Part 18

[94] A Mozambique matikal (miskal) weighs 4.41346 grammes (Antonio Nunes, _O livro dos Pesos_, 1554, p. 50, published at Lisbon, 1868), and its value in standard gold would consequently be about 12_s._; elsewhere (p. 64) he makes this coin the equivalent of 467 reis, or about 11_s._ 4_d._ (_see_ Index, under _Cruzado_).

[95] The island of S. Jorge.

[96] Tavolochinha, in the original, is an obsolete word, which from its etymology seems to refer to a defensive armour presenting a broad surface (tavola). Castanheda, in relating this incident, substitutes _escudo_—shield—whilst Goes and Osorio speak of _adargas_ or _parmae_, that is, bucklers.—KOPKE.

[97] Tamiça, lit. “spatry-cord”, popularly known as coir-rope. These “sewn boats” were already in use when the _Periplus of the Erythrean Sea_ was written, and the town of Rhapta (from [Greek: rhaptein], _to sew_) derived its name from them. (See McCrindle, _The Commerce and Navigation of the Erythrean Sea_, p. 71).

[98]

“Mats were the wings wherewith they lightly flew, From certain palm-fronds wove by cunning hand.”

_Camoens_, Canto I, st. 46.—Burton’s Translation.

[99] The “Genoese needle” is, of course, the mariner’s compass.—According to the “Mohit” of Admiral Sidi Ali ben Hosein (1554), published by Dr. Bittner and Dr. Tomascheck (Vienna, 1897), the pilots of the Indian Ocean determined relative latitudes by observing the altitudes of certain stars. The result was expressed, not in degrees as was done by the scientific astronomers of the day, but in _isbas_ or “fingers”, each equivalent to 1° 42´ 50”. The instrument which they used consisted of three staffs. Two of these were moveable on a hinge, and were directed respectively upon the horizon, and the star the altitude of which it was desired to determine. A third staff (or an octant) was fixed at the end of the horizon-staff, and upon it the angle observed could be read off. Vasco da Gama brought one of these instruments with him to Portugal, but the astronomer of Cabral’s expedition, who had been instructed to test its qualities, reported unfavourably (_Alguns documentos_, 1892, p. 122). Yet the results obtained by means of this instrument by the pilots of the Indian Ocean were very satisfactory, and the charts prepared by these very practical men were far more correct than the abortions produced by “scientific” Arab geographers. Parallels (at intervals of one-eighth of an _isba_) and meridians were marked upon these charts, and they were superior in this respect to the Portulani of the Mediterranean pilots. The meridians were probably drawn at intervals of _zams_, which were equal to one-eighth _isba_, or three hours’ sail, or nearly thirteen of our sea-miles. It is quite possible, as suggested by Dr. Bittner, that these pilots also invented the cross-staff, for _balhestilho_, the name by which this instrument became known in Portugal, is more likely to be derived from the Arabic _al-balista_ (altitude), than from the Latin _ballista_. Compare also Barros (_Dec. I_, liv. 4, c. 6), where an allusion is made to the instrument employed by the pilot who joined Vasco da Gama at Malindi. Barros says that the instrument consisted of three _taboas_ or plates.

[100] This fruit is the coco-nut.

[101] The sharifs (“nobles”) are the descendants of the Prophet, and although not “priests”, they enjoy a certain religious rank. Strictly speaking, this title can be claimed only by the head of the family which descends from the Prophet in a direct line. All others can only claim the title of _Saiyid_, Lord. The “white” Moors are, of course, true Arabs.

[102] There are Government tanks now on the island, which are filled by the prisoners of Fort St. Sebastian.

[103] _Agonia_, Arabic _El Jumbiyah_, a crooked poniard, worn in the waist-belt.

[104] Barros calls these captives “Moors”, and the author himself does the same at a later stage of his Journal (see note, p. 37).

