LETTER LXIII.
Leaving Vizagapatnam, I took my route along the coast, and arrived at Masulipatam, where I heard rumours of the unfortunate fate of General MATHEWS. This threw such a damp upon my spirits, that all the hospitality and kindness of Mr. DANIEL, the Chief, could scarcely raise me from despondence; and on my arrival at Madras, I found the whole amply confirmed.
As HYAT SAHIB’S affair yet remained unsettled, and I considered myself in a degree pledged to obtain him some satisfaction for his services in surrendering the Province of Bidanore, and to fulfil my engagements with him and the Supreme Council, I determined to proceed to Bombay, notwithstanding the disaster of General MATHEWS, which had entirely crushed all my private prospects in that quarter, and to co-operate with HYAT SAHIB in such measures as might yet remain to us for promoting the public good. I left Madras, therefore, and prosecuted my journey without any material interruption until I reached Palamcotah, where the chagrin arising from my various disappointments, co-operating with fatigue and climate, threw me into a fit of sickness, which confined me to my bed for five or six weeks. Upon recovering a little, I crawled on to Anjengo, where, at the house of Mr. HUTCHINSON, the Resident, (who treated me with cordial kindness), I waited for an opportunity of getting to Bombay, and during that time laid in a stock of strength and spirits: at length a Europe ship touching at Anjengo on her way to Bombay, I obtained a passage, and proceeded.
At Bombay I found HYAT SAHIB, it having been deemed expedient to send him away from Bidanore on the approach of TIPPOO with his army, where I received from him a confirmation of what I have stated respecting General MATHEWS receiving only two lacks of rupees and a necklace. And now, as peace was negociating between us and TIPPOO, and my remaining on the Malabar coast could be of little use, I determined to return to the Carnatic. And here I have an incident to add to the many disagreeable occurrences of my life, in which, with intentions the most innocent, I was made the subject of obloquy and unmerited scandal.
Just at the time I was leaving Bombay, a young Lady, the daughter of a person formerly of high rank in India, and now a Member of Parliament, but whose name it would be useless to mention, wished to return to the Carnatic; and I, at the request of herself, and another Lady with whom she lived, unguardedly took charge of her during the journey. Before our departure, I reflected upon the difficulties and impropriety of this step, and communicated my ideas to the Ladies, who, instead of listening to the objections I started, pressed me to fulfil my promise: I consented, purely from principles of politeness and good-nature. During the course of our journey, she unfolded to me, of her own accord, certain acts of cruelty and injustice she had suffered from her father, at the instigation of her _mother-in-law_, with a story of her innocence having fallen, and her reputation having been destroyed, by a connection of the Lady under whose charge she was, and who for that reason had pressed her departure with me; and added, she was so disgusted with India, that she determined to quit it; and entreated me to assist her in the accomplishment of her wishes. I disapproved, in the most unqualified terms, of her project——gave her the best and most disinterested advice——and, through the whole disagreeable business which was imposed upon me, acted merely with a view to her honour and happiness; and several of the most respectable people in Palamcotah, where she passed some time, and at Madras, where she afterwards resided, could attest the delicacy of my conduct towards her, as well as the concern and interest I took in every thing that was likely to be of advantage to her.
This is a fair statement of the matter; and yet, on account of it, I was most infamously scandalized; and the scandal reached even the ears of my father, whom, however, I soon satisfied on that head. But that which stung me to the quick was the conduct of some of my own relations, (who, if they even could not justify or approve, ought at least to have been silent), in becoming the most virulent of my detractors——though, when the character of those very relations had on former occasions been reflected upon, I stood up and defended them at the imminent hazard of my life. Such conduct appeared to me most atrocious; for, whether from affection, selfishness, or pride, I always strenuously supported my relations, if I heard them traduced in their absence——and, when I was not able to justify their proceedings, at least suppressed the conversation. To a man who had uniformly acted so, were there even no reciprocation of family affection, mutual justice demanded different treatment from that I experienced, which could have sprung only from depravity of heart, poverty of intellect, and the most abject meanness of spirit. And what is remarkable on this, as well as on other occasions, those who had been under the greatest obligation to my father and myself, were the most inveterate.
