CHAPTER VIII.

THE HUSSITES.

The Council of Constance, after eighteen months of labor, had disposed of Huss and Jerome. The methods employed had been the only ones known to the Church, the only ones possible to the council. Two centuries earlier the corruptions of the Church were recognized as the cause and excuse of the revolt of the Albigenses and Waldenses, but the revolt was ruthlessly put down without an effective effort to remove the cause. Now again unchecked corruption had produced another revolt and the same policy was followed--to leave untouched the profitable abuses and punish those who refused to tolerate them, and who rejected the principles out of which such abuses inevitably sprang. The council could do no otherwise; the traditions of procedure established in the subjugation of the Albigenses and the succeeding heresies furnished the only precedent and machinery through which it could act. Again a religious revolt had been provoked, and again that revolt was nursed and intensified till its only recognized cure lay in the sword of the crusader.

The prelates and doctors assembled in Constance could not hesitate for a moment as to their duty. Canon law and inquisitorial practice had long established the principle that the only way to meet heresy--and opposition to the constituted authorities of the Church was heresy--was by force, as soon as argument was found ineffective. The disobedient son of the Church who would not submit was to be cast out, after due admonition, and casting out meant that he should have in this world a wholesome foretaste of the wrath to come, in order to serve as an edifying example. Accordingly the council addressed itself, as a matter of course, to the task of widening the breach with Bohemia, of consolidating and intensifying the indignation caused by the execution of Huss and Jerome, and to stigmatizing as heresy the belief which was now professed by the majority of Bohemians.

The council had proposed to follow up the execution of Huss by an immediate application of inquisitorial methods to the whole Bohemian kingdom, but, at the instance of John, Bishop of Litomysl, it had commenced by the expedient of giving notice in its letter of July 26, 1415. This, as we have seen, only added to the exasperation of Bohemia, and on August 31 it issued to Bishop John letters commissioning him with inquisitorial powers to suppress all heresy in Bohemia; if he could not perform his office in safety elsewhere he was authorized to summon all suspect to his episcopal seat at Litomysl. Wenceslas dutifully issued to him a safe-conduct, but the irate Bohemians were already ravaging his territories, and he consulted prudence in not venturing his person there. The canons evidently could not be enforced amid a people so exasperated; so, on September 23, after listening to the recantation of Jerome, the council tried a further expedient, by a decree appointing John, Patriarch of Constantinople, and John, Bishop of Senlis, as commissioners (or, rather, inquisitors) to try all Hussite heretics. They were empowered to summon all heretics or suspects to appear before them in the Roman curia by public edict, to be posted in the places frequented by such heretics, or in the neighboring territories if it were dangerous to attempt it at the residences of the accused, and such edicts might be either general in character or special. This was strictly according to rule, and if the object had been to secure the legal condemnation _in absentia_ of the mass of the Bohemian nation, it was well adapted for the purpose; but as the nation was seething in revolt, and was venerating Huss and Jerome with as much ardor as was shown in Rome to St. Peter and St. Paul, its only effect was to strengthen the hands of the extremists. This was seen when, on December 30, 1415, an address was delivered to the council, signed by four hundred and fifty Bohemian nobles, reiterating their complaints of the execution of Huss, and withdrawing themselves from all obedience. This hardy challenge was accepted February 20, 1416, by citing all the signers and other supporters of Huss and Wickliff to appear before the council within fifty days and answer to the charge of heresy, in default of which they were to be proceeded against as contumacious. As it was not safe to serve this citation on them personally, or, indeed, anywhere in Bohemia, it was ordered to be affixed on the church doors at Constance, Ratisbon, Vienna, and Passau. This was followed up with all the legal forms; the citations were affixed to the church doors, and record made in Constance May 5, in Passau May 3, in Vienna May 10, and in Ratisbon June 14, 21, and 24. On June 3 the offenders were declared to be in contumacy, and on September 4 the further prosecution of the matter was intrusted to John of Constantinople.[547]