[105] That is S. Jorge, and the small islet of S. Thiago, 1¾ miles to the south.

[106] The text has 30th, but Saturday was the 31st.

[107] These were the Kerimba islands, the southernmost of which is Kiziwa, 12° 35´ S. The mainland being generally low, will rarely be seen when coasting outside the reefs (_Africa Pilot_, Part III, p. 254).

[108] These were the islands off Cabo Delgado, called Ilhas das Cabecas (Cabras?) on Dr. Hamy’s and Canerio’s maps. None of these, however, is more than nine miles from the mainland.

[109] This island was Quiloa (Kilwa), whose king, at that time, was the most powerful along the coast, Sofala, the Zambezi, Angoshe and Mozambique being subject to him (_Duarto Barbosa_, p. 10).—KOPKE.

When Vasco da Gama attempted to put back he had probably reached Ras Tikwiri, 8° 50´ S.

[110] Mafia.—KOPKE.

[111] On the homeward voyage, in January 1499, the _S. Raphael_ was burnt at these shoals, which are described as lying off the town of Tamugata (Mtangata), and this enables us to fix upon the locality with much certainty. There still is a roadstead or bay called Mtangata, which “the long roll of the Indian Ocean renders a place of trembling to the coast trader” (Burton, _Journal Royal Geographical Society_, 1858, p. 200). A “town” of this name exists no longer, but Burton describes the ruins of what was once an extensive city near the village of Tongoni.

There are no “mountains” close to the coast corresponding to the “Serras de S. Raphael”, but the mountains of Usambara, rising 20 to 25 miles inland to an altitude of 3,500 ft., are visible in clear weather for a distance of 62 miles.

Sir John Kirk writes to me: “The baixas de S. Raphael are undoubtedly the coral reefs of Mtangata; and the Usambara mountains, with their valleys, steep precipices, and lofty summits would, especially at that season of the year, be plainly seen from the ships. There can be no doubt as to this point, as these are the only mountains that approach the coast and form so marked an object from the sea when the air is clear. They are then visible from the town of Zanzibar.”

[112] This was Pemba, which, owing to its deep bays, appeared to consist of a number of islands. Its distance from the mainland is only 30 miles (9 leagues), its length 37 miles. The trees of that island still supply masts for native vessels (Note by Sir J. Kirk).

[113] Zavra or zabra, a dhow, which is a small open vessel, sharp at the stern, with a square sail of matting.

[114] The Swahili “dress” their vessels at the feast that follows the Ramadan month (Sir J. Kirk), but Ramadan, of the year of the Hejra 903, _began_ on April 23, 1498, and the Bairam therefore lasted from May 22-24. These dates are according to the Old Style.

[115] _Alcaide_, from the Arabic _Alkadi_, the Judge.

[116] Burton (_Camoens_, iv, p. 241) suggests that this picture of the Holy Ghost may have been a figure of Kapot-eshwar, the Hindu pigeon-god and goddess, an incarnation of Shiva and his wife, the third person of the Hindu Triad.

[117] Trigo tremez, corn that ripens in three months. This, according to a note furnished by Sir John Kirk, would be sorghum (the “matama” of the Swahili), which is sent in shiploads to Arabia and the Persian Gulf.

[118] These two “Moors” were undoubtedly two of the four men whom Paulo da Gama had captured at Moçambique, but whom the author previously described as “Negroes”. Of the two pilots who escaped, one had been given them by the Sultan of Moçambique, the other must have been the old Moor who came on board voluntarily, unless one of the men taken by Paulo was a pilot. (See note 1, p. 31).

[119] Barros (_Dec. I_, liv. 8, c. 7) says erroneously that this fort was built _after_ Vasco da Gama’s visit. When the vessel of Sancho de Toar, of the armada of Pedro Alvarez Cabral, was lost near Mombaça, the Moors succeeded in fishing up seven or eight of her guns. These they placed in this fort, in the vain hope of being thus enabled to resist the attack of D. Francisco d’Almeida in 1505.—KOPKE.