On the death of my father, looking over his papers in the presence of the Deputy Sheriff of Argyll, and three other Gentlemen, we met with a letter on the subject from the young Lady’s father to mine, reflecting in a gross manner on my character. I directly wrote to that Gentleman, explaining the whole affair, and demanding justice to be done to my reputation. Upon an ecclairecissement of the matter, he wrote to me a complete apology, acknowledging that he had acted on that occasion through misrepresentation, and had too easily given credit to ill-founded reports; and saying, that as the letter in question had, by the perusal of the Deputy Sheriff and other Gentlemen, in some measure become a matter of public notoriety, he thought it incumbent on him to make that apology, and to express his sincere regret for any detriment I might have sustained, by his yielding unguardedly to a sudden impulse of passion, caused, as he was then perfectly convinced, by misinformation.
Thus was my character at once cleared of a calumny which the industrious villany of a few had contrived to propagate through every spot of the earth where I was known.
This story may serve as an instructive lesson to you, my FREDERICK, to avoid, in the very first instance, any connection with women that in the probable course of things can lead to private acts of confidence: they are at best indiscreet——tend, as in this case, to make a man a dupe——and never fail to lead to scandal and reproach. You will also, from the letter of the Lady’s father, found eight or ten years after it was written among my father’s papers, see the impropriety and hazard of committing your thoughts incautiously to paper. I have known it frequently, as in this instance, end in mortification and regret.
Before quitting entirely the Malabar coast, I took a trip to Surat, which amply repaid me for my trouble. It surpasses any part of India for extent and variety of commerce, for populous streets and suburbs, and for a continually moving scene of opulence. For a more minute account of it, I refer you to the Abbé RAYNAL, who, though not generally accurate, is so elegant, that you will be able, from his description, to form a lively conception of the place, and its singular customs.
Here I was received in a very friendly manner by Mr. SETON. And indeed I may now once for all declare, that at every place where I stopped, and every post I passed, from my leaving England till my return, I experienced the most kind and liberal reception, and the most assiduous attention: my wants of every kind, whether of vessels, boats, guards of Sepoys, letters of introduction, &c. being supplied by anticipation, I had scarcely occasion to make a request, or express a wish; nor was the attention shewn to the public service less than that which was manifested for my private convenience. To kindness so truly consolatory as it then was to me, I never look back without sentiments of unbounded gratitude and unfeigned acknowledgment.
My journeys by land in India after my shipwreck, independent of long voyages by sea, amounted to more than three thousand miles. After getting back to Madras, my health being materially injured, I resolved to return to England: but, having seen almost all the Company’s possessions, I felt a curiosity to see China, and determined to make that my way. To render this route more agreeable to me, Lord MACARTNEY, in addition to his other favours, gave me the following handsome letter of introduction to Mr. PIGOU, the Company’s chief Supercargo at Canton:
“_Fort St. George, July 23, 1784._
“SIR,
“This letter will be dilivered to you by Captain DONALD CAMPBELL, of this Establishment——a Gentleman who has signalized himself on many occasions, but more particularly by his ability and address in accomplishing the surrender of the fort of Bidanore, at which place he had been long a prisoner. His ill state of health contracted there, renders a voyage to China, perhaps to Europe, absolutely necessary. Should he remain any time at your Settlement, I shall be much obliged to you for any attention and civility shewn to him; and I shall be happy, on any occasion you may afford me, of returning your polite attention to an Officer of so much merit as Captain CAMPBELL, and of proving how much I am,
“SIR, “Your most obedient and most humble servant, “MACARTNEY.”
“_To William Henry Pigou, Esq._”
I had also a letter to Mr. FREEMAN, another Supercargo there; by whom, as well as by Mr. PIGOU, I was treated with great politeness: and Mr. FREEMAN being obliged to leave Canton, and go to Macao, for the recovery of his health, invited me to accompany him there. I availed myself of the opportunity; and, as we went all along through the rivers, had an opportunity of seeing more of the Country than many of the Europeans who visit that Country. With the observations which I made in the course of this excursion and my residence at Canton, I would furnish you, but that Lord MACARTNEY’S Embassy is just returned from that Country; and there is every reason to hope that he, or some of the Gentlemen who attended him, and who possess superior abilities and more ample materials, will favour the Public with a much more perfect account than mine could possibly be.
