Chapter 10

The Duke then said we must look not to India only, but to all Asia, and asked me if I had read Evans's book. I told him I had; that in forty-eight hours after I read it I had sent a copy to Macdonald and another to Malcolm. I told him all the views I had with regard to the navigation of the Indus and the opening of a trade with Cabul and Bokhara. He said our minds appeared to have been travelling the same way. We must have good information of what the Russians might be doing there. I reminded him I had desired the Government a year ago to obtain information as to all the countries between the Caspian and the Indus, and I intended now to give a more particular direction. He said Macdonald should have his eye upon the Caspian, and information as to those countries would be best obtained through natives. I reminded him that that had been the suggestion in my letter of last year. The Duke's opinion is that it is a question of _expense only_. That if the Russians got 20,000 or 30,000 men into Cabul we could beat them; but that by hanging upon us there they could put us to an enormous expense in military preparation, and in quelling insurrections. They could not move in that direction without views hostile to us, and by threatening us there they would think to embarrass us in Europe. I proposed that in the event of the Russians moving in that direction we should permit the Government of India to act as an Asiatic Power. By money at least, he allowed, without further orders, not to move in advance without instructions. But the Duke is ready to take up the question here in Europe, if the Russians move towards India with views of evident hostility.

He approves of a message going at once with orders to Macdonald.

_December 18._

Chairs. They will consider favourably Mrs. Hastings's case; but she must address her representation to them.

I told them of my suggestion of making Malcolm provisional successor to Lord William, and the reasons for it. They seemed to like the idea; but the same objection occurred to them which had occurred to the Duke and to me-- that if Malcolm went to Calcutta he would die. I said I did not want him to go. I did not look to his going. I looked to the moral effect of the appointment upon Lord William and upon all their servants in India. They want to get some political man of high rank and talents and determined character to go. They are heartily sick of Lord William. Whom they want to send I do not know.

I told them of my conversation with the Duke and went over the same ground. They acquiesced in all I said. We shall have the missions to Scinde and to Lahore, and the commercial venture up the Indus, and the instruction to Macdonald. In short, all I want.

Despatches are at hand from Lord William, dated May 1, in triplicate, and without the minutes which are referred to as containing the sentiments of the Government. These despatches merely refer the subject to the consideration of the Court.

One Jones, it seems, has written almost all the memorials, and is considered a rebel more than a Radical.

We had a little conversation respecting the future Government of India. I told them it must be a strong Government, and I doubted whether in its present form it could secure obedience in India. It required more of appearance. They seemed to feel that. Astell acknowledged there was nothing imposing in the name of 'the Company,' and that the present Government was fallen into contempt.

I told them I was satisfied that the patronage and the appeals should always remain where they were. I paid them a high compliment, which they justly deserve, upon the fairness of their conduct in deciding upon the claims of their servants.

They feel their Government is weak in its last year; but that the Ministers could not do otherwise than have a committee.

_December 18._

Wrote a letter to the Duke, which he may send to the King, stating the result of my communication to the Chairs respecting Mrs. Hastings.

Requested information as to the trade of the Caspian, that carried on by the caravans to Bokhara, and the general condition of that country, desiring likewise that means might be taken to keep us constantly informed of any movements made by the Russians towards the Sea of Aral, and of any attempt to make establishments on the east coast of the Caspian.

Wrote to the Duke to tell him what was done and how entirely the Chairs entered into his views.

_December 19._

Wrote to Loch to suggest that he should send Meyendorff's and Mouravief's books to Macdonald.

Read a clever pamphlet on the China trade, and in coming down to Worthing all the papers Hardinge sent me relative to the new pension regulations.

_December 20._

Read Meyendorff's 'Tour in Bokhara.' It contains all the information I want as to the commerce between Bokhara and Russia. We can easily supply Bokhara with many things the Russians now furnish, and with all Indian goods cheaper by the Indus than the Ganges; but what the Bokharians are to send us in return I do not well see, except turquoises, lapis lazuli, and the ducats they receive from Russia. We may get shawls cheaper by navigating the Indus.

