iii. 424; and the letter of the two Councils written for the information

of the Councils of Bern at p. 332.]

[Footnote 91: Froment, _Actes et Gestes_, etc. pp. 142-144.]

[Footnote 92: The fullest contemporary account of these matters is to be found in _Un opuscule inédit de Farel; Le Resumé des actes de la Dispute de Rive de 1535_, published in the 22nd vol. of the _Mémoires et Documents publiées par la Société d'Histoire et Archæologie de Genève_. It has been reprinted separately.]

[Footnote 93: The words used by the spokesman of the secular clergy, among whom were the canons of the cathedral, were: "_sua non esse sustinere talia, cum nec sint sufficientes nec sciant_."]

[Footnote 94: The minute of Council is quoted in Doumergue, _Jean Calvin_, etc. ii. 147, 148.]

[Footnote 95: For these relations, cf. Durrant, _Les Relations politiques de Genève avec Berne et les Suisses, de 1536 à 1564_ (1894).]

[Footnote 96: The devout Romanist, Soeur Jeanne de Jussie, testifies, with mediæval frankness, to the dissolute lives of the Romish clergy: "_Il est bien vray que les Prelats et gens d'Église pour ce temps ne gardoient pas bien leurs voeus et estat, mais gaudissoient dissolument des biens de l'Église tenant femmes en lubricité et adultère, et quasi tout le peuple estoit infect de cest abominable et detestable péché: dont est à scavoir que les péchéz du monde abondoient en toutes sortes de gens, qui incitoient l'ire de Dieu à y mettre sa punition divine_" (_Le Levain du Calvinisme_, p. 35; cf. minutes of the Council of Geneva at p. 241). Even the nuns of Geneva, with the exception of the nuns of St. Clara, to whom Jeanne de Jussie belonged, were notorious for their conduct; cf. Herminjard, _Correspondance_, etc. v. 349 _n._]

[Footnote 97: Cf. Wildermuth's letter to the _Council of the Two Hundred_ in Bern, telling that Farel was in prison at Payerne: "Would that I had twenty Bernese with me, and with the help of God we would not have permitted what has happened" (Herminjard, _Correspondance_, etc. ii. 344).]

[Footnote 98: Doumergue, _Jean Calvin_, etc. i. 42.]

[Footnote 99: Doumergue, _Jean Calvin_, etc. i. 35.]

[Footnote 100: Cordier, Corderius, Cordery, was a well-known name in Scottish parish schools a century ago, where his exercises were used in almost every Latin class. He became a convert of the Reformed faith, and did his best to spread Evangelical doctrines by means of the sentences to be turned into Latin. He followed his great pupil to Geneva, and died there in his eighty-eighth year.]

[Footnote 101: Doumergue, _Jean Calvin_, etc. i. 126.]

[Footnote 102: _Corpus Reformatorum_, xlix. p. 121.]

[Footnote 103: I owe this inference to my brother, Professor Lindsay of St. Andrews; he adds that Plautus was greatly studied in the time of Calvin's youth in France.]

[Footnote 104: Cf. his letter to Francis Daniel, where he speaks about the publication of the Commentary; says that he has issued it at his own expense; that some of the Paris lecturers, to help its sale, had made it a book on which they lectured, and hopes _quod publico etiam bono forte cessurum sit_ (Herminjard, _Correspondance_, etc. ii. 417).]

[Footnote 105: In a letter to Francis Daniel, of date Oct. 27th, 1553, Calvin calls Gerard "our Friend"; and in another, written about the end of the same month, he describes with a minuteness of detail impossible for anyone who was not in the inner circle, the comedy acted by the students of the College of Navarre, which was a satire directed against Marguerite, the Queen of Navarre, and Gerard Roussel, and the affair of the connection of the University of Paris and the Queen's poem, entitled _le Miroir de l'âme pécheresse_; cf. Herminjard, _Correspondance_, etc. iii. 103-11.]

[Footnote 106: Lang, _Die Bekehrung Johannes Calvins_ (1897); Doumergue, _Jean Calvin_, etc. i. 344, _ff._; Müller, "Calvins Bekehrung" (_Nachrichten der Gött. Gel._ for 1905, pp. 206 _ff._); Wernle, "Noch einmal die Bekehrung Calvins" (_Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte_, xxvii. 84 _ff._ (1906)).]

