Part 17

The Admiral, being about to proceed to India for a third time, the King, D. João III, is pleased to order that in case of his death his son and heir shall forthwith assume the title of Count of Vidigueira, and enter upon the enjoyment of all privileges, etc., to which this rank entitles him.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] He was thus eighteen years of age when Queen Isabella, in 1478, granted a safe-conduct to him and Fernão de Lemos, enabling them to pass through Castile on their way to Tangier (Navarrete, iii, p. 477). According to P. Antonio Carvalho da Costa’s unsupported statement, Vasco da Gama was born in 1469.

[2] According to Castanheda, the appointment was at first offered to Paulo da Gama, Vasco’s elder brother. He declined on account of ill-health, but offered to accompany his brother as captain of one of the vessels.

[3] Vasco da Gama, after his return from India, married Catarina de Ataide. He proceeded a second time to India in 1502. When returning from Cananor he shaped a direct course across the Indian Ocean to Mozambique. After a long period of rest, King João III again sent him to India in 1524, but he died at Cochin on December 25th of the same year, at the age of sixty-five. His remains were taken to Portugal in 1538, and deposited at Vidigueira. Since 1880 they are supposed to have found their last resting-place in the church of Belem.

For an interesting estimate of the character of the great navigator, see Lord Stanley of Alderley’s _The Three Voyages of Vasco da Gama_ (Hakluyt Society), 1869. See also the Appendices of this volume for further information on the first voyage.

[4] Ruy Gonçalves da Camara in 1473, Fernão Telles in 1474.

[5] Toscanelli’s letter to Columbus was written long after that addressed to Fernão Martinz, for the expression _ha dias_ (perhaps a rendering of _pridem_ or _haud diu_) does not mean “a few days ago”, but “long ago.” Columbus himself uses it in that sense when he writes from Jamaica that the “Emperor of Catayo asked long ago (_ha dias_) for men of learning to instruct him in the faith of Christ.” The request for missionaries had been made to the Pope in 1339 (Navarrete, _Colleccion_, 2nd ed., I, p. 457).

[6] Barros, _Dec. I_, l. 3, c. ii.

[7] It is quite possible that the draughtsman of the Cantino Chart placed St. Helena Bay incorrectly, and not as determined by Vasco da Gama. Canerio places this bay in lat. 32° 30´ S., which is only 10´ out of its true position.

[8] See Wieser, _Die Karte des Bartolomeo Columbo_, Innsbruck, 1893. Cuba is not shown on this chart, possibly because Bartolomeo would not do violence to his conscience by representing it as a part of Asia (as his brother believed it to be to the day of his death) after its insularity had been recognised.

[9] _The Journal of Christopher Columbus_, by C. R. Markham (Hakluyt Society), 1893.

[10] Thus Correa states correctly that the Cape was rounded in November, that is, in the height of summer, but introduces accessory details—perhaps taken from an account of some other voyage (Cabral’s, for instance)—which could only have happened in mid-winter. (See p. 193).

[11] An excellent translation of Correa’s account of _The Three Voyages of Vasco da Gama_, by Lord Stanley of Alderley, was published by the Hakluyt Society in 1869. It is accompanied by foot-notes, directing attention to those numerous instances in which Correa differs from other writers.

[12] Most of the documents discovered on these occasions were made known by Texeira de Aragão and Luciano Cordeiro, to whose published works frequent reference will be made.

[13] _Roteiro_, prim, edição, p. xix.

[14] _Roteiro_, seg. edição, p. xii.

[15] Prof. Kopke (_Roteiro_, prim. ed., pp. ix-xiv) deals much more fully with this subject. We have been content to give the substance of his remarks.

[16] See livro I, c. xxvii, of the first edition (1551) of his _Historia_. In the edition of 1554 this passage is suppressed, but further particulars of the voyage are not given.

[17] For a conclusive proof of this see p. 2. After the _S. Raphael_ had been broken up, the author may have been transferred to Coelho’s vessel, and have returned in her.

[18] This is the “secretary” (escrivão) of Vasco da Gama. Castanheda (I, p. 54) mentions also the comptroller (veador) of the captain-major, but we are inclined to think that this is a duplication of the same person, namely, Diogo Dias, the clerk or purser of the _S. Gabriel_.

[19] See p. 54, note 2, for this anecdote.

[20] _Roteiro da Viagem que em descobrimento da India pelo Cabo da Boa Esperança fez Dom Vasco da Gama em 1497._ Porto, 1838. 8vo, pp. xxviii, 184.

[21] _Roteiro da Viagem de Vasco da Gama em_ MCCCCXCVII. Segunda edição. Lisboa (Imprensa Nacional), 1861. 8vo, pp. xliv, 182.