Here the affair seems to have dropped, for it had long been evident that the inquisitorial methods were of no avail when the accused constituted the great body of a nation. As early as March 27, 1416, the council had, without waiting to see the result of its judicial proceedings, resolved to appeal to force, if yet there was sufficient zeal for orthodoxy in Bohemia to render such appeal successful. The fanatic John of Litomysl was armed with legatine powers, and despatched with letters to the lords of Hazemburg, John of Michaelsburg, and other barons known as opponents of the popular cause. The council recited in moving terms its patience and tenderness in dealing with Huss, who had perished merely through his own hardness of heart. In spite of this, his followers had addressed to the council libellous and defamatory letters, affording a spectacle at once horrible and ludicrous. Heresy is constantly spreading and contaminating the land, priests and monks are despoiled, expelled, beaten, and slain. The barons are therefore summoned, in conjunction with the legate, to banish and exterminate all these persecutors, regardless of friendship and kinship. Bishop John's mission was a failure, in spite of letters written by Sigismund, March 21 and 30, in which he thanked the Catholic nobles for their devotion, and warned the Hussite magnates that, if they persisted, Christendom would be banded against them in a crusade. The University of Prague responded, May 23, with a public declaration, certifying to the unblemished orthodoxy and supereminent merits of Huss. His whole life spent among them had been without a flaw; his learning and eloquence had been equalled by his charity and humility; he was in all things a man of surpassing sanctity, who sought to restore the Church to its primitive virtue and simplicity. Jerome, also, whom the university seems to have supposed already executed, was similarly lauded for his learning and strict Catholic orthodoxy, and was declared to have in death triumphed gloriously over his enemies. In this the university represented with moderation the prevailing opinion in Bohemia. The more earnest disciples did not hesitate to declare that the Passion of Christ was the only martyrdom fit to be compared with that of Huss.[548]

There was evidently no middle term which could reconcile conflicting opinions so firmly entertained; and, as the Catholic nobles of Bohemia could not be stimulated to undertake a devastating civil war, the council naturally turned to Sigismund. In December, 1416, a doleful epistle was addressed to him, complaining that the execution of Huss and Jerome, in place of repressing heresy, had rendered it more violent than ever. As though men condemned to Satan by the Church were the chosen of God, the two heretics were venerated as saints and martyrs, their pictures shrined in the churches, and their names invoked in masses. The faithful clergy were driven out, and their lot rendered more miserable than that of Jews. The barons and nobles refuse obedience to the mandates of the council, and will not allow them to be published. Communion in both elements is taught to be necessary to salvation, and is everywhere practised. Sigismund is therefore requested to do his duty, and reduce by force these rebellious heretics. Sigismund replied that he had forwarded the document to Wenceslas, and that if the latter had not power to suppress the heretics he would assist him with all his force. Sigismund was in no position to undertake the task, but after waiting for nine months he saw an opportunity of attacking his brother, who had been utterly powerless to control the storm. In a circular letter of September 3, 1417, addressed to the faithful in Bohemia, he drew a moving picture of the excesses committed on the Bohemian clergy, compelled by Neronian tortures to abjure their faith. His brother was suspected of favoring the heretics, as no one could conceive that such wickedness could be committed under so powerful a king without his connivance, and the council had decided to proceed against him, but had consented to delay at the instance of Sigismund, who for three years had been strenuously endeavoring to avert the prosecution. He warns every one, in conclusion, not to aid the heresy, but to exert themselves for its suppression.[549]