[Footnote 107: For the history of this Discourse written by Calvin and pronounced by Cop, see E. Doumergue, _Jean Calvin; Les hommes et les choses de son temps_ (Lausanne, 1899), i. 331 _ff._; A. Lang, _Die Bekehrung J. Calvins_ (Leipzig, 1897), p. 46. _ff._ For accounts of the attempts to arrest Nicolas Cop and Calvin, see the letter of Francis I. to the _Parlement_ of Paris in Herminjard, _Correspondance_, etc. iii. 114-118, and the editor's notes, also p. 418.]

[Footnote 108: "Magister Gulielmus Farellus proponit sicuti sit necessaria illa lectura quam initiavit _ille Gallus_ in Sancto Petro. Supplicat advideri de illo retinendo et sibi alimentando. Super quo fuit advisum quod advideatur de ipsum substinendo" (Herminjard, _Correspondance_, etc. iv. 87 _n._).]

[Footnote 109: For the Disputation at Lausanne, see Herminjard, _Correspondance_, etc. iv. 86 _f._ (Letter from Calvin to F. Daniel, Oct. 13th, 1536); _Corpus Reformatorum_, xxxvii. p. 876 f.; Ruchat, _Histoire de la Réformation de la Suisse_, vol. iv.; Doumergue, _Jean Calvin_, ii. 214 _f._]

[Footnote 110: The ten _Theses_ are printed in the _Corpus Reformatorum_, xxxvii. 701.]

[Footnote 111: Their names were Jean Mimard, regent of the school in Vevey; Jacques Drogy, vicar of Morges; Jean Michod, dean of Vevey; Jean Berilly, vicar of Prévessin; and a Dominican monk, de Monbouson.]

[Footnote 112: _Corpus Reformatorum_, xxxvii. 879-81.]

[Footnote 113: Wherever Farel went he had instituted what was called the "congregation": once a week in church, members of the audience were invited to ask questions, which the preacher answered. These "congregations" were an institution all over Romance Switzerland. The custom prevailed in Geneva when Calvin came there, and it was continued.]

[Footnote 114: Bonnet, _Lettres françaises de Calvin_, ii. 574.]

[Footnote 115: "Il seroyt bien à désirer que la communication de la Saincte Cène de Jésucrist fust tous les dimenches pour le moins en usage, quant l'Église est assemblée en multitude" (_Corpus Reformatorum_, xxxviii. i. 7); cf. the first edition of the _Institutio_ (1536): "Singulis, ad minimum, hebdomadibus proponenda erat christianorum coetui mensa Domini."]

[Footnote 116: Calvin says: "_C'est une chose bien expédiente à l'édification de l'esglise, de chanter aulcungs pseaumes en forme d'oraysons publicqs._" The translations of the Psalms by Clement Marot, which were afterwards used in the Church of Geneva, were not published till 1541, and the _pseaumes_ may have been religious canticles such as were used in the Reformed Church of Neuchâtel from 1533; but it ought to be remembered that translations of the Psalms of David did exist in France before Marot's; cf. Herminjard, _Correspondance_, iv. 163 _n._]

[Footnote 117: "Et comment ne souhaiterions-nous pas voir notre siècle ramené à l'image de cette église primitive, puisqu'alors Christ recevait un plus pur hommage, et que l'éclat de son nom était plus au loin répandu?... Puisse cette extension de la foi, puisse cette pureté du culte, aujourd'hui que reparaît la lumière de l'Évangile, nous être aussi accordées par celui qui est béni au-dessus de toutes choses! Aujourd'hui, je le répète, que reparait la lumière de l'Évangile, qui se répand enfin de nouveau dans le monde, et y éclaire de ses divins rayons un grand nombre d'esprits; de telle sorte que, sans parler de bien d'autres avantages, depuis le temps de Constantine, où l'Église primitive peu à peu dégénérée perdit tout a fait son caracter, il n'y a eu dans aucune autre epoque plus de connaissance des langues.... "--Lefèvre d'Étaples, _aux Lecteurs chrétiens de Meaux_ (Herminjard, _Correspondance_, etc. i. 93).]

