Chapter 17

House. I expected to get away immediately; but Lord Londonderry made a motion for papers, which led to a discussion of an hour and a half. He was put down entirely by Aberdeen, who really, with a bad manner, said very good things. At last Lord Londonderry chose to say the Contents had it and did not divide, so that the motion was negatived _nemine contradicente_. Most scandalously many went out, not voting against the motion after Aberdeen had declared it would be injurious to the public service to give the Papers.

The King rather better, but weaker.

_June 12._

Chairs. They did not come till half-past 11. I began to think they had taken huff and did not mean to come at all, as I had taken no notice of Astell's letter. However, they came. They do not much like my Nagpore letter, which it seems is contrary to the line of policy laid down by the Court and approved of by Wynne. I told them I took the responsibility upon myself. They were ministerial only. My opinion was confirmed by that of Jenkins and of the Duke.

Met at dinner, at Hardinge's, Arbuthnot, with whom I had some conversation about the Report he is writing on the China Evidence. He is to show it to me. The Duke saw the King, who is much better. The King said he would defer taking the sacrament till he was well; but he takes it to-morrow as a _convalescent_.

_June 13._

Cabinet at half-past 3. First considered the line to be adopted on the Forgery Bill, which seems to be to allow it to pass unaltered, throwing the whole responsibility on the House of Commons; but Peel is to see the bankers and merchants that he may ascertain what their opinions are now the Bill has passed the Commons abolishing the punishment of death for forgery. Peel's idea is that no conviction would be obtained.

I believe the French and the Russians are so alarmed by the effect produced in France by the continued exhibition of democratic violence in Greece and successful rebellion, that they would be disposed to enter into our views with respect to the nomination of a prince rather than leave the question open; but that they will procrastinate if they find we will unite with them in giving money which may keep Greece in a state of tranquillity. As to Capo d'Istria, he first wished to prevent the nomination of any prince and to keep the government to himself. When he found that would not do, he endeavoured to frighten Leopold into subserviency; but if he finds he can get money without having a prince, he will frighten other princes and remain there himself.

It is like paying money in consequence of a threatening letter. If it is done once there is no stopping.

I said I believed the dissolution of the Acarnanian army, happen as it might, would be better than its maintenance, and that the state of anarchy into which it was pretended Greece would fall if it had not money, would be a better foundation of improvement than the state of military thraldom in which it is now held.

Peel proposed that Dawkins should be instructed under circumstances of imminent danger to advance money not exceeding 20,000£, and this would be the best way of doing it. The Duke has great repugnance to giving anything, and objects to doing what might be considered an unconstitutional act. He hopes Aberdeen will be able to persuade the other Powers to give 30,000£ each, leaving us out of the subscription.

The thing was left undetermined. I suggested that it was by no means impossible a question might be asked by some 'friend of Greece' whether we intended to give or had given money in consequence of Capo d'Istria's representations, and then what we had done would come out. In fact if the King was well the matter would be brought before Parliament.

His illness creates great embarrassment. It is doubtful whether the Government can command majorities on questions on which a defeat under ordinary circumstances would lead them to resign; but it is known that now they cannot resign and cannot dissolve, and the Opposition has no other effect than that of interfering with the conduct of public business.

A powerful man would place this strongly before the country and bring the House to a sense of its duty.

The Duke showed me the letter he had written to Lord Combermere in reply to his, upon my Memorandum. It is _excellent_.

There is to be a great fight upon sugar. Charles Grant makes a proposition, and Goulburn proposes to modify his original proposition by suggesting the addition of 6_d_. a gallon to Scotch and Irish spirits and to rum, thus leaving the proportional burthen nearly the same. In addition to this he proposes lowering the duty on the inferior kinds of sugar.

The French Expedition was in Palma Bay on May 31, awaiting the arrival of the last division, which was expected the next day.

_June 15._

The King much better. He has been in good spirits about himself, and has expectorated, which is thought a good sign.

