CHAPTER X.
THOMAS AND JOHN JAMES, 1710.
Thomas James was the son of the Rev. John James, vicar of Basingstoke.[403] He served his apprenticeship to Robert Andrews, but quitted his service prior to the year 1710, in order to start business on his own account. Impressed, doubtless, with the present low condition of the art in England, and lacking the skill to regenerate it by his own labour, he determined to visit Holland and procure for himself, from that famous typographical market, the matrices and moulds necessary for establishing a successful foundry {213} in London. The characteristic letters in which he describes this expedition to his brother are given by Rowe Mores,[404] and present so instructive and entertaining a picture of the Dutch type-founders of the day, that we are tempted to copy them _in extenso_.
“_Rotterdam, 22 June 1710._—I have been with all the Letter Founders in Amsterdam, and if I would have given —— for matrices, could not persuade any of ’em but the last I went to, to part with any. So far from it that it was with much ado I could get them to let me see their business. The Dutch letter founders are the most sly and jealous people that ever I saw in my life. However this last man (being as I perceived by the strong perfume of Geneva waters a most profound sot) offers to sell me all his house for about —— I mean the matrices: for the punchions with them he will not sell for any money. But there being about as much as he would have —— for, Hebrew and other Oriental languages such as Syrian, Samaritan and Russian characters, I would not consent to buy ’em. But the rest consisting of about 17 sets of Roman and Italic capitals and small letters, and about 5 sets of capital letters only, and 3 sets of Greek, besides a set or two of Black with other appurtenances, these I design to buy. He is not very fond of selling them because it will be a great while before he can furnish himself again. However I believe I shall have ’em for less than —— a matrice, which as he says is cheaper than ever they were his; but having most of the punches he can sink ’em again and so set himself to rights with little trouble and less charge.”
The next letter, dated Rotterdam, 14th July 1710, describes graphically the difficulties which James encountered in driving his bargain to a conclusion.
“I took a place in the waggon for Tergoes and from thence in a scayte for Amsterdam, where I arrived at 5 o’clock on Monday morning 10 July. As soon as I thought the person I have dealt with was stirring I went to confer with him farther about his matrices; but instead of finding all things set in order for sale, I found him less provided than when I was with him before; for indeed he had lent about eight sets of matrices to another Letter Founder. I let him know my mind by an interpreter. He told me what a disposition his things were in, and said he had rather part with some particular sets than with all. In short, I found he had not a mind to part with any but those which he esteemed least, and those of which he had the puncheons by him to sink again when he pleased. I told him that I came expecting to make an end of the bargain, if he would part with all the sets I had seen in his proof for the price I had offered. The man hesitated a good while and at last told me he would advise about it. I told him I’d have him resolve presently, and showed him the bill . . . The sight of the bill made the man begin to be a little more serious than before; so after a few more words he told me he would send for his other sets in the afternoon. I told him _that_ he might do, but in the meantime I would survey those he had by him; so he had a table set and he fetched his matrices to me. The reason why I would not stir out of his house till I had taken a survey of his matrices was, because I was fearful that he might pick and cull (as we call it) a great {214} many things which are useful in printing besides just the alphabets; and indeed lest he might change some whole sets; though indeed the man declares he would not do a thing so ill for his life. However I having all the matrices brought into one room locked ’em up and took the key away with me, and went to dinner. In the afternoon I went again with my interpreter (being an Exchange Broker) where we sat all the afternoon viewing the matrices. At night I locked ’em up again and took the key with me, and on Tuesday morning presented my bill, which was accepted and paid immediately. But I should have told you that the afternoon before he sent his wife to speak to the people to send home the other sets; but she brought a note from the house and said the master who had the key and keeping of ’em was gone a great way out of town to the burial of his mother, and they did not expect him back till Wednesday. This news was very disagreeable to me; but not knowing how to help myself, on Tuesday, after having viewed all day those he had, I paid him ——, and took ’em along with me to my lodging when it was too late to send to you by the post from Amsterdam. On Wednesday I went again but could not find the man at home. He was gone for the other sets. So I tarried till yesterday and went again and received 3 of the 8 sets. The rest are not to be had yet, the man being not returned, only his wife who gave him those three sets. So there are wanting but five sets more which are all Greeks but one. I took ’em, molds and all, and packed them up in a box and sent ’em by an Amsterdam scayte appointed to carry goods for Rotterdam. This I did, fearing the _Catherine_ yacht might sail if I tarried for the rest. At 8 o’clock last night I took scayte for Tergoes, and arrived there this morning. From thence I came hither by waggon and arrived here before 9.”