Shortly after this, November 11, 1417, the weary schism was closed by the election to the papacy of Martin V. Under the impulsion of a capable and resolute pontiff, who, as Cardinal Ottone Colonna, had, in 1411, condemned and excommunicated Huss, the reunited Church pressed eagerly forward to render the conflict inevitable. In February, 1418, the council published a series of twenty-four articles as its ultimatum. King Wenceslas must swear to suppress the heresy of Wickliff and Huss. Minute directions were given to restore the old order of things throughout Bohemia; priests and Catholics who had been driven out were to be reinstated and compensated; image and relic worship to be resumed, and the rites of the Church observed. All infected with heresy were to abjure it, while their leading doctors, John Jessenitz, Jacobel of Mies, Simon of Rokyzana, and six others, were to betake themselves to Rome for trial. Communion in both elements was to be specially abjured, and all who held the doctrines of Wickliff and Huss, or regarded Huss and Jerome as holy men, were to be burned as relapsed heretics; that is, without opportunity of recantation or hope of pardon. Finally, every one was required to lend assistance to the episcopal officials when called upon, under pain of punishment as fautors of heresy. It was simply the application of existing laws, as we have so many times already seen them brought to bear on offending communities. To enforce it, Sigismund promised to visit the rebellious region with four bishops and an inquisitor, and to burn all who would not recant.[550]

This was speedily followed, February 22, 1418, by a bull of Martin V., addressed to the prelates and inquisitors, not only of Bohemia and Moravia, but of the surrounding territories, Passau, Salzburg, Ratisbon, Bamberg, Misnia, Silesia, and Poland. The pope expressed his grief and surprise that the heretics had not been brought to repentance by the miserable deaths of Huss and Jerome, but had been excited by the devil to yet greater sins. The prelates and inquisitors were ordered to track them out and deliver them to the secular arm; and such as proved themselves remiss in the work were to be removed, and replaced with more energetic successors. Secular potentates were commanded to seize and hold in chains all heretics, and to punish them duly when convicted, and a long series of instructions was given as to trials, penalties, and confiscations, in strict accordance with the inquisitorial practice which had so long been current. If this was intended to give countenance to Sigismund's promised expedition it proved useless, for the royal promise ended as Sigismund's were wont to do, and the next we hear of him is a letter of December, 1418, to Wenceslas, threatening that unlucky monarch with a crusade if he shall not suppress heresy.[551]

The glimpse into the condition of Bohemia afforded by these documents is, perhaps, somewhat highly colored, yet on the whole not incorrect. The kingdom was almost wholly withdrawn from obedience to the Church, although the German miners in the mountains of Kuttenberg were already slaying the native heretics. The Wickliffite doctrines adopted by Huss were triumphant, and the pressure of central authority being removed, men were naturally using the unaccustomed liberty to develop further and further the ruling hostility to the sacerdotal system. Utraquism, or communion in both elements, had been received with a frenzy of welcome which seems almost inexplicable; it aroused universal enthusiasm, which was only stimulated by the interdict pronounced on it by Archbishop Conrad, November 1, 1415, and repeated February 1, 1416. When, in 1417, the University of Prague issued a solemn declaration in its favor and pronounced void any human ordinance modifying the command of Christ and the custom of the early Church, it speedily became the distinguishing mark which separated the Hussite from the Catholic. Other innovations had already been introduced, and it was impossible that all should agree on the bounds to be set between conservatism and progress. As early as 1416 Christann of Prachatitz remonstrated with Wenceslas Coranda for denying purgatory and the utility of prayers for the dead and the suffrages of saints, for refusing adoration to the Virgin, for casting out relics and images, for administering the Eucharist to newly-baptized infants, for discarding all rites and ceremonies, and reducing the Church to the simplicity of primitive times. Others taught that divine service could be celebrated anywhere as well as in consecrated churches; that baptism could be performed by laymen in ponds and running streams. Already there was forming the sect which, in carrying out the views of Wickliff, came to be known as Taborites. The more conservative element, which adopted the name of Calixtins, or Utraquists, satisfied with what had been acquired, endeavored to set bounds to the zeal which threatened to remove all the ancient landmarks. Parties were beginning to range themselves, and on January 25, 1417, probably not long before its declaration in favor of Utraquism, the University issued a letter reciting that there were frequent disputes as to the existence of purgatory and the use of benedictions and other church observances; to put an end to these it pronounced obligatory on all to believe in purgatory and in the utility of suffrages, prayers, and alms for the dead, of images of Christ and the saints, of incensing, aspersions, bell-ringing, the kiss of peace, of benediction of the holy font, salt, water, wax, fire, palms, eggs, cheese, and other eatables. Any one teaching otherwise was not to be listened to until he should prove the truth of his doctrine to the satisfaction of the University. In September, 1418, it was obliged to renew the declaration, with the addition of condemning the doctrines which pronounced against all oaths, judicial executions, and sacraments administered by sinful priests, showing that Waldensian tenets were making rapid progress among the Taborites.[552]

