Part 20

[333] “Balasci” are the pink rubies named after the country of their origin, Badakhshi, which was usually known, according to Ibn Batuta, as Al-balaksh (Yule’s _Marco Polo_, I, p. 169; Heyd, _Geschichte des Levante-Handels_, 1879, I, p. 582). Badakhshi is Badakhshan, and not a kingdom near Pegu and Bengal, as supposed by Duarte Barbosa (Hakluyt Society’s edition, 1866, p. 212).

[334] The latter part of this sentence is omitted by Ramusio.

[335] Bab el Mandeb.

[336] The Rio dos Bons Signaes, or Zambezi.

[337] Malvasia (Malmsey) is a luscious Greek wine, named after the town of Napoli di Malvasia, in Laconia. The vines were transplanted to Crete, Madeira, and other places.

[338] Ramusio says: “they had a beard between the nose and the mouth, such as is worn by the courtiers at Constantinople, who call it a moustache.”

[339] Ramusio adds: “of Melinde”. The “pilot” here referred to was Gaspar da Gama. See Appendix E.

[340] This information was apparently never asked for. The “strangers” were undoubtedly Chinese. Marco Polo (_Yule_, I, p. lxvi, and II, pp. 197, 327) already mentions their four-masted vessels. In his time, Chinese vessels regularly visited the west coast of India. The vizor in the guise of a mask, distinctly points to the Chinese, and the sword attached to a spear is a Chinese weapon. Up to the introduction of pig-tails by the Manju, in 1644, the Chinese wore their hair long. A punitive fleet of sixty-two Chinese vessels was sent to Ceylon in 1401. In 1417 an embassy was sent from Mu-ku-tu-su (Magadoxo) to China (Bretschneider, _On the Knowledge possessed by the Ancient Chinese of the Arabs_, London, 1871), and in 1431 Chinese junks might be seen at Jedda (Hirth, _Verhandlungen_, Berlin Geographical Society, 1889, p. 46).

During the second half of the fifteenth century the intercourse between China and Malabar seems to have become rare, until at last it ceased altogether (Richthofen, _China_, I, p. 10, 5).

Ramusio contemptuously suppresses the writer’s speculations about these curious strangers being Germans or Russians.

[341] Less than a penny.

[342] “di mezo sapore”. Ramusio has “tutte dolci”.

[343] “Poponi”: Ramusio says “pomi”, apples.

[344] Or rather Buddha.

[345] Ramusio has suppressed this passage.

[346] Ramusio adds: “And bread made of corn and other things of the kind”.

[347] Professor Dalla Vedova suggests that the “pescotto” of the original may be the “Pesce persico” (_Perca fluviatilis_), or perch. Ramusio, in his edition of 1563, however, has “pescietti”, which means “small fishes” (sardines).

[348] Lenguazzi: perhaps the modern “linguattole”, or sole.

[349] Bisuccho, in Portuguese Besugo, the sea-bream (_Sparus cantabricus_).

[350] The words within brackets are only to be found in the _Paesi_.

[351] Ramusio adds: “There are also horses as with us, and they are highly valued by Christians and Moors alike”. Peutinger and the _Paesi_ say the same.

[352] Ramusio says: “silk-stuffs and bocassins”. He does not mention the colours.

[353] Peutinger adds: “They are decent, quiet (fromm) people at his court, and dress according to their condition and rank (adel)”.

[354] _Jubbi_ (Arabic) is a long coat or caftan; the _balandrau_ (Portuguese) is a surtout worn by the Brothers of Mercy in Portugal. Ramusio calls the latter garments _palascani_.

[355] The actual distance is about 10,500 nautical miles, or 3,060 Portuguese leagues.

[356] In his second letter the writer recurs to this subject.

[357] These are the Laccadive islands, fourteen in number: but, as their name implies (Laksha Dwipa = the Hundred Thousand Islands), supposed to be much more numerous. Mr. Sneyd’s _Codex_ says there were 11,000 of these islands. The Maldives were known as Narikela Dwipa.