The next letter, dated Rotterdam, 27th July 1710, describes his purchase more in detail, and gives particulars as to the Dutch foundries visited.
“You are desirous to know whether the matrices I have bought excel those which are in the hands of the Letter Founders in England. The beauty of letter like that of faces is as people opine; but notwithstanding I had no choice, all the Romans excel what we have in England in my opinion, and I hope being well wrought, I mean cast, will gain the approbation of very handsome letters. The Italic I do not look upon to be unhandsome, though the Dutch are never very extraordinary in those. An account of the names that I think I shall give the sets I have bought is as follows: The largest size I shall distinguish by the name of _Four-line Pica_, the next by that of _French Canon_, the next by that of _Two-line Pica_; these three consist of Capitals only. The fourth size is a small _Canon Italic_, the fifth a _Two-line English_ Roman and Italic, the sixth _Great Primer_ Roman, of which I have two sets, a great face and a small one, with one Italic to them both. The seventh size is an _English_ Roman and Italic; the eighth a _Pica_, of which I have three sets Roman, and one Italic; the ninth a _Small Pica_ Roman and Italic, the tenth _Long Primer_, three sets Roman and one Italic, the eleventh, _Brevier_ Roman and Italic. Besides these I have one set of _Great Primer Greek_, one of _English Greek_, one of _Pica Greek_, one of _Brevier Greek_, as also one set of _Pica Black_ and one of _Brevier Black_ together with matrices of divers sorts of flowers useful as ornaments in printing. To which I have 15 molds. All the sizes except the three first have Capitals, small letters, double letters, figures and points, as also all the accents, amounting in the whole to the number of about 3500 matrices. As for sets of Nonpareil and Pearl, I am informed nobody in {215} this country has any but the Jew whose name is Athias.[405] Him I was with first of all, who assured me he would part with none of any size whatever, as did likewise another man whose name is Foskins.[406] The next I went to was Cupi by name. He said he must consult a friend of his before he could give me my answer, which friend being gone out of town it would be two or three days before he could certify me. The next and last I went to the same day: his name was Rolij,[407] a German by birth. Him I soon perceived I should agree with, as afterwards I did. But before I went to him I called upon Cupi. He told me he would sell no matrices, but he would cast me as much letter as I would have as cheap as anybody. I went to him before I agreed with Rolij because I would see which would sell cheapest. But finding them all so inflexible I was obliged to agree with Rolij upon his own terms, who, however, did not know but I had come to him first, since himself and Cupi are the only letter-cutters in this country, and he did not imagine but that if he would not have sold me matrices Cupi would, as I found by him afterwards. When Cupi perceived that Rolij would sell me some matrices (as, indeed, then Rolij and I had agreed and he received 1700 gilders in part), he comes to the Exchange-Broker and told him he would sink his puncheons again and in half a year’s time deliver me all the matrices he has, perfect, after the rate of —— per matrice, but that except I would take all one with another, he would sell none at all.
“His Roman letters are very handsome and his Italics ugly, but all printed upon a proof of the best paper; with all the care taken in composing and printing imaginable, which adds much to the lustre of his letter. In a book it is quite another thing; not {216} so handsome as Rolij’s, whose letter in the proofs I could see in matter looks much better than it does in his printed Specimen, which is done with all disadvantage, being wretchedly composed and worse printed off, upon very sorry paper. However I can see when letters are well proportioned. I have two specimens of his letter in matter which look very beautiful. Rolij says whatever matrices I want, whether great or small, he’ll cut ’em for me as soon as I give him orders, provided it happens before a peace. He told me likewise he would see if he could procure any Nonpareil and Pearl of the Jew, I allowing him a reasonable profit for his pains. Rolij says he was the man who made Foskins[408] father by the letter he cut for him. Foskins[408] is a man of great business, having five or six men constantly at the furnace, besides boys to rub, and himself and a brother to do the other work. How many men the Jew keeps at work I do not know, for he would not permit me to go up into his work-house. Foskins thought I wanted letter to be cast, but when he knew that I was a letter founder he looked very sly, and watched me as if I had been a thief, being I suppose very fearful that I should steal some of their art from them. Cupi was not very forward to let me see his work-house, and the first time avoided it by saying he could not stay for he was just going out, but the second time I did see it though he was as loth then as before, saying he believed there was nobody at work. But I told him the person who was with me wanted to see the trade, and he would oblige me by showing it. He had places for four to work, although there was but one casting. I did not ask Rolij to show me his work-house the first time I went to him, but the second time I went up and saw places for four men and nobody at work. I asked him where his men were; he told me they were gone to a fair at Harlem, but I believe he had lent them out as well as his matrices to some other letter founder. As I was going along the street with him, he told me there was an English gentleman that had lodged at such a house (pointing to it), for whom he had cast three hundred pounds worth of work not long ago, which if true must have been for Tonson.
