Part 7
In the evidence laid before the Lords’ Committees upon the London and Birmingham Railway, it is stated that the whole amount of “earth work” required for that railway, amounts to 22,779,431 cubic yards; of which a detailed statement is given in the minutes of evidence.
Dividing the twenty-three (nearly) millions of cubic yards of “earth work” which are to be excavated and embanked on the Birmingham Railway, by the number of cubic yards of ore, &c. which it is necessary to dig to make a ton of iron, will show, that if the wages which will be paid for levelling on that railway, were to be expended in digging iron ore, &c. the nation would be benefitted by having three millions and a half tons of iron more than it now possesses; while the labour expended on the railway will be not only worth nothing to the nation, but also worse; insomuch as it appears by the evidence before the Lords’ Committees that it will render 1250 acres of land, which are now cultivated and productive, sterile as a turnpike road.
It is supposed by Mr. Treasurer Booth, in his book on the Liverpool and Manchester Railway, that three thousand miles of rail-road, will, eventually, be laid down in England.
Supposing these 3000 miles to require “earth work” (cuttings and embankments, i.e.) in the same proportion that the London and Birmingham Railway will do so, and also supposing that the wages which will be paid to the Irish, &c. labourers, who do the digging for this “earth work,” were, instead, to be paid to the workmen of the iron masters for raising ore, &c. &c. and converting it into iron, the nation would be richer by nearly one hundred million tons of iron, than it will be if these said wages are paid merely for “cutting and embanking” for railways.
Now though I do not mean to insinuate that this hundred million tons of metallic worth, would increase what is now termed the “monetary wealth” of the nation, yet, as surely as their ignorance (and consequent want) of iron, rendered Mexico and Peru such easy conquests to the iron of the Spaniards, as to make them most striking examples of the truth of Solon’s warning to Crœsus, “He who has more iron, will soon be master of all this gold,” so surely would the possession of this hundred million tons of iron, be enormously more advantageous to the nation, than the cuttings and embankments required for these 3000 miles of railway will be.
Although iron be not, at the present day, either with ourselves, or in any other part of the world, the symbol of value, medium of exchange, and _money_, which Lycurgus made it in Sparta, when that state was in her glory, yet has it, as a commodity which will obtain us the gold and silver of Mexico and Peru in exchange for it, a value, which will procure us the amount of its worth in those metals, as certainly as any other commodity that we export. In whatever proportion, therefore, this hundred million tons of iron would procure us either the gold or silver, the corn and flour, the silks and cottons, the wines and wools, the tea and coffee, the sugar and spices, &c. &c. of other countries, would devoting the wages which will be expended in cutting and embanking for these 3000 miles of railway, to the raising and smelting of iron ore, be more valuable to the nation at large, than if so employed.
Nor is this all; since the substitute I propose for railways, would give us food for one hundred thousand people, which these railways will deprive us of.
The documents laid before the Lords’ Committees, state, that this Birmingham railway will cover and throw out of cultivation, 1250 acres of land. Supposing the proportion thrown out by the 3000 miles of railway to be the same, the whole amount will be 33,333 acres. Allowing these acres to produce three quarters of corn each, is no very excessive allowance. {45} And each individual of the kingdom being estimated to consume a quarter of corn every year, here is land that would produce bread for one hundred thousand people thrown out of cultivation by the railway system.
Now as, in addition to its being perfectly _practicable_ for my tunnels to be buried underground, it would be decidedly best for themselves, and for the operation of the principle, that they should be so; and as ploughing, sowing, reaping, mowing, and all other operations of agriculture, may go on over them, as over any drain, or water-pipe, there is, in addition to the _metallic_ difference which my plan would make to the riches of the nation, the circumstance, that, besides providing this exchangeable metallic wealth, or exportable value, it would also provide us, every year, with food for one hundred thousand more people, than the railway system can provide for.
The _metallic_ part of the question being, however, that which concerns the iron trade, I will keep to that.
One of my early views of this method of conveyance, was, that it _might_ prove important to the iron trade, from the much greater quantity of their production which it would consume, than railways require: and it has, for these seven years, been an object with me, to awaken the attention of the iron masters to (as I conceived) its importance to them, and to endeavour to convince them of the propriety of giving to a plan, which would consume _tons_ of their article, where railways consume only hundred weights, the same fostering and support which they gave to bringing forward railways.
But it has not pleased the iron masters to see the case in the same light in which it presented itself to me.