In the House of Commons Goulburn's altered plans seem to have succeeded with all parties as far as first impression goes.

_June 16._

At the Cabinet dinner spoke to Lord Melville and Goulburn about the embarrassments of the civil servants. Both are very much indisposed to grant the papers asked for by Hume on the subject. I shall write to Arbuthnot to do what he can to prevent their being given.

The Duke got a number of papers stamped--indeed all the arrears, about 400. The King paid more attention to them than he ever did while he was well. He recollected everything.

The Duke did not think him so well as when he last saw him. The physicians do not like this catarrh. The Duke thought his hand was hotter than usual, that he was larger, and that altogether he was not so well. His judgment has hitherto been so correct that I attach much importance to it.

Peel spoke after dinner with much _ennui_ of his position in the House of Commons. He complained that it really was not worth a man's while to be there for so many hours every night. The sacrifice was too great. He said the Radicals had brought the House into such a state that no man could do business but themselves. He seemed not well, and thoroughly out of humour.

We had some discussion about the Forgery Bill. We are to see the Governor and deputy-governor of the Bank, &c. The Duke is much indisposed to acquiesce in the Commons' amendment.

Peel thinks that after the vote of the House of Commons no verdicts will be obtained; but may not a contrary vote of the House of Lords turn public opinion into its former course? I think it may.

_June 17._

In French newspaper a bad report of the French fleet, which is very much dispersed. One division was in sight of the shore on May 30 when it came on to blow, and they ran to Majorca. The other divisions will have gone to the rendezvous on the African shore, where they will have met no men-of-war and much bad weather. The star of Napoleon is set.

Lord Combermere has written another letter to the Duke, in which he acknowledges his error as to the compact in 1796 and 1801, and says he was led into it by Col. Fagan. He restates all he before said on the other points, and still wishes his letter to go to the King.

The King seems to have had a good night. I did not hear the private account.

_June 18._

Received last night from Astell a letter in which he speaks of an intended address of his respecting the Nagpore letter. I have told him he has already privately told me his opinion--that the Act of Parliament has made no provision for a representation on the part of the Secret Committee if they disagree with the Board, and I cannot receive any such representation officially. I have further told him that I think any more delay will be injurious to the public service.

Wrote a letter to Runjeet Singh to go with the horses. Showed it to Lord Amherst, Clare, and Auckland. Lord Amherst and Clare were delighted with it. Showed it to the Duke, who approved. Saw the Duke.

The King alarmed the princesses yesterday, but the Duke of Clarence did not think him so ill. I saw the Duke of Clarence's letter to the Duke of W. Halford thinks the expectoration is an additional evil.

_June 19._

At 11 Privy Council to hear the appeal of Elphinstone (that is, East India Company) against Ameerchund Bidruchund, a case of booty. Remained till half-past two, when I was obliged to come away, having a dinner at Roehampton. Indeed I do not think that upon a point affecting the revenues of India I ought to vote as a judge.

Brougham ridiculed the Directors who sat there in a mass, nine of them. Fergusson spoke of "the Court." Brougham said he was not surprised he should make that mistake seeing such an array of directors. Brougham put it _ad verecundiam_ to the directors whether they would vote upon a question in which they were directly interested, and in which they had already appeared by Counsel.

They were and will be very sulky. They will stay away and decline supporting Government.

The bulletin is bad.

Two most impertinent letters from Lord Arbuthnot and Mr. Arbuthnot asking for, or rather _demanding_, cadetships. They will find I am not to be bullied.

_June 21._

The King expectorated blood yesterday. He is failing in strength, and now certainly dying.

Read a memorandum of Wilson's on a proposed remodelling of the army. It is founded on my idea of bringing it into the form it formerly had, with fewer European officers and more native officers, in higher ranks. He proposes having two more European Non-Commissioned officers, a Subadar Major, and another Subadar, and several minor things.