_December 21._

Read the memorandum the Chairs gave me respecting the application of steam navigation to the internal and external communications of India. It has been prepared carefully and ably, and is very interesting. It suggests the navigation of the Euphrates to Balis or Bir by steam, and thence the passage by Aleppo to Latakia or Scanderoon. It likewise suggests that it might be more expeditious to cross the desert from Suez to Lake Menzaleh, or direct to the sea.

_December 22._

Wrote to Lord Hill, telling him of Sir G. Walker's dangerous illness, and intimating the importance, under the present circumstances of Madras, of having not only a good soldier as Commander-in-Chief, but a man possessed of good civil qualities.

Sent a copy of this letter to the Duke.

_December 25._

Read a memorandum of Jones on the last mission to Lahore, and a very long secret despatch in 1811 upon the subject of Runjeet Singh's attempt to establish himself on the left bank of the Sutlege, and his retreat in consequence of remonstrances and military demonstration on the part of the British Government.

_December 26._

Called by appointment on Lady Macdonald, who came here to speak to me about Sir J. Macdonald's salary and position at Tabriz. She says that after the letter he wrote, representing the inexpediency of Sir H. Willock's remaining as his first assistant and the non-existence of any necessity for two assistants, if the Bengal Government do not recall Willock Sir J. Macdonald cannot remain. She has likewise a good deal to say respecting the salary. I think 9,000£ a year a proper salary. The Ambassador at Constantinople has 8,000£ and a house; but Constantinople is on the sea, and the charge of bringing European goods to Tabriz through Russia is so considerable that 1,000£ a year ought to be added for the charge.

_December 29._

Received three letters from Lord W. Bentinck, of July 6 and 8 and August 2. In that of the 6th he speaks of my private letter to Sir J. Malcolm, published in the 'Calcutta Newspaper.' In that of the 8th he sends it to me, the names being altered, and all between brackets being interpolated, and in fact in the light of comment. In that of August 2 he speaks of the temper of the army, &c., and all public subjects. I have sent the three letters to the Duke.

I was glad to have my letter. I can defend every word in it. It contains the simile of the elephants, which I am sorry for, as I fear those described _as tame_ may be foolish enough to endeavour to show they are not so by affecting a degree of vivacity beyond their nature; but still I can defend it.

Lord William describes his position as not agreeable, having to effect the odious work of reduction. [Footnote: Besides the burning question of 'Half- Batta,' Lord W. Bentinck's administration was regarded as hostile in spirit to that of his predecessors, and so disliked by those who had served under them, especially by the military.] He says that in India no man thinks of anything but MONEY, that the local government has incurred great odium by carrying into effect the orders of the home authorities. He recommends Sir Charles Metcalfe as a man standing by Malcolm's side, and fit for the government of Bombay. I a little fear Sir Charles Metcalfe. He is rather too vehement. I doubt whether he would be a safe man. I am quite sure Courtney would be a very unfit man. The Governor of Bombay ought to be an Indian, but who is there?

Lord William represents the Burmese Government as a barbarian Government. He says they have sacrificed all who assisted us, and that the difficulty in retroceding the Tenasserim provinces would be to know what to do with the 35,000 people who have sought our protection.

This report makes the wisdom of our recent policy yet clearer than it appeared before.

_December 31._

Read twenty papers on the opium treaties and management in Central India. The Supreme Government have decided upon no longer limiting the extent of cultivation in Malwa, and upon permitting the free transit of the drug. This was expedient because undoubtedly our restrictions led to the most hostile feelings on the part both of princes and people, to the injury of the traders, to violent and offensive interference on our part in the internal policy of foreign States, and to smuggling protected by large bodies of armed men. The smugglers would soon have been Pindarries. This system began only in 1825. It was forced upon the small States, and not upon that of Gwalior, so that smuggling defeated the object.