It is well known to them, that in the year 1810 we had neither a steam-vessel nor a gas-work in the kingdom: the propositions to adopt both those important inventions being _then_ termed and treated, just as this proposition of mine is now termed and treated, i.e. as “impossible, absurd, and madness to think of.” Yet have they seen that a sum of (roundly speaking) ten millions, has, since that period, been sunk in the construction of gas-works and steam-vessels.
With proofs such as these before them (and which have led to the consumption of so much of their production as gas-works and mains require), that, what they, a few years ago, deemed utterly impossible, may, nevertheless, be quite the reverse—it might have been supposed that the iron masters would not prove, either incredulous to, or bigoted against, the belief that a still more important extension of the use of their article was about to open to them.
But, to my great surprise, I have found, that of all unbelievers, the iron masters have proved the most unbelieving.
Other people doubted only because the want of knowledge on the subject, which they openly avowed, left them no alternative. But, in the iron masters, I have had “to contend with the pride of false knowledge.” The world at large said, “We cannot believe, because we cannot understand.” But the iron masters say, “We do not believe, because _we_ know better.”
On asking them how and why they “knew better,” I found that it was not, as some might suppose, from any doubt or difficulty as to the tunnel itself; which they admitted could be cast and laid down, of any size or dimensions that might be required. Neither was it from any doubt as to steam-engines or air-pumps being large and powerful enough to do what was necessary;—the tens of thousands of gallons of air ejected per minute, from the air-pumps which they use to blow the fires of their smelting-furnaces, and the hundreds of horses power they know steam-engines are made equal to, removing all question on these points. {46} But their incredulity arose from a difficulty which one of them had met with, in forcing air through a pipe; and of which they supposed me ignorant; but to which I had adverted, in a publication years before, in the following words:
“It is too well known, to be at all affected in point of veracity, by an inability to mention either the exact time or place, that the proprietor of an iron work in Wales had, some years ago, occasion to erect an additional furnace, at the distance (recollection states) of about three-quarters of a mile from his old ones. The blast apparatus of these old works being large enough to supply this new furnace in addition to the old ones, he conceived it would prove much cheaper, if, instead of having power and blast cylinders erected at the new work, he were to lay a pipe from the old ones, to convey to the new one the superfluous blast. This he accordingly did; and as soon as the pipe was completed, set the apparatus going, to ascertain the strength of the blast he could thus apply to the new furnace. To his great surprise, however, no blast was produced; a gentle current, which would hardly blow a candle out, being all that was perceptible. For a result so adverse to his expectation, he could account in no way but by supposing that, from accident or design, the pipe was stopped up. As the readiest way to ascertain whether it was so, he put a cat in at one end, and blocked it up, leaving her to find her way to the other.
“Thus situated, puss had no alternative but that of seeking an exit at the other end: this she accordingly did, and, contrary to his expectations, soon made her appearance there. Convinced by this that the pipe was not stopped up, he concluded that the disappointment he had experienced arose from the friction of the air against it; and finding that he could in no way obviate this difficulty, he was obliged to abandon the design, and be at the additional expense of blast apparatus for his new furnace.
“Now, had the proposition this treatise submits, been, that we should convey ourselves through a tunnel such as has been adverted to, by employing apparatus on the principle of blast furnaces, to blow us through, by _forcing_ air in behind us, the circumstance which has just been stated would be fatal to that proposition. But when, instead of being blown through, by air _forced_ in behind us, it is proposed to cause the air which is behind the vehicle to operate to push it forward, in consequence of some being taken from before it, the case is widely different. Air which is forced to move in a pipe, in consequence of other air being driven into that pipe behind it, operates (in degree) as a wedge, and opposes to the power which moves it, resistance, arising from becoming, as it were, wedged against the pipe, through its whole length. But air which, instead of being _forced_ to move by an impulse from behind, that, as it were, wedges it against even the very end of the pipe it enters at, is _allowed_ to move, owing to some being taken out from before it instead of being forced in behind it, becomes affected as any thing from which a wedge is _withdrawn_ is affected; that is, freedom of motion is allowed, and its parts play so much more freely, that friction is diminished instead of increased. The impediment would prove, therefore, less important in this case than in the other, even were there no method of altogether obviating it; happily, however, the means of doing this are in our power. Between driving a vehicle through the proposed tunnel by forcing air in behind it, and according to the method which has been stated, there is this difference,—that in the former case the impulse can be given only from the end where the moving power operates; while, in the latter, arranging valves, which should be opened by the vehicle as it passed over them, would admit of that impulse being renewed at every hundred yards, could it be necessary to do it so frequently. Let the friction of the air against the pipe be what it may, therefore, a valve at every mile, or at every half or quarter of a mile, which (as may be done) should be opened by the vehicle as it passed along, and caused to remain open till it (the vehicle) had arrived at the next valve, would prevent any diminution of the velocity at which we might be conveyed, that would prove important.