[358] That is the West Indies!

[359] Ramusio adds: “through vessels which go to Mecca”.

[360] Ramusio adds: “benzoin”.

[361] It should be 160.

[362] Ramusio adds: “many sapphires and other jewels”. He then says: “Pepper and ginger grow around the said city of Calicut”. The paragraph is worded obscurely, but my version seems to be preferable. Sapphires are mentioned at the end of the letter.

[363] Ramusio does not mention almonds, nor does Peutinger.

[364] This expression proves that the letter was not written at one sitting, but by degrees.

[365] Ramusio has much condensed the whole of this paragraph, and seems to have misunderstood the writer. The statement that provisions were sent from Melinde to Calecut can hardly be accepted, and it was perhaps for this reason that Ramusio suppressed the name of that town. The country around Calecut is certainly sandy, but it is not as sterile as the bald statement of the writer would lead one to believe, for the city lies in the midst of extensive groves of palm, mango, and jack trees.

Peutinger thus summarises this passage: “The country around Kalekut is mostly sand, and neither corn nor any other fruit grows there. These are imported by sea.”

[366] Should be Chalechut, as Bandini prints it.

[367] The last two paragraphs have been omitted by Ramusio.

[368] Translated from the _Paesi novamente retrovati_, Vicenza, 1507.

[369] The true history of the Jewish colony in Malabar has been written by Claudius Buchanan (_Christian Researches in Asia_, Edinburgh, 1812). Ritter (_Erdkunde_, v, pp. 595-601) gives an excellent summary.

[370] Gaspar da Gama was quite right. There were no Christians at Calecut when Vasco da Gama first visited that town, nor are there many now. Cochin, and not Calecut, was the chief seat of the Syrian Christians of Malabar. They were an offshoot of the church of Persia, which recognised the Nestorian patriarch of Babylon (Mosul). After the condemnation of their dogmas by the Council of Ephesus (431) they sought a refuge in distant countries. After 1599 many of them recognised the Pope, but after the ascendency of the Dutch (since 1653) some turned Protestants, whilst others recognised the Jacobite bishop of Antioch as their head. Popularly they are known as S. Thomas Christians, although there exists not the slightest evidence of that Apostle ever having visited India. Their worship is of a simple nature: they admit no images to their churches, reject the doctrine of transubstantiation, and allow their priests to marry (G. Milne Rae, _The Syrian Church in India_, 1892; Percy Badger, _The Nestorians and their Ritual_, 1852; German, _Die Kirche der Thomaschristen_, 1877).

[371] Ramusio says: “excepting those called Jacobites and those of Prester John.”

[372] Ramusio says forty days.

[373] Ramusio adds: “towards the Gulf of Persia”.

[374] Ramusio says 300 leagues. The real distance of Bahrein is about 550 leagues. There may be some confusion with the Manar pearl fishery.

[375] Varthema (p. 95) and Duarte Barbosa (p. 37) refer to the pearl fishery of the Bahrein islands. They both describe the islanders as Mohammedans. Mr. Bent (_Journal Royal Geographical Society_, xii, 1890) visited the islands in 1889, and states that there is a good supply of water. Indeed, a river such as is described in the letter only exists some 250 miles away.

[376] King Manuel was better advised (see p. 115, note).

[377] Ramusio says: “is frightened”.

[378] These “anchors”, according to Varthema (p. 153), consist of a block of marble, which has two ropes attached to it. On the African coast a box fitted with stones is used for the same purpose.

[379] The next expedition was that sent out under Pedralvarez Cabral, who left Lisbon in March, 1500, with thirteen vessels.

[380] In Book VIII of his _Natural History_.

[381] This last paragraph is not found in the _Paesi novamente retrovati_, and is taken from Ramusio.