All this indicates the questions which were occupying men's minds and the differences which were establishing themselves. Opinions were too strongly held, and mutual toleration was too little understood for peaceful discussion, and excitement daily grew higher, leading to tumults and bloodshed. In the spirit of unrest which was abroad, men and women of the more advanced views from all parts of the kingdom began assembling on a mountain near Bechin, to which they gave the name of Tabor, where they received the sacrament in both kinds. These assemblages were larger on feast days, and on the day of Mary Magdalen, July 22, 1419, the multitude was computed at forty thousand. Numbers gave courage, and there was even talk of deposing King Wenceslas and replacing him with Nicholas Lord of Hussinetz, whose popularity had been increased by his banishment for advocating their cause with the monarch. From this they were dissuaded by their chief spiritual leader, the priest Wenceslas Coranda, who pointed out that as the king was an indolent drunkard, permitting them to do what they liked, they would scarce benefit themselves by a change. The abandonment of this project, however, did not assure peace. On July 30 there was a tumult in the Neustadt of Prague; at command of the king, the authorities endeavored to prevent the progress of a procession bearing the sacrament; the people rose, and under the lead of John Ziska, whose fiery zeal and cool audacity were rapidly bringing him to the front, they rushed into the town-hall and cast out of the windows such of the magistrates as they found there, who were promptly slain by the mob below. The agitation and alarm caused by this affair brought on King Wenceslas an attack of paralysis, of which he died August 15.[553]

Feeble as had been the royal authority, it yet had served as a restraint upon the hostile sects eager to tear each other to pieces. With the death of the king the untamable passions burst forth. Two days afterwards the churches and convents were mobbed, the images and organs were broken, and those in which the cup had been refused to the laity were the objects of special vengeance. Priests and monks were taken prisoners, and within a few days the Dominican and Carthusian convents were burned. Queen Sophia endeavored, in vain, to maintain order with such of the barons as remained loyal; civil war broke forth, until, on November 13, the queen concluded with the cities of Prague a truce to last until April 23, 1420, the queen promising to maintain the law of God and communion in both elements, while the citizens pledged themselves to refrain from image-breaking and the destruction of convents. Mutual exasperation, however, was too great to be restrained. Ziska came to Prague and destroyed churches and monasteries in the city and neighborhood; Queen Sophia laid siege to Pilsen; a neighborhood war broke out in which shocking cruelties were perpetrated on both sides; German miners of Caurzim and Kuttenberg threw into abandoned mines all the Calixtins on whom they could lay their hands, and some Bavarians who were coming to the assistance of Rackzo of Ryzmberg tied to a tree and burned the priest Naakvasa, a zealous Calixtin. Ziska was not behindhand in this, and in burning convents not infrequently allowed the monks to share the fate of their buildings. In the desultory war which raged everywhere both sides cut off the hands and feet of prisoners.[554]