[Footnote 118: The prevailing idea was that the Evangelical pastors were the servants of the community, and therefore of the Councils which represented it. J. J. Watteville, the celebrated Advoyer or President of Bern, and a strong and generous supporter of the Reformation, was accustomed to say: "Nothing prevents me dismissing a servant when he displeases me; why should not a town send its pastor away if it likes?" (Herminjard, _Correspondance_, vii. 354 _n._).]

[Footnote 119: Herminjard, _Correspondance_, etc. ix. 116.]

[Footnote 120: Herminjard, _Correspondance_, etc. viii. 280, 281, ix. 117, vi. 183; Ruchat, _Histoire de la Réformation de la Suisse_, ii. 520, _f._; Farel, _Summaire_, edition of 1867, pp. 78 _ff._]

[Footnote 121: Matt. xviii. 15-17.]

[Footnote 122: The action of the people of the four parishes which made the district of Thyez illustrates a condition of mind not easily sympathised with by us, and it shows what the commonalty of the sixteenth century thought of the powers of the Councils which ruled their city republics. The district belonged to Geneva, and was under the rule of the Council of that city. The inhabitants had been permitted to retain the Romanist religion. They were, nevertheless, excommunicated by their Bishop for clinging to Geneva with loyalty. They were honest Roman Catholics; they could not bear the thought of living under excommunication, and longed for absolution; the Bishop would not grant it; so the _people applied to the Council of Geneva to absolve them_, which the Council did by a minute which runs as follows: "(April 4th, 1535) Sur ce qu'est proposé par nostre chastelain de Thyez, que ceux de Thyez font doubte soy présenter en l'esglise à ces Pasques prochaines (April 16th), à cause d'aucunes lettres d'excommuniement qui sont esté contre aucuns exécutées, par quoi volentier ils desirent avoir remède de absolution.... Est esté résolu que l'on escrive une patente aux vicaires du dict mandement (district), que nous les tenons pour absols." This was enough. The people went cheerfully to their Easter services (Herminjard, _Correspondance_, etc. iv. 26 _n._).]

[Footnote 123: Cf. the letter of the Council of Bern to the Council of Lausanne: "(July 1541): Concernant minas contra ministrum Verbi, lasciviam vitæ civium, bacchanalia, ebrietates, commessationes, contemptum Evangelii, rythmos impudicos, etc., ceux de Lausanne sont vertement réprimandés. On leur remontre leur négligence à châtier les vices. Il leur est ordonné de punir, dans le terme d'un mois, les bacchantes et aussi celui qui a menacé le prédicant et l'a interpellé dans la rue. Il est également ordonné aux ambassadeurs qui seront envoyés pour les appels, de faire de sévères remonstrances devant le Conseil et les Bourgeois, et de les menacer en les exhortant à s'amender" (Herminjard, _Correspondance_, vii. 145).]

[Footnote 124: This first Catechism has been republished and edited under the title, _Le Catéchisme français de Calvin, publié en 1537, réimprimé pour la première fois d'après un exemplaire nouvellement retrouvé et suivi de plus ancienne Confession de foi de l'Église de Genève, avec deux notices, l'une historique, l'autre bibliographique_, par Albert Rilliet et Théophile Dufour, 1878. The curious bibliographical history of the book is given in Doumergue, _Jean Calvin_, ii. p. 230; and at greater length in the preface to the reprint.]

[Footnote 125: Müller, _Die Bekenntnisschriften der reformierten Kirche_, p. 111.]

[Footnote 126: The question is carefully discussed by Rilliet in his _Le Catéchisme français de Calvin_, and by Doumergue, _Jean Calvin_, etc. ii. 237-39.]

[Footnote 127: The letter from Bern (dated Nov. 28th) was read to the recalcitrants, who gave way and accepted the Confession on Jan. 4th, 1538 (Herminjard, _Correspondance_, iv. 340 _n._).]

[Footnote 128: _Actes et Gestes merveilleux_, p. 215, _f._]

[Footnote 129: Herminjard, _Correspondance_, etc. iv. 403, 404, 407; Doumergue, _Jean Calvin_, etc. ii. 278.]

[Footnote 130: Herminjard, _Correspondance_, etc, iv. 413.]

[Footnote 131: On April 8th it was reported that Coraut had said in a sermon that Geneva was a realm of tipplers, and that the town was governed by drunkards (from all accounts a true statement of fact, but scarcely suitable for a sermon), and had been brought before the Council in consequence.]

