictive. If they are wise they will not touch the lives of the Ministers. The new King calls his eldest son Duke of Orleans. All the daughters are to be Princesses of Orleans, distinguished by their Christian names.

This is like Henry IV.'s policy in reserving the Duchy of Lancaster. He wishes to be able to make room for Henry V. He has given up his property to his eldest son's little children, and would probably, if he were displaced, emigrate quietly, as he has often done before, and leave his children in possession.

When Brougham accused the Duke of Wellington of advising Polignac, the whole meeting of his own friends expressed dissent. It is incredible that he should be so foolish as to believe such a thing, or as to attempt to make others believe it.

_August 19._

I see by the 'Sun' that the ex-King of France is arrived at Portsmouth. I am very sorry for it, although he will not be received by the King, and will probably sail immediately. He may require refitting, for I dare say he brought off little from Rambouillet. His packets are accompanied by two French vessels of war, and all the French vessels at Spithead hoisted the tri-coloured flag when he was known to be there.

_August 20._

It seems the Royal party have landed at Cowes.

_August 23._

Went to the Cabinet room to read despatches. Lord Stuart represents the Government as by no means settled; anxious to remain at peace, and to prevent revolution, but not secure. Things which are essential the new King is obliged to ask humbly of La Fayette, who is now really Sovereign.

La Fayette wanted to dissolve the Chamber. The King rightly thought that to do so now would be to make a Convention. [Footnote: I.e. as in 1792.]

Some persons are gone off to bring Napoleon II., but the Austrians will stop them on the way.

The Prussians on the first intelligence of the events at Paris sent orders to their Minister to come away, but he was directed not to do so without concert with his colleagues. They met, and agreed to recommend him to stay. The disposition of Metternich and Nesselrode, who met at Toplitz or Carlsbad, I forget which, was the same and reasonable--to leave France to settle her own affairs quietly, and only to interfere if she invaded the peace of other States.

The Duke has left a memorandum on the Cabinet table showing clearly from treaties that this is not a case in which we are bound to interfere. We engaged to support a constitutional monarch against revolutionary movements, but the monarch having violated the constitution has broken the condition. France may still form a part of the Congress of Europe, in 'Union or _Pacific Concert_,' with the four great Powers. The treaty of offensive alliance between those Powers is dormant, while France remains under a constitutional King.

The Duke properly thinks that the sooner, after having taken a decent time for deliberation, we can recognise the Duke of Orleans, the better for him and for us.

He expects at no distant period war, as the consequence of these events, and I fear he may be right. It will arise by the imitation of the Spaniards and Portuguese, and the ambitious sympathy of the French.

It is evident that Russia means to indulge France with Algiers.

_August 23._

Received a letter from the Duke respecting Rajpootana. He thinks the cession of territory will only lead to new demands on our part, and advises that, unless it should be necessary to give some instruction, the letter should not be sent. He thinks, too, that as no brevet has been given to King's officers in Ava, none can be given to those of the Company. I am to see him tomorrow upon these points.

Cabinet at 3. Showed Herries the answer I proposed sending, respecting the Interest Bills, of which he entirely approved.

Peel was not at the Cabinet.

Read the Duke of Orleans' letter to the King, which is proper. He says he laments and wishes he could have prevented the fall of the eldest branch of his family. He _devoted_ himself to prevent misfortunes which would have endangered the peace of Europe. He avows pacific intentions.

The King is to receive General Baudrand, who brought the letter in the Levee, which will be before the Council on Wednesday.

The King of the French will be acknowledged. A letter will be written to our Ministers with the great powers stating our reasons for doing so. This will be read to the Foreign Ministers here.

I suggested that it might be as well to make the letter substantially the Duke's Memorandum, and particularly to remind France that the Quadruple Alliance still existed. We shall have the drafts of the letter tomorrow.

Parliament to be prorogued to October 26.