Sigismund was now the lawful King of Bohemia, and he came to claim his inheritance. As a preliminary step he sent envoys to Prague offering to leave the use of the cup as it had been under Wenceslas, to call a general assembly of the nation, and after consultation to refer any questions to the Holy See. A meeting of the barons and clergy was held which agreed to accept the terms. On Christmas Day, 1419, he came to Brünn, and thither flocked the magnates and representatives of the cities to tender their allegiance. The envoys of Prague, it is true, persisted in using the cup, and there was an interdict in consequence placed on Brünn during their stay, but when he ordered them to remove the chains from the streets of Prague, and destroy the fortifications which they had raised against the castle, there was no refusal, and on their return, January 3, 1420, his commands were obeyed. His natural faithlessness soon showed itself. He changed all the castellans and officials who were favorable to the Hussites; the Catholics who had fled or been expelled returned and commenced to triumph over their enemies; and a royal edict was issued, in obedience to the decrees of Constance, commanding all those in authority to exterminate the Wickliffites and Hussites and those who used the sacramental cup. Still, the kingdom made no sign of organized opposition to him, except that the provident Ziska and his followers, seeing the wrath to come, diligently set to work to fortify Mount Tabor. Strong by nature, it soon was made virtually impregnable, and for a generation it remained the stronghold of the extremists who became renowned throughout the world as Taborites. Mostly peasant-folk, they showed to the chivalry of Europe what could be done by freemen, animated by religious zeal and race hatred; their rustic wagons made a rampart which the most valiant knights learned not to assail; armed sometimes only with iron-shod flails, the hardy zealots did not hesitate to throw themselves upon the best-appointed troops, and often bore them down with the sheer weight of the attack. Wild and undisciplined, they were often cruel, but their fanatic courage rendered them a terror to all Germany.[555]

Nothing, probably, could have averted an eventual explosion; but, for the moment, it seemed that Sigismund was about to enter on peaceable possession of his kingdom, and any subsequent rebellion would have been attempted under great disadvantages. Suddenly, however, an act of inconsiderate and gratuitous fanaticism set all Bohemia aflame. Some trouble in Silesia had called Sigismund to Breslau, where he was joined by a papal legate armed by Martin V. with power to proclaim a crusade with Holy Land indulgences. John Krasa, a merchant of Prague, who chanced to be there, talked over boldly about the innocence of Huss; he was arrested, persisted in his faith, and was condemned by the legate and prelates who were with Sigismund to be dragged by the heels at a horse's tail to the place of execution and burned. While lying in prison he was joined by Nicholas of Bethlehem, a student of Prague, who had been sent by the city to Sigismund to offer to receive him if he would not interfere with the use of the cup to the laity. In place of listening to him he was tried as a heretic and thrown into prison to await the result. Krasa encouraged him to endure to the last, and both were brought forth on March 15, 1420, to undergo the punishment. As the feet of Nicholas were about to be attached to the horse, his courage gave way and he recanted. Krasa was undaunted; the legate followed him, as he was dragged to the place of execution, exhorting him to repent, but in vain; he was attached half-dead to the stake and duly burned. Two days later, March 17, the legate proclaimed the crusade. The die was cast; the Church so willed it, and a new Albigensian war was inevitable.[556]

There was wavering no longer in Bohemia. The events at Breslau united all, with the exception of a few barons and such Germans as were left, in resistance against Sigismund. The preachers thundered against him as the Red Dragon of the Apocalypse. By April 3 the citizens of Utraquist Prague had bound themselves by a solemn oath with the Taborites to defend themselves against him to the last, and were busy in preparations to sustain a siege. Sigismund's forces were wholly inadequate for the conquest of a virtually united kingdom. After an advance to Kuttenberg he was forced to withdraw and await the assembling of the crusade, which took long to organize, and did not burst in its fury over Bohemia until the following year, 1421. It was on a scale to crush all resistance. In its mass of one hundred and fifty thousand men all Europe was represented, from Russia to Spain and from Sicily to England. The reunited Church aroused all Christendom to stamp out the revolt, and the treasures of salvation were poured lavishly forth to exterminate those who dared to maintain the innocence of Huss and Jerome, and to take the Eucharist as all Christians had done until within two hundred years. The war was waged with desperation. Five times during 1421 the crusaders invaded Bohemia, and five times they were beaten back disastrously. The gain to the faith was scarce perceptible, for Sigismund stripped the churches of all their precious ornaments, declaring that he was not impelled by lack of reverence, but by a prudent desire to prevent their falling into the hands of the Hussites. Both sides perpetrated cruelties happily unknown save in the ferocity of religious wars. During the siege of Prague all Bohemians captured were burned as heretics whether they used the cup or not; and on July 19 the besieged demanded of the magistrates sixteen German prisoners, whom they took outside of the walls and burned in hogsheads in full sight of the invading army. We can estimate the mercilessness of the strife when it was reckoned among the good deeds of George, Bishop of Passau, who accompanied Albert of Austria, that by his intercession he saved the lives of many Bohemian captives.[557]