“I have bought of Rolij in all thirty sets of matrices, besides the box of flowers and 15 molds made of brass as almost all the Dutch molds I saw were. Mr. Cupi has in all but eighteen sets of matrices, but is continually, as I hear, cutting more, designing in time to set up printing and bookselling too. He is a very close and very civil fellow. I do not know but one time or other I may take another trip into this country for matrices, for there’s no trusting to anybody here to manage business for one. There’s hardly such a thing as an honest man to be found. They all live by buying and selling, and whatever they can bite anyone of, they count it fairly got in the way of trade. I hear but a very indifferent character of the young man, the broker, who interprets for me. He is very expert indeed at that, and I do not know what I should have done without him: but I am informed that if it lay in his power to come at any of my money, he would contrive some way or other to cozen me of it, or part of it at least; for which reason I took particular care. He stood very hard with me for a gilder per cent. for every hundred I laid out. The moulds and matrices together stand me in ——. I have enquired very diligently of abundance of Printers, Booksellers, and of Mr. Rolij whether there are any letter founders at Harlem, Leyden, The Hague, Delft or Utrecht. I was told by some they knew of none, and by others that there were none, and Rolij assured me there were none at any of those places; and I myself saw at Foskins[408] a box with letter in it, {217} directed for Utrecht; and it seems very probable there may be none at any of these places, because letter may be sent from Amsterdam to any of these places as cheap by water as a porter in London will carry a burthen half a mile. The box of molds and matrices which I bought was brought hither from Amsterdam for twelve stivers into the house, the distance about forty English miles. I am told there is one letter founder at Tergoes, but I can’t hear of one Englishman or English house in the whole town. However I’ll endeavour to find the founder before I leave the country. I have been through Tergoes three times, and as often through Harlem, Leyden and Delft, but never made any stay in any one of them. I have been twice to the Hague, but at such times that I could not see the States House. The town is very fine. One’s charges thither and back again are not above a gilder. ‘Tis very easy, and travelling would be very pleasant if one were not destitute of company.”
On his return to England with his purchases, James established his foundry in Aldermanbury, and afterwards removed to the Town Ditch.
The following is Rowe Mores’ summary of his original matrices:
“MR. JAMES’S FOUNDERY.
OCCIDENTALS.―
_Greek_: Great Primer, 191; Pica, 161; Brevier, 141; Small Pica, 130.
_Roman and Italic._― Two-line English Roman, 148; Italic, 90. Great Primer Roman, 111; another Roman, 101; Italic, 123. English Roman, 86; Italic, 78. Pica Roman, 109; another 80; another, 82; Italic, 95. Long Primer Roman, 140; another, 155; another, 141; Italic, 94. Brevier Roman, 112; Italic, 97.
_Titles and Irregulars._― Four-line Pica Roman, 35. Canon Roman (Two-line Great Primer it is), 33. Small Canon (Two-line English) _missing_. Two-line Pica Roman, 31. Small Pica Roman, 136; Italic, 73.
SEPTENTRIONALS.―
_English (Blacks)._― Pica, 60. Brevier, 65.
Mathematical Marks, Flowers, etc.
James’ business appears to have thriven for a time, owing doubtless to the fact of his being possessed of the matrices of Dutch letter, which at that time had quite superseded the home productions in the popular favour. So much were they sought after, indeed, that we hear of a great printer like Tonson making a special journey to Holland, and there laying out as much as £300 on Dutch letter. The upper floor, on which the work of the foundry was carried on in the house at the Town Ditch, being insufficient in strength for the weight of his operations, he removed to the foundry in Bartholomew Close, where he continued till the time of his death. “This founding House,” says Rowe Mores, “is an edifice disjoined from the dwelling-house, and seems to have been built for Mr. James’ own purpose. The dwelling-house is an irregular rambling place, formerly in the occupation of Mr. Roycroft, afterwards in that of Mr. Houndeslow, afterwards in that of Mr. S. Palmer, author of the _General History of Printing_, and lastly that of the two Mr. James’s, and was a part of the Priory of St. Bartholomew. And in this house wrought formerly as a journeyman {218} with Mr. Palmer, a gentleman well known since in the philosophical world, Dr. Benj. Franklin of Philadelphia.” Franklin worked here in 1725 for about a year, during which time, as he himself states in the interesting note quoted from his autobiography at page 15, he was an occasional visitor in James’s typefoundry adjoining.
