Chapter 33

At this time more than a hundred thousand destitute men had flocked to the national workshops. They rose as of one accord. The rising of June 23 was the most formidable yet experienced in Paris. The number of the workmen alone exceeded that of several army corps. The unity of grievances and interests gave them an _esprit de corps_ similar to that of an army. The whole eastern part of Paris was barricaded like a fortified camp. Instead of a mere revolt, the government found itself entering upon a civil war. General Cavaignac, the Minister of War, was placed in supreme command, the executive commission resigning its powers. He summoned all available troops into the capital. Regardless of private interests, Paris was treated as a great battlefield in which the enemy was to be attacked in a mass and dislodged from all his main lines. The barricades were battered down with field and siege artillery. Four days and nights the fight lasted. Whole houses and blocks in which the insurgents had found a lodgment had to be demolished. On the third day the Archbishop of Paris was struck by a bullet while trying to stop the bloodshed. On both sides the fight was waged with inexcusable savagery. The National Guard, with a few exceptions, fought side by side with the regular troops. The workmen, threatened with the loss of their subsistence, fought with the courage of despair. At the point of the bayonet they were at last driven into the northeastern quarter of the city. There, plied with grape and canister from every direction, they were brought to the point of surrender.

[Sidenote: Cavaignac]

[Sidenote: Louis Napoleon]

After this hard-won victory, the government did not hesitate to transport without trial the whole mass of prisoners taken alive. A policy of reaction set in. The government workshops and other concessions to socialism were abandoned. General Cavaignac, at the direction of the Assembly, retained his dictatorial powers until a new Constitution could be drafted. It seemed as if Cavaignac was marked to become the permanent ruler of France, but his own rigid republicanism stood in his way. It was at this time that Prince Louis Napoleon once more came into prominence. When he first made his reappearance in Paris he was requested to leave by the Provisional Government. Retiring to England, he awaited developments, while his friends and supporters agitated in his behalf. During the supplementary elections he was nominated for the Chambers by four districts at once, and, despite the government's efforts, he obtained a fourfold election. A vote of the Assembly declared the election valid. With unwonted self-command the Prince declined to take his seat, on the ground that it might embarrass the government in its difficult situation. His letter to the president of the Assembly ended with the significant declaration that if duties should be imposed upon him by the will of the people he would know how to fulfil them.

[Sidenote: France spellbound]

Three months later, in the midst of the debates on the constitution, while Cavaignac was still in power, Louis Napoleon was re-elected to the Assembly--this time by five departments. His hour had come. From this moment he was a recognized aspirant for power. The great name of his uncle shed its glory upon him. The new constitution of the Republic provided that a President with executive powers should be elected by a direct vote of all citizens. Louis Napoleon at once became a candidate. In an address to the people he declared that he would devote himself without stint to the maintenance of the Republic. In well-worded generalities something was promised to all the classes and parties of France. The other candidates were Cavaignac and Lamartine. Out of seven millions of votes cast in this election, five million went to Louis Napoleon. The mere glamour of an imperial name cast a new spell over France.

[Sidenote: Death of Chopin]

[Sidenote: The pianist's career]

In the midst of these stirring events in Paris, Frederick Chopin, the piano composer, died on October 17. Born at Jelisovaya-Volia in Poland, he received his early musical education at Warsaw. At the age of nine he played a pianoforte concerto with improvisations in public. His first compositions were Polish dances. In his fifteenth year he published a rondo and a fantasie. Having perfected himself as a pianist, he set out on a concert tour through Vienna, Munich, Paris and London. After his first appearance in Vienna, the foremost musical critic there wrote of him: "From the outset Chopin took place in the front rank of masters. The perfect delicacy of his touch, his indescribable mechanical dexterity, the melancholy tints in his style of shading, and the rare clearness of his delivery are in him qualities which bear the stamp of genius. He must be regarded as one of the most remarkable meteors blazing on the musical horizon." In Paris he gave a concert at Pleyel's house. His reception was such that he gave up all idea of proceeding further and made Paris his home for life. He was welcomed to the intimacy of men like Liszt, Berlioz, Meyerbeer, Bellini, Balzac and Heine. As one after another of his unique compositions for the piano appeared, he took rank as the foremost composer for that instrument. On the publication of his preludes and new Polish dances, Schumann wrote of Chopin: "He is and ever will be the most daring and proud poetic spirit of the time."