_January 2, 1830._

Received from the Duke a note to say the publication of my private letter to Sir J. Malcolm did not signify one pin's head, and it _will have_ done good in India.

Wrote a long letter to Lord William Bentinck. I pressed upon him the necessity of making the home and the local authorities draw together. I told him he was suffering not for his obedience but for the disobedience of his predecessors. Assured him of support, lamented the _ungentlemanlike_ tone of society evidenced by the insult of the commanding officers to him, and by the publication of my private letter. I spoke in high terms of Lieut. W. Hislop's report on the opium arrangements (which on reflection I thought better than writing a letter to him), and I likewise spoke highly of Mr. Scott, the Commissioner in Assam. Acknowledged the Government could not have done otherwise than give up the opium treaties; but foretold a large falling off in the opium revenue from over-cultivation in Malwa.

_January 3._

A letter from Clare on East Indian matters which I answered at length. Sent Prendergast's pamphlet to Jones.

Read reports on the Delhi and Firuz Shah's canal, by which it appears my plan of joining the Sutlege and Jumna is not visionary. It has been done. The canal can still be traced. Delhi seems in distant times to have been like Milan, in the midst of canals. The grand canal sent a branch through the palace. The water has been again turned in the same channel. When the water flowed into Delhi on the opening of the canal on May 30, 1820, the people went out to meet it and threw flowers into the stream. In those countries nothing can be done without water, and with water, and such a sun, anything.

_January 4, 1830._

Head Eraser's journey and finished it. It is very interesting, and shows how completely the Persian monarchy is falling to pieces.

_January 5._

Saw Wrangham. There is no news. The affairs of the Netherlands, he says, look rather better, and Polignac is very stout and says he is very strong. It seems great complaints are made of Lord Stuart, who gives little information, and what little he does give is incorrect.

_January 6._

Vesey Fitzgerald will certainly not be able to attend the House this year. His physicians say he would die in five minutes if he got up to speak. I heard G. Dawson tell the Duke to-day. I rather suspect G. Dawson would like Vesey's place.

The Duke has been much occupied with the Greek question. I have not yet read any papers at the Foreign Office. He spoke to me of Bankes's going out, which he regretted.

He had had some conversation last year at Belvoir with Lord Graham upon Indian affairs, and had been quite surprised to find how much he knew. He had thought he only knew how to comb his hair. The Duke thinks of Horace Twiss for secretary. He had thought of Mr. Wortley, Lord Wharncliffe's son, a very clever young man, but he wanted a _made_ man, not one to learn. I shall suggest Ashley's taking Horace Twiss's place, and Lord Graham being First Commissioner. This will force him to come forward. Then Wortley might be Second Commissioner. Horace Twiss is a clever man, but rather vulgar. However, he is a lawyer and a very good speaker, and will do very well.

_January 7._

I told the Chairs my views as to an alteration in the Supreme Court Bill. They seemed to approve if the thing could be done. I had afterwards some conversation with the Chancellor upon this subject. He admitted the force of my reasoning, but desired to have a memorandum about it, which indeed will be convenient to me as well as to him. It should state all the new circumstances since the establishment of the Supreme Court which render its existence less necessary than it was, and more inapplicable than ever to the condition of India.

At the Duke's dinner I told the Duke and Rosslyn the substance of Lord William's letters. The Duke said the act [Footnote: In combining to oppose the Half-Batta orders. See Thornton's _British India_, vol. v.] of the officers was mutiny.

The King is ill. He has lost a good deal of blood.

_January 8._

The King quite well again. In the morning began and nearly finished a memorandum on the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court for the Chancellor.

Cabinet at 2. Conversation respecting the abolition of the Welsh judgeships, and the addition of a judge to the Courts of King's Bench and Common Pleas, or Exchequer. The two new judges would be Circuit Judges of Wales. The Welsh gentlemen seem to be favourable to the change. The attornies, who are numerous and powerful, very hostile. The Chancellor introduces again his Bill of last Session. The Equity is to be separated from the Common Law Jurisdiction of the Court of Exchequer. The subject was only talked of, and decision deferred till Sunday next.