_June 22._

Cabinet. The Duke thought the character of the Government would be affected if we gave up the Forgery Bill in the Lords, not in consequence of any change of opinion, but of a majority of 13 in the House of Commons. I am satisfied the law, as it is, ought to be maintained. In the House Lord Lansdowne made a speech on moving the second reading, and Lord Winchelsea and the Duke of Richmond said they should vote for the Bill as it was-- none, however, taking religious objections, Lord Lansdowne throwing out that he would consent to make the bill temporary. The Chancellor made a very good speech, expressing his general objections to the Bill as it stands, and reserving his reasons for the Committee.

The King is rather worse and weaker.

In the House of Commons last night a mine was sprung and all parties, Whigs and Tories, East and West Indians, united by a trick on the sugar duties. However, we had a majority.

_June 23._

It seems Peel and Herries and even Goulburn himself rather doubts whether the sugar arrangement will work, and Peel has some doubt as to his majority. Altogether he is very much out of humour, or rather _ennuyé_, and a very little would induce him to give up.

Cabinet dinner. The Duke saw the King and some stamping took place. The King was much worse than on Saturday. The expectoration is matter from the lungs. Knighton says that if they can keep the bowels right he may live a month. Halford says if he was an ordinary man he should think he would not live three days. Tierney says his pulse almost failed while he was asleep this morning, and he thought he would have died. The Duke says he thinks more with Knighton than the others.

The King was perfectly alive to all the business done. He talks of going to the Cottage still.

Much talk at the Cabinet dinner as to what should be done as to dissolution; but all depends on the time of the King's death, and the state of public business then.

Peel, Herries, and all seem to think the Low Party gains, and will gain strength. Hume, on Whitbread's retirement, is to come in for Middlesex.

_June 24._

House. Galway Franchise Bill read second time Counsel were to have been heard; but the petitioners declined having them. I fear we shall have a sharp debate about it to-morrow, and Lord Grey be directly opposed to the Duke, and the worst of it is I do not believe our case is very good.

Hardinge and Wortley both say we are in a great scrape with these sugar duties, and Ireland, which was all with us, is hostile again on account of the spirit and stamp duties.

Walked as far as Mrs. Arbuthnot's with the Duke. He told me his view of the Galway Franchise Bill, and is very certain of his case. He feels Goulburn has satisfied no one with his sugar duties.

The King seems much worse by the bulletin; but the private account was not much so. He was said to be worse when Lord Hill left Windsor. I really believe that we are so bothered with sugar duties and other things that an immediate demise and immediate dissolution would be best for us, and for the country.

_June 25._

Went to the Duke about the Galway Bill before the House met. The Duke spoke very well and made a very good case. Lord Grey well, but the Chancellor demolished his speech, and placed the question on such good grounds that it was useless to speak afterwards; nor was there much subsequent debate. The Duke of Buckingham made a speech against us, in which he mistook every point, and gave me a great disposition to follow him; but I knew if I did I should have a whole hornet's nest upon me, and I wished to keep Durham and Radnor in check, or answer them. Had I spoken the debate would have lasted three hours more. As it was we got away by nine. On the division we had 62 to 47. Not brilliant. Our case was excellent. I had feared it would be indifferent. The Chancellor had got it up admirably. Lord Londonderry, the Dukes of Newcastle and Richmond, Calthorpe, all the Canningites, of course voted against us. Dudley was in the House at one time, but he did not vote against us, nor has he once since he went out.

The King much weaker.

_June 26._

At half-past eight this morning I received a Cabinet box containing the bulletin signed by Halford and Tierney of the King's death, and Halford's private letter to the Duke of Wellington. The letter stated that the King had slept for about two hours and woke a little before three. Soon afterwards, Sir W. Waller only being in the room, he suddenly put his hand to his breast, and said, 'Good God, what is the matter? This is death?' He then sent for Halford. He and the others came, and so soon afterwards as I have said, he expired without the least struggle or pain.

