Chapter 12

I determined to have the Cabinet. Peel had not read till the day before yesterday the Batta papers, and, although inclining to the opinion that the present orders must be maintained, he thinks it, as it is, a serious question for the Government to decide after the minutes of Lord William Bentinck and the members of council, with the apprehension of a mutiny as the possible result of our standing firm. I said if we gave way the other armies would bring forward their demands--that it was a question, not only between the Home Authorities and the army, but the Home Authorities and the Local Government which had for sixteen years resisted the orders sent to them.

The Duke cautioned the Cabinet as to the character of the Indian army, which he said was a _mercenary army_, retained in obedience by nothing but the wish to return to England; but he thought after what had taken place we must resist, and adhere to our present orders. Peel wished all the members of the Cabinet to read the minutes before they decided, and there is to be a Cabinet on Sunday.

It was determined that if a question should be asked to-night, Peel should say 'the orders had not been countermanded.' Peel observed very justly on the state of things which seemed to exist in India. An army sending such memorials to the Government, and the members of the Government writing pamphlets against each other. In point of fact, years will be required to restore a proper tone to the Government of India.

I mentioned to the Duke the mission of two Russian Poles to India and Manilla, and that I suspected Russia of a wish to purchase Manilla. Neither the Duke nor Aberdeen seemed to think the Spaniards would or could sell the Philippines. However, Aberdeen will write to the man at Madrid to find out whether any proposal to that effect has been made by the Russian Government.

The members of the House of Commons consider their majority last night fortunate. The House is very loose. In the majority and minority were the most opposite parties. O'Connell went out with Sadler. The Brunswickers are in high glee, and have sent for their valiant champion, Falmouth. In our House they made a poor show.

Prince Leopold is not by any means disposed to take Greece without Candia, and it was thought, from Lord Lansdowne's speech, he and others had advised him to take this line. Aberdeen is very much embarrassed to find a substitute.

_February 6._

Spring-Rice asked Bankes in the House last night whether the letter to Sir J. Malcolm published as mine was mine. Bankes said that I had no copy of it, and therefore could not say it was correctly given. It was a private letter. Brougham, and Mackintosh, and that ass, M. A. Taylor, spoke in reprobation of it. Mackintosh most unfairly and disingenuously pretended to understand I endeavoured to get off by saying it was a private letter, and said it would be an extenuation of my offence if I would disavow the sentiments contained in it. What must he be himself to suppose I would disavow what I had written! Upon the whole, the tone taken by Peel and Bankes, but more especially by Peel, was too apologetical. I shall be obliged to go to the House on Monday to have a question put to me by Lord Lansdowne. I shall distinctly declare he may consider the letter as mine, and that I am ready to defend every line of it. Wrote to Lord Wellesley to offer to put his name upon the Committee on East India affairs if he would attend. He declines on account of ill-health.

Received a note from Peel begging me to have the Chairs to meet him on the appointment of the committee. I sent to the Chairman, and he came and met Peel; but Astell was out of the way. We are to meet at half-past one to- morrow. Peel did not seem to have looked much into the subject, which the Chairman observed.

Saw Bankes. He is not certain of succeeding now to the secretaryship of the Admiralty, but he expects it ultimately. He thinks the Duke of Buckingham had nothing to do with Lord Chandos's rejection of the Mint: but does not know how it went off. He thought that Lord Chandos had accepted, and the Duke seems to have thought so too.

A very good account from Ireland. The country gradually and quietly coming round.

_Sunday, February 7._

Cabinet. First, Batta. The Duke gave his decided opinion in favour of adhering to the present order. After some conversation, but no opposition, the Cabinet acquiesced unanimously in that decision, which has been mine from the first.

I had a moment's conversation with Peel about the letter to Sir J. Malcolm, and told him I would defend every word of it, elephants and all.