We then talked of Ireland. The Grand Jury Presentment Bill is not yet prepared. The plan for a police is to place the nominations in the hands of the Lord-Lieutenant. To send stipendiary magistrates when and where they are wanted.

Peel's suggestions went much further; but Lord F. Gower seems to me to be only a clever boy. He has as yet proposed _nothing_ worthy of adoption, and he has often been near the commission of errors from which he has been saved only by Peel's advice.

He wished to establish stipendiary magistrates in every county, the effect of which would have been to disgust all the gentlemen magistrates, and to lead them to the abandonment of their duty. He wished too to unite in all cases the inspectorships of police with the office of stipendiary magistrate, to avoid collision; but the duties of inspector are of a mere ministerial and inferior character, and would not agree well with those of a magistrate.

I must read to-morrow all the late protocols and despatches. The Russians and French have agreed to make Leopold Prince of Greece, but the King cannot endure the idea. Aberdeen thinks he has made a great conquest in carrying the point of Leopold's election. I confess I cannot understand the great advantage we derive from it. What an extraordinary scene! Those monarchical states, the most adverse to revolution, combine to assist the rebellion of a people against its sovereign, a rebellion commenced by murder and continued by treachery, stained with every crime that ever disgraced human nature! [Footnote: The massacres by the Greeks at Tripolitza and Athens, the latter in direct breach of a capitulation, had, according to a not unfavourable historian, cast a dark stain on the Greek cause and diminished the interest felt for it in foreign countries. (Alison, _Hist. Europe_, 1815-52, iii. 150.)] They destroy the fleet of an unoffending Power in a time of profound peace in his own port. They thus facilitate the attack of an enemy, and in the extreme peril of the defeated sovereign they increase their demands in order to form a substantive State out of the ruins of his Empire. They then elect a Prince unknown to the people over whom he is to reign, and support him by equal assistance in ships and money! Those monarchical states set up a revolutionary government and maintain it in coparcenary! It was reserved for these times to witness such contradictions. I do not think any one is very well satisfied with them but Aberdeen. He is charmed.

_Sunday, January 10._

Cabinet. Conversation first as to an intended publication by Mr. Stapleton of a 'Life of Canning,' in which he means to insert the substance, if not the copies, of public papers relating to transactions not yet terminated. He has had it intimated to him that he will do so at his peril. He holds an office under the Government during pleasure. I said he had no right over private letters relating to public subjects which only came to the knowledge of the writer by his official situation. He should be told it was a high breach of public confidence, and he should be displaced if he was guilty of it. He will have a hint, but I fear not one sufficiently strong. It is Lady Canning who thinks she can injure the Duke of Wellington, and so publishes these papers. Stapleton is her editor. She demanded from Aberdeen official letters of Canning's, and actually threatened him with a suit in Chancery if he did not give them up. The Duke says he has copies of all Canning's letters, and he shall publish if they do. [Footnote: Augustus Granville Stapleton had been private secretary to Canning, and published about 1830-31 _The Political Life of George Canning_, and nearly thirty years later, _George Canning and his Times_. The latter work contains much correspondence the publication of which might have been objected to at the earlier date.]

We had Scarlett and afterwards Bosanquet in upon the Welsh Judicature question. It was at last decided that the Equity Jurisdiction of the Courts of Great Session should be sent to the Court of Exchequer, that power should be taken to the King of directing the circuits to be held where he pleased, and that the two new judges of the English Courts should do the duty of the Welsh circuits. The proceedings to be assimilated to those of the English Courts.

The saving by the reduction of the Welsh judges, after allowing for their pensions, will leave an ample fund for the compensation of the officers reduced.

I read Lord Stuart de Rothesay's last despatches and Lord Heytesbury's. There seems to me to be great over-confidence in their strength on the part of the French Ministers. I cannot help thinking they will fall. Villele will have nothing to do with the Government under this House of deputies, which declared his administration _deplorable_. He seems to stipulate for their dissolution.