James’ later years were embittered by transactions which tended neither to his credit nor his fortunes, and which one would be tempted to pass by unnoticed, but that the history of English type-founding is closely involved in the narration.
In the year 1725 a Scotch printer complained to William Ged, a respectable goldsmith of Edinburgh, of the inconvenience of being compelled to send to London or Holland for type, there being no foundry in Scotland at the time, and urged him to undertake the business of type-founder. Ged, in considering the matter, was struck with the idea of producing plates from whole pages of composed type, and after several experiments, satisfied himself that the idea was practicable.[409] In 1727 he entered into a contract with an Edinburgh printer to prosecute the invention, but the latter being intimidated by the rumoured costliness of the process, withdrew from the bargain at the end of two years. In 1729 Ged entered into a new partnership with William Fenner, a London stationer, who offered, for one half of the profits, to find the requisite capital and work the undertaking. Fenner introduced him to Thomas James, the founder, and a company was shortly afterwards formed, consisting of Ged, Fenner, Thomas James, John James, his brother, an architect at Greenwich, and James Ged, son of the inventor. Ged’s narrative, which is simple, and to all appearances straightforward, represents Thomas James as having played from the first a highly dishonourable part in the proceedings of the new company. Being naturally selected to provide the necessary type, he supplied worn and battered letter, which Ged was compelled to reject as useless. Ged next applied to the King’s printers, who had recently discarded James’s type in favour of the highly superior letter of William Caslon, for permission to take plates from some formes of their new letter. The printers consulted Mr. Caslon, who not only denied the utility of {219} the invention, but asserted that he could, if he chose, make as good plates as Ged.[410] A wager of £50 ensued. Each of the disputants was furnished with a page of type, and allowed eight days for producing the plate. At the end of a single day Ged produced three plates to the umpire, who was bound to admit his success. This feat becoming known, the partners applied for, and obtained a privilege from the University of Cambridge in 1731, to print Bibles and Prayer Books by the new method.
Ged was, however, again thwarted in every direction by the treachery of his colleagues, especially of Thomas James, who continued to supply imperfect type, and actively intrigued with the King’s printers for the purpose of upsetting the University contract and discrediting the invention. With wonderful courage and perseverance Ged struggled against the opposition, and, it is said, completed two Prayer Books. The printers engaged on the work, however, were influenced by James, the compositors making malicious errors in the text, and the pressmen damaging the formes with their ink balls. The complaint thus raised against the type was the motive for sending James in 1732 to Holland, to procure fresh letter. This second expedition lacked all the interesting features of the first, and he returned after being absent for two months and spending £160, with only one fount of type, far too large for the requirements of the undertaking. Meanwhile, however, in consequence of the persistent animosity of the printers, the books were suppressed by authority, and the plates sent to the King’s printing house, and thence to Caslon’s foundry to be broken up.[411] Ged, shattered in health and fortune, returned to Edinburgh in 1733, where, by the assistance of his friends, he was enabled, after some delay, to finish his edition of Sallust.[412] He died in 1749.[413] {220}
The dishonourable part taken by James in this business reacted on himself, for we find that he suffered considerably both in purse and business, in consequence of his connection with the undertaking. “The printers,” says Mores, “would not employ him, because the block printing, had it succeeded, would have been prejudicial to theirs.”[414] The rising fame of Caslon at this particular period contributed also, and with equal force, to the ill-success of his later years.
Before his death, however, he added considerably to his foundry, chiefly by the purchase of the foundries of his old master, Robert Andrews, and of his son Sylvester at Oxford. By the former he acquired not only a large number of Roman and Italics, but also several Oriental and curious founts (some of which had formed the foundry of Moxon), which constituted the nucleus of that large collection for which his foundry subsequently became notorious. He died in 1736,[415] after a long illness, during which his son John James managed the business.
The following circular, addressed to the printing trade at the time of his death, is interesting, not only as notifying the fact, but as being put forward as a specimen of the type of the foundry.
ADVERTISEMENT.