“This reasoning may be illustrated by a figure relating to an experiment. Air was forced through a pipe 56 feet long, at the rate of 20 miles an hour, under a pressure which is equal to 2.2 inches of water; and as it required a pressure which is equal to 0.6 inches of water to make air move at that rate through a hole in the side of a vessel, there was consequently 1.6 inches greater pressure at that end of the pipe at which the air entered, than at the end from whence it issued.
“Now if the length of the pipe—the tenths of pressure at the entering—and those at the issuing end, be expressed by two lines approximating each other, as shewn below, it may be conceived how ‘air which is forced to move in a pipe in consequence of other air being driven into that pipe behind it, operates as a wedge; and opposes to the power which moves it, resistance, arising from becoming as it were wedged against the pipe, through its whole length.’”
[Picture: Two lines illustrating the above point]
“Since the length of these two lines bears the same proportion in hundredths of an inch to 56 feet, as the spaces between the ends of them bear (in tenths of an inch) to 2.2 inches of water, and 0.6 inches of water; {48a} and if we conceive that forcing air to move in this way, is, in some degree, analogous to drawing an elastic endless rope, the size of which should be equal to the larger end of the pipe, through it, and out at the smaller end, we may form some idea of the degree to which power would be absorbed in operating by a plenum. And not only this; since, reversing the operation, and supposing the rope to be drawn from the smaller to the larger end, will also give us some idea of the effect of operating by exhaustion, or vacuum; and enable us to conceive that ‘air which is allowed to move, owing to some being taken out from before it, instead of being forced in behind it, becomes affected, as any thing from which a wedge is withdrawn is affected; that is, freedom of motion is allowed, and its parts play so much more freely, that friction is diminished instead of increased.’”
Unconvinced, however, by arguments of this kind, the iron masters persist in maintaining what I propose to be impossible, because one of them found that the _exactly reverse_ process is so. In other words, they act just as those “impossibleists” did, who, in their ignorance that high steam would admit of the vacuum, air-pump, ponderous condensing chest, and ton of cold water per horse power per hour, which are inseparable from low-pressure engines, being dispensed with in high-pressure engines, pronounced it to be utterly impossible ever to make steam-engines capable of running upon roads, because such engines could neither carry the ponderous apparatus inseparable from the condenser, nor the immense quantity of cold water required to produce the vacuum which, alone, renders low-pressure engines efficient.
In vain did I point out to them, not only that I had not overlooked their objection, but that my earliest views of the subject, had adverted to, and expressly guarded against it. It was of no use: for no “Demetrius” or other “craftsman” of that day ever vociferated, “Great is Diana of the Ephesians!” more perseveringly, than the principal iron masters of the present day have exclaimed in honour of the idol “Impossible,” whom it pleased them to set up and worship, in opposition to the (as they deemed it) heresy I presumed to attempt to teach them.
Had they done me the honour to _prove_ me heretical, and that theirs was the _true_ faith, I should have been importantly benefitted, as well as convinced: insomuch as it would have prevented me from devoting at least seven additional years of time, and all the means in my power during that period, to the subject. But when they would not trouble themselves to _examine_, and condemned, solely because they proclaimed “impossible,” a method of operation, which I not only did _not_ advocate, but which my publications proved I had long and openly disclaimed, I could not but feel, first, the truth of Dr. Robertson’s observation, “As in Genoa ignorance had opposed and disappointed Columbus, in Lisbon he had to combat with prejudice, an enemy no less formidable;” and, secondly, that just as the reasoning of the pilot who was chosen to execute the treachery planned against Columbus, failed, because he had courage only to go half-way, so did the reasoning of these gentlemen fail, because they have done only _half_ what is necessary to disprove the practicability of what I propose. {48b}
In publications, besides that just quoted, I have not only stated my conviction that the method of operation which the iron masters condemn would be impracticable, but also have endeavoured to analyse the question, and show _why_ it would be so. But as I do not, like them, stop there, and (in effect) say that it must ever be impossible to discover a “North-West Passage,” or reach the _North_ Pole, because Captain Cook could not get within 30° of the South Pole, these gentlemen are pleased to act the part of “Alexander the coppersmith,” against me, rather than to give themselves the trouble of examining whether the part of another Alexander might not prove more honourable, as well as more advantageous to them.