It is not our province to follow in detail this bloody struggle, in which for ten years the Hussites successfully defied all the forces that Martin and Sigismund could raise against them. When the crusaders came they presented a united front, but within the line of common defence they were torn with dissensions, bitter in proportion to their exaltation of religious feeling. The right of private judgment when once established, by admitting the doctrines of Wickliff and Huss, was not easily restrained, nor could it be expected that those who were persecuted would learn from persecution the lesson of tolerance. In the wild tumult, intellectual, moral, and social, which convulsed Bohemia, no doctrines were too extravagant to lack believers.

In 1418 it is related that forty Pikardi with their wives and children came to Prague, where they were hospitably received and cared for by Queen Sophia and other persons of rank. They had no priest, but one of their number used to read to them out of certain little books, and they took communion in one element. They vanish from view without leaving a trace of their influence, and were doubtless Beghards driven from their homes and seeking a refuge beyond the reach of orthodoxy. Yet their name remained, and was long used in Bohemia as a term of the bitterest contempt for those who denied transubstantiation. Subsequently, however, there was a more portentous demonstration of the Brethren of the Free Spirit. A stranger, said to come from Flanders, whose name, "Pichardus," shows evidently that he was a Beghard, disseminated the doctrine of the Brethren, and among other things that nakedness was essential to purity, which we have seen was one of the extravagances of the sect. The practice was one which in a more settled state of society could not have been ventured on, but in Bohemia he found little difficulty in obtaining quite a large following of both sexes, with whom he settled on an island in the river Luznic, and dignified them with the name of Adamites. Perhaps they might have flourished undisturbed had not fanaticism, or possibly retaliation for aggression, led them to make a foray on the mainland and slay some two hundred peasants, whom they styled children of the devil. Ziska's attention being thus drawn to them, he captured the island and exterminated them. Fifty of them, men and women, were burned at Klokot, and those who escaped were hunted down and gradually shared the same fate, which they met with undaunted cheerfulness, laughing and singing as they went to the stake.[558]

In the sudden removal of ecclesiastical repression of free thought it was inevitable that unbalanced minds should riot in extravagant speculation. Among the zealots who subsequently developed into the sect of the Taborites there was at first a strong tendency to apocalyptic prophecy suited to the times. First, there was to be a period of unsparing vengeance, during which safety could be found only in five specified cities of refuge, after which would follow the second advent of Christ, and the reign of peace and love among the elect, and earth would become a paradise. At first, the destruction of the wicked was to be the work of God, but as passions became fiercer it was held to be the duty of the righteous to cut them off without sparing. These Chiliasts or Millenarians had for their leader Martin Huska, surnamed Loquis, on account of his eloquence, and numbered among them Coranda and other prominent Taborite priests. Waldensian influence is visible in some features of their faith, and they rendered themselves peculiarly obnoxious by the denial of transubstantiation. For this they were exposed to pitiless persecution wherever their adversaries could exercise it. One of their leading members, a cobbler of Prague, named Wenceslas, was burned in a hogshead, July 23, 1421, for refusing to rise at the elevation of the host, and soon afterwards three priests shared the same fate because they refused to light candles before the sacrament. Martin Loquis himself was arrested in February of the same year, but was released at the intercession of the Taborites, and set out with a companion to seek Procopius in Moravia. At Chrudim, however, the travellers were arrested, and were burned at Hradisch after two months of torture vainly inflicted to wean them from their errors and force them to reveal the names of their associates. As a distinct sect the Chiliasts speedily disappear from view, but their members remained a portion of the Taborites, the development of whose opinions they profoundly influenced. In the delegation sent to Basle, in 1433, Peter of Zatce, who represented the Orphans, had been a Chiliast.[559]