Then we had a good deal of discussion respecting the policy to be pursued with regard to Cuba, against which the Mexicans are preparing to organise a slave insurrection, for which purpose they have sent a Minister to Hayti. It seems to be generally believed that Canning, about the year 1823, issued a sort of prohibition to the Mexican and Columbian States to attack Cuba, but no trace can be found in the Foreign Office of any such prohibition.

Sir R. Wilson means to ask a question upon the subject to-morrow. He says, if you prohibit the Mexicans and Columbians from attacking Cuba, you should prohibit the Spaniards from attacking them--which is fair--in fact the expedition of Barradas was undertaken before we knew anything about it, and if we had wished we could not have interfered.

The question as to what answer should be given to Sir R. Wilson, and what policy pursued, was deferred till to-morrow.

In the meantime it appears that Mr. Robertson, who is at Mexico, remonstrated strongly with M. de Bocaregna, respecting the objects of the embassy to Hayti, and he was told by Aberdeen that he did quite right, and that not only ourselves but other states might view with disapprobation an attempt to excite a warfare of an uncivilised character in Cuba.

The French have assembled 35,000 men to attack Algiers. They promise not to keep it. [Footnote: This promise was repudiated by the Government of July.] They intimate their intention of assisting Mehemet Ali with a fleet; but in the meantime they are satisfied at Constantinople that Mehemet Ali will not move.

Aberdeen told Laval that we had informed the Pasha of Egypt that we should view with disapprobation his attack upon Tunis and Tripoli without the consent of the Sultan. Laval begged this might be repeated to him three times.

Much conversation as to the state of the House of Commons. The Tories are most radical. Sir R. Vyvyan told Holmes or Planta his object was to reduce the Government majorities as much as possible, and to make the Government as contemptible as possible. Sir E. Knatchbull leads about twenty-three. I think the probability is that, unless we make some coalition with the Whigs, we shall go to the ground between the two parties, [Footnote: This eventually occurred on the Civil List question after the accession of William IV.] both uniting against us upon some point (upon my letter to Sir J. Malcolm as likely as any other).

I took home Sir George Murray. He expressed his surprise the Duke should cling to the hope of reclaiming the ultra-Tories, whom he would not get, and who were not worth having.

I confess I think he carries it on too long, although I am not surprised he should have wished it at first.

Prince Leopold has given no reply to Aberdeen's letter, or to the offer of the ambassadors.

Lord Holland gives notice to-morrow of a motion about Greece, and Lord Melbourne moves for some papers respecting Portugal.

Lord Melville gives notice for me of the committee on East Indian Affairs, and I am not to go down till Tuesday, that we may have out the letter to Malcolm and other Indian matters all at once.

_February 8._

Wrote a memorandum for Peel and Bankes to this effect: 'That I had neither copy nor recollection of the letter; but that I had no doubt the letter published as mine was substantially correct. It was a confidential exposition of the motives which induced me to recommend two judges to the King. [Footnote: It was suggested that with these colleagues Sir J. Grant would be like a wild elephant between two tame ones. Alluding to the method of taming captured elephants in India.] It was never intended to be published, nor did I expect it would be. The expressions, therefore, were unadvised, but the sentiments were and are mine, deliberately formed upon full consideration of the official documents before me.

Cabinet. It appears on looking into papers of 1825 and 1826 that so far from our having prohibited Mexico and Columbia from making any attack upon Cuba, we uniformly abstained from doing anything of the kind. The Americans declared they could not see with indifference any state other than Spain in possession of Cuba, and further their disposition to interpose their power should war be conducted in Cuba in a _devastating_ manner, and with a view to the excitement of a servile war.

We offered to guarantee Cuba to Spain in 1823 if she would negotiate with the colonies with a view to their recognition.

Subsequently we were willing to enter into a tripartite guarantee of Cuba to Spain with the United States and France.

The United States seemed not unwilling, but France held back.

Peel is to say there was no record of any prohibition, but that the United States declared so, and it was possible Mr. Canning may have intimated a similar disposition on our part. This is to keep open to us the faculty of interfering if we please.