While I remained at Canton, a very disagreeable rupture took place between the Factory and the Chinese. An English ship lying at Wampoa, in saluting, shattered a Chinese boat; by which accident, two men in it were much hurt with the splinters, and one of them died of his wounds soon after. The matter was clearly explained to the Mandarins; and they seemed to be satisfied that it was merely an accident. A few days after, the Supercargo of the ship was forcibly seized, and carried into the city; the Council met, and determined to send for the Sailors from the ships; and in the evening after dark, fifteen or sixteen boats, with four or five hundred men, attempted, in an irregular manner, to come up to Canton——were fired upon by the Chinese boats and forts in passing, and, with a few men wounded, were compelled to retreat. Nothing could surpass the consternation and indecision of the Council; and after the most humiliating language, they were obliged to appease the Chinese, and settle the affair by giving up the gunner of the ship to their resentment.
On the 29th December, 1784, I embarked in the Ponsborne East-Indiaman, Captain HAMMET, in which I had come from Madras to China; and, after a tolerable voyage of five months and two days, got on board a fishing-boat off Falmouth, and was put on shore there, having been exactly four years and five days from England.
Such was my impatience to see you, that I wrote from Falmouth for you to meet me at Bath. We arrived there the same day; and never in my life did I experience such transport as in first pressing you to my bosom: I found you all that my heart could wish; and I must, in justice to my opinion, aver, that not one action of your life has tended since to give me a moment’s pain: on the contrary, I have every reason to be satisfied that my sanguine hopes of you will be realized. The turn of your thoughts and actions have been vigilantly watched and closely examined by me; and from your affection to myself and your mother, your gentle deportment to my domestics, your frankness and candour with your brother and school-fellows——even from your fondness for your favourite dog _Pompey_, and frequent silent contemplations of the etchings of his countenance, I have drawn the most pleasing presages of purity and innocence of heart, sweetness of temper, and refined honour and generosity. If it pleases GOD to spare your life, and strengthen your constitution, I shall still be the happiest of men, notwithstanding the inroad made upon my feelings by the hardships and afflictions I had undergone, of which many arose from unavoidable accident, and some from malignant and unnatural persecution, arising from base envy, dictated by cowardly revenge. I do not wish you to know who the wretches are: I only wish you to know that such detestable passions do exist in human nature——that, warned by their wickedness to me, you may, in your progress through life, be cautious, temperate and guarded.
Another thing I am anxious to impress upon the mind, particularly, of your brother JOHN, is the danger of a warm, impetuous temper. Many of the hazards and difficulties of my life arose from the predominance of a fiery spirit, and an ungovernable, mistaken ambition. A single instance will serve to shew it. When I was under the command of Captain, afterwards General MATHEWS, in his regiment of Cavalry, being cantoned at a place called Tuckolam, in the neighbourhood of extensive woods, information was brought us that wild bulls infested the neighbouring villages, and had killed some people: we prepared to enter the wood, and destroy, if possible, those ferocious animals, which had become the terror and destruction of the contiguous country. The origin of those wild herds was this——From time immemorial, a religious custom had prevailed among the Pagan inhabitants, of offering a calf to the wood upon the accomplishment of any favourite purpose, such as the safe delivery of his wife, or the obtaining an employment, &c. In process of time, those calves bred, and became numerous and incredibly fierce. Independent of protecting the defenceless natives, it was in itself a most interesting kind of hunting. The mode of doing it was this——A large party, well mounted, galloping in a body up to a great flock, and marking out the fiercest champion of the whole, attacked him with swords and pistols. One day, a bull which was wounded, and thereby rendered more fierce, though not less vigorous, got posted in some thick bushes, in such a manner as to be approached only in front: a whim of the most extravagant kind came into my head, suggested by vain-glory and youthful fire——I thought it ungenerous for so many to attack him at once; and, wishing to have the credit of subduing him, I dismounted from my horse, and attacked him with a pike: I soon, however, had cause to repent this rash and unwarrantable step; it had nearly been fatal to me——for the bull soon threw the pike into the air, and, had it not been for the very gallant exertions of my Brother Officers, who rode in upon him, and rescued me at the moment that the brute’s horns had touched my coat, I must have been killed. An Indian Officer, who was in my troop, particularly distinguished himself, at the imminent hazard of his life, the bull having tossed his horse and himself to a distance from his horns. At this time I was but eighteen years of age, and had not the judgment to reflect, that if I had been killed, my fate would be attended with only pity or scorn for my folly; whereas, had I succeeded, the whole reward of my danger would have been the useless applause of some youngsters, idle, and inconsiderate as myself——while my rashness would have been reprobated by every man whose good opinion was worth enjoying. One or two people who were present at the time, are now living in great repute in England. We succeeded, however, in driving those wild cattle into the interior recesses of the wood, dividing the flesh of those we killed among such of the poor Sepoys as would eat it, and thereby rendered essential service to the contiguous villages.