“The death of Mr. Thomas James of Bartholomew Close, Letter Founder, having been industriously published in the Newspapers, without the least mention of any person to succeed in his business, it is become necessary for the widow James to give as public notice that she carries on the business of letter founding, to as great exactness as formerly, by her son John James, who had managed it during his father’s long illness; the letter this advertisement is printed on being his performance.[416] And he casts all other sorts from the largest to the smallest size. Also the Saxon, Greek, Hebrew, and all the Oriental types, of various sizes.” {221}
Although the above seems to indicate that John James was a practical letter-cutter, he does not appear to have contributed much to the increase of his foundry by his own handiwork. In 1739 he purchased, jointly with William Caslon, the foundry of Robert Mitchell, and took a half of the matrices.[417] A year later he bought Ilive’s foundry. Of this purchase Rowe Mores mentions that the two founts of Nonpareil Greek, though duly paid for, never came to James’s hands. The remaining matrices, consisting of Roman and Italics and a few sundries, were transferred to Bartholomew Close, where they lay, apparently unused, in the boxes distinguished by the name of Jugge.
A far more important purchase was made some eighteen years later, when Grover’s foundry, after having lain idle for thirty years in the possession of his family, was finally sold to James by Mr. Nutt in 1758. By this purchase James became possessed of a stock of matrices, the number of which nearly doubled his own foundry, and which included many of the most interesting relics of the art.[418] At the same time, he combined in one no fewer than nine of the old English foundries, and remained, with Caslon and Baskerville, as one of only three representatives of the trade in the country.[419]
The following table will present in a clear form the gradual absorption of all the old foundries into that of James:―
(_De Worde_) (_Day_) │ │ │ (_Privileged │ printers_) │ │ │ The Polyglot │ Founders Moxon (Walpergen) │ 1637–1667 1659–1683 1673–1714 │ │ │ │ +──────────────+───────────+ │ │ │ │ │ +────────────+ │ │ │ │ Jas. Grover R. Andrews (_Rolij_) S. Andrews Ilive Head 1680–1700 1683–1733 1710 1714–1733 1730–1740 1685–1700 (?) │ │ │ │ │ │ │ +────────────+───────────+ │ │ │ │ │ │ Thos. Grover Thos. James │ Mitchell 1700–1758 1710–1736 │ 1700–1739 │ │ │ │ │ │ │ +────+────+ │ │ │ │ │ +──────────────────────────+──────────────────────+─────+ │ │ │ John James Caslon 1736–1772 the last of the Old English Letter Founders.
{222}
With the exception of the circular already mentioned, nothing of the nature of a specimen of this large foundry appeared during the lifetime of its owner. As early as 1736, Rowe Mores informs us, a specimen was begun, designed to show the variety of matrices with which the foundry then abounded, and from which types could be supplied to the trade. But although so early begun, and progressed with for several years, the work was left incomplete at the time of James’s death in 1772.[420]
Two causes may be assigned for this fact, one being the frequent and numerous additions to the foundry from time to time, which would render any specimen undertaken at an early stage of its existence incomplete; and the second and more cogent reason is to be found in the fact that the excellence and growing popularity of Caslon’s founts at this particular period tended rapidly to depreciate the productions of the old founders, and, as Rowe Mores himself states, to render many of their founts altogether useless in typography; so that a letter which in 1736 might have commanded a tolerable sale, would in 1756 be despised, and in 1770 scoffed at.
At John James’s death his foundry passed by purchase[421] into the hands of Mr. Rowe Mores,[422] a learned and eccentric antiquary and scholar, who had devoted himself, among other matters, to the study of typographical antiquities, a pursuit in which he received no little stimulus from the possession of a collection of punches and matrices, some of which were supposed to be as old as the days of Wynkyn de Worde.
Whether any motive besides a pure antiquarian zeal prompted the purchase, or whether he held the collection in the capacity of trustee, is not known, but it {223} seems probable he had been intimately acquainted with the foundry and its contents for some time before James’s death. He speaks emphatically of it as “our” foundry, and his disposition of its contents for sale is made with the authority of an absolute proprietor. It does not appear, however, that during the six years of his possession any steps were taken to extend or even continue the old business, which we may assume to have died with its late owner.
Mr. Mores found himself the owner of a vast confused mass of matrices, many of them unjustified, and others imperfect, which to an ordinary observer might have been summarily condemned as rubbish, but which he, with an enthusiasm quite remarkable, set himself to catalogue and arrange in order, considering himself amply repaid for his pains by the discovery of a few veritable relics of Wynkyn de Worde and other old English printers.