The Duke thinks my letter does not signify one pin. The simile of the elephants evidently means no more than that an indiscreet judge was placed between two discreet ones.

The Duke told me he had offered a Lordship of the Treasury to Ashley, who had declined it. He then told him to make himself master of the Batta question. Ashley said he had not seen the papers. He said, let him see the papers. I told him I had sent them the moment I got them to him, and he had desired me to send them to the Cabinet room, which I did. When they were taken from the Cabinet room they went to the India Board, and Ashley might have seen them. I had never kept any papers from him. We then talked about the speech to be made in moving the committee. The Duke seems inclined to have little said. Peel seems disposed to say little; but he knows little. I think they are wrong. I am sure it is necessary to correct the erroneous notions which have been propagated with respect to the trade. They will otherwise acquire so great a head it will be impossible to beat them back.

However, this we are to talk over with Peel tomorrow.

General King, who voted against the address on Thursday, is turned out by the King himself; the Duke having only mentioned the fact. I dare say the King may be alarmed by the spirit shown by the House of Commons.

The suicide of . . . . on account of his wife's seduction by the Duke of Cumberland, will drive the Duke of Cumberland out of the field.

_February 9._

Called on the Duke. He advised a very narrowed statement in moving for the committee. I rather doubt his judgment upon this point. I fear the opinion of the country will become settled, and that when the strength of our case is brought forward it will be found unequal to the driving back of the stream. However, I made a speech as he desired. Lord Lansdowne said a few words.

Lord Durham then questioned me as to the authenticity of my letter to Sir J. Malcolm. I acknowledged it was substantially correct, and declared I could not have entertained any other sentiments without a dereliction of duty. He expressed disapprobation, considering the letter as evincing a determination to control the independence of judges. The Duke replied--then Lord Melville--then Lord Holland--I last. I declared that, as my father's son, I was the last man capable of harbouring a thought against the independence of judges; but I would resist their usurpation, more especially when they usurped powers withheld from them by Parliament as dangerous to the peace of India and to the stability of the British power.

I said India could not bear the collision of the Supreme Court and the Local Government. If we did not support the Government we should lose India.

I was determined to maintain the integrity, the dignity, the authority, and the unapproachable power of the Local Government, and especially to support a man who, at that distance from England, acting in the faithful discharge of his public duty, incurred the highest responsibility and the greatest personal risk in defence of what he considered essential to the stability of the British power in India. I believe I did well. They all told me I should hear no more of it.

_February 10._

Saw Bankes. He says the House of Commons is loose indeed; but he thinks Ministers will have a majority on the East Retford business. The worst of it is that those who ought to be the friends of Government will not stay out a debate. Last night Peel and Goulburn were left with a decided minority, but the House was counted out.

Saw Hardinge. He seems to think there is no great danger, and he thinks the House is in so loose a state that the accession of an individual or two would not draw others; that Brougham may be quieted, and that the others do not much signify.

In the meantime Abercromby has been made Chief Baron of Scotland. Another Whig gone. A very valuable intimation to those who remain.

Lord Lansdowne brings in Zachary Macaulay, son of the old saint. [Footnote: The late Lord Macaulay. He is erroneously described by his father's Christian name.] They say a very clever man indeed, at least as a writer.

Hardinge told me the Duke told Mrs. Arbuthnot I spoke very well last night. At dinner the Chancellor and Sir George Murray congratulated me on what had taken place.

After the Cabinet dinner, much talk and nothing settled. The motion of Sir J. Graham will, I think, be amended--and easily. There is a disposition, very properly, not to give Portuguese papers. As to the Lord Holland's motion on Friday no decision is come to.

Gave the Duke the petition of the Bengal half-castes.