[Footnote 132: Herminjard, _Correspondance_, etc. iv. 413-16, 420-22.]

[Footnote 133: Calvin says that he wished the matter to be regularly brought before the people and discussed: "_Concio etiam a nobis habeatur de ceremoniarum libertate, deinde ad conformitatem populum adhortemur, propositis ejus rationibus. Demum liberum ecclesiæ judicium permittatur._" Cf. the memorandum presented to the Synod of Zurich by Calvin and Farel, _ibid._ v. 3; _Corpus Reformatorum_, xxxviii. ii. 191.]

[Footnote 134: Herminjard, _Correspondance_, etc. iv. 423, 425, 426, 427, v. 3, 24.]

[Footnote 135: It is worth mentioning that while the three letters from Bern were brought before the Council of the Two Hundred, the decisions of the Lausanne Synod were produced at the General Council. Did the Council wish to give their decision a semblance of ecclesiastical authority?]

[Footnote 136: Bonnet, _Les Lettres françaises de Calvin_, ii. 575, 576.]

[Footnote 137: "A ceste cause, vous instantement, très-acertes et en fraternelle affection prions, admonestons et requérons que ... la rigueur que tenés aux dits Farel et Calvin admodérer, pour l'amour de nous et pour éviter scandale, contemplans que ce qu'avons à vous et à eulx escript pour la conformité des cérimonies de l'Esglise, est procédé de bonne affection et par mode de requeste, et non pas pour vous, ne eulx, constraindre à ces choses, que sont indifferentes en l'Esglise, comme le pain de la Cène et aultres" (Herminjard, _Correspondance_, etc. iv. 428).]

[Footnote 138: For the letter of Bern to Geneva, and the answer of Geneva, cf. Herminjard, _Correspondance_, etc. iv. 427-430.]

[Footnote 139: _Ibid._ iv. 165 _n._]

[Footnote 140: The memoir presented to the Synod of Zurich has been printed by Herminjard, _Correspondance_, etc. v. 3-6, and in the _Corpus Reformatorum_, xxxviii. ii. 190-192. The conclusion prays Bern to drive from their territory ribald and obscene songs and catches, that the people of Geneva may not cite their example as an excuse.]

[Footnote 141: "Wir habent ouch durch Etlich unsere vorordneten uffs ernstlichest mit ihnen reden lassen sich etlicher ungeschigter scherpffe zemaassen und sich by disem unerbuwenem volgk Cristenlicher sennffmütigkeit zu beflyssen" (_Corpus Reformatorum_, xxxviii. ii. 193).]

[Footnote 142: The minute of the Council of Bern says: "The Genevans had refused to receive Calvin and Farel. If my lords need preachers, they will keep them in mind" (Herminjard, _Correspondance_, v. 20 _n._).]

[Footnote 143: Herminjard, _Correspondance_, etc. v. 139; _Corpus Reformatorum_, xxxviii. ii. 181.]

[Footnote 144: Doumergue, _Jean Calvin_, etc. ii 681 _ff._]

[Footnote 145: _Registres du Conseil_, xxxiv. f., 483, 485, 490 (quoted in Doumergue, _Jean Calvin_, ii. 700).]

[Footnote 146: Herminjard, _Correspondance des Réformateurs dans les pays de langue française_ (Geneva, 1866-93), vi. 365.]

[Footnote 147: _Corpus Reformatorum_, xxxix. (xi.) 114.]

[Footnote 148: _Ibid._ p. 54.]

[Footnote 149: _Ibid._ p. 170.]

[Footnote 150: Herminjard, _Correspondance_, etc. vii. 77.]

[Footnote 151: _Registres du Conseil_, xxxv. f., 324 (quoted in Doumergue, _Jean Calvin_, etc. ii. 710).]

[Footnote 152: For the wonderful influence of Calvin on the French Reformation and its causes, cf. below, pp. 153 ff.]

[Footnote 153: _Articles_ of 1537 in the _Corpus Reformatorum_, xxxviii. i. (x. i.) 5-14; _Ordinances_ of 1541; _ibid._ pp. 15-30; _Ordinances_ of 1561; _ibid._ pp. 91-124; _Institution_, IV. cc. i.-xii.]

[Footnote 154: _Corpus Reformatorum_, xxxviii. i. 121, 122.]