[22] Compare p. xvii, and numerous references to Correa throughout this volume.

[23] Reproduced on p. 150.

[24] _Journal du Voyage de Vasco da Gama en_ MCCCCXCVII, _traduit du Portugais par Arthur Morelet_, Lyon, 1864.

[25] Reproduced by us, p. 171.

[26] For a copy of this contemned portrait, see p. 109.

[27] These vessels, as appears in the course of the Journal, were the _S. Gabriel_ (flag-ship), the _S. Raphael_ (Paulo da Gama), the _Berrio_ (Nicolau Coelho), and a store-ship (Gonçalo Nunes). The author served on board the _S. Raphael_. See Introduction.

[28] In the suburb of Restello, four miles below the Arsenal of Lisbon, stood a chapel or _ermida_, which had been built by Henry the Navigator for the use of mariners. In this chapel Vasco da Gama and his companions spent the night previous to their departure in prayer. After his victorious return, D. Manuel founded on its site the magnificent monastery of Our Lady of Bethlehem or Belem.

[29] The forbidding line of low cliffs, extending for 35 miles from Leven Head to Elbow Point, in lat. 24° N., was known to the Portuguese of the time as _terra alta_ (see D. Pacheco Pereira, _Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis_, p. 40). The Rio do Ouro or River of Gold is a basin, extending about 20 miles inland and four miles wide at its mouth. No river flows into it. The real “River of Gold” is the Senegal or the Upper Niger.

[30] Castanheda attributes the separation of the vessels to the fog and a storm.

[31] At the southern extremity of Ilha do Sal, in lat. 16° 31´ N., is the Porto de Santa Maria.

[32] S. Jorge da Mina, the famous fort built on the Gold Coast in 1482, by Diogo d’Azambuja, one of whose captains had been the very Bartholomew Dias who five years afterwards doubled the Cape, and who now returned to the _Mine_, having been made its captain, in recognition of his great services. (See L. Cordeira, _Diogo d’Azambuja_, Lisbon, 1890, and Barros, edition of 1778, to. I, part 1, p. 271.)

[33] Bombardas, originally catapults, subsequently any piece of ordnance from which stone balls were thrown. In the north of Europe the term was restricted to mortars. Gama, however, carried breech-loading guns, with movable _cameras_ or chambers. (See Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 226, _note_ and _Introduction_.)

[34] São Thiago, the largest of the Cape Verde Islands. The Porto da Praia, within which lies the Island of Santa Maria (14° 50´ N.), is no doubt the bay referred to in the text.

[35] This date, August 18th, is obviously wrong. Deducting the delay of two days, Vasco da Gama spent 95 days on his passage from São Thiago to the Bay of St. Helena, the distance being about 1,170 leagues (4,290 miles), his daily progress amounted to 12 leagues or 45 miles. If the dates in the text were correct, he would have made 12½ leagues daily up to August 18th, and between that date and the 22nd (allowing for the delay) at least 300 leagues (1,010 miles), which is quite impossible. It is evident that the second date is wrong, and instead of “the same month”, we ought perhaps to read “October”. In that case the daily progress, up to October 22nd, would have averaged 10 leagues (34 miles). Thence, to St. Helena Bay, a distance of 370 leagues accomplished in 16 days, the daily progress would have averaged nearly 23 leagues (78 miles). Of course these are merely rough approximations, as the course taken by Vasco da Gama and the incidents of this memorable passage are not known to us. We may mention that modern sailing vessels going from S. Thiago by way of Sierra Leone and Ascension to the Cape, a distance of 5,410 miles, occupy on an average 49½ days on the passage, making thus 110 miles daily (58 in crossing from Sierra Leone to Ascension). A ship going direct (3,770 miles) has performed the passage in 41 days, thus averaging 92 daily. (See Admiral Fitzroy’s “Passage Tables” in the _Meteorological Papers_ published by the Admiralty in 1858.)

[36] The MS. has _Garçõees_, a word not to be found in the dictionary, but evidently an augmentative of _garça_, a heron. Pimental, in his _Arte de Navegar_, mentions large birds with dark wings and white bodies as being met with a hundred leagues to the west of the Cape of Good Hope, which are known as _Gaivotões_.—KOPKE.

The Gaivota, or gull, however, in no respect resembles a heron.

[37] That is, towards Tristão da Cunha, Gama being at that time 400 miles to the N.N.W. of these islands.