[Sidenote: Chopin and Georges Sand]

In 1836, Chopin met Madame Dudevant, better known as the celebrated novelist Georges Sand. Their attachment was mutual. For her he wrote some of his most inspired pieces. They spent the winter of 1838-39 together on the Island of Majorca, where Georges Sand nursed Chopin through a severe attack of bronchitis. Of this episode, which had its profound effect on Chopin's music, Georges Sand has left an unengaging record in the novel "Lucreticia Floriani," published shortly afterward, and another in her "Histoire de ma Vie." Chopin returned from Majorca broken in health. He was supplanted in Georges Sand's affections by Alfred de Musset. During the season of 1848-49 he gave concerts in London, whence he returned to Paris only to die. He was buried at Pere la Chaise, between Bellini and Cherubini's graves.

[Sidenote: Sicilian elections]

[Sidenote: King of Sardinia wary]

In Italy, after the armistice between the Austrians and the Piedmontese, matters went from bad to worse. In Sicily, a National Parliament had met and put Ruggiero Settimo at the head of affairs by a unanimous vote. King Ferdinand and the House of Bourbon were declared to have forfeited the crown of Sicily forever. Elections were ordered to call another Prince to the vacant throne. England, interested as ever in Sicilian affairs, impressed upon the Sicilian leaders the urgency of an early settlement. The elections were held in haste. On July 12, at two in the morning, the vote was announced in Parliament. The Duke of Genoa, Albert Amadeus of Savoy, Charles Albert's second son, was elected King. The British and French warships in Sicilian waters fired a royal salute. For Charles Albert this only meant fresh embarrassment. In case of acceptance, he was sure to be involved in war with Naples in the south, as well as with Austria in the north. When the Sicilian deputies submitted their proposition in Piedmont, on August 27, they obtained no definite reply.

[Sidenote: Venice steadfast]

[Sidenote: Riots at Bologna]

[Sidenote: Rossi, Papal Minister]

Meanwhile King Ferdinand of Naples gathered his forces to win back Sicily. In the north the cause of Italy was on the wane. Francis V. was reinstated as Duke of Modena, with the help of Austrian arms. On his return in August he granted an amnesty, from the benefits of which "only those who had taken part in the revolution" were to be excluded. Austrian troops under Count Thurn likewise occupied the Duchy of Parma, the Duke remaining in Germany. In Tuscany, the Archduke found it difficult to maintain himself at Florence. His principality was overrun by radical refugees. A revolutionary junta at Leghorn threatened to proclaim the republic unless the Duke of Tuscany should appoint a governor in sympathy with their ideas. In his extremity the Duke sent them Montanelli, a political dreamer, who proclaimed Jesus Christ as the father of democracy. At Venice the Republic of St. Mark, under Manin's able leadership, still held its own. Austria's occupation of Ferrara and the Romagna brought new embarrassment to the Pope. Baron Von Welden, the Austrian general, made matters worse in the Romagna by his threatening language: "Woe to those who dare to oppose me!" Formal protests were made in vain by Pope Pio Nono and the diplomatic representatives of France and England. The Papal Ministry of Mamiani resigned. The Roman Radicals, under the leadership of Prince Canino, a Bonaparte, clamored for war, and some Austrian officers dared to show themselves in Bologna. They were attacked in the streets and murdered by the mob. Fighting began around Bologna. Too late the Austrians consented to relieve the Pope from this embarrassment by withdrawing their troops from his dominions. The Pope's new Minister, Count Pellegrino Rossi, an unusually able and forceful man who had once acted as an envoy for Louis Philippe, was denounced as a Frenchman and an enemy to Italy.