Often when I have heard, in coffee-houses and play-houses, some of our sporting sparks boasting of their prowess over a timid hare or a feeble fox, I could not help recollecting with respect the hunters of India, who chase the destructive monsters of the forest——the boar, the tyger, the hyena, the bull, or the buffalo; and, while they steel the nerves, animate the courage, and, by habitual deeds of pith, fit themselves for war, render essential service to their fellow-creatures, and save the lives and property of thousands. Such greatness of spirit, under the controul of good sense, and the direction of prudence, must render a man respectable——but, if not managed with discretion, leaves a man no other praise than that of a magnanimous madman. Take every opportunity, my dear FREDERICK, of inculcating these precepts in the mind of your brother: the natural warmth of his temper often makes me fearful of the mischievous consequences which I have myself too often experienced——though, I thank GOD, it never stimulated me to revenge, or to a premeditate intention of injuring any one.
I have already said more than once, that I have a most perfect conviction your amiable disposition will ensure to you the love of Mankind; but it will at the same time subject you to many impositions——to guard against which, a great share of sternness is sometimes necessary: there is, besides, a certain degree of fortitude absolutely requisite to give lustre to a gentle disposition; without it, meekness is thought timidity——modesty, weakness——and the charming mildness of the forgiving heart, abused as the pitiful resource of abject apprehension and a mean spirit. There are times, therefore, when the wickedness of men, and the customs of the world, make it necessary to lay aside the lamb, and assume the lion. EUROPE at this moment presents an awful and alarming crisis. In a neighbouring Country, the conduct of the higher classes of society has produced a dreadful convulsion: social order has been subverted, and the stability of property annihilated: all reasoning from the history of former times is found inapplicable to the present: the system of warfare itself has undergone a revolution; and no man is able to say from positive inference, “Thus will it be to-morrow.” Our insular situation, thank GOD! protects us: and the precarious footing upon which civil order and property stand in most Countries on the Continent, make our state in England enviable. The time is nevertheless pregnant with extraordinary event; and you are now approaching that age at which men should be ready to act at the call of their Country. It is therefore fitting for you to make such things the subject of frequent contemplation——to habituate your mind to the meeting of danger, so as to be ready, at a moment’s warning, to lay down your life, if necessary, for the good of your Country; for, after all, my FREDERICK, what avails it whether we die in this way or in that?——to die with honour and a good conscience, is all. Let prejudice be laid aside——and who, possessed of common sense, could hesitate a moment to prefer death in the field, to death with the loathsome aggravation of sickness, the crocodile tears of pretended friends, and the painful emotions and lamentations of those who really love us?
Finally, I must observe, that at the time I left India, the affairs of the British Nation wore so very lowering an aspect, all persons acquainted with our concerns there, allowed nothing but a long series of wise measures, with the best efficient servants to execute them, could rescue the Company from ruin. I am happy in being able now to state, without the possibility of contradiction, that the clouds which menaced us in that quarter have since been gradually dissipating beneath the measures of the BOARD of CONTROUL, under the direction of Mr. DUNDAS; and are at last entirely dispersed by the glorious administration of Lord CORNWALLIS, whose wisdom in the Cabinet tended no less to the security, than his military talents, justice and moderation, to the honour, of GREAT BRITAIN in the East. The choice of such a person for the Government of India, reflects credit on HIS MAJESTY’S Councils, and evinces that the paternal care and solicitude of our amiable SOVEREIGN extend to the most remote part of the Empire.
END OF PART III.
APPENDIX.
APPENDIX.