Thus these minor sects vanished as parties organized themselves in a permanent form, and the Bohemian reformers are found divided into two camps--the moderates, known as Calixtins or Utraquists, from their chief characteristic, the administration of the cup to the laity, and the extremists, or Taborites.

The Calixtins virtually regarded the teachings of Huss and Jacobel of Mies, as a finality. When, after the death of Wenceslas, the necessity of some definite declaration of principles was felt, the University of Prague, on August 1, 1420, adopted, with but one dissenting voice, four articles which became for more than a century the distinguishing platform of their sect. As concisely enunciated by the University they appeared simple enough: I. Free preaching of the Word of God; II. Communion in both elements for the laity; III. The clergy to be deprived of all dominion over temporal possessions, and to be reduced to the evangelical life of Christ and the apostles; IV. All offences against divine law to be punished without exception of person or condition. These four articles were speedily accepted by the strongly Calixtin community of Prague, and were proclaimed to the world in various forms which added to their completeness and rendered their purport definite. Any one was declared a heretic who did not accept the Apostles', Athanasian, and Nicene creeds, the seven sacraments of the Church, and the existence of purgatory. Offences against the law of God were declared to be worthy of death, both of the offender and those who connived at them, and were defined to be, among the people, fornication, banqueting, theft, homicide, perjury, lying, arts superfluous, deceitful, and superstitious, avarice, usury, etc.: among the clergy, simoniacal exactions, such as fees for administering the sacraments, for preaching, burying, bell-ringing, consecration of churches and altars, as well as the sale of preferment; also concubinage and fornication, quarrels, vexing and spoiling the people with frivolous citations, greedy exactions of tribute, etc.[560]

Upon this basis the Calixtin Church proceeded to organize itself in a council held at Prague in 1421. Four leading doctors, John of Przibram, Procopius of Pilsen, Jacobel of Mies, and John of Neuberg, were made supreme governors of the clergy throughout the kingdom, with absolute power of punishment. No one was to teach any new doctrine without first submitting it to them or to a provincial synod. Transubstantiation was emphatically affirmed as well as the seven sacraments. The daily use of the Eucharist was recommended to all, including infants and the sick. The canon of the mass was simplified and restored to primitive usage. Auricular confession was prescribed, as well as the use of the chrism and of holy water in baptism. Clerks were to be distinguished by tonsure, vestments, and conduct. Every priest was to possess a copy of the Scriptures, or at least of the New Testament, and stringent regulations were adopted for the preservation of priestly morality, including the prohibition of their protection by any layman after conviction.[561]

Thus the Calixtin Church kept as close as possible to the old lines. It accepted all Catholic dogmas, even the power of the keys in sacramental penance, and only was a protest and revolt against the abuses which had grown out of the worldly aspirations of the clergy. It was a Puritan reform, and it founded a Puritan society. When, after the reconciliation effected at Basle, on the basis of the four articles, Sigismund, in 1436, held his court in Prague, the Bohemians speedily complained that the city was becoming a Sodom with dicing, tavern-haunting, and public women. It must have sounded strange to them to be coolly told by a Christian prelate, the Bishop of Coutances, who was the legate of the council empowered to enforce the settlement, that it would be well if public sins could be eradicated, but that strumpets must be tolerated to prevent greater evils.[562]