[120] Castanheda (I, c. 10, p. 35) says they waited two days in the hope of being able to secure a pilot to take them to Calecut. On crossing the bar they were unable to heave up one of the anchors. The Moors subsequently fished it up and placed it near the royal palace, where D. Francisco d’Almeida found it when he took the town in 1505.

[121] The author spells Milinde, Milynde, Milingue.

[122] Sir J. Kirk suggests to me that these places are Mtwapa, Takaungu and Kilifi, distorted into Benapa, Toca-nuguo and Quioniete. “Kioni” is the native name of the village usually called Kilifi.

[123] The ruins of the ancient town of Malindi lie to the south of the modern village of that name, and are of great extent. They include the remains of a town wall. Persian and Arabic inscriptions have been discovered, but, with the exception of Vasco da Gama’s pillar, no traces of occupation by the Portuguese. Malindi Road, or Port Melinda of the Admiralty chart, lies about three miles to the south of the town, but Vasco da Gama anchored off the town, and not in this sheltered road. The anchorage is less than half a mile from the town in four fathoms and a half. Comp. Lord Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 109.

[124] Barros speaks of these Christians as Banyans, while Goes and Castanheda say that these vessels belonged to merchants from Cranganor, in Malabar.

[125] Correa (p. 113) says that the Moor sent with this message was the Davane already referred to, and (p. 115) distinguishes him from the Moor who was captured on April 14th.

[126] _Balandrau_, a surtout worn by the Brothers of Mercy in Portugal.

[127] _Lambel_, a striped cotton stuff which had a large sale at the beginning of the African trade.—HERCULANO.

[128] I am indebted for a photograph of one of these trumpets to Sir John Kirk, who states that the Royal Trumpet, or Siwa, was peculiar to the cities ruled by the descendants of the Persians of Shiraz, who settled on this coast in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. They were of ivory, or copper and wood, and consisted of three pieces. The ivory or copper was sometimes most elaborately carved, and bore Arabic texts.

[129] We learn from this passage that the “king” referred to by the author was in reality the king’s son, who acted as regent. He may be supposed to be the Sheikh Wagerage (Wajeraj), who in 1515 wrote a letter to D. Manuel, in which he begged for permission to send annually _one_ vessel to Goa and to Mozambique. He very humbly (or sarcastically?) addresses the king as the “fountain of the commerce of all cities and kingdoms, the most equitable of sovereigns, and the enricher of all people”; when, indeed, the Portuguese had crippled the trade of Malindi, which had received them with open arms. Another letter addressed to King Manuel was written by “Ali, King of Melinde”, in 1520. Was this “king” the son of Wajeraj, or of the “prince who visited Vasco da Gama on board his vessel”? F. João de’Sousa, who publishes these letters (_Documentos Arabicos_, Lisbon, 1790, pp. 67, 123), with a few comments, only obscures the point, unless indeed Wajeraj the Sheikh and Ali the Prince be one and the same person.

Cabral met a Sheikh Omar, a brother of the King of Malindi, who was present at Malindi when Vasco da Gama touched at that place; as also a Sheikh Foteima, an uncle of the king (Barros, _Dec. I_, liv. 5, c. 3).

On the ungenerous treatment dealt to the King of Malindi, see D. F. d’Almeida’s letter of 1507 (Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 125).

[130] Of course they looked upon these Romish images and pictures as outlandish representations of their own gods or idols.

[131] Burton (_Camoens_, IV, p. 420) suggests that they cried _Krishna_, the name of the eighth Incarnation of Vishnu, the second person of the Hindu Trinity, and the most popular of Indian gods. Sir J. Kirk knows of no word resembling “Krist” likely to have been called out by these Indians.

[132] This pilot was a native of Gujarat, whom Goes (c. 38), Barros (_Dec. I_, liv. 4, c. 6), and Faria y Sousa call Malema Cana, or Canaqua. Malema is a corruption of Mallim, master or teacher, whilst Canaqua (Kanaka), is the name of his caste. It is also used for sailing master.

[133] The island in question is Kilwa. The information furnished by this Malindi pilot is scarcely more correct than that previously obtained from the Moors (see note 3, p. 32).

[134] Alcochete, a town on the left bank of the estuary of the Tagus, above Lisbon.

[135] From April 15 to 23 is nine days.

[136] The “Bay” is the Arabian Sea, which the “Strait” of Bab el Mandeb joins to the Red Sea. Cambay (Khambhat), in Gujarat, when the Portuguese first came to India, was one of the most flourishing marts of commerce. The silting up of the Gulf accounts, in a large measure, for its commercial decline since then.

[137] The MS. says 17th, but Friday was the 18th.

[138] From April 24 to May 18, both days inclusive, is twenty-five days; the African coast was within sight for several days.

[139] Mount Eli (Dely) was probably the land first sighted, a conspicuous hill forming a promontory about 16 miles to the north of Cananor, and named thus from the Cardamoms which are largely exported from this part of Malabar, and are called Ela in Sanscrit (Yule’s _Marco Polo_, ii, p. 321).

[140] The rains in Malabar begin about April or May, and continue until September or October. They are synchronous with the S.W. monsoon, and are heaviest in June, July, and August. The annual rainfall exceeds 150 inches!

[141] Cotta Point, or Cape Kadalur, the “Monte Formosa”, of the Portuguese, 15 miles N.N.W. of Calecut.

[142] Castanheda and Barros call this place Capocate. It was seven miles N.N.W. of Calecut, at the mouth of the Elatur River.

[143] The MS. says “abaixo”, below, with reference no doubt to the latitude, which is less than that of Calecut.

[144] Pandaramy (Pandarani) is Batuta’s Fandarain. Barros calls it Pandarane. It is identical with Pantharini Kollam, the northern Kollam or Quillan, and boasts one of the nine original mosques built on the Malabar coast by Malik Ibn Dinar. It is 14 miles N.N.W. of Calecut. The author of the MS. elsewhere spells Pandaramy and Pandarin.

[145] According to Correa (Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 159), his name was João Nunez. See Appendix E.

[146] One of the “Moors” is frequently referred to as “Monçaide”. See Appendix E.

[147] Castanheda (I, c. 15) retails the conversation which this Moor is supposed to have had with Gama on board ship, and says that the captain-major was much pleased with his offers of service.

[148] The visitors thus became at once acquainted with the various castes constituting the population of Calecut, including the _Nairs_, or fighting caste of Malabar, who eat meat (which shows a servile origin), but wear the thread of the Dwija (twice-born), rank next to the Brahmans, and practise polyandry; and the turbulent _Moplah_, who are descendants of Arab fathers and native women. These latter are the “native” Moors.

[149] Goes (I, c. 39) and Castanheda (I, c. 15) say that he was at Panane, a coast town, 28 miles to the south of Calecut.

[150] One of these messengers was Fernão Martins. They were accompanied by Monçaide (Castanheda, I, c. 15).

[151] Off Calecut there are banks and reefs which may endanger the safety of a ship, but the anchorage in the roadstead within them is perfectly safe.

[152] _Bale_ in the Arabic Wali, governor. _Alcaide_, in Portuguese, has this same meaning. Barros and Castanheda give this official the title of “Catual” (Kot-wal, governor of a fort, in Hindustani). He was the civil intendant of the Rajah and head of the police. Correa calls him _gosil_, or _guozil_ (pron. Wozil), a corruption, probably, of the Arabic _wazir_, minister.

[153] Among the thirteen men were Diogo Dias, João de Sá, Gonçalo Pirez, Alvaro Velho, Alvaro de Braga, João de Setubal, João de Palha, and six others, whose names are not recorded. Paulo da Gama and Coelho were left in charge of the vessels, with orders to sail at once for Portugal should any disaster happen to their chief. Coelho was, moreover, ordered to await his chief’s return in the boats. See Appendix E.

[154] This river is the Elatur. See Map IV.

[155] Burton (_Goa_, p. 191) says that even now the usual ferry-boat consists of a platform of planks lashed to two canoes and usually railed round.

[156] This “church” was, of course, a pagoda or temple. The high pillar in front of it is used for suspending the flag which indicates the commencement of the Temple festival. It is of wood, but usually covered with copper or silver. The cock, which surmounts it, is the symbol of the War-god Subraumainar. The smaller pillar supports the coco-oil lamps during the festival.—Rev. J. J. Jaus.

[157] Corucheo, which literally means spire or minaret; but further on the author calls this sanctuary a chapel, capella. Goes (c. 40) calls it a “round” chapel.

[158] Goes (c. 40) says that the four priests alone entered this sanctuary, and, pointing to the image, said “Maria, Maria”, upon which the natives prostrated themselves, whilst the Portuguese knelt, in adoration of the Virgin. Burton suggests that this was an image of Gauri, the “White Goddess”, whilst Charton (III, p. 246) suggests Maha Maja and her son Shakya. Our illustration is taken from E. Moor, _The Hindu Pantheon_, new edition by Rev. W. O. Simpson (Madras, 1864) Plate xxxv. It represents Krishna and his mother Devaki. When Kansa (Devaki’s brother) heard of his birth, he ordered all newly-born infants to be slain. The trays with animals and fruit are supposed to symbolise Krishna’s power over the animal and vegetable kingdoms. On the low table are placed food, poison, and amrita, symbolising life, death, and immortality, as also a small triangular die denoting trinity in unity.

The Rev. J. Jacob Jaus, of the Basel Mission at Calicut, informs me that there is a local deity called Māri, or Māriamma, much dreaded as the goddess of small-pox, and highly venerated. Amma, in Malayalam, means mother.

[159] These bells are struck by the Brahmans when they enter the temple, but must not be touched by people of inferior castes.

[160] It is just possible that some of the Portuguese doubted whether these Hindu Gods and images represented the saints of their own churches. Castanheda (i, p. 57) says that when João de Sá knelt down by the side of Vasco da Gama, he said: “If these be devils, I worship the true God”; at which his chief smiled. But however this may be, it is equally true that the reports furnished by the heads of the expedition described these Hindus as Christians, and that the king believed them to be so (see Appendix A).

[161] The “quafees” are, of course, Brahman priests. The Rev. J. J. Jaus suggests _kāz_ (Arabic), meaning “judge”.

[162] The “white earth” is a mixture of dust, cow-dung, sacrificial ashes, sandal wood, etc., cemented in rice-water (see Belnos, _The Sundya or Daily Prayer of the Brahmans_, Lond., 1851).

[163] For a description of this palace, see _Travels of Pietro della Valle_ (Hakluyt Society, 1892), pp. 367-377.

[164] Goes says that knives were used.

[165] For Correa’s elaborate but quite untrustworthy narrative of this audience, see Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, pp. 193-6.

[166] Atambor, a corruption of the Arabic _tambur_, the betel-nut. It is the fruit of Areca Catechu, and is universally chewed throughout India, the Indian Archipelago and Southern China. Its juice discolours the teeth, but is said to make the breath sweet, and to be conducive to health. “Erva” (herb) is quite inapplicable to this fruit. Usually it is cut up into four slices, which are wrapped up in a leaf of Betel-pepper (Piper Betle), and chewed with an admixture of lime and catechu.

[167] These fruits were the Jack (_Artocarpus integrifolia_) and bananas.

[168] According to Goes (c. 41), Gama was attended by his interpreter, Fernão Martins, whilst the king was attended by the head Brahman, his betel carrier, and his factor (veador da fazenda), who, he said, were persons in his confidence.

[169] These are, of course, the letters referred to by Barros and other historians, which were given to Gama when he left Portugal. Correa’s story, that Vasco and his brother Paulo concocted the letters whilst off Calecut, and forged the king’s signature, is therefore quite incredible. Nor is Gama made to say in the “Roteiro” that he had been sent with a fleet of fifty ships, and that the voyage took two years (Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, pp. 168, 173). The “grand” Vasco has many sins to answer for, and we ought not, without good proof, to fasten upon him the charge of forgery. As to truthfulness, that seems not to have been a strong point with the diplomatists of that age.

[170] That is, it was about 10 P.M.

[171] This was done to afford shelter until the rain should have ceased.

[172] It is still the practice in Calecut to ride horses without a saddle, and no slight seems therefore to have been intended.

[173] According to G. Correa’s not very credible narrative, the captain slept at the factory, which had been established previously to the audience of which an account has just been given.

[174] _Lambel_, striped cloth, see p. 41, note 3.

[175] As a matter of fact, Vasco da Gama was very poorly provided with suitable merchandise, as may be seen from the king’s letter printed in the Appendix.

[176] Barros writes Çamorij; Correa, Samori and Çamorin, and others Zamorin. It is a title; according to some a corrupt reading of Tamuri Rajah, Tamuri being the name of the most exalted family of the Nair caste, whilst others derive it from “Samudriya Rajah”, that is, “King of the Coast” (see G. P. Badger’s _Varthema_, pp. lxii and I, 37).

[177] Whom others call his “veador”, that is butler or comptroller of the household.

[178] That is, a man of Guzerat.

[179] “Bisarma” in the original. Herculano accepts the definition of Spelmann (_[v]_. Ducange, _sub_ bisarma).

[180] These men were Diogo Dias, as factor, and Alvaro de Braga as his assistant (Castanheda, I, 74.)

[181] The fanão of Calecut (according to Nunes, _O Livro dos Pesos_, 1554) is worth 25-5/7 reis, or 7.45_d._ Three hundred reis of the coinage of 1485 were of the value of 7_s._ 7_d._, taking the gold cruzado at 9_s._ 8_d._

[182] The bahar at Calecut is equivalent to 208.16 kilogrammes (Nunes, _O Livro dos Pesos_.)

[183] The xerafin at Calecut is worth about 7_s._ 5_d._; the sum demanded therefore amounted to £223.

[184] Can this be Ormuz?

[185] This Moor was Monçaide, elsewhere more accurately referred to as “a Moor of Tunis”. See Appendix E.

[186] The author says nineteen; but it appears from what precedes that there were only eighteen in all. See Appendix E.

[187] The author says Wednesday, but that day was the 22nd.

[188] A reference to the 600 xerafins.

[189] The “tenor”, not the literal phraseology; and hence the absence of the complimentary verbiage so usual with Orientals must not be interpreted as an intentional insult to the King of Portugal.

[190] This pillar was dedicated to S. Gabriel. There exists apparently no record of its having actually been set up by the king, as promised.

[191] This “Moor of Tunis”, according to Castanheda (I, c. 24, p. 8), was Bontaibe (Monçaide), concerning whom see Appendix E.

[192] As a matter of fact, it was only a portion of what had been landed, and Cabral was instructed to demand payment from the Samorin for what had not been returned (_Alguns documentos_, p. 98).

[193] Five of these men of Calecut were actually taken to Lisbon. They were restored to their country by Cabral (see _Alguns documentos_, p. 97).

[194] Castanheda calls these “barcas”, _tones_. The “tone” is a rowing boat, the planks of which are “sewn” together.

[195] A note by the copyist says:—“The author has omitted to tell us how these weapons were made.”

[196] The country of Prester John (Abyssinia) was known as “Lower India.”