Part 4
Kline then drove on to the Gap. Seeing a person he believed to be Williams following him, he stopped at several taverns along the road to make inquiries about horse thieves. He reached the Gap about 3 A. M., put up the horses and went to bed. At half past four he got up, ate breakfast, and rode to Parksburg, about 45 miles from Philadelphia, on the same railroad. Here he found Agin and Tully asleep in the bar room. He awoke Agin, called him aside, and inquired for Mr. Gorsuch and his party. He was told they had gone to Sadsbury, a small place on the turnpike, four or five miles from Parksburg.
On going there, he found them, about 9 A. M. on the 10th Sept. Kline told them he had seen Agin and Tully, who had determined to return to Philadelphia, and proposed that the whole party should return to Gallagherville. Mr. Gorsuch, however, determined to go to Parksburg instead, to see Agin and Tully, and attempt to persuade them not to return. The rest of the party were to go to Gallagherville, while Kline returned to Downingtown, to see Agin and Tully there, should Mr. Gorsuch fail to meet them at Parksburg. He left Gallagherville about 11 A. M., and met Agin and Tully at Downingtown. Agin said he had seen Mr. Gorsuch, but refused to go back. He promised however to return from Philadelphia in the evening cars. Kline returned to Downingtown, and then met all the party except Mr. Edward Gorsuch, who had remained behind to make the necessary arrangements for procuring a guide to the houses where he had been informed his negroes were to be found.
About 3 P. M., Mr. Edward Gorsuch joined them at Gallagherville, and at 11 P. M. on the night of the 10th Sept., they all went in the cars down to Downingtown, where they waited for the evening train from Philadelphia.
When it arrived, neither Agin nor Tully were to be seen. The rest of the party went up to the Gap, which they reached about half past one on the morning of the 11th Sept. They then continued their journey on foot towards Christiana. The party then consisted of Kline, Edward Gorsuch, Dickinson Gorsuch, his son, Joshua M. Gorsuch, his nephew, Dr. Thomas Pierce, Nicholas T. Hutchings and Nathan Nelson.
After they had proceeded about a mile, they met a man who was represented to be a guide. He is said to have been disguised in such a way that none of the party could recognize him, and his name is not mentioned in any of the proceedings. It is probable that he was employed by Mr. Edward Gorsuch, and one condition of his services might have been that he should be allowed to use every possible means of concealing his face and name from the rest of the party. Under his conduct, the party went on and soon reached a house in which they were told one of the slaves was to be found. Mr. Gorsuch wished to send part of the company after him, but Kline was unwilling to divide their strength, and they walked on, intending to return that way after making the other arrests.
The guide led them by a circuitous route until they reached the Valley Road near Parker’s house, their point of destination. They halted in a lane near by, ate some crackers and cheese provided by one of their number, examined the condition of their fire arms, and consulted upon the plan of the attack. A short walk brought them to the orchard in front of Parker’s house, which the guide pointed out and then left them. He had no desire to remain and witness the result of his false information. His disguise and desertion of his employer, are strong circumstances in proof of the fact that he knew he was misleading the party. On the trial of Hanway it was proven by the defence that Nelson Ford was not on the ground until after the sun was up. Joshua Hammond had lived in the vicinity up to the time that a man by the name of Williams had been kidnapped, when he and several others departed, and had not been heard from afterwards. Of the two others, one at least, if the evidence for the prosecution is to be relied upon, was in the house at which the party first halted, so that there could not have been more than one of Mr. Gorsuch’s slaves in Parker’s house, and of this there is no positive testimony.