[Footnote 155: _Cambridge Modern History_, ii. 375.]

[Footnote 156: On the one side of the stone is inscribed:

Le xxvii Octobre MDLIII Mourut sur le bucher à Champel MICHEL SERVET de Villeneuve d'Aragon, né le xxix Septembre MDXI.

and on the other:

Fils respectueux et reconnaissants de Calvin notre grand réformateur, mais condamnant une erreur qui fut celle de son siècle et fermement attachés à la liberté de conscience selon les vrais principes de la Reformation et de l'Évangile, nous avons élevé ce monument expiatoire. Le xxvii Octobre MCMIII. ]

[Footnote 157: Like Jacques Bernard, the Franciscan monk, who was one of the pastors in Geneva after the banishment of Calvin and Farel, who, "cum esset inter Evangelii exordia, hostiliter repugnavit, donee Christum aliquando in uxoris forma contemplatus est."]

[Footnote 158: _Corpus Reformatorum_, xxxviii. i. (x. i.) 17-20, 45-48, 55-58, 93-99, 116-118.]

[Footnote 159: _Corpus Reformatorum_, xxxviii. i. (x. i.) 65-90.]

[Footnote 160: _Mémoires d'un protestant condamné aux galères de France pour cause de religion, écrits par lui-même_ (1757, repub. 1865), pp. 404-407.]

[Footnote 161: SOURCES: Théodore de Bèze (Beza), _Histoire Ecclésiastique des églises réformées au Royaume de France_ (ed. by G. Baum and E. Cunitz, Paris, 1883-89); J. Crespin, _Histoire des martyrs persécutez et mis à mort pour la vérité_ (ed. by Benoist, Toulouse, 1885-87); Herminjard, _Correspondance des Réformateurs dans les pays de langue française_, 9 vols. (Geneva, 1878-91); Calvin's _Letters_, _Corpus Reformatorum_, vols. XXXVIII. ii.-XLVIII. (Brunswick, 1872, etc.); Bonnet, _Lettres de Jean Calvin_, 2 vols. (Paris, 1854).

LATER BOOKS: E. Doumergue, _Jean Calvin_, 3 vols. (published Lausanne, 1899-1905); H. M. Baird, _History of the Rise of the Huguenots_ (London, 1880), and _Theodore Beza_ (New York, 1899); Lavisse, _Histoire de France_, V. i. pp. 339 ff.; ii. 183 ff.; VI. i. ii.; Hamilton, "Paris under the Valois Kings" (_Eng. Hist. Review_, 1886, pp. 260-70).]

[Footnote 162: Marguerite was born at Angoulême on April 11th, 1492; married the feeble Duke of Alençon in 1509; was a widow in 1525; married Henri d'Albret, King of Navarre, in 1527; died in 1549. Her only child was Jeanne d'Albret, the heroic mother of Henry of Navarre, who became Henri IV. of France. When she was the Duchess of Alençon, her court at Bourges was a centre for the Humanists and Reformers of France; when she became the Queen of Navarre, her castle at Nérac was a haven for all persecuted Protestants. The literature about Marguerite is very extensive: it is perhaps sufficient to mention--Génin, _Lettres de Marguerite d'Angoulême, reine de Navarre_ (published by the _Société de l'Histoire de France_, 1841-42); _Les idées religieuses de Marguerite de Navarre, d'auprès son oeuvre poétique_; A. Lefranc, _Les dernieres poésies de Marguerite de Navarre_ (Paris, 1896); Becker, "Marguerite de Navarre, duchesse d'Alençon et Guillaume Briçonnet, évêque de Meaux, d'aprés leur correspondance manuscrite, 1521-24" (in the _Bulletin de la Société de l'Histoire du Protestantisme française_, xlix. Paris, 1890); Darmesteter, _Margaret of Angoulême, Queen of Navarre_ (London, 1886); Lavisse, _Histoire de France_, v. i.; Herminjard, _Correspondance_, etc., vol. i., which contains sixteen letters written by her, and twelve addressed to her.]

[Footnote 163: Louise de Savoie, _Journal_, 1476-1522 (in Michaud et Poujoulat, _Collection_, etc. v.).]