The result of his labours he minutely relates in his _Dissertation_,[423] a work written, as he himself says, “to preserve the memory of this Foundry, the most ancient in the kingdom, and which may now be dispersed,” and intended as an introduction to the completed specimen of its contents. Despite its eccentric style and crabbed diction, the work, by virtue of its learning and acuteness, will always remain one of the most interesting contributions to the history of English typography.
The condition of the foundry will be best described in its author’s own words.
After giving a list of matrices lost,[424] and quoting a catalogue of the matrices of the learned languages in the foundry in 1767, written by James himself (which varies considerably from the Catalogue presented at the sale, to be given later on), he observes:
“The specimen will show that several of the matrices are unjustified. This being but an accidental circumstance, does not in the least affect the goodness of the type, though it affects its appearance in _the casting_. The matrices were amassed at all events to augment the collection, and the operation of the file was suspended till a call for the type should make it necessary. So this defect is no more than a proof that the matrices have not been impaired by use.
“Another circumstance it may be necessary to mention relating to the difference in the number of matrices of the same face and body, which may lead to a suspicion that those of a lesser number are imperfect. But this is not the {224} fact. The difference arises from a difference in the quantity of ligations, which have been always cut in a greater or smaller number according to the humour or fancy of the artist. We own ourselves admirers of ligatures, for they are certainly ornamental and elegant, and it is to be wished that they could be used in typography with the same ease as they are displayed in calligraphy. But this is impossible; fusile types are not so tractable as the pen of a ready writer, and we scruple not to call a fount complete though it be destitute of every jugation. . . .
“A word or two must be added in relation to the Specimen. It was begun by Mr. James in the year 1736, in which year, after the decease of his father, he entered into business for himself, and was designed to show the variety of matrices with which his foundery abounded. Therefore it is a specimen only of the types which he could cast for those who wanted; no reference being made to the situation of the matrices from which he would have cast them. But notwithstanding the number of years intermediate, the Specimen was left unfinished by Mr. James at the time of his death, and that which was left has been mangled since his decease. Not that there was any occasion for such references, for Mr. James was possessed of the matrices, and consequently of the secret of adapting them to his purpose. To supply this deficiency in a specimen of the matrices (for as such the specimen is now to be considered) has been attended with trouble incredible to anyone but one who upon a like occasion shall attempt the same. And such an occasion we believe there will never be.
“For the Specimen some apology is to be made; neither the form nor the matter is so judicious as we could wish, but the greatest part of it was composed long ago, and it was almost impossible now to alter it. Incorrectness must be overlooked, because Letter Founders generally compose their own specimens, and this might be sufficient to apologise for deficiencies in the Composing part. But we must use another plea in extenuation of enormities in this part unavoidable; the confinement of large-bodied letters to a narrow measure; though for blemishes of this sort the just allowance will be made by those of judgement. It shows the letter, the common purpose of this kind of specimens.
“We have inserted specimens of several matrices which the great improvements made in the art of letter-cutting have rendered altogether useless in typography; but these specimens will be found of critical use to an antiquary, for whose sake we have inserted them, regardless of the charge that we deform our Specimen, or of another more material accusation, that by multiplying particulars we endeavour to enhance the value of our foundery. The latter we can easily refute; for the sets we speak of, besides the rudeness of the workmanship, are imperfect, and consequently unsaleable, and will probably be taken {225} from the foundery before it is disposed of to prevent the trouble of a future garbling,[425] and this consideration must extend to those objections which may be made against things cast in haste without justification, for the purpose only of shewing the faces.
“Hitherto we have spoken only of Matrices. The punches, though in order they are first, must come last; and of them we have but little to say; for these having performed their office by formation of the matrice are generally like other useful instruments which have discharged their duty, neglected, discarded and thrown away.
“The entire _loss_, the _waste_ and the _rubbish_ in our foundery in this article are great. The _waste_ and _rubbish_ are in weight about 120 lbs., and were we to put down _tale_ instead of _weight_ (the pusils which seem to make the greater part of this quantity not much exceeding in largeness the little end of a poinctrel) the number would be very great. But covetous of preserving the remembrance of everything which in Mr. James’ Foundery was curious or uncommon, we have re-scrutinized these, and have left behind us nothing but the Roman and Italic in which is nothing either curious or uncommon.
“The same likewise have we done to the matrices, the waste of which now remaining and disposed of in order is in number about 2,600,[426] the rubbish in weight about 1/2 cwt.