Peel summoned a Cabinet at half-past ten. We met and talked of very little but in what dress we should go to the Council, which was to be at twelve. It was agreed we should go in black, shoes and stockings, but not full dress. However, after I left the room the Duke arrived, and said the King [Footnote: The Duke of Clarence now became William IV] intended to appear in uniform, so the Duke, Lord Bathurst, Rosslyn, and Sir J. Murray, who were there, put on their uniforms. The group at the Council was most motley. Lords Grey, Lansdowne, Spencer, Tankerville, Sir J. Warrender, and some others being in black full dress. Lord Camden and some more in uniform, which several sent for after they arrived, as Salisbury and Hardinge. The mass, however, in plain black, some in colours. The Royal Dukes came in full dress.

We waited a long time before the Council, almost two hours, a time occupied in audiences.

The Duke of Cumberland got the King to send for Lord Eldon, who went in for a minute only. The Duke of Cumberland received his gold stick, and seemed very active. The Duke of Wellington, Lord Bathurst, Rosslyn, the Chancellor, and Sir R. Peel went in together, and personally acquainted the King with the late King's death. The King said he might not have an opportunity of seeing that day the rest of his late Majesty's confidential servants; but he told those present that all had his confidence, and that they would receive his _entire, cordial, and determined support_. He told the Chancellor in a private audience not only the same thing, but that if at any time he should hear reports of his ceasing to place confidence in his Government, they were not to be believed. If he had any fault to find he would at once tell them.

When the Duke and the others came out from the King we all went to the ball-room, where we began to sign the proclamation, and a few, the Royal Dukes and others, had signed, when we were called to the Privy Council Room, where the King soon arrived, attended by the household of the late King. He took his seat, and read his declaration. He read it with much feeling, and it was well imagined, and will have a good effect. The Lord President entreated it might be printed.

I should have mentioned that before the King came in the Council made the usual orders, with the addition of an order for defacing the late King's stamps, which was accordingly done by the clerk of the Council.

When the declaration had been read the King took the Scotch oath in the usual form, the Lord-President reading it to him, and the King holding up his right hand.

He then said it was a satisfaction to him to find such a Privy Council, and requested them all to take the oath.

This the Royal Dukes did first, then the Speaker, that he might go to the House of Commons. Then the Archbishop and the Chancellor together, then the Dukes, with the Lord President and Privy Seal, then the Marquises, then others according to their rank. When all had taken the Privy Councillor's oath the Lord Chancellor took his, and the Clerk of the Council was sworn by the Lord President. The King then retired, and the Council ordered as usual respecting the disposal of the late King's body.

After the swearing in we signed the Proclamation. Some remained to alter the Liturgy. Queen Adelaide is to be prayed for, and the rest of the Royal family.

The Duke of Norfolk was there as Earl Marshal. He observed he was the only person there who was not a Privy Councillor, and expressed a wish to be one. The Duke mentioned it to the King, who readily assented. He observed there had been no Duke of Norfolk a member of the Privy Council since the time of James II., and that that Duke of Norfolk was a Protestant. The Duke of Norfolk, however, will consider the oath before he takes it. He would have taken the Earl Marshal's oath to-day, but it was not there.

We met in Cabinet at 4.

The only innovations I yet hear of are in the dress of regiments. The King intends, as he told Lord Farnborough, to live at Windsor. He intends to have a battalion of the Guards at Edinburgh, and a regiment of the Line at Windsor.

I went in, by some misdirection, the wrong way, and found Wood and Sir Ch. Pole waiting for the King. Wood, whom I met near the Horse Guards, as I was riding down to the Cabinet, told me the King had rehearsed his declaration to him, Sir Ch. Pole, and Lord Errol, before he went into the Privy Council.

There was no grief in the room in which we waited. It was like an ordinary _levée_.

The Chancellor went down to the House between the Cabinet and the Council, and took the oaths.