[Footnote 164: Lefranc, "Marguerite de Navarre et le platonisme de la Renaissance" (vols. lviii. lix. _Bibliothèque de l'École des Chartes_, 1897-98).]

[Footnote 165: Herminjard, _Correspondance_, etc. i. 67.]

[Footnote 166: _Heptameron_, Preface.]

[Footnote 167: _Ibid._, Nouvelle xxxiii.]

[Footnote 168: Briçonnet belonged to an illustrious family. He was born in 1470, destined for the Church, was Archdeacon of Rheims, Bishop of Lodève in 1504, 1507 got the rich Abbey of St. Germain-des-Près at Paris, and became Bishop of Meaux in 1516. He at once began to reform his diocese; compelled his curés to reside in their parishes; divided the diocese into thirty-two districts, and sent to each of them a preacher for part of the year.]

[Footnote 169: Cf. K. H. Graf, "Jacobus Faber Stapulensis," in the _Zeitschrift für die historische theologie_ for 1852, 1-86; Doumergue, _Jean Calvin_, i. 79-112; Herminjard, _Correspondance_, i. 3 _n._]

[Footnote 170: Herminjard, _Correspondance_, i. 78, 84, 85 _n._]

[Footnote 171: It does not seem to be generally known that Lefèvre travelled to Germany in search of manuscripts of some of the earlier mystical writers, and that he published in 1513 the first printed edition of Hildegard of Bingen's _Liber Quoscivias_ (Peltzer, _Deutsche Mystik und deutsche Kunst_ (Strassburg, 1899), p. 35), under the title _Liber trium virorum et trium spiritualium virginum_ (Paris, 1513).]

[Footnote 172: Herminjard, _Correspondance_, i. 37 _n._, 47, 48 _n._, 63 and _n._, 64, etc.]

[Footnote 173: _Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris sous le règne de François I. 1515-1536_ (Paris, 1854), p. 104.]

[Footnote 174: Herminjard, _Correspondance_, i. 153 _ff._]

[Footnote 175: _Journal d'un Bourgeois_, etc. p. 169.]

[Footnote 176: Herminjard, _Correspondance_, i. 84, 105; cf. 85 _n._]

[Footnote 177: The depredations of those bands of brigands are frequently referred to in the _Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris_, pp. 119, 159, 166, 176, 185, 201, 249, 257, 402, 196.]

[Footnote 178: Cf. _Journal d'un Bourgeois_, etc. p. 276.]

[Footnote 179: _Journal d'un Bourgeois_, etc.: "Fut sonné par deux trompettes et crié au Palays sur la pierre de marbre, que s'il y avoit personne qui sceut enseigner celuy ou ceulx qui avoient fisché les dictz placars, en révélant en certitude, il leur seroit donné cent escus par la cour" (p. 442).]

[Footnote 180: _Ibid._ pp. 442-444. The Dauphin, the Dukes of Orléans and Angoulême, and a young German, Prince de Vendôme, carried the four batons supporting "un beau ciel" over the Host.]

[Footnote 181: _Bulletin de la Société de l'Histoire du Protestantisme français_ for 1858, pp. 166 _ff._]

[Footnote 182: H. M. Bower, _The Fourteen of Meaux_ (London, 1894).]

[Footnote 183: Cf. above, pp. 92 ff. What follows on Calvin's influence on the Reformation in France has been borrowed largely from M. Henri Lemonnier, _Histoire de France_, etc. (Paris, 1903-4) V. i. pp. 381-383, ii. pp. 183-187, etc.; only a Frenchman can describe it and him sympathetically.]

[Footnote 184: The Venetian Ambassador at the Court of France, writing in 1561 to the Doge, says, "Your Serenity will hardly believe the influence and the great power which the principal minister of Geneva, by name Calvin, a Frenchman and a native of Picardy, possesses in this kingdom. He is a man of extraordinary authority, who by his mode of life, his doctrines and his writings, rises superior to all the rest" (_Calendar of State Papers, Venetian, 1558-80_, p. 323).]

[Footnote 185: Calvin did not lack imagination. The sanctified imagination has never made grander or loftier flight than in the thought of the _Purpose of God_ moving slowly down through the Ages, making for redemption and for the establishment of the Kingdom, which is the master-idea in the _Christian Institution_. It was de Bèze (Beza), not Calvin, who was the father of the seventeenth century doctrine of predestination,--a conception which differed from Calvin's as widely as the skeleton differs from the man instinct with life and action.]