_LETTER FROM GENERAL MATHEWS_,
TO
THE COURT OF DIRECTORS OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY.
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(REFERRED TO IN THE FOREGOING LETTERS.)
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HONOURABLE SIRS,
I have the honour of informing you of the success of your arms on the Malabar Coast. You will have received advices of the outset of the Expedition from Bombay, and the general purport of it. On the 12th of December, I sailed with a small party; and thought proper, of my own accord, to land at Rajamundroog, in preference to any other place—because, on this part of the Coast, I had the double advantage of being able to secure myself until reinforced, and to procure provisions, which I could not have done at Cundapore, or any place to the Southward, by reason of the numerous garrisons, and the vicinity of them to the capital. The measures and dispositions of the Gentlemen at Bombay were such, that I could not place any dependence upon being timely reinforced from thence, or of having any supply of provisions. Rajamundroog is on the top of a high hill, and commands the entrance of the best river on the Coast. We took it by storm. The moment we landed, a short time was taken up in preparing to move towards Onore; for we had not a cooly, carriage, or bullock, to convey any stores. The battering cannon, ammunition, provisions, &c. were sent by sea; and the great additions that HYDER had made to the fortifications of Onore and fortified Island, prevented my entering the river with the small craft, and obliged me to land every thing, through a heavy surf on the beach, and then to cross the river to the Northward of the fort. These impediments were got over; and a practicable breach being effected, the assault was made—and the garrison, consisting of two thousand five hundred men, were either killed, drowned, or made prisoners.—Shortly after this, event, the troops from the Southward, under Lieutenant-Colonel MACLEOD, were landed at Rajamundroog. To wait for a junction, would take up much time: so, that not a moment should be lost, I embarked, and landed near Cundapore, under the fire of the Bombay Grab and the Intrepid, and immediately seized a small fort that served to secure our stores. The enemy were in sight, and seemed numerous: some prisoners that we took, reckoned them at twelve hundred Horse, one thousand Sepoys, and five hundred Peons. My party was composed of three hundred and fifty Europeans, six hundred Sepoys, and four small field-pieces—with which I marched, first towards the enemy, who drew back, and then I proceeded to Cundapore. They incommoded my rear very much; but being determined to attack the fort, I only acted on the defensive, and at seven in the evening got possession of the fort, and the several redoubts that commanded the river. The grand object of the Expedition, an attack upon Bidanore, remained to be undertaken; and much serious reflection it required before the hazardous enterprise should be determined on,—Your Honours will now take a view of the state of my army: No carriage-bullock, and the few draft not able to draw eight light field-pieces—not a cooly to carry musquet, ammunition or provisions—not a tent—and many Officers, HIS MAJESTY’S in particular, had not a single servant—neither bullock or sheep to be had, the enemy having drove them off. The army, at this time, consisted of about eleven hundred effective Europeans, and three thousand Sepoys. The distance from Cundapore to the foot of the Ghaut is thirty miles, through a woody country: the enemy’s army had been reinforced, and lay in the way. The reports of the strength of the various works that defended the pass up the mountains, was such as gave me but very faint hope of success; and the difficulty of supplying my troops with rice, was almost of itself sufficient to deter a person from the attempt. However, having positive orders to take possession of Bidanore, I resolved to make a trial, and issued directions for the march. We had not gone six miles, before the enemy opposed us in force. We pushed forwards; and, by the effect of well-served artillery, and the steadiness of the men, the enemy retired as we advanced. The skirmish continued about three hours—after which we were left to pursue our route unmolested; nor did the enemy make any stand till we were on the fourth day’s march, within three miles of the pass—where, the ground being favourable, they attempted opposition, and were roughly treated, losing, by the bayonet and shot, above three hundred men. They were pursued to a small fort, which was immediately abandoned; and then fled to the first barrier or entrance of the pass. This was a line of masonry that covered all the open ground, and was closed by woods to the right and left. Upon six bastions were mounted fifteen pieces of cannon; and on the left was a work on a steep mountain, with two twelve pounders. This altogether had too formidable an appearance to attack in front; but having reconnoitred the right, I imagined that the flank might be tamed by ascending the hill through the wood. Early in the morning, two parties were formed—one to attempt the flank, the other to escalade the wall; but the enemy saved us that trouble by evacuating the place. This was a happy moment to try the pass; for the enemy, by felling trees, &c., would have thrown so many obstacles in the way, that the want of provision would have compelled me to relinquish the design. A party was instantly ordered to follow the enemy up the hill, which, with little loss, gained the second barrier, on which were mounted eleven guns. Fifty of the enemy were killed or taken at this work. Having this success, I relieved the exhausted by fresh detachments, which excited emulation, and encouraged the ardour of the Sepoys; for, to the unremitting exertions of this branch of your troops is due the honour of this day. Battery after battery was taken; and the possession of the fort on the top of the Ghaut, about five in the afternoon, called Hyderghur, crowned the whole. At this fort we found mounted thirty pieces of cannon, from twenty-four to four pounders; and at the different works in the pass, forty others, from four to twelve.