[38] Kopke supposes that we should read _phoca_ instead of _quoqua_, but this is not very likely, as _lobo marinho_ is employed throughout the _Rutter_ to describe the _phocæ_ or seals. Among the animals which these early navigators must have met with, but which are not mentioned, are porpoises (_peixe de porco_) and dolphins (_doiradas_ or gilt-heads).

[39] _Lobo marinho_, sea-wolf, a term vaguely applied to all species of seals, as also to the sea-elephant, has been translated throughout as _seal_.

[40] _Golfão, i.e._, Zostera nana, which is met with along the coast of South-Western Africa.

[41] A Portuguese fathom, or _braça_, is equal to 5.76 feet.

[42] This was considerably to the north of St. Helena Bay, which was only reached three days later.

[43] A reference, no doubt, to Pero d’Alenquer, Vasco da Gama’s pilot, who had been with B. Dias during his memorable voyage round the Cape, as had probably others of this armada.

[44] Now called Berg River.—KOPKE.

[45] Castanheda and Goes state that Nicolau Coelho was sent to take the soundings. It is, however, much more probable that this duty was intrusted to Pero d’Alenquer, who had already doubled the Cape with Bartholomew Dias, and had touched at several points in its vicinity.—KOPKE.

I cannot see how his having been with Dias can have conferred any very special qualification for taking soundings in a bay which Pero d’Alenquer had never seen before. On subsequent occasions Coelho seems to have been employed repeatedly upon this duty.

[46] _Baço_, a vague term, meaning also brown or blackish.

[47] Castanheda, in his first edition (1551), adopted this statement, but subsequently suppressed it. D. Jeronymo Osorio, Bishop of Silves, in _De rebus Emanuelsis_, has “pudenta ligneis vaginis includunt.—KOPKE.

The use of such a sheath is universal among the Bantu tribes of Southern Africa, but seems now to be more honoured in the breach than the observance among the Hottentots, here spoken of. John of Empoli, who went to India with Afonso de Albuquerque (_Ramusio_, i), observed such a sheath made of leather with the hair on, among the Hottentots of the Bay of S. Blas. Leguat (Hakluyt Society’s edition, 1891, p. 288) found it still in use in 1698.

[48] The shafts of their assegais are made of assegai- or lance-wood (_Curtisea faginda_) and not of olive-wood, and even in John of Empoli’s time had iron blades. Their spears for spearing fish, on the other hand, are tipped with the straight horn of the gemsbuck.

[49] We learn from Barros that Vasco da Gama landed for the purpose of observing the latitude. The captive was handed over to two ship’s boys, one of whom was a negro, with orders to treat him well.

[50] _Çeitil_, a copper coin, worth about one-third of a farthing.

[51] We gather from Barros and Goes that Fernão Velloso was granted the desired permission at the intercession of Paulo da Gama. When Vasco da Gama returned to his vessel, Coelho and some of the crew were left behind, collecting wood and lobsters. Paulo amused himself by harpooning a whale, which nearly cost him dearly, for the whale dived, and would have capsized the boat had not the water been shallow. In the afternoon, when Coelho and his people were returning to the vessels, Velloso was observed to run down a hill. Vasco da Gama, ever observant, saw this from his ship, and at once ordered Coelho back, entering himself a boat to join him. Some delay or misunderstanding occurred, the “negroes” threw stones and discharged arrows, and several men were wounded, including the captain-major and Gonçalo Alvarez. For further particulars see Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 46.

[52] The distance is 33 leagues.

[53] Castanheda says that the Cape was doubled on “Wednesday, November 20”, but Wednesday was the 22nd. Barros says “Tuesday, 20th”, but Tuesday was the 21st. Compare Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 48.

[54] The actual dimensions of False Bay are about 5 by 5 leagues. The bay is called “Golfo dent^o. delle Serre” on the map of Henricus Martellus Germanus, 1489, which illustrates the voyage of B. Dias (Add. MS. 15760, Brit. Mus.).

[55] This is without the shadow of a doubt Mossel Bay (see plan on map II). It is also most probably the Bahia de los Vaqueiros of B. Dias, who certainly was here [see below]. Barros refers to it as being _now_ called S. Braz. Its original name had thus been abandoned in favour of that bestowed by Vasco da Gama.

[56] The thirteen days are counted from November 25 to December 7, both these days being counted. According to Castanheda (I, p. 12), the store-ship was burnt.

[57] See note 4, p. 9.

[58] The distance by sea is over 90 leagues, that by land 64. “By sea” is probably a slip of the pen.

[59] The “gora” is the great musical instrument of the Hottentots. It is not a flute or reed-pipe.

[60] This island is still known as “Seal” Island, although its former visitors no longer make their appearance. The islet lies about half a mile from the land, is only 250 ft. in length and 15 ft. high.