[Footnote 186: Henri Lemonnier, _Histoire de France_, etc. (Paris, 1903) V. i. 383.]

[Footnote 187: "Calvin fut un très grand écrivain. Je dirais même que ce fut le plus grand écrivain du 16^{e} siècle si j'estimais plus que je ne fais le _style_ proprement dit.... Encore est-il qu'il me faut bien reconnaître que le style de Calvin est de tous les styles du 16^{e} siècle celui qui a le plus de _style_.... Reste qu'il parle l'admirable prose, si claire, limpide et facile, du 15^{e} siècle, avec ce quelque chose de plus ferme, de plus nourri et de plus viril que l'étude des classiques donne à ceux qui ne poussent pas jusqu'à l'imitation servile et à l'admirature des menus jolis détails. Reste qu'il parle la langue du 15^{e} siècle avec quelques qualités déjà du 17^{e}. C'est précisément ce qu'il a fait, et il est un des bons, sinon des sublimes, fondateurs de la prose française" (Emile Faguet, _Scizième Siècle: Études Litéraires_, pp. 188-89, Paris, 1898).]

[Footnote 188: _Cambridge Modern History_, ii. 366.]

[Footnote 189: _La Catéchisme français_, p. 132. _Opera_, v. 319.]

[Footnote 190: The term was adopted from the edicts, "ladite religion prétenduë réformée," with the qualifying adjectives left out.]

[Footnote 191: Henri Lemonnier, _Histoire de France_, etc. (Paris, 1903) V. ii. 187.]

[Footnote 192: SOURCES in addition to those mentioned on p. 136: _Lettres inédites de Diane de Poitiers, publiées avec une introduction et des notes par_ G. Guiffrey (Paris, 1866); _Mémoires de Gaspard de Saulx-Tavannes_, 1530-73 (published in the _Collection_ of _Michaud and Poujoulat_, viii.); _Mémoires de François de Guise_ (in the same collection, vi.); _Lettres de Catherine de Médicis_ and _Papiers d'État du Cardinal de Granvelle_ (in the _Collection des Documents inédits de l'Histoire de France_); _Lettres d'Antoine de Bourbon et de Jeanne d'Albret_ (in the publications of the _Société de l'Histoire de France_); _Les Oeuvres complètes de Pierre de Bourdeille, Seigneur de Brantôme_ (edit. by L. Lalanne for the _Société de l'Histoire de France_, important for the persons and morals of the times); C. Weiss, _La Chambre ardente, étude sur la liberté de Conscience en France, sous François I. et Henri II. 1540-50_ (Paris, 1889). Layard, _Dispatches of Michele Suriano and Marcantonio Barbaro, Venetian Ambassadors at the Court of France_ (Lymington, 1891, pub. by the _Huguenot Society of London_). Teulet, _Relations politique de la France et de l'Espagne avec l'Écosse_ (Paris, 1862); and _Papiers d'État relatifs a l'Histoire de l'Écosse (Bannatyne Club_, Paris, 1851); _Correspondance du Cardinal de Granvelle_ (Brussels, 1877-96); _Calendar of State Papers, Venetian, 1558-80_ (London, 1890, etc.)

LATER BOOKS in addition to those mentioned on p. 136: A. de Ruble, _Le Traité de Cateau-Cambrésis_ (Paris, 1889); A. W. Whitehead, _Gaspard Coligny, Admiral of France_ (London, 1905); the _Bulletin historique et littéraire de l'histoire du protestantisme français_, edited by Weiss, is a mine of information on all matters connected with the Reformation in France. A. de Ruble, _Antoine de Bourbon et Jeanne d'Albret_ (Paris, 1881-82), and _Le Colloque de Poissy_ (Paris, 1889); F. Decrue, _Anne de Montmorency_ (Paris, 1885-89).]