[382] This paragraph is rather puzzling. July 10th, 1499, was the date of Coelho’s arrival. Of the four vessels, two are correctly stated to have been burnt, though not near Cape Verde, namely, the store ship of 110 tons, and one of the vessels of 90 tons (the _S. Raphael_). Coelho brought home the small vessel of 50 tons, and the “captain” himself is stated to have returned in the remaining vessel of 90 tons.

[383] The Cape Verde islands.

[384] Grão or gran (Portuguese), kermes-grain, anciently scarlet, is not mentioned by Ramusio.

[385] Rosebeeren (Roseberries) seems to stand for Rose mallus, or Rossamalha, an aromatic resin containing benzoic acid, yielded by the majestic Rasamala tree (_Altingia excelsa_) of Java, where it is used as a substitute for benzoin.

[386] I need hardly direct the reader’s attention to the fact that the fustas of the Sabayo were fought _after_ Vasco’s return from Calecut, and that he visited neither Cochin nor Cananor in the course of this first voyage.

[387] A MS. in the Torre do Tombo quoted by Texeira de Aragão (_Boletim_, VI, 1886, p. 580), ornamented with the coloured coats of arms of the _Counts_ of Vidigueira, and extending to 1641, seems to be identical in several respects with the MS. from which the above is quoted. The concluding portion, beginning with “returned to this kingdom”, is taken word for word from the earlier _Jornal_. Vasco da Gama is stated to have gone in the _S. Raphael_, whilst Paulo’s vessel, the _S. Gabriel_, is said to have been destroyed on the homeward voyage near Cabo de S. Vicente.

[388] Paulo da Gama came back in this vessel, his own having been burnt by order of Vasco da Gama, off Tangáta. [_Note by the author._]

[389] Pavia, a small town twenty miles to the north of Evora.

[390] The 7th of April was a Saturday (see p. 34).

[391] The preceding dates agree with those in the _Journal_, but the anchorage, two leagues from Calecut (see p. 48) was only reached on May 20th, and the stay at or off Calecut was certainly much longer than the seventy-four days allowed by Rezende. In fact, seventy-four days would only carry us from May 20th to August 1st.

[392] That is, the mouth of the Tagus.

[393] A sailing vessel occasionally propelled by oars.

[394] Henrique Lopes de Mendonça, _Estudos sobre navios Portuguezes_, Lisbon (Ac. Real), 1892, p. 58.

[395] A pilot, Fernando Rodriques Berrio, resided at Lagos in 1502, and there were other members of the same family (Varnhagen).

[396] Goes, _Chronica do Rei D. Emanuel_, 1790, I, p. 10.

[397] Only their type, for the legend below N. Coelho’s ship (“which they broke up”) shows that these are not portraits of the actual vessels, but fancy sketches. Coelho’s vessel was the first to return to Lisbon; it was the store-ship which was broken up.

[398] _Obras de Luiz de Camões_, VI.

[399] Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 26.

[400] _Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis_, Lisbon, 1892, p. 99.

[401] _Esmeraldo_, p. 99.

[402] A ton register is of a capacity of 100 cubic feet; a ton measurement is usually assumed to have a capacity of 40 cubic feet. Hence 400 tons measurement would be equivalent to 160 tons register, instead of 250 to 300.

[403] _Le construzione navali (Raccolta Colombiana)_, Rome, 1893, p. 76.

[404] The palmo de goa was equal to 293 m.m., and the _tonel_ consequently measured 2.42 cubic metres or 85 cubic feet. “Goa” has nothing to do either with _agoa_, or with the town of that name in India, but is a corruption of “gouê”, a measure anciently used by shipbuilders in the Mediterranean (see Lopez de Mendonça, _loc. cit._, p. 118).

[405] _Os Navios de Vasco da Gama_, Lisbon, June, 1892.

[406] _Noticia sobre e Não S. Gabriel_, Lisbon, August, 1892.

[407] Captain Braz d’Oliveira gives the following dimensions: length, 106 ft.; keel, 54.5 ft.; beam, 20 ft.; draught, aft, 10.5 ft.; depth, 18 ft.