It was not daybreak when the party approached the house. They made demand for the slaves, and threatened to shoot them or burn the house down if they would not surrender. At this time, the number of besiegers seems to have been increased, and as many as fifteen are said to have been near the house. By daybreak and before entrance was made into the house, the party was diminished to the original number. When they were advancing a second or third time, they saw a negro going up whom Mr. Gorsuch thought he recognized as one of his slaves. Kline pursued him with a revolver in his hand, and stumbled over the bars near the house. Some of the company came up before him and found the door open. They entered, and Kline following called for the owner, ordered all to come down, and said he had two warrants for the arrest of Nelson Ford and Joshua Hammond. He was answered that there were no such men in the house. Kline followed by Mr. Gorsuch attempted to go up stairs. They were prevented from ascending by what appears to have been an ordinary _fish gig_. Some of the witnesses described it as “like a pitchfork with blunt prongs,” and others were at a loss what to call this, the first weapon used in the contest. A pitchfork any of the party would have recognized, as the most of them were farmers; besides, this is not a weapon usually kept in dwelling houses. This had “four or five prongs” and was probably an old fish gig, which had been stored away for safe keeping. An axe was next thrown down, but hit no one.
Mr. Gorsuch and others then went outside to talk with the negroes at the window. Just at this time Kline fired his pistol up stairs. The warrants were then read outside the house, and demand made upon the landlord. No answer was heard. After a short interval, Kline proposed to withdraw his men, but Mr. Gorsuch refused, and said he would not leave the ground until he had made the arrests. Kline then in a loud voice ordered some one to go to the sheriff and bring a hundred men, thinking, as he afterwards said, this would intimidate them. This threat appears to have had some effect, for the negroes asked time to consider. The party outside agreed to fifteen minutes.
During these scenes at the house, there were occurrences elsewhere which are worthy of attention, but cannot be understood without a short statement of previous facts.
In the month of Sept. 1850, a colored man, known in the neighborhood around Christiana to be free, was seized and carried away by men known to be professional kidnappers, and has never been seen by his family since. In March 1851, in the same neighborhood, under the roof of his employer, during the night, another colored man was tied, gagged, and carried away, marking the road along which he was dragged by his own blood. No authority for this outrage was ever shown, and he has never been heard from. These and many other acts of a similar kind, had so alarmed the neighborhood that the very name of kidnapper was sufficient to create a panic. The blacks feared for their own safety, and the whites knowing their feelings, were apprehensive that any attempt to repeat these outrages would be the cause of bloodshed. Many good citizens were determined to do all in their power to prevent these lawless depredations, though they were ever ready to submit to any measures sanctioned by legal process. They regretted the existence among them of a body of people liable to such violence; but without combination, had, each for himself, resolved that they would do everything dictated by humanity to resist barbarous oppression.
On the morning in question, a colored man living in the neighborhood, who was passing Parker’s house at an early hour, saw the yard full of men. He halted, and was met by a man who presented a pistol at him, and ordered him to leave the place. He went away and hastened over to the store kept by Elijah Lewis, which, like all places of that kind, was probably the headquarters of news in the neighborhood. Mr. Lewis was in the act of opening his store when this man told him that “Parker’s house was surrounded by _kidnappers_, who had broken into the house, and _were trying to get him away_.” Lewis, not questioning the truth of the statement, repaired immediately to the place. On the way he passed Castner Hanway’s house, and telling him what he had heard, asked him to go over to Parker’s house. Hanway was in feeble health and unable to undergo the fatigue of walking that distance. He saddled his horse, and reached Parker’s during the armistice.
Having no reason to believe he was acting under legal authority, when Kline approached and demanded assistance in making the arrests, Hanway made him no answer. Kline then handed him the warrants, which Hanway examined, saw they appeared genuine, and returned them.
At this time, several colored men, who no doubt had heard the report that kidnappers were about, came up, armed with such weapons as they could suddenly lay hands upon. How many there were on the ground during the affray it is _now_ impossible to determine. The witnesses on both sides vary materially in their estimate. Some said they saw a dozen or fifteen; some, thirty or forty; and others maintained, as many as two or three hundred. It is known there were not two hundred colored men to be found within eight miles of Parker’s house, nor half that number within four miles, and it would have been almost impossible to get together even thirty at an hour’s notice. It is probable there were about twenty-five, all told, at or near the house from the beginning of the affray until all was quiet again. These the fears of those who afterwards testified to larger numbers, might easily have magnified to fifty or a hundred.