[Footnote 193: The _Parlements_ were the highest judicial courts in France. By far the most important was the _Parlement_ of Paris, whose jurisdiction extended over Picardie, Champagne, l'Ile-de-France, l'Orléanais, Maine, Touraine, Anjou, Poitou, Aunis, Berri, La Bourbonnais, Auvergne, and La Marche--almost the half of France. The other _Parlements_ in the time of Henry II. were those of Normandy, Brittany, Burgundy, Dauphiné, Provence, Languedoc, Guyenne, and, up to 1559, Chambéry and Turin. The _Parlements_ are frequently mentioned under the names of the towns in which they met; thus the _Parlement_ of Normandy is called the _Parlement_ of Rouen; that of Provence, the _Parlement_ of Aix; that of Languedoc, the _Parlement_ of Toulouse.]

[Footnote 194: Weiss, _La Chambre ardente, étude sur la liberté de conscience en France, sous François I. et Henri II., 1540-50_ (Paris, 1889), is very valuable from the collection of documents which it contains. Crespin's _Histoire des martyrs_, etc., when tested by the official documents now accessible, has been found to be almost invariably correct, and without exaggeration. Weiss, "Une Semaine de la Chambre ardente" (1-8 Oct. 1549), in the _Bulletin historique et littéraire de la société de l'histoire du protestantisme français_ for 1899; and _Des cinq escoliers sortis de Lausanne brulez a Lyon_ (Geneva, 1878).]

[Footnote 195: _Institutio Christianæ Religionis_, IV. iii. iv.]

[Footnote 196: Athanase Coquerel fils, _Précis de l'histoire de l'église réformée de Paris_ (Paris, 1862)--valuable for the numerous official documents in the appendix.]

[Footnote 197: Antoine de Chandieu, _Histoire des persécutions et martyrs de l'Église de Paris, depuis l'an 1537_ (Lyons, 1563).]

[Footnote 198: _Oeuvres complètes de Pierre de Bourdeille, Seigneur de Brantôme_, edited by L. Lalanne for the _Société de l'Histoire de France_ (11 vols., Paris, 1864-82), ix. 161-62.]

[Footnote 199: It is more probable that only twelve Churches were represented--Paris, Saint-Lô, Rouen, Dieppe, Angers, Orléans, Tours, Poitiers, Saintes, Marennes, Châtellerault, and Saint-Jean-d'Angely. H. Dieterlen, _La Synode générale de Paris, 1559_ (Montauban, 1873): this was published as a thesis for the Theological Faculty (Protestant) of Montauban.]

[Footnote 200: The Confession will be found in Schaff, _The Creeds of the Evangelical Protestant Churches_ (London, 1877), pp. 356 ff.; Müller, _Die Bekenntnisschriften der reformierten Kirche_ (1903), p. 221; the various texts are discussed at p. xxxiii.]

[Footnote 201: The Consistories sometimes condescended to details. In the calmer days after the Edict of Nantes, the pastor and Consistory of Montauban thought that the arrangement of Madame de Mornay's hair was _trop mondaine_: Madame argued with them in a spirited way; cf. _Mémoires de Madame du Plessis-Mornay_ (_Société de l'Histoire de France_, Paris, 1868-69), i. 270-310.]

[Footnote 202: _Bulletin de la Société de l'hist. du protestantisme français_, 1854, p. 24.]

[Footnote 203: Hauser, "La Réforme et les classes populaires en France au XVI^{e} siècle" in the _Revue d'hist. mod. et contemp._ i. (1899-1900).]

[Footnote 204: The best book on Renée is Rodocanchi, _Renée de France, duchesse de Ferrare_ (1896).]

[Footnote 205: For the Chatillou brothers, see Whitehead, _Gaspard de Coligny, Admiral of France_ (London, 1905).]

[Footnote 206: The singing of Clement Marot's version of the Psalms was not distinctively Protestant. The first edition of the translation, including thirty Psalms, appeared in Paris in 1541 and in Geneva in 1542. The Geneva edition had an appendix, entitled _La maniére d'administrer les sacrements selon la coutume de l'Église ancienne et comme on l'observe à Genève_, and was undoubtedly a Protestant book; but the Paris edition contained instead rhymed versions of the Lord's Prayer, of the Apostles' Creed, and of the angel's salutation to the Virgin. The book was a great favourite with Francis I., who is said to have sung some of the Psalms on his deathbed. It was very popular at the Court of Henri II., where it became fashionable for the courtiers to select a favourite Psalm, which the King permitted them to call "their own." Henri's "own" was Ps. xlii., _Comme un cerf altéré bramc après l'eau courante_. He was a great huntsman. Catherine de Medici's was Ps.