“A work of some trouble but _virtù_ hath been gratified amongst the rubbish of punches by some originals of Wynkyn de Worde, some punches of the 2-line Great Primer English.[427] They are truly _vetustate formâque et squalore venerabiles_, and we would not give a lower-case letter in exchange for all the leaden cups of Haerlem.”[428]
Mr. Mores, unfortunately, did not live to see the publication of his {227} _Dissertation_, or to complete the Specimen which was to accompany it. He died in 1778, and four years elapsed before the foundry was put up to auction, and the catalogue with its specimen attached finally appeared.
Of this interesting document we need only observe that in point of execution and printing it calls for all the apology which Mr. Mores offers on its behalf;[429] for one could hardly imagine a specimen doing less justice to the collection it represents. Yet, in spite of its imperfections, it is a work of the highest importance to anyone interested in the history of the old English letter-founders, and we regret that space forbids quoting the Catalogue in full.
We shall, however, present our readers with an abstract of the Specimen as far as it relates to the matrices of the “learned” languages in the foundry; adding, as far as possible, the initials of the foundries through which each fount had come into James’ hands.[430]
The specimens shown are as follows:―
_Hebrew_ (Biblical).[431]― 2-l. English Mod. [A.][432] 2-line English No. 2. 2-line English Ancient. [P.] Double Pica. [P.] [A.] Great Primer. [A.] English Antique. English Ancient, No. 2. [P.] [A.] English Ancient, No. 3. English Modern. Pica Ancient. [G.?] Pica Modern. [A.] Small Pica Antique. [A.] Small Pica Antique. No. 2. [A.]
_Hebrew._― Small Pica Modern. Long Primer. [G.?] Brevier. [A.] Brevier. No. 2. [S.A.] Nonpareil. [A.]
_Hebrew_ (Rabbinical).― English German (a spurious Rashi). [A.] Rashi Pica. [A.] Rashi Long Primer.* [A.] Rashi Brevier.* [A.] Rashi Nonpareil.* [A.]
_Samaritan._[433]― Double Pica (Leusden’s). [A.] English* (with English face). [P.] [G.] {228}
_Syriac._― Double Pica. [P.][G.] Great Primer. [A.] Pica. [G.]
_Arabic._[434]― Double Pica (Gt. Primer?)* [P.?][G.] Great Primer. [A.]
_Æthiopic._― Gt. Primer or English*. [P.][A.] English. [Anon.]
_Greek._[435]― Double Pica.[436] [Royal][G.] Great Primer.* [G.] Great Primer. No. 2. Great Primer. No. 3. [R.] English. English. No. 2. Pica. [R.] Pica. No. 2. Small Pica. [P.] Small Pica. No. 2. [R.?] Small Pica. No. 3. [P.] Brevier. [A.] Brevier. No. 2. [R.] Brevier. No. 3.[437] [G.] Nonpareil. [A.] Pearl. [N.?] English Alexandrian.* [G.]
_Gothic._― Pica. [Anon.]
_Anglo-Saxon._[438]― Great Primer. [G.] Great Primer, No. 2. [G.] English (Pica). [A.] Long Primer. [A.?]
_Anglo-Norman._[439]― Great Primer. [A.] English. [Anon.]
_Runic._― Pica.
_Court Hand._― Double Pica. [G.] English.* [G.] _Union._—Double Pica.* [G.]
_Scriptorial_ (_Cursive_).[440]― Double Pica. [G.] English. [G.] English. No. 2. [G.] Pica.* [G.] Small Pica. [G.]
_Secretary._― Great Primer. [G.]
_Hieroglyphics._― A Set.
_English._[441]― 2-line Great Primer. [De Worde?][G.] Great Primer. [De Worde?][G.] Great Primer. No. 2. [A.] English. [Anon.] English. No. 2* [A.] English. No. 4. [G.] Pica. [A.] Pica. No. 2. [Anon.] Pica. No. 3. [R.?] Small Pica No. 2. [A.] Small Pica No. 3. [Anon.?] Small Pica No. 6. [A.] Small Pica No. 7. [A.?] Long Primer (Dutch cut). [G.?] Long Primer No. 2. [G.] Long Primer No. 3. [G.] Brevier. [G.?] Brevier. No. 4. [R.?] Nonpareil.* [G.]
Of Roman capitals, eight founts were shown,[442] and of Roman and Italic from {229} Canon to Diamond, there were thirty-nine founts in specimen and a hundred and eight not shown.