[408] This consists in multiplying length of keel, breadth and depth, and dividing by thirty. The result is expressed in _botte_.

[409] See J. de Barros, _Dec. I_, l. vi, c. 3.

[410] Barros and Castanheda, in addition to bombards, mention spin-gards (wall-pieces) and one-pounder matchlocks. Correa (Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_) says that the ships, or some of them, in Vasco da Gama’s second voyage were armed with six heavy guns below, four smaller guns and four falconets on deck, and several swivel guns. The caravels, though only manned by thirty men, carried four heavy guns below, six falconets and twelve swivel guns.

[411] Note by Sir Clements R. Markham.

[412] D. Diogo Ortiz de Vilhegas was a native of Calçadinha, in Leon, and came to Portugal as father-confessor and spiritual director of that “excellent lady”, D. Joanna. King Manuel held him in high respect, and appointed him Bishop of Tangier in 1491. Jointly with Masters Rodriguez, the physician, and Jose Vizinho, he is responsible for reporting adversely on the bold projects of Columbus. In 1500, he was transferred to the See of Ceuta, and, in 1505, to that of Vizeu. He never resided in his African dioceses. When Gama took leave of the King at Montemór ó novo, Vilhegas is said to have celebrated Mass. He died in 1519 at Almeirim.—(Paiva Manso, _Historia Ecclesiastica_, Lisbon, 1872, I, pp. 40, 47, 62.)

[413] Pero de Covilhão and Affonso de Paiva were despatched from Santarem in 1487 to spy out the countries of the east. Covilhão, in the course of his extensive travels, visited Hormuz, Calecut, and the east coast of Africa as far as Sofala. He ultimately reached the court of Prester John, and was never again allowed to leave it. These travellers, too, received a map and instructions from D. Diogo de Vilhegas. The best account of Covilhão’s adventures is that furnished by Alvarez, c. 103 (see Lord Stanley’s translation, published by the Hakluyt Society).

[414] Lucas Marcos visited Rome and Lisbon. The information furnished by him included a vocabulary.—(Barros, _Da Asia_, _Dec. I_, l. iii, c. 5.)

[415] Abraham ben Samuel Zacuto was professor of astronomy and mathematics in the University of Salamanca when King John II called him to Portugal in 1492, and appointed him Astronomer Royal. He is the author of _Ephemerides_, originally written in Hebrew, a Latin translation of which, by José Vizinho, one of his pupils, was first printed in 1496—on the eve of Vasco da Gama’s departure—although there can be no doubt that these useful tables previously circulated in MS. José Vizinho is perhaps identical with the physician José whom King John had charged, jointly with Master Rodrigo, to prepare tables of the declination of the sun, which would enable navigators to determine their latitude after they had lost sight of the Pole star. Rudolf Wolf (_Geschichte der Astronomie_, p. 97) credits Regiomontanus with having produced the first set of “practical” tables for the use of mariners. He does not even once mention Zacuto in his history, and states that the tables of the great German astronomer were those made use of by Dias and Vasco da Gama. As the _Ephemerides_ of Regiomontanus were printed in 1474, they naturally became more widely known than those of Zacuto, which only circulated in MS., and they were, perhaps, brought to Portugal by Martin Behaim. It cannot, however, be doubted that the tables which Vasco da Gama took with him were those of Zacuto.

For the contents of the first printed edition of Zacuto’s _Almanach Perpetuum_, see Antonio Ribeiro dos Santos in _Memorias de Litteratura Portugueza_, 2 edição, VIII, p. 46; for later reprints of the Tables of the Declination of the Sun, see Luciano Cordeira in the _Boletim_ of the Lisbon Geographical Society, 1883, p. 163.

[416] See Hellmann, in _Zeitschrift für Erdkunde_, 1897. The _Roteiros_ of João de Castro, containing these observations, were published at Lisbon, 1833 and 1882.

[417] The description of this proposed series is of historical interest (see _Alguns documentos_, 1892, p. 516).