[Sidenote: Bombardment of Messina]

In September, King Ferdinand of Naples, having got rid of his Parliament, launched his forces upon Sicily. General Filangieri, with 12,000 men, was sent against Messina. There the Neapolitan garrison still held the citadel--all that remained to Ferdinand of his Sicilian kingdom. Three days before Filangieri landed, the gunners in the citadel began to bombard the helpless town lying beneath them. Half of the city was laid in ruins. The foreign warships in the harbor were filled with refugees. It was this outrage that gave to King Ferdinand the nickname of "King Bomba." The inhabitants remained steadfast. When Filangieri effected his landing, the fight was carried on with ferocity. The fall of the city was followed by barbarous excesses. For three days incendiary fires raged in the hapless town. At last the foreign admirals, Parker and Baudin, put a stop to the horrors, "as against all canons of civilized nations." An armistice was established between the Neapolitans and the Sicilians. King Ferdinand's dogged resistance to the remonstrances of the French and English Ambassadors was strengthened by the latest event in Rome.

[Sidenote: Assassination of Rossi]

[Sidenote: Flight of Pio Nono]

On November 15, as the Roman Chambers were about to be opened, Prime Minister Rossi was assassinated as he left his carriage to enter the Chambers. It was the signal for a new revolt. The delegates in the Hall of Chambers sought safety in flight. The National Guards made common cause with the insurgents. A howling mob beset the Quirinal. But for the resolute stand of the Pope's Swiss mercenaries, the palace would have been stormed. As bullets penetrated the walls of the Pope's ante-chamber, Pio Nono exclaimed: "Has Heaven no lightning?" For a while the Pope was practically a prisoner in his palace, while the Prince of Panino and Sterbini, the President of the Circolo Popolare, ruled Rome. At last, on the night of November 24, Pio Nono, in the disguise of a groom, escaped from Rome, seated on the box of the carriage of the Bavarian Ambassador, Count Spaur. He fled to Naples. From the Neapolitan fortress Gaeta he sent a letter to his "dearest son," the Emperor of Austria, imploring his help against the Republic of Rome.

[Sidenote: Revolt in Frankfort]

At Frankfort, the ratification of the armistice of Malmoe by the German Parliament had aroused the Radicals to fury. On September 17, the day after the second vote on this matter, a mass meeting was called at Frankfort. One delegate, Zitz, proposed the abolition of the Parliament; another, Ludwig Simon, declared the time had come to discuss all further questions from behind barricades. The Municipal Senate of Frankfort, taking alarm, ordered out the city troops and appealed for help to Prussia. On the morrow fighting began in the streets of Frankfort. Barricades had been erected overnight, and all day long the insurgents held their ground. It was known that a Prussian column was approaching. Prince Lichnovsky and General Von Auerswald, two leaders of the Conservative majority in the Parliament, rashly undertook to meet the Prussian troops halfway. At the gates of Frankfort both men were seized by the insurgents and were lynched by the mob. Shortly before midnight the Prussian troops arrived and soon overran the barricades with their bayonets. On the following day the city was under military rule.

[Sidenote: South Germany restive]

In other parts of South Germany revolution had broken out anew. The Prince of Sigmaringen was driven from his little domain, which was proclaimed a republic. Insurgent expeditions were organized in Wurtemberg and Baden. There Karl Blind and Gustav Struve made another attempt on Freiburg. At Staufen, on September 24, they were beaten back by regular troops under General Hoffmann and fled toward Switzerland. Struve himself was captured near the frontier. On the same day the German Cabinet at Frankfort was reinstated. Still the ill success of popular government in Germany brought the Parliament into lasting disrepute.

[Sidenote: Reaction in Berlin]

[Sidenote: Brandenburg Prime Minister]

[Sidenote: Prussian Parliament dissolved]