Mr. Jenkins, who was for many years resident at Nagpore, called upon me and offered himself as successor to Sir J. Malcolm. He said the Chairs were disposed to him, if the Government had no objection. I said I was aware of the services he had rendered, but that there were many distinguished servants of the Company, and likewise persons of ability who had not been in India, whose several qualifications must be considered. It was further a point upon which I must of course communicate with the Duke of Wellington. The man is a person of dry cold manner, not prepossessing.

I am disposed to think Mr. Chaplin the best Indian for the situation.

_February 11._

I think Polignac's Ministry must fall, and really, as regards himself, I cannot feel regret, as he is the greatest liar that has exercised diplomatist functions for a long time. I had thought better of him. If their expedition ever sails for Algiers they will find what it costs to send an expedition over sea. I think, however, they will succeed, and, if they do, they will keep Algiers.

Sir R. Gordon entertains a very different opinion from that expressed by Aberdeen as to the future fate of the Ottoman Empire. He thinks the events of the late war prove little, and that the Sultan has learnt a lesson which will induce him to treat his rayas better--that the war once over, all men will return to their duty. However, he gives no good reasons for his opinion. He states very fairly the difficulty of his own position. He says he has hitherto believed it was the intention of his Government to support Turkey. He has therefore had influence, because where he has advised concession the Turks have understood we meant it should not be hurtful to them--but now, how can he advise the Turks to yield to what is asked, when he knows the Government think that the more is taken from Turkey, the more is saved from Russia? Sir R. Gordon says his colleagues are by no means of opinion that the Ottoman Empire is falling, and that France allows their officers to go in numbers to serve with the Turkish troops.

Received a letter from Sir J. Macdonald in which he tells me the Turkish Asiatic provinces are falling away from the Sultan.

He encloses a letter from a Mr. Sterling, giving a very interesting account of his journey by Meshed and near Balkh to Cabul. He took a new road to the north of the Paropamisan ridge. In Cabul he experienced no difficulty.

_February 12._

House. Lord Holland's motion of a resolution that the House would not be satisfied with any plan for the pacification and settlement of Greece, which did not secure to that state the means of independence by sea and land, and leave the Greeks free to have their own Constitution. His information was most inaccurate. Yet on this he founded his distrust of the Government. Notwithstanding this distrust he was neither with them nor against them, nor did he wish to turn them out. He made an indifferent speech. Aberdeen a fair one ill delivered. The Duke spoke admirably. The brains were beaten out of the motion. No division. Goderich and Clanricarde and Melbourne spoke; Lord Melbourne poorly.

On the East Retford [Footnote: It will be remembered that this question had led to the resignation of Huskinsson and his friends.] question last night we had a majority of twenty-seven in a House of 226 members--the high Tories voting with Government.

Bankes has now the offer of a Lordship of the Admiralty till Croker can be got rid of; but he will not go. Castlereagh will have the Treasury Lordship--that is, 600£ a year more for having been careless.

_February 13._

After seeing the Chairs spoke to the Duke about the Bombay succession. He asked what I meant to do with Elphinstone? I considered he had left India altogether. The Duke thought he must return--that he would go to Bombay again with the expectation of afterwards going to Madras. I think the Duke has an idea of making him Governor-General. I mentioned Mr. Chaplin. The Duke mentioned Mr. Jenkins, of whom he thought highly. He had done well at Nagpore, and he had had some correspondence with him when in India which gave him a good opinion of him. The Duke spoke of Mr. Russell, but thought he had been mixed up with the Hyderabad transactions. I then mentioned Clare. The Duke thought him better than any of the others mentioned. That it was a great thing to have a man of rank; he must be well supported; he had not a very strong mind. However, on the whole he seemed better than the others, and I am to propose him.

I am very glad to have Clare. I have a great respect and regard for him-- but I have a little hesitation as to his fitness. He will, however, be a most zealous and honourable servant of the public, and his good manners will keep people in good humour and in order.

Leopold has sent in his answer. I have not seen it yet. He accepts on conditions.