[418] See Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, pp. 73 and 144. The “Sphere” was a device bestowed upon D. Manuel by King João II. A coin called an “Esphera de Ouro” was coined in Portuguese India. M.B. Lopez Fernandes (_Memoria das moedas_, Lisbon, 1856, p. 121) had such a coin in his possession. It had the device on the face, and a royal crown with the word MEA on the obverse. Manuel de Faria (_Noticias de Portugal_, Disc. IV, § 31) thinks that MEA stands for “Mine”, meaning that the whole sphere was Manuel’s; but Fernandes is inclined to think that it stands for MEIA, that is, “Half”. The coin in his collection had an intrinsic value of about six shillings.

The Pelican was the device of King João II. It may have been on the padrãos erected by Dias, but has not been discovered on those of Cão.

[419] See Texeira de Aragão (_Boletim_, VI, 1886, p. 562).

[420] See Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, pp. 38, 73, 94, 96.

[421] According to J. de Escalante de Mendoso (1575), quoted by D’Albertis, _loc. cit._, p. 84.

[422] In quoting authorities I refer to the following editions:—João de Barros, _Da Asia_, Lisbon, 1788; Castanheda, _Historia da India_, Lisbon, 1833; Manuel de Faria y Sousa, _Asia Portuguesa_, Lisbon, 1666; Gaspar Correa, _Lendas da India_, Lisbon, 1858-64; Damião de Goes, _Chronica do Rei D. Manuel_, 1790.

[423] If Correa (I, p. 656) can be trusted, he still had a wife at Cochin in 1506. Sernigi (see p. 136) credits him with a wife and children at Calecut.

[424] Barros, _Dec. I_, iv, c. 1; Goes, I, c. 23; Castanheda, I, c. 2.

[425] Correa gives a circumstantial account of the embarkation in the King’s presence, but the description of the paintings which were to have been executed by the King’s order in illustration of the discovery and “conquest” of India, shows very conclusively that the King was _not_ there (_Alguns documentos_, p. 516).

[426] This, without a doubt, is the correct date. The author of our “Journal”, Barros, Goes, Castanheda, and Faria y Sousa, they all agree in this. Sernigi gives July 9th; Correa fixes upon March 25th as the day of departure.

We may say, once for all, that the dates given in the “Journal” may confidently be accepted as correct, allowing for a few _lapsi calami_ (or errors of the copyist), which can fortunately be rectified in nearly every instance, as the Author names the day of the week, and often even the name of the Saint to whom the day is dedicated.

[427] This date is doubtful. See p. 3, note 3. The wrong date is not August 18th, but August 22nd.

[428] The variation being about 19° E., according to João de Castro, the true course would have been nearly S. by E.

[429] See p. 4, note 1.

[430] See Admiralty “Chart showing the tracks of sailing vessels with auxiliary steam power”; the valuable track-charts by Capt. A. Schück in the _Jahresbericht_ of the Hamburg Geographical Society, for 1874; Dr. G. Schott, “Die Verkehrswege” in _Zeitschrift für Erdkunde_, 1895, with maps; the sailing directories of all ages since Duarte Pacheco wrote his _Esmeraldo_ in 1505.

[431] According to Barros, Bartholemeu Dias kept in his company until he took the direction of Mina.

[432] See, for instance, _The Voyage of François Leguat_, by Capt. Pasfield Oliver (Hakluyt Society, 1891), i, p. 25.

[433] Modern sailing vessels do much better. The passage from São Thiago to the Cape by way of Trinidad (5,140 miles) is made on an average in forty-six days, being a daily run of 125 miles, as compared with 54 miles daily, with which we have credited Vasco da Gama (see the Table at the end of this Appendix).

[434] One league of Columbus = 4 Italian miles = 3.38 nautical miles.

[435] In note 3, p. 3, we have assumed a somewhat shorter course, but after due consideration we now give the preference to the track laid down upon our chart. On an old map of Africa, by H. Moll, a “tract” passing to the east of Ascension and St. Helena is recommended as “a good course of sailing from Great Britain to the East Indies in the Spring and Fall”. What would Admiral Wharton say to this?