The quotation given a few pages back, states that the price of iron was raised from 7_l._ to 14_l._ in 1825, in consequence of what was then called “the railway mania.” But, so far from maintaining this price, the following extract from a Memorial, which was agreed to at a meeting of the Staffordshire Iron Trade, held at Dudley, on the 4th October, 1831, shews, that in six years the price of iron had fallen lower than ever before was known.
“Memorial to the Right Honourable Earl Grey, First Lord of His Majesty’s Treasury.
“We, the undersigned Iron Masters, of the Staffordshire Iron and Coal district, think it our duty respectfully to represent to His Majesty’s Government the following facts:
“1. That for the last five years, ever _since what is called the panic of_ 1825, we have found, with very slight intermissions, a continually increasing depression in the prices of the products of industry, and more particularly in Pig Iron and Bar Iron, which have fallen respectively from upwards of 8_l._ _per ton_ to under 3_l._ _per ton_, and from 15_l._ _per ton_ to under 5_l._ _per ton_.
“2. Against this alarming and long-continued depression, we have used every possible effort in our power to make head. We have practised all manner of economy, and have had recourse to every possible improvement in the working of our mines and manufactories. _Our workmen’s wages_ have, in many instances, been greatly reduced, and such reduction has been attended with, and _effected by_, _very great suffering and distress_:—but the royalties, rents, contracts, and other engagements, under which we hold our respective works and mines, have scarcely been reduced at all, nor can we get them effectually reduced, _because the law enforces their payment in full_.
“3. The prices of the products of our industry having thus fallen within the range of the fixed charges and expenses which the law compels us to discharge, the just and necessary profits of our respective trades have ceased to exist: and in many cases a positive loss attends them.
“4. Under these circumstances, we have long hesitated in determining what line of conduct our interest and our duties require us to adopt:—If we should abandon our respective trades, our large and expensive outlays in machinery and erections must be sacrificed, at an enormous loss to ourselves, and our honest and meritorious workmen must be thrown in thousands upon parishes, already too much impoverished by their present burdens, to support them:—and if we should continue our respective trades, we see nothing but the prospect of increasing distress, and certain ruin to all around us.”
The remaining part of this “Memorial” touching on politics, need not be quoted here.
If the iron of the 3000 miles of railway which Mr. Treasurer Booth, in his book on the Liverpool and Manchester Railway supposes may eventually be laid down in England, should be of the same weight which I understand that of the Birmingham Railway is to be, the whole quantity consumed will be about 800,000 tons. Supposing an equal application of the system here advocated, and that only ten times as much iron should be used in the tunnels as is used in the railways, eight millions of tons, instead of eight hundred thousand, will be the aggregate consumption.
Now as iron, though unquestionably the best, is neither the only, nor the _cheapest_ material of which tunnels can be constructed, it may not, possibly, be unpardonably presumptuous in me to submit to the iron masters, that if they persist in doing, by this proposition, as the Genoese did by that of Columbus, they will also lose an opportunity, which would, to them, prove equally important, as would have been that of Columbus to Genoa.
I _have_ asked, and I _still_ ask of them only one thing: a full, and _fair_ investigation. By the result of that I am content to abide; though I must, in common justice stipulate, that this investigation shall be entered on in a different spirit to what it has hitherto been my lot to meet with. “There is always a proneness” says Washington Irving, “to consider a man under examination as a kind of delinquent, or impostor, whose faults and errors are to be detected and exposed.” Most truly can I say that I have “_always_” experienced the effects of this “proneness” in reference to this subject: and that the object of those who deemed my proposition worthy throwing away a fragment of their time upon, was infinitely less to ascertain its truth and justice, than to display their own penetration and wit, in discovering and turning to ridicule, every part which admitted (as they thought) of being sneered at and made the subject of a jest.
Had it been my good fortune to have met with but one candid examinant of influence, I had been spared years of trouble and anxiety. But my proposition being deemed deserving only of contempt, candid examination has no more been vouchsafed me, than to the wanderings of a lunatic.
Should, however, the iron masters, instead of granting me this candid investigation, continue, “in the pride of half knowledge,” (as Dr. Wells terms it) to condemn what I propose, because they have found that a something has failed, which is as different from it, as would be, saying that it is impossible we can ever get to the North Pole, because Captain Cook could not get within 30° of the _South_, I venture to commit myself to the prediction that they will repent it, as bitterly as Genoa repented her rejection of Columbus’s proposition, to discover, and possess her of America.
“They inconsiderately rejected his proposal, as the dream of a chimerical projector,” says Dr. Robertson, of the Genoese, “and lost, for ever, the opportunity of restoring their commonwealth to its ancient splendour.”