The reaction was first felt at Berlin. There the return of General Wrangel's troops from Denmark was followed by friction between the soldiers and the democratic agitators in the streets. A resolution was passed in the popular Parliament of Prussia that all officers out of sympathy with democratic government should be encouraged to leave the army. The failure of the Minister of War to act on this suggestion was followed by his downfall. Having succeeded in this, the parliamentary majority next passed a vote to eliminate the words "by the grace of God" from the titles of the King. Toward the end of October a national convention of democrats met at Berlin, and held its sessions amid tumultuous scenes in the streets. In exasperation, the King dissolved the Cabinet that had been forced upon him, and commissioned Count Brandenburg, a natural son of Frederick William II., to form another. It included Major-General von Strotha, Minister of War, and Otto von Manteuffel, Minister of the Interior. The Parliament sent a deputation to remonstrate with the King. One of the delegates, Jacoby, as the King terminated the audience, called after him: "Behold the chief misfortune of kings, that they will not listen to the truth!" Immediately after this King Frederick William IV. prorogued the Parliament to the town of Brandenburg. The majority of the delegates declined to adjourn. The Cabinet Ministers, followed by the members that had been outvoted, left the hall. On November 15, the remaining Parliament issued a proclamation to the people to withhold all further payment of taxes. General Wrangel posted his troops throughout Berlin. The Municipal Guards of Berlin were dissolved. An attempt on the part of the Parliament to meet again was easily frustrated. The taxes were collected as before. When the Parliamentary minority came to order at Brandenburg their sessions were dissolved by royal order. On his own initiative, King Frederick William IV. now proclaimed a constitution. The Chambers, provisions for which were contained in this royal constitution, were to meet at Berlin on February 24, 1849. Such was the end of the People's Parliament in Prussia.

About the same time Robert Blum, one of the radical Parliamentarians of Frankfort, was shot in Austria. Together with Froebel, he had been despatched to Vienna by the Parliamentary minority in Frankfort with messages of sympathy for the popular cause in Austria. To offset this, the majority sent two delegates to the Emperor to offer the Parliament's good services for mediation with his rebellious subjects. They were coolly received.

[Sidenote: Slav Congress of Prague]

[Sidenote: Bohemian revolt suppressed]

[Sidenote: Ferdinand's duplicity]

[Sidenote: Archduke Stephen withdraws]

[Sidenote: Kossuth in power]

[Sidenote: Murder of General Lamberg]

[Sidenote: Count Zichy shot]

All Austria was in a state of civil war. After the example of the Slavs in Servia and Croatia, the Czechs of Bohemia rose at Prague. Austrian-German authority there collapsed. A National Guard was organized, and a popular Assembly convened. In midsummer a Congress of Slavs from all parts of Austria met at Prague. Popular excitement rose to a threatening pitch. On the day that the Panslavistic Congress broke up, barricades were erected and fighting began in the streets of Prague. The wife of Count Windischgraetz, the military commandant, was killed by a bullet. Windischgraetz, after withdrawing his troops, threatened to bombard the city unless the barricades were removed. This was not done. Windischgraetz then took the city by storm. Military law was proclaimed. This success, like that of Radetzky's arms in Italy, gave new hope to the Austrian Emperor. He pronounced his veto on Hungary's military measures against Croatia. A hundred delegates from the Magyar Diet at Pesth posted to Vienna to exact from the Emperor the fulfilment of his promises to Hungary. On September 9, the Emperor received them at his palace with renewed assurances that he would keep his plighted word. A few hours afterward the official "Gazette" published a letter over the Emperor's signature, expressing his full approval of Jellacic's measures in Croatia. This was all Jellacic had been waiting for. On September 11, he crossed the Drave with his Croatians and marched upon Pesth. Archduke Stephen, the Hungarian Palatine, took command of the Magyar army and went to the front. At Lake Balaton he requested a conference with Jellacic. The Ban paid no attention to it. Realizing the secret support given to Jellacic by the Crown, Archduke Stephen resigned his command in Hungary. The Emperor now appointed General Lamberg at Vienna to the supreme command over the military forces of Hungary as well as Croatia. At the same time the Austrian Cabinet submitted a memorial suggesting that the laws establishing Hungarian autonomy be declared null and void. On the publication of this memorial in Pesth, Batthyany's Ministry resigned. Kossuth openly proposed war with Austria. When Lamberg arrived at Pesth, Kossuth prevailed upon the Diet to withhold its ratification of Lamberg's appointment. Should Lamberg attempt to resume his military command Kossuth demanded that he should be outlawed as a traitor. As General Lamberg crossed the bridge at Budapesth he was recognized by the populace. A cry was raised that he meant to seize the citadel and bombard the town. He was dragged from his carriage and torn to pieces by the mob. His body was dragged through the streets, and finally strung up before one of the government buildings. A few days later, Count Zichy, one of the Magyar magnates, was court-martialled by order of Arthur Goergey, the Hungarian Honved leader, for entering into a correspondence with Jellacic, and was shot.