[436] These islands are distinctly shown on the Cantino Chart, but unfortunately not named. They are not, however, the _Ys. Tebas_ of Juan de la Cosa, as is supposed by the Editor of Spruner’s _Historical Atlas_, for the chart of the Spanish pilot which contains this name was completed before Cabral’s return. If we can credit a statement of Correa (Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 825), who quotes Gaspar da Gama as his authority, Cabral also discovered Tristão da Cunha. He certainly must have been very near these islands when several of his vessels foundered.

[437] King Manuel, in his letter of 1505, to King Ferdinand of Castile (“Centenario do descobrimento da America”, Lisbon, 1892), says that João da Nova sailed to the Terra de Santa Cruz (Brazil), and thence to the Cape. He does not mention Ascension (Conceiçao). This, however, is not conclusive, for Kings, unlike Popes, are not infallible. Barros, Goes, and Galvão are our authorities for the discovery of the island of Concepçao in 8° S.

[438] There is no doubt that the island referred to by Thome Lopes (see Ramusio) as being 330 leagues from the Ilha dos Papagaios (Brazil), 775 leagues from the Ilha da Boa Vista (Cape Verdes), and 850 leagues from the Cape, is the island now known as Trinidad. This island, on early Portuguese charts, is called Ascenção menor.

[439] If the distance given by Giovanni da Empoli, who writes as an eye-witness, can be trusted, this must be the Ascenção menor (Trinidad), and not the island discovered by João da Nova, which is only 400 leagues from Cape Verde.

[440] On Canerio’s chart St. Helena’s Bay is placed 32° 30´ S., the true latitude being 32° 40´ S. Cantino, whose _outline_ is far more correct places the Bay in 31° S.

[441] See Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 48. Compare Introduction, p. xviii.

[442] See Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, pp. 62, 67, 270.

[443] _The History of the Portuguese during the Reign of Emmanuel_ London, 1752, 1, p. 48.

[444] _Roteiro_, first edition, p. 143.

[445] For a discussion of these sites, see p. 18, _note_.

[446] _Africa Pilot_, iii, p. 241.

[447] Vasco da Gama thus took 24 days to cross from Melinde to India. Cabral, João da Nova, Estevão da Gama and Affonso de Albuquerque effected this passage in from 15 to 18 days. They crossed in August, when the S.-W. monsoon blows freshly.

[448] _The Discoveries of the World_ (Hakluyt Society), p. 93.

[449] These “Flats” are a submerged coral reef lying between 12° 30´ and 13° 40´ N. The native name is Maniyal Par.

[450] According to the author of Add. MS. 20901 (British Museum), Vasco da Gama “cast anchor in front of the most noble and rich city of Calecut on May 22”. The date of this MS. is about 1516.

[451] On page 80, note 2, we have identified the island upon which this padrão was placed with Pigeon Island, 14° 1´, on the ground of its answering better to the description given by the author of the _Roteiro_; but we see reasons for accepting the general opinion that one of the islands off Mulpy (perhaps Coco Nut Island) must be meant, although none of these islets is more than a mile from the coast, instead of two leagues. Barros (Dec. 1, l. iv, c. ii.) locates the Ilhéos de Santa Maria between Bacanor and Baticala.

[452] Cabral, on his homeward voyage in 1501, reached Lisbon from Cape Verde in twenty days, but Juan Sebastian del Cano, in the _Victoria_, took fifty-seven days to reach San Lucar from the Cape Verde Islands.

[453] In converting legoas into nautical miles we have assumed 100 legoas to be the equivalent of 338 miles. See _League_ in Index and Glossary.

[454] Or thirty miles, if we exclude the five days wasted in a vain effort to stem the Agulhas current (see p. 15).

[455] No account is taken of the four days lost in an attempt to sail north (see p. 28).

[456] This includes a delay of fifteen (?five) days when burning the _S. Raphael_.