While Kline and Hanway were in conversation, Elijah Lewis came up. Hanway said to him, “Here is the marshal.” Lewis asked to see his authority, and Kline handed him one of the warrants. When he saw the signature of the U. S. Commissioner, “he took it for granted that Kline had authority.” Kline then ordered Hanway and Lewis to assist in arresting the alleged fugitives. Hanway refused to have anything to do with it. The negroes around these three men seeming disposed to make an attack, Hanway “motioned to them and urged them back.” He then “advised Kline that it would be dangerous to attempt making arrests, and that they had better leave.” Kline, after saying he would hold them accountable for the negroes, promised to leave, and beckoned two or three times to his men to retire.
The negroes then rushed up, some armed with guns, some with corn-cutters, staves, clubs, others with stones or whatever weapon chance offered. Hanway and Lewis in vain endeavored to restrain them.
Kline leaped the fence, passed through the standing grain in the field, and for a few moments was out of sight. Mr. Gorsuch refused to leave the spot, saying his “property was there, and he would have it or perish in the attempt.” The rest of his party endeavored to retreat when they heard the marshal calling to them, but they were too late; the negroes rushed up and the firing began. How many times each party fired, it is impossible to tell. For a few moments, everything was confusion and each attempted to save himself. Nathan Nelson went down the short lane, thence into the woods and towards Penningtonville. Nicholas Hutchings, by direction of Kline, followed Lewis to see where he went. Thomas Pierce and Joshua Gorsuch went down the long lane, pursued by some of the negroes, caught up with Hanway, and shielding themselves behind his horse, followed him to a run of water near by. Dickinson Gorsuch was with his father near the house. They were both wounded; the father mortally. Dickinson escaped down the lane, where he was met by Kline, who had returned from the woods at the end of the field. Kline rendered him assistance, and went towards Penningtonville for a physician. On his way he met Joshua M. Gorsuch, who was also wounded and delirious. Kline led him over to Penningtonville and placed him on the upward train from Philadelphia. Before this time several persons living in the neighborhood had arrived at Parker’s house. Lewis Cooper found D. Gorsuch in the place where Kline had left him, attended by Joseph Scarlett. He placed him in his dearborn, and carried him to the house of Levi Pownall, where he remained till he had sufficiently recovered to return home. Mr. Cooper then returned to Parker’s, placed the body of Mr. E. Gorsuch in the same dearborn, and carried it to Christiana. Neither Nelson nor Hutchings rejoined their party, but during the day went by the railroad to Lancaster.
Thus ended an occurrence which has been the theme of conversation throughout the land. Not more than two hours had elapsed from the time demand was first made at Parker’s house until the dead body of Edward Gorsuch was carried to Christiana. In that brief time the blood of strangers had been spilled in a sudden affray, an unfortunate man had been killed and two others badly wounded. How many of the negroes were wounded, has never been ascertained. All could not have escaped, but no one has been able to discover who were injured.
When rumor had spread abroad the result of this sad affray, the neighborhood was appalled. The inhabitants of the farm houses and the villages around, unused to scenes of this kind, could not at first believe that it had occurred in their midst. Before midday, exaggerated accounts had reached Philadelphia, and were transmitted by telegraph through the country.