The Calixtins thus sought to keep themselves strictly within the pale of orthodoxy, and deemed themselves greatly injured and insulted by the appellation of heretic. After the reconciliation of 1436 one of their most constant causes of complaint was that they were still stigmatized as heretics, and that the Council of Basle would not issue letters proclaiming to Christendom that they were regarded as faithful sons of the Church. In 1464, after successive popes had repeatedly refused to ratify the pacification of Basle and had excommunicated as hardened heretics George Podiebrad and all who acknowledged him as king, when George sent an embassy to Louis XI. of France, Kostka of Postubitz, the envoy, and his attendants were more than once surprised and annoyed to find that the people of the towns through which they passed were disposed to regard them as heretics. The position of the Bohemian Calixtins was an anomalous one which has no parallel in the history of mediæval Christendom.[563]

In the intellectual and spiritual excitement which stirred Bohemia to the depths, it was impossible that all earnest souls should thus pause on the threshold. The old Waldensian heretics, who had hailed the progress of Wickliffite and Hussite doctrines, would naturally seek to prevent the arrested development of the Calixtins from prevailing, and, as we have seen, there were plenty of zealots who were ready to throw aside all the theology of sacerdotalism. Under the energetic leadership of Ziska, Coranda, Nicholas of Pilgram, and other resolute men, the progressive elements were rapidly moulded into a powerful party, which after sloughing off impracticable enthusiasts presented itself with a definite creed and purpose, and became known as the Taborites. Of late years there has been an active controversy as to whether the Waldenses were the teachers or the disciples of the Taborites. Without denying that the fearless vigor of the latter lent added strength to the development of the former, I cannot but think that the secret Waldensianism of Bohemia had much to do both with the revolt of Huss and with the carrying out of that revolt to its logical consequences. Certain it is that there were close and friendly relations between Waldensian and Taborite, while the very name of the former was regarded by all other Bohemians as a term of reproach--in fact there was so much in common between Wickliffite and Waldensian doctrine that this could scarce be otherwise. I have already alluded to the contributions made to the Hussites in 1432 by the Waldensian churches of Dauphiné, and to the virtual coalescence of Hussitism and Waldensianism throughout Germany. When Procopius the Great, in 1433, was taking leave of the Council of Basle, he had the hardihood to inject into his address a good word for the Waldenses, saying that he had heard them well spoken of for chastity, modesty, and similar virtues. Persecution in 1430 so thinned them out that they had neither bishop nor priests; Nicholas of Pilgram, the Taborite bishop, had enjoyed consecration in the Roman Church, and thus had the right to transmit the apostolic succession, and he, in 1433, in Prague consecrated for the Waldenses as bishops two of their number, Frederic the German, and John the Italian. When, in 1451, Æneas Sylvius passed a night in Mount Tabor, and wrote a picturesque description of what he observed, he states that while all heresies had a refuge there, the Waldenses were held in chief honor as the vicars of Christ and enemies of the Holy See.[564]

When the Calixtins, in 1421, defined their position, the Taborites did the same. Various special Waldensian errors were attracting attention and obtaining currency among the people--the denial of purgatory, the vitiation of the sacrament in sinful hands, the absolute rejection of the death-punishment and of the oath--showing the influences at work. The position assumed by the Taborites was so strikingly similar to the beliefs ascribed in 1395 to the Waldenses in Austria by the Celestinian inquisitor, Peter, that it is impossible not to recognize the connection between them. While the Taborites accepted the four articles of the Calixtins they reduced the Church to a state of the utmost apostolic simplicity. Tradition was wholly thrown aside; all images were to be burned; there was no outward sign of distinction between layman and priest, the latter wearing beards, rejecting the tonsure, and using ordinary garments; all priests, moreover, were bishops, and could perform the rite of consecration; they baptized in running water, without the chrism, celebrated mass anywhere, reciting the simple words of consecration and the