The debate last night in the Commons is considered very favourable. Dawson's amendment was adopted--and Planta and Holmes say the temper of the country gentlemen is much improved. They are quite in spirits again.

A hint of Peel's, but a hint that the Government did not fear an appeal to the country, seems to have had a good effect.

_February 14._

Cabinet. On Thursday Peel, in opening the Compensation Bill, will detail the various legal reforms.

He is disposed to diminish gradually the number of crimes for which the punishment of death is awarded. The Duke seemed reluctant and so did others. However, the Chancellor did not object.

My father considered that where a man could not protect his own property the law ought to protect it for him by higher penalties. However, now it seems a man must protect his own property, and punishments are to be proportioned more to the extent of the moral offence than to the necessity for preventing crime.

Then we considered Leopold's answer. The man accepts provided--

1. There is a guarantee of the new State.

2. That the frontier is slightly altered.

3. That the three powers protect the present insurgents in Samos and Candia.

4. That a loan of 1,500,000£ is guaranteed.

5. That he may have troops furnished to him.

6. He stipulates that the Greeks should have the power of declining him, _le soussigné_, as their Prince.

A guarantee there will probably be, and therefore the alteration of boundaries, which Leopold knew could not be listened to, is in fact unnecessary.

Each power separately and individually may use its good offices with the Porte for the protection of the Greeks in Samos and Candia, and indeed, under the agreement as to an amnesty, each would be bound to do so; but no triple agreement will be entered into, the object being to get out of the Treaty of July 6.

Aberdeen seemed disposed to allow 1,000 men of each of the three Powers to go to Greece. This would continue the triple action, and as these troops would go, not against any external enemy, but against Greeks, the measure would be somewhat in contradiction to the declaration the other night that the Greeks and their Prince might make what Government they pleased. After some conversation it seemed the general opinion that it would be better to pay the cost of the troops than to have our own there, and in fact the same money would enable Greece to have twice the number of Germans or Swiss that she could have of British. This I thought. But I suggested that Greece could not want a large sum down. A sum might be required for outfit, but then an annual sum. Peel proposed the whole loan guaranteed should be 700,000£, of which 100,000£ to be paid down as outfit, and then 100,000£ a year for six years at 5 per cent; the three Powers guaranteeing each a third part of the interest. It is better to guarantee the loan, then to pay money down. The loan, they say, can be made at three. Aberdeen says the Greeks give a most flourishing exposé of their future finances, and he thinks they will become a rich State, and the Powers be exposed to no danger of being called upon for the payment of the interest. I think he begins to love his Greek progeny.

The Duke only desired we would get out of the treaty. I suggested the inexpediency of our joining in the guarantee. A guarantee gave no right of intervention we should not otherwise possess, and it obliged us to interfere when we might not desire to do so. However, I fear there will be a guarantee.

_February 16._

Cabinet. There seems to be little doubt that the Emperor Pedro means to direct an expedition from Rio against Portugal, Terceira being the point of _rassemblement_. This is a practical answer to the question recently put by us conjointly with France and Austria as to the intentions of the Emperor, and therefore we are at liberty to act as if a specific answer had been received. It seems Austria will be very unwilling to recognise Don Miguel; France not.

The object of recognising him is to prevent a revolutionary war in Portugal and the entrance of Spanish troops into Portugal to oppose it.

Whenever Miguel is recognised, I think Lord Rosslyn will be made Master- General of the Ordnance, Lord Beresford going to Portugal as Minister, and then the Privy Seal will be disposable. I dare say the Duke, out of good nature, will offer it to Lord Westmoreland.

Aberdeen read the remonstrance he proposed sending to Spain against the proposed expedition to Mexico.

Leopold met the Plenipotentiaries, and Aberdeen thinks he would have acceded, but he evidently required the sanction of another person. The French Ambassador used very strong language, telling him his Court would be very much hurt indeed at finding him make these difficulties after all that had passed, &c.