When we contemplated the numerous redoubts and the height of the Ghaut, and were told by prisoners that we had drove off seventeen thousand men, including dismounted Cavalry, regular Sepoys, and match-lock Peons, we could not consider the victory we had gained as due to us—our weak efforts would have been in vain. The progress of your arms is to be ascribed to the Divine Will. In the course of this war, Providence has been peculiarly bountiful—When we were in want of rice, we were sure to find a supply left for our use by the enemy—when our musquet-ammunition was expended, the enemy’s magazines furnished us abundantly—cannon we found in every fort, and such quantities of warlike stores, that we are apt to suppose that HYDER supplied all his garrisons from this Coast and from Bidanore. Hyderghur is about fourteen miles from Hydernagur, _alias_ Bidanore, the capital of the Province.
In the night of the day that we gained the Ghaut, I was visited by Captain DONALD CAMPBELL, the son of Colonel CHARLES CAMPBELL. He had been wrecked off the Coast, was seized, and kept in irons, until the approach of this army caused the Jemadar to release him, to employ him as an Ambassador. His message was, that the Jemadar having lost his Master (HYDER), and being upon bad terms with TIPPOO SAHIB, would willingly put himself under the protection of the Company, provided that the management of the Country was continued to him. The idea of getting possession of the capital and the forts of the Kingdom towards Seringapatam as well as the very great advantage I might expect from his experience, abilities and influence, with the weak state of my army, induced me to close with the proposal; and I sent him a cowl, signifying that his power and influence should not be lessened. This, tho’ not drawn with a pen of a Lawyer, was equal in value to the capital of Bidanore. Captain CAMPBELL returned with it, and was to tell the Jemadar that I should march in the morning.
Not expecting the great success that we had met with by forcing the pass on the main road, I had detached Lieutenant-Colonel MACLEOD to the left, to ascend the Ghaut through a narrow path, in order to attack Hyderghur in the rear. The absence of this detachment, and the fatigue of the former day, reduced my party to about four hundred Europeans and seven hundred Sepoys; and all my guns were at the bottom of the Ghaut. With this detachment I moved towards Bidanore, and was within a mile of the walls before any message came from Captain CAMPBELL or the Jemadar: but having nothing to apprehend in the field from the panic-struck enemy, we continued our march until the welcome approach of Captain CAMPBELL assured me the place was our own. On entering it, I was pleased to see about four hundred of your Sepoys that had been taken in the Carnatic, who offered me their service. Upon visiting the Jemadar, I repeated my assurances, that while he behaved faithfully to the Company, the management of the Country should be continued to him; and, although the sword must be in your hands, that he should have as much power and influence as his station required, and that you would not refuse settling upon him very ample allowances. The enemy being in force, and my army much weakened, with other disagreeable matters that occurred, prevented my further advance than to take possession of two forts to the Eastward; for, being apprehensive that the Killidar of Mangalore would not deliver up that place to the order of HYAT SAHIB, and considering that famous sea-port of more consequence to your affairs than acquiring territory beyond the mountains, I held myself in readiness to march that way, and was forced to lay siege to it. A practicable breach being made, the Killidar thought proper to surrender it. Upon this happy event give me leave to congratulate you; for it partly secures our conquests from Carwar to Cananore. There are two or three places that I have not been able to summons; but as these garrisons cannot expect any succour; they will fall of course.