[Sidenote: Imperial rescript repudiated]

[Sidenote: Troops mutiny in Vienna]

[Sidenote: Flight of Emperor]

On the receipt of this news, Emperor Ferdinand declared the Hungarian Parliament dissolved, and pronounced all its acts null and void. Jellacic was appointed representative of Austria in Hungary with command of all the forces. The Magyar Diet repudiated the Emperor's manifesto as a breach of the constitution, and pronounced Jellacic a traitor. Jellacic's forces were checked by the Hungarian army in their advance upon Pesth. General Latour, the Austrian Minister of War, ordered a division of troops at Vienna to go to the support of Jellacic. The Magyar sympathizers at Vienna raised a fearful uproar. As the troops were marching out of the city several battalions were prevailed upon to mutiny. The Hungarian flag was hoisted above the Cathedral of St. Stephen. The National Guard joined the mutiny. Other battalions of the line were driven out of the city. The guards at the arsenal capitulated. Vienna was at the mercy of the insurgents. The Emperor, who had sought refuge at Schoenbrunn, left his palace at four on the morning of October 1, and fled to Olmuetz.

[Sidenote: Jellacic marches on Vienna]

[Sidenote: Windischgraetz moves from Bohemia]

[Sidenote: Assault on Vienna]

[Sidenote: Arrival of Hungarians]

[Sidenote: Battle of the Schwechat]

As soon as the news of these events reached Jellacic he evacuated his threatened positions on the banks of the Raab and marched for Vienna. Windischgraetz, with his garrison, set out from Prague. Revolutionists of all races flocked into Vienna. Among them were the German delegates Froebel and Blum, and the Polish general, Bem. The Hungarians pursued Jellacic no further than their frontier. The regiments expelled from Vienna, under the command of Count Auersperg, joined forces with Jellacic. The insurgents at Vienna manned their fortifications as well as they could, and called upon the people throughout Austria to take up arms. Emperor Ferdinand, at Olmuetz, offset this by an imperial proclamation to his people in which he guaranteed all peasant rights. Prince Windischgraetz was created a field marshal, with full command over all the forces in the empire, except those under Radetzky in Italy. Windischgraetz took immediate steps to effect a junction with Jellacic by seizing the bridges at Krems and Stein. In vain did the delegates from Frankfort, who now appeared upon the scene, present their offer of intervention. Windischgraetz would not listen to them. On October 23, the Austrian army, 80,000 strong, appeared before Vienna. The defence of the city had been intrusted to Captain Messenhauser, an officer of the regular army, and to General Bem. Robert Blum, the German Parliamentarian, fought in the ranks. While Windischgraetz was wasting his time in parleys, an army of 18,000 Hungarians crossed the frontier and threatened Jellacic's rear. On October 28, twenty-four hours after the time fixed in Windischgraetz's last ultimatum, he began his assault on the city. In the course of an all-day fight the troops succeeded in taking the suburbs. The scenes of that night were frightful. The troops bivouacked on the ramparts. The following Sunday was spent in further parleys. Already the terms of capitulation had been settled, when Messenhauser, from the top of the church of St. Stephen, made out the approaching columns of the Hungarians. The news of their arrival was signalled to the city by a column of smoke rising from the top of the tower. All negotiations for surrender were dropped. The Hungarians attacked Jellacic on the banks of the Schwechat, within a few leagues of the capital. The boom of their artillery could be plainly heard in Vienna. In a frenzy of enthusiasm the Viennese resumed the struggle. A corps of students attempted a sortie. Unfortunately for them, the engagement on the banks of the Schwechat turned against the Hungarians. Shortly after noon they gave way all along the line and fell back toward Hungary. On the ramparts of Vienna the hopeless fight of a few thousand civilians against an army of 90,000 men was continued until nightfall. At six in the evening the troops broke into the city.

[Sidenote: Fall of Vienna]

[Sidenote: Stadion's Ministry]

[Sidenote: Abdication of Ferdinand]