Halil Pacha takes to Petersburg fine presents for the Emperor and Empress, and other presents he is to distribute 'selon son gré et en son nom' which are enough to bribe all the ladies in Europe. There is a list of them extending over seven pages.

It seems to be doubtful whether the French have not been endeavouring to induce Mehemet Ali to revenge their quarrel with Algiers by marching along the whole coast of Africa. The French are much out of humour with their Algerine follies, and heartily tired of their expensive gasconade.

Mehemet Ali does not seem much inclined to send _his_ fleet to Constantinople, although he has honour enough to send the Sultan's.

The Russians have launched two large ships (120 and 74), and they have bought a double-banked frigate built in the United States.

_Monday, January 11._

At the Cabinet room, where I met Sir George Murray; read the letters relative to the alterations in the judicial system of Scotland.

Read a letter from Loch, allowing me to show to the Cabinet Lord William's letters. He wished them to be read, not shown, or rather not circulated; but it is contrary to all rule, so I left them to-day on the Cabinet table.

The Duke told me yesterday he felt no concession could now be made, although it was a mighty foolish thing to have had a quarrel about.

Got home at 5, dressed, and was going to business, when I found a note from Drummond, desiring me to call on the Duke as soon as I could. I ordered the carriage and went. Found the Chancellor there.

It seems there is a great hitch about Prince Leopold's nomination as Prince Sovereign of Greece. The French have now proposed it. We desire it. Russia acquiesces. We have always declared we did not care who was Prince Sovereign of Greece, but we were resolved never to acknowledge as such a man in whom we had not confidence. Some time ago the King of Prussia applied through the Grand Duke of Mecklenburgh to the King for his vote in favour of Prince Charles of Mecklenburgh, the brother of the late Queen of Prussia and of the Duchess of Cumberland. This application was made through the Duke of Cumberland to the King, and the King returned an answer through the Duke of Cumberland. What this answer was is not known; but the King having mentioned the circumstance to Aberdeen, and he to the Duke, Aberdeen, by the Duke's desire, wrote through Sir Brook Taylor to the King of Prussia, and civilly put him off. This letter of course the King saw, and approved. The Duchess of Cumberland complains the answer of Aberdeen was very different from that given through the Duke of Cumberland by the King, and says it is an _intrigue_.

The King has been put up to this, and tells Aberdeen he knows his own ground--that the people of England will not bear that 50,000£ a year shall be paid by them to the Prince of Greece. He does not care whether Leopold goes or no, but he is determined he shall leave his annuity behind him.

The articles in the 'Standard' and other papers, a few days ago, are supposed to have had reference to this then intended rupture. Aberdeen goes to the King to-morrow, and the Duke having seen all the Cabinet, Aberdeen will, if it should be necessary, declare their concurrent opinion. The Duke thinks the King will yield to Aberdeen; to avoid seeing him--if he is obliged to go down, he will declare distinctly to the King that his Majesty had better name whatever Minister he may wish to give his confidence to; but that to whatever Minister he may choose to have, he ought to give his confidence.

Certainly nothing can have been more scandalous than the King's conduct to the Duke. He has never given his Government the fair support. Say what the Duke will, he of Cumberland is believed.

The Duke had a note about the King the other day from Lady Conyngham, written only to tell him the Duke of Cumberland had been four hours with His Majesty.

That Prince Leopold will make an efficient King of Greece I do not believe; but he is not likely to be hostile to England. Prince Charles of Mecklenburgh, named by Prussia, would be really Russian, and the tool of States not friendly to us.

Prince Leopold hopes, if he goes to Greece, that Government will purchase the lands he has bought, for which he has given 40,000£ or 50,000£.

Determined to have my letter respecting the acquisition of information in Central Asia and the navigation of the Indus sent to the Chairs _to- morrow_, that _it may_ be sent, and be on record as _mine_, in the event of His Majesty turning me out the next day, as he will very possibly do.

_January 12._