[61] Usually called _Sotilicaires_ by Portuguese writers. They are clearly Cape Penguins.—KOPKE (abridged).

[62] The word used by the author is “padrão”, that is, a stone pillar bearing the arms of Portugal and an inscription, such as King John first ordered to be set up by his explorers. None of the “pillars” set up by Vasco da Gama has been recovered, for the “pillar” near Malindi is clearly of later date (see p. 90).

[63] This paragraph is of the greatest importance with reference to the voyage of B. Dias, for Pero d’Alenquer, one of his companions, is the real authority for these statements. The usual statement that this pillar was erected on the Ilha da Cruz must henceforth be rejected, as had already been done in 1575, when M. de Mesquita Perestrello made a survey of this coast (see his Report in Pimental’s _Roteiro da Navegação da India Oriental_).

The distances given by the author are remarkably correct. From the Cape of Good Hope to Mossel Bay (São Braz) is 60 leagues, as stated by him. Thence to Santa Cruz is 56 leagues; from Santa Cruz to the Rio de Infante is 21 leagues.

_Santa Cruz_ is the largest of a group of islands in the western part of Algoa Bay. It is 4 cables in length, rises to a height of 195 ft., and is nearly all bare rock. _There are no springs._ The _Ilhéos chãos_ are readily identified with a cluster of low rocky islets about 7 leagues to the east. The Cape Padrone of the charts marks the site of the last pillar erected by Dias, and 5 leagues beyond it rises “Ship Rock,” in the locality where Perestrello claims to have discovered the _Penedo das Fontes_ of Barros and other writers. Perestrello had, no doubt, in his possession original documents (now lost) which enabled him to identify the localities named by the early explorers. His substantial agreement with the author of this _Roteiro_ is most satisfactory.

[64] That is the Rio do Infante, now known as the Great Fish river.

[65] The Agulhas current hereabouts runs at the rate of 1 to 4 knots an hour to the westward.

[66] On Canerio’s map there is a Ponta da Pescaria, to the north of Port Natal.

[67] Equivalent to three-fourths of a pint.

[68] The MS. says January 10th, but Thursday was the 11th.

[69] Hence called “Terra dos Fumos”, or, more correctly, “Mfumos” the “land of petty chiefs”. Dr. Hamy’s chart of 1502 has the name; Canerio has a “terra thrimias”, an exceptionally unrecognisable corruption of it; whilst on Ribero’s map (1529) we find the name, although in a slightly corrupted form (humos). The appellation has nothing to do with either “smoke” (fumo), or “moisture” (humor).

[70] Barros (_Dec. I_, l. 4, c. 4) tells us that Vasco da Gama entered the Rio dos Reis, by others called Rio do Cobre, on Twelfth Night (January 6). Goes, on the other hand, confirms the author of the _Roteiro_, and there cannot be a doubt that Barros is mistaken. The Rio dos Reis is, indeed, one of the rivers which enters the bay subsequently called after Lourenço Marques, but discovered, either in 1501 by Sancho de Toar, one of the captains of Cabral’s fleet, or in the following year by Antonio de Campo.

Dr. Hamy’s Chart has “R. do reys”, Canerio’s “G. de lom raios” (evidently a corrupt rendering of “Golfo dos or delos Reis”, which thus seems to have been the earliest name bestowed upon what is now known as Delagoa Bay). The “agoada de bon passa” of Dr. Hamy’s Chart, and the “Rio d’aguada” of Canerio, between this bay and Cabo das Correntes, is clearly the locality referred to by the author. Ribero (1529) has a “Rio de la laguna,” a “_rio de los reyes_”, and further east, an “aguada de buena paz”. M. de Mesquita Perestrello (1575) places the “Aguada da boa Paz” 15 leagues to the east of “Rio do Ouro” (the Limpopo), and 43 leagues to the west of Cabo das Correntes. This position corresponds to that of the Zavora River of Admiralty Chart No. 648, in 34° 25´ E. It was here that Vasco da Gama cast anchor. The reference to the “swell of the sea” quite precludes the notion that he entered the well-sheltered Delagoa Bay.

M. Kopke (in a note, _Roteiro_, p. 147) would place the “Aguada da Boa Gente” between the Lagoa River and the Limpopo (Inhambane), in 32° 23´ E., and says that this locality is still generally known as “Aguada da Boa Paz”, but I can find no confirmation of this. Moreover, if this be the “Aguada”, where, on this barren coast, are we to look for the “Rio do Cobre”? (Compare Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 66). See Map III.