The Lord Steward was sent for by Peel, and only arrived a quarter before four at the House of Commons.

Lord Holland, Grey, and others seemed to think the Proclamation ought to have been made to-day, and I think it might have been just as well.

The Duke of Wellington was much cheered by the people. The Duke was called out of the Cabinet to see Halford, but we had a long conversation as to the course to be pursued with respect to the Parliament, and especially with respect to the Regency question.

The House must sit next week, as the sugar duties expire on Saturday next, and Goulburn seems disposed to propose a Bill for the continuance of the present duties for a time; to take money on account for miscellaneous services; to throw over the judicial Bills and end the session at once.

The stumbling block is the Regency question--whether it should be brought forward now, and if brought forward, who shall be Regent.

Peel seems to think we can hardly avoid bringing it on; as the session would have lasted two months in the event of the late King's living, why should it not now, when the reason for Parliament sitting is so much greater? And what would be the situation of the country if the King should die, leaving a minor Queen?

Peel suggested appointing the Queen Regent for a year. I said, depend upon it, when the King once has her as Regent he will never consent to change her, and if you appoint her for a year you appoint her for the whole time.

He afterwards suggested her appointment for a year after the King's death on account of the probability of her pregnancy. To this I objected, the state of distraction in which the country would be placed during that year. It is impossible consistently with the constitution to have an Executive, of which the existence shall be dependent on the good pleasure of Parliament.

Peel then suggested the giving to the King the power of naming either the Queen, the Duchess of Kent, or any member of the Royal family. The objection to this is that he ought to name one of the two first--that we got no security against a bad nomination, which we ought to do.

The views we ought to have are these: to give all possible strength to the monarchy. This we do not, if we permit a frequent change of the Executive; if we diminish the power of the Crown while in the hands of a Regency. We want to give stability to the Government, and this can only be given by making the Queen Regent. If we do that we provide, as far as human wisdom can, for a stable Government of seven years.

We can in no case _name_ any other person than the Queen, because she may become pregnant, and in that event it would be monstrous to make the Duchess of Kent Regent. All we can do, then, is to give the King the option of choosing the Queen or the Duchess of Kent. He will name the Queen, and she will be the best.

It has been observed that all Kings of England die either on Saturdays or Sundays.

_June 27._

Came up to a Cabinet at half-past three. We had a great deal of conversation as to the course to be pursued. The Chancellor said that in the event of a minor succeeding to the throne, all the minor's acts would be valid, and under the responsibility of ministers the Great Seal might be put in the minor's name by the minor's sign manual to an Act creating a Regency.

It was determined to take the opinion of the Attorney- and Solicitor- General upon this point.

On the supposition that the law is as the Chancellor states, we considered what should be done. All turns upon our being able to get a temporary Act for the sugar duties, and if we cannot get that we are _really_ no longer a Government. It was determined to carry through the Beer Bill and Beer Duty Bill, to throw over Stamps in Ireland, and carry Spirits. To take a sum of 800,000£ on account of miscellaneous estimates, and 250,000£ on account of the civil list.

These last points were decided at a Cabinet at Sir R. Peel's, which assembled at eleven, and sat till near one; at which the Attorney- and Solicitor-General delivered their opinion, in conformity with that of the Chancellor as to the legal competency of a minor sovereign.

The Attorney-General reminded us that if the King died before the new Parliament assembled, the old Parliament would revive.

Peel talked a good deal of the Regency. He is much in favour of making the Queen Regent for a year after the King's death, to provide for the possible pregnancy. It seems the principle of all Regencies has been to make the guardian of the person Regent. It is curious that the case should never have been provided for of a Queen being left pregnant of an heir apparent, and that it should never have occurred. The difficulty would be infinite.

I consider the death of the King to have been one of the fortunate events which have often saved the Duke of Wellington. I really do not know how we could have gone on, had he lived two months.