Thus have I given your Honours a short recital, from the first landing of your arms on the 12th of December, to the reduction of Mangalore on the 9th of March; in which short time a series of success has attended us that can hardly be paralleled. All the enemy’s marine has fallen in our hands, among which are eight ships of the line, either built or on the stocks; and five of them might be sent to sea in a short time. After informing you of the happy and glorious success of your arms, it is painful for me to tell you, that dissention in the army, on account of plunder and booty, has arisen to such a height as to threaten open mutiny. I have informed your Honours of the terms that the Jemadar required, and that I in your name granted; and you know in how peaceable a manner this capital was resigned to you. I am sorry to say, that HIS MAJESTY’S Officers have been foremost in the clamours; and that the agents appointed by them have occasioned me much trouble and anxiety, and a great deal of discontent throughout the army. I shall send you copies of the several letters that have passed, for your determination. They may suppose that I have appropriated treasure to my own use, or bargained to restore the private property of the Jemadar to him; or that I should agree that he should call all treasure and jewels his private property, to the exclusion of what of right should belong to the Honourable Company or the captors. I have only to assure your Honours, that I have made no bargain whatever, either public or private, but what was expressed in the cowl sent from Hyderghur, to which Captain CAMPBELL was witness; and as I have frequently mentioned to my friends, that I would not receive a present of consequence without the consent of the Honourable Company, I shall inform you, that on say first visit the Jemadar insisted on making me a present of a lack of rupees; and when he pleased to give a donation to the army of two lacks and thirty thousand of rupees, which sum waits your pleasure, he requested I would accept of another lack of rupees. To both of these requests respecting myself, I replied, that provided your Honours would give me leave, I should certainly embrace that fortunate moment to gain an independence, and shall wait your orders as to the disposal of two lacks of rupees. How far my former and the present services may entitle me to your good opinion, and to your acquiescence in thus rewarding me, is left to the generality of your Honours; but I beg that you will believe, that, during the course of my services, every thing of a similar nature shall be laid before you.
If it were possible to satisfy the avidity of a body of men, this little army would have a sufficiency of honour and profit to fill the most greedy; but the infirmities of nature are not to be controuled by reason. Avarice of the most pernicious tendency has pervaded the limits of sense, and stepped beyond the bounds of duty. The army, not content with acquiring, at the different places that has been taken on the coast in ships of war, naval stores, merchandize, &c. &c. and in goods of various kinds at Bidanore, which altogether the Jemadar says may be valued at thirty lacks of pagodas; they seek to deprive the Jemadar of his private property, under pretence of the lawful rights of war; and assume a style and manner in their clamours and united addresses, that appears intended to force from me what I think ought to be preserved for the public service, and for the benefit of the Honourable Company. The manner that the fort and city was delivered to the Company, does not authorize me to touch private property; and the cowl implies a perfect security for all such. Would your Honours be pleased, that by any rapacious action of your Commander in Chief, that he or the troops should forfeit the good opinion that may be entertained of them from their rapid success, or that the public service should be considered as a secondary object? Our name has fallen almost to contempt; but, as far as lays in my power, it shall be recovered, if not raised to its former eminence.
_Mangalore, March 16, 1783._
_FINIS._
Transcriber’s Note
The printer utilized two and frequently three hyphens for long dashes. Those with two hyphens are replaced with a single em-dash, and those with three will a doubled em-dash.
The text is in three parts and an appendix. The pagination of each section begins with ‘1’. References to the text here include the leading part number, as well as the page and line.
The following have been retained as appropriate for the era: caracature, p. 1.9, harrassed, p. 1.15; imbecillity, p. 1.28; fidlers, p. 1.29; primmer, p. 1.143; achme, p. 154; ecclairecissement, p. 1.162; syren, p. 163; carcases, p. 1.166; attrocious, p. 166; ancle, p. 168; tyrrany, p. 173; choaked, p 2.57, p. 3.19, p. 3.81; Haram, p. 2.57; developes, p. 2.72; bikering, p. 2.75; monkies, p. 2.106, 2.107; merchandize, p. 2.110, 2.111; exhilerating, p. 3.20; artizans, p. 3.92; finikin, p. 3.95; choreltry, p. 3.109; ecstacy, p. 3.125, negociation p. 3.151.
Errors deemed most likely to be the printer’s have been corrected, and are noted here. The references are to the page and line in the original.