To-morrow the Brazilians will acknowledge Miguel as the Regent, if he will marry Maria da Gloria. Then came some absurd conditions. However, the thing is to be considered to-morrow. Aberdeen's idea is that there is no doing anything with Don Pedro, and that we must acknowledge Don Miguel as soon as he will grant an amnesty.

We were to have a Council on Wednesday for the prorogation. The King will not much like this, as he wanted to go to Ascot, but he may have it as early as he likes, and he ought to receive General Baudrand soon. We may have the Council at 10, and he may be at Ascot in excellent time.

_August 24._

The Council is at 1. At 1 I went to the Duke. Told him of my recent letters to the Chairs. He said we must not make bankrupts of the Company, if we would use them hereafter. I said it was my duty to state the case of the public, as the Board were guardians of the territorial revenue.

A letter from Count Moltke, requesting to see me. I have appointed to- morrow at 3.

Cabinet at 3. Aberdeen read the proposed letter from the King to King Louis Philippe. With a few trifling alterations it was adopted.

The Duke called on Marmont to-day, and received from him a military account of the affair at Paris. Marmont said he knew nothing of the Ordonnances, and disapproved of them. He was at the King's levée on the Tuesday, and was told there were _quelques inquiétudes_ at Paris, and to take the command of the troops. He found only 7,000 men. Polignac, forgetting any were _en congé_, thought there were 12,000. He occupied the Places de l'Hôtel de Ville, de la Bastille, de Victoire, and de Vendôme in sufficient force. His troops were not attacked. He withdrew them at night, and reoccupied the Posts in the morning. Then the attack began. The troops maintained themselves, but he found it necessary to withdraw them to the Louvre, the Tuileries, the Pont Neuf, and the Place de Vendôme. In the Louvre he had two battalions of Swiss; two battalions of the Line in the Place de Vendôme; the Guards in the Tuileries. He kept open his communication with the country by posts at all the avenues leading to the garden of the Tuileries and the Bois de Boulogne, Champs Elysées, &c. The battalion at the Place de la Bastille could not retreat by the straight road, and was obliged to march all round Paris, crossing the river at the bridge nearest Charenton, and coming to the Tuileries by the Faubourg.

The two battalions in the Place de Vendôme went over to the people. He then sent one battalion from the Louvre to the grille of the Tuileries garden, opposite the Rue de Rivoli, and so protected his flank. On Thursday he had lost 1,800 men, killed and wounded; and 1,200 _égarés_--besides the two battalions; but he had received a reinforcement of 3,000 men. The troops were _extenués de fatigue_. When Lafitte and the others came to him he told him he could not order the fire to cease. He was attacked.

If the fire of the people ceased, his troops would not fire. He fairly told the King it was not _une commotion_, nor even _une insurrection_, but _une Révolution_. There were not above thirty or forty people behind the barriers, but all the windows were occupied by armed men. He counselled concession, but Polignac would not hear of it. He said Polignac was _l'homme le plus présomptueux_ he had ever seen.

When the Louvre was attacked the Swiss ran out towards the Tuileries and carried with them a battalion he had in the Place de Carrousel, as well as two guns he had with him. The rush was such he could hardly get upon his horse, and the men ran so fast that a person he sent after them on horseback found them almost at the extremity of the Tuileries garden. However, some returned to protect the retreat of about sixty men whom he had got together to defend the grille at the Arc de Triomphe in the Place de Carrousel. They were just enabled to retreat.

Marmont is violent against the Swiss, who were, he says, retained in the French service by higher pay and privileges for _this very thing_, and yet they ran away in this shameful manner.

Marmont means to go to Italy for a year. After that he hopes he can return to France. He has no wish to emigrate.

If the account in Lord Stuart's report be correct, France is in a deplorable state. In many parts of the country no taxes are paid, and the Republican party has not lost hope.

The conditions of what Don Pedro considers a conciliatory arrangement are entirely inadmissible. They are founded upon the marriage of Donna Maria da Gloria, and England, France, and Austria are to guarantee her against any _injure_ she may receive from her husband. Certainly we may safely say these terms are inadmissible, and so break off all negotiations with Don Pedro, who, since these terms were proposed by him, has recognised the independent Regency of Terceira. By-the-bye, one of his terms is the payment, by Portugal, of all the expenses incurred by himself for Donna Maria.