The first information the public received, was that “the negroes had determined to prevent the arrest of the slaves; that about eighty of them, armed with guns, &c., had formed an ambush in the neighboring woods and cornfields, and that when the party arrived in search of the fugitives, they had surrounded them, and poured upon them a deadly fire, killing Mr. Gorsuch, _mortally_ wounding one of his sons, and badly wounding an officer from Baltimore.” These were given as “leading facts.” The next day’s news contained the information that the U. S. Marshal, the U. S. District Attorney, a special Commissioner from Washington city, a company of U. S. Marines, and fifty of the Marshal’s police, had gone to the scene of action from the city. It was also announced to be the intention of the U. S. Marshal to “_scour_ the neighborhood,” and that Judges Grier and Kane (of the U. S. Courts, before whom the case was afterwards tried,) had _decided_ the offence of the rioters to be treason against the U. S.
Such statements as these naturally aroused the whole community, and it was not until a few days had developed the exact truth, that public excitement began to subside. Believing the published accounts of the transaction to be correct, a number of the citizens of Philadelphia addressed the following letter to the Chief Executive of the State, who happened then to be in the city, urging upon him prompt action, in what they considered an important crisis:
_To the Governor of Pennsylvania_:
The undersigned, citizens of Pennsylvania, respectfully represent:
That citizens of a neighboring State have been cruelly assassinated by a band of armed outlaws, at a place not more than three hours’ journey distant from the seat of government and from the commercial metropolis of the State.
That this insurrectionary movement, in one of the most populous parts of the State, has been so far successful as to overawe the local ministers of justice, and paralyze the powers of the law.
That your memorialists are not aware that “any military force” has been sent to the seat of the insurrection, or that the civil authority has been strengthened by the adoption of any measure suited to the momentous crisis.
They, therefore, respectfully request the chief executive magistrate of Pennsylvania to take into consideration the necessity of vindicating the outraged laws, and sustaining the dignity of the Commonwealth on this important and melancholy occasion.
John Cadwalader, R. Simpson, John Swift, Thomas McGrath, S. R. Carnahan, Samuel Hays, Geo. H. Martin, A. L. Roumfort, W. Deal, John W. Forney, Isaac Leech, Jr., C. Ingersoll, James Page, Harry Connelly, Frederick McAdams.
The Governor, who, as far as was in his power, had apprized himself of the facts of the case, and had taken the measures which devolved upon him by reason of his office, replied immediately. He knew the danger of inflaming the public mind upon a subject which was then exciting the whole Union. The law had prescribed the proper officers to act in every emergency, and he knew they were upon the alert, with their police force strengthened for the occasion. Whatever might have been the motive for addressing the Governor, the following letter was a full and sufficient answer.
PHILADELPHIA, Sept. 14, 1851.
To Messrs. John Cadwalader, A. L. Roumfort, Jas. Page, C. Ingersoll, Isaac Leech, Jr., R. Simpson, W. Deal, George H. Martin, Samuel Hays, S. R. Carnahan, Thos. McGrath, John Swift, Frederick McAdams:
_Gentlemen_--Your letter, without date, was this afternoon put into my hands by one of the servants of the hotel. The anxiety which you manifested to maintain the laws of the land and the public peace, is fully appreciated, and I have great pleasure in informing you that, more than twenty-four hours before the receipt of your letter, the parties implicated had been, through the vigilance and decision of the local authorities, arrested, and are now in prison, awaiting an inquiry into their imputed guilt. The District Attorney and Sheriff of Lancaster county, acting in concert with the Attorney-General of the State, deserve especial thanks for their prompt and energetic conduct. This was all done early on Saturday morning, and duly reported to me by the local officers.
The testimony taken by the U. S. Commissioner, who arrived at a later period on the ground, a printed copy of which has accidentally reached me this afternoon, confirms me in the belief that the State authorities had vindicated the law, and, to a large extent, arrested the perpetrators of the crimes.
The cruel murder of a citizen of a neighboring State, accompanied by a gross outrage on the laws of the United States, in the resistance of its processes, has been committed; and you may be assured that so soon as the guilty agents are ascertained, they will be punished to its severest penalty by the law of Pennsylvania. I am very proud that the first steps to detect and arrest these offenders have been taken by Pennsylvania officers.