In addition to the above, the specimen included ninety-seven varieties of flowers, chiefly from the Grovers’ foundry; while other odd flowers, with signs, rules, braces, and various imperfect founts (contained in sixteen drawers) were also sold, though not shown. At the end of the list of matrices came what was perhaps the most interesting feature of the sale, viz., a set of punches contained in a press named “Caxton,” consisting of twenty drawers. Of these the majority were Roman and Italics, which we will not specify, as it is impossible to determine whose handiwork they were in the first instance. We give, however, the contents of drawers A E F and G, which contained the following punches of the learned languages[443]:
A.—Æthiopic English* [P.] [A.] Samaritan Pica* (English?) [P.] [G.] Samaritan Long Primer Syriac English (Pica?) [G.] Arabic Great Primer [A.] Arabic Pica (English?) [A.] Greek Brevier Saxon Pica [A.] Hibernian[444] Pica* [M.] [A.] E.—Greek Great Primer,* points and ligatures [G.] F. Greek Pica, points and ligatures G. Greek Nonpareil, points and ligatures [A.]
It is at least remarkable that so few punches should have existed in so large a foundry; but it is to be remembered that the wear and tear of the matrices in those days was not so great as now, and the necessity for a new set of strikes from the punches was consequently less frequent. We may even suppose, from Mr. Mores’ own reference to the subject, already quoted, that it was a common practice to discard a set of punches as useless as soon as they had left their impression in the matrices.
The concluding items of the Catalogue are “about 60 or 70 moulds, from 5-line Pica down to Nonpareil, some two, some three or more of a sort which {230} will be lotted according to their bodies; also a parcel of iron ladles; a vice, 33 lbs. weight, several gauges, dividers, blocks, setting-up sticks, dressing sticks, etc.,”—a meagre list, which, if it represents the working plant of the foundry, points to a rough and ready practice of the art which, even in Moxon’s time, would have been considered primitive.
A word must be added respecting the Catalogue. Whether it was taken precisely as Mr. Mores left it, or whether Mr. Paterson, the auctioneer (whose “talent at Cataloguing” Nichols, in his _Anecdotes_, approvingly mentions),[445] completed it, we cannot say. It is as precise, perhaps, as any catalogue of so confused a collection could be. An opening was, however, left for a good deal of misapprehension, by the fact that the nests of drawers in which the matrices were stored, instead of bearing distinguishing numbers, bore the names of famous old printers, which duly figured in the Catalogue.[446] Misled by this circumstance, it seems more than likely that Paterson may have enhanced the importance of his lots by dwelling on the fact that one fount was “De Worde’s”, another “Cawood’s,” another “Pynson’s,” and so on. The absurdity of this delusion becomes very apparent when we see the Alexandrian Greek some years later puffed by its purchasers as the veritable production of De Worde (who lived a century before the Alexandrian MS. came to this country), and find Hansard, in 1825, ascribing seven founts of Hebrew and a Pearl Greek to Bynneman.
What was the result of the sale financially we cannot ascertain. Of the fate of its various lots we know very little either, except that Dr. Fry secured most of the curious and “learned” matrices. How far the other foundries of the day, at home and abroad, enriched themselves, or how much of the collection fell into the hands of the coppersmiths, are problems not likely to find solution.
With the sale, however, disappeared the last of the old English foundries, and closed a chapter of English typography, which, though not the most glorious, is certainly not the least instructive through which it has passed.
* * * * *
The only specimen of this foundry is that appended to the Catalogue of the sale:―
A CATALOGUE and Specimen of the large and extensive Printing-Type-Foundery of the late ingenious Mr. John James, Letter-founder, formerly of Bartholomew Close, London, deceased; including several other Founderies, English and Foreign. Improved {231} by the late Reverend (_sic_) and Learned Edward Rowe Mores, deceased. Comprehending a great variety of punches and matrices of the Hebrew, Samaritan, Syriac, Arabic, Æthiopic, Alexandrian, Greek, Roman, Italic, Saxon, Old English, Hibernian, Script, Secretary, Court-Hand, Mathematical, Musical, and other characters, Flowers and Ornaments: which will be sold by Auction by Mr. Paterson at his Great Room (No. 6) King Street, Covent Garden, London, on Wednesday, 5th June, 1782, and the Three following days. To begin exactly at 12 o’clock. To be viewed on Wednesday, May 29th, and to the Time of Sale. Catalogues, with Specimen of the Types, may be had at the Place of Sale. (Price One Shilling.) 8vo. . . . . (Lond. Inst.)
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