It seems the draft of a decree of amnesty has been sent to Lisbon, and if Miguel will pass that decree we are to recognise him.

The Chancellor and others seemed to think this was an awkward time, and we had better wait a little. I think so too. However, undoubtedly our early recognition of Miguel might lead to the prevention of a Portuguese Revolution.

There was much conversation respecting the Bank Charter. It seemed to be the general opinion that Government should take it upon itself to arrange terms with the Bank, which terms will be prohibition to any other Bank to issue notes within twenty-five miles of London. This being granted, the Bank will do the public business for 100,000£ a year less. The whole question of country banking, whether it is to be with limited or unlimited responsibility, a limited or an unlimited number of partners, is to be left open to Parliament.

I suggested that the most important question was the revision of taxation. My view now is that we must take off some of the taxes which press most on the poorer classes, and have an income tax. I dislike an income tax as much as any one. To me it is a very oppressive tax, but I believe it may become necessary.

Walked to the corner of Hyde Park with Lord Rosslyn. Had some conversation with him respecting the changes necessary in the Government before we meet Parliament. He says Lord Althorpe will not come in without Lord Grey, and he is not sure Lord Grey would not stipulate for Lord Durham. The latter is out of the question on account of his temper. I do not think the Government could go on with the Duke and Lord Grey. Of the Huskissonians, Palmerston is the only one. To E. Stanley there is no objection.

_August 26._

At 3 Count Moltke came to the office. He had two Danish claims to speak about.

Dinner at the Albion for Clare. There were present of the Ministers, Peel, Rosslyn, Goulburn, Herries; then Lord F. Leveson, Calcraft, the Solicitor- General, W. Peel, Lord G. Somerset, Planta, Gen. Macdonald, Col. Fitz- Clarence, Lord Tenterden. Of Clare's friends Glengall, Agar Ellis, Sneyd, Lord Templeton, besides H. Vyner, and Upton, who go with him.

I spoke feebly, not being well; besides, I did not think it in good taste to make a great speech; but to leave Clare's the first speech of the day. Peel made a very good speech; but too much of it. Clare really spoke very feelingly and well. He spoke a little too much of his gratitude to the Court.

I had some conversation with Loch. I was as well received as I expected, and better, considering the run that has been made at me. The Duke went off to Walmer Castle, very wisely, for he wants sea air; but Clare would have been more pleased had he been present, and the Directors too. The Ministers' healths were well received.

_August 28._

Received from Elphinstone his remarks upon the proposed letter to Bombay, respecting native education, of which he generally approves. He strongly urges the sending out of European professors, young men, acquainted with English literature, to learn the language there, and teach the natives. I have sent the extract from his letter to Astell, suggesting that the Universities of Oxford, Cambridge, Dublin, and Edinburgh should each name those from whom should be selected the necessary number. I have observed that the object of native education is of such importance that the state of the finances must not prevent its accomplishment.

_August 30._

Wrote a very long letter to Hardinge on the present position of the Government and our policy. I gave my opinion that any accession of men which destroyed the unity of the Duke's Government would do harm. That we must meet our difficulties by measures. That the first was a revision of taxation, that no men we could get would add moral strength to the Government, and the Whigs would not support unless they had half the Government. That the question of Reform could not be made an open question. It was best for the country that parties should be decidedly separated. It might then choose which it preferred, and men would be obliged to take a side. We had better be out with character than in with a detachment of the enemy, in possession of a gate. Still TALK we must have, and we want a financier. I said of myself that I cared little about office. I should without reluctance acquiesce in retirement if the Duke could fill my office more advantageously, and I believe Rosslyn would do. I thought Rosslyn would like Ireland or Paris.

I do not think it improbable Hardinge may send this letter to the Duke.

_August 31._