Permit me, gentlemen, having thus removed all just cause of anxiety from your minds, respectfully to suggest that the idea of rebellion, or “insurrectionary movement” in the county of Lancaster, or anywhere else in this Commonwealth, has no real foundation, and is an offensive imputation on a large body of our fellow citizens. There is no insurrectionary movement in Lancaster county, and there would be no occasion to march a military force there, as you seem to desire, and inflame the public mind by any such strange exaggeration. I do not wish our brethren of the Union to think that, in any part of this State, resistance to the law goes undetected or unpunished, or that there exists such a sentiment as treason to the Union and the constitution. The alleged murderers of Mr. Gorsuch, whose crime is deep enough without exaggerating it, have been arrested, and will be tried, and they and their abettors be made to answer for what they have done in contravention of the law. But in the meantime, let me invite your co-operation, as citizens of Pennsylvania, not only to see that the law is enforced, but to add to the confidence which we all feel in the judicial tribunals of the land, by abstaining from undue violence of language, and letting the law take its course. Depend upon it, gentlemen, there is in Lancaster county a sense of duty to the laws of the land, manifested in the easy and prompt arrest of these offenders, which will on all occasions show itself in practical obedience.
The people of that county are men of peace and good order, and not easily led aside from the path of duty which the Constitution prescribes. They, and every Pennsylvanian, love the Constitution and the Union. They will detect, as they have done in this case, and arrest and punish all who violate the laws of the land. There is no warrant, depend upon it, for representing the men of Lancaster county as traitors, and participants in an “insurrectionary movement.” You do them, unintentionally I have no doubt, great injustice.
I am deeply indebted to you for affording me this opportunity of expressing my views. But for your communication I might not have been able to do so. You, and my fellow-citizens at large, may be assured of my firm determination, at all hazards, and under all circumstances, to maintain the supremacy of the Constitution, and enforce obedience to the laws alike of the United States and of this Commonwealth.
In order that I may be sure that my answer may reach its destination, (your letter having but accidentally come to my hands,) I have requested Mr. White to put it in the hands of Mr. John Cadwalader, whose signature, I observe, is first.
I am, with great respect, Your obedient servant, WM. F. JOHNSTON.
The Governor, however, had been misinformed, and was wrong in stating that the murderers of Edward Gorsuch had been arrested. Every man who was in Parker’s house, including Parker himself, escaped. As was afterwards proven, not one of the guilty parties was secured. So soon as this was ascertained the following proclamation was issued:
PROCLAMATION.
In and by the authority of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, I, William F. Johnston, Governor of said Commonwealth, do hereby issue this
PROCLAMATION.
Whereas, it has been represented to me that a flagrant violation of the public peace has occurred in Lancaster county, involving the murder of Edward Gorsuch, and seriously endangering the lives of other persons; and whereas, it has also been represented to me that some of the participants in this outrage are yet at large; now, therefore, by virtue of the authority in me vested by the Constitution and laws, I, William F. Johnston, Governor of Pennsylvania, do hereby offer a reward of ONE THOUSAND DOLLARS for the arrest and conviction of the person or persons guilty of the murder and violation of the public peace as aforesaid.
In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and affixed the great seal of the State, this fifteenth day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and fifty-one.
Attest, A. L. RUSSELL, Secretary of the Commonwealth.
For days after the melancholy tragedy, the vicinity of Christiana was in possession of police officers of different classes and grades. Many of them displayed their vigilance and valor in a way that rendered them ridiculous in the eyes of all, except of those who were the objects of their zeal. Passing by a number of outrages, perpetrated, in the name of justice, by men who were clothed with a little authority, and who delighted in terrifying helpless women and inoffensive children, we have to speak only of those arrests which were made seriously and in good faith, and to tell, so far as there are any records in existence, how the authorities arrested, by wholesale, men who afterwards were found to have been miles from the scene of action.