[71] João dos Santos (_Ethiopia Oriental_, I. 2, c. 20) already identified this river with the Kiliman River. Dr. Hamy’s Chart calls it “Rio de bon Signals”, an evident corruption. Barros and Goes both call it “Rio dos Bons Signals”, whilst Correa refers to it as Rio da Misericordia, the river of Mercy (see Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 11). Comp. Map III.

[72] A very involved sentence! Gama arrived off the bar of the Kiliman on January 24, cast anchor, and sent the smallest of his vessels, the _Berrio_, within, to take soundings. On the day after, the 25th, he crossed the bar with the two other vessels.

[73] _Almadia_, a “dug-out”, properly El Maziyah, ferry-boat (Burton’s _Camoens_, iv, p. 577.)

[74] Burton (_Commentary_, p. 408), points out that the “touca” is not a turban, but a kind of cap. Its shape, however, was not that of the “toque” of our milliners.

[75] From January 24 to February 24, both days included, is thirty-two days.

[76] Barros says they were beached for that purpose.

[77] This disease was evidently scurvy, so fatal to our early navigators. Castanheda (I. c. 4) tells us that in this time of trouble Paulo da Gama visited the sick night and day, condoled with them, and freely distributed the medicines which he had brought for his own use.

[78] The Padrão de São Raphael is distinctly marked and named on Dr. Hamy’s and Canerio’s Charts. No trace of it has ever been discovered.

[79] These are the “Insule primeras” (_i.e._, Ilhas primeiras) of Dr. Hamy’s and Canerio’s Charts. They are five in number, and form a chain less than 5 leagues in length. The three southern islands (Silva, do Fogo, and Crown) form a separate group, and are bare, whilst the two northern islands (Casuarina and Epidendron) have trees. Gama, apparently, missed the two southernmost islands.

[80] These six days are reckoned from February 24 to March 1.

Correa (Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, pp. 76-84) says that on the voyage from the river of Mercy to Moçambique, Davane, a Moor, was taken out of a zambuk. Barros and Goes know nothing of this incident. Later on (p. 128) we are told that this Davane agreed to accompany the Portuguese as broker, and that he was finally discharged at Cananor with good testimonials (p. 235). He was nicknamed “tayyib”, which in Arabic means “good” (p. 132). See Appendix E.

[81] See plan on Map III. See also Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 80.

[82] Arabic, el Nafir, a sort of straight Moorish trumpet or tuba.

[83] They took their visitors for “Turks”, or at all events for Mohammedans. All this changed after their true character had been discovered.

[84] It appears from this that Vasco da Gama entered the port immediately on his arrival, and took up a position close to the town.

[85] “Ruivo”, red, in the original. Castanheda, who made use of this Journal, substitutes baço, tawny, which is equally inapplicable.

[86] That is, Arabic. The “Moors” of the author are, in fact, either pure Arabs (white Moors) or Swahilis speaking Arabic.

[87] “Aljofar”, cf. Arabic jauhar, johar, a jewel or precious stone (Burton). Aljofar, in Portuguese, means seed-pearls.

[88] Barros says that Fernão Martins was their interpreter.

[89] The notions about the Christianity of India prevailing at that time in Portugal (and among the earlier navigators) will be referred to elsewhere. We may add that Vasco da Gama was instructed to find out a mighty sovereign, known as Prester John, said to be a Christian, but the situation of whose states was very uncertain.—KOPKE.

[90] On Prester John, see Zarncke (_Abhd. K. Sächs. G. der Wiss._, 1876 and 1879), and G. Uzielli (_Boll. della Soc. Africana d’Italia_, 1892, viii). Vasco da Gama had no doubt received special instructions to inquire for that Christian potentate. At one time he was looked for inland from Benin, but the information received from Pero de Covilhão, whom King John had despatched overland to India, in 1487, no less than that furnished by Lucas Marcos, an Abyssinian priest, who came to Lisbon soon after Covilhão’s departure, confirmed the Portuguese in the belief that the “Prester John” they were in quest of was the Emperor of Ethiopia, whose capital at that time was in Shoa. (See Covilhão’s narrative, as given by _Alvarez_, Hakluyt Soc., 1881.)

[91] Barros calls them Abyssinians from the country of Prester John, and says that when they saw the image of the saint which formed the figure-head of the St. Gabriel, they knelt down and worshipped. The Abyssinian Christians, whatever their shortcomings, do not worship images, as is the practice of the Roman Church. These captives, therefore, must have been Indians, as stated by our author.

[92] Barros calls this sheikh Zacoeja (Shah Khwajah?).

[93] Marlota, a short dress of silk or wool worn in Persia and India. (Moura, _Vestig. da lingua Arab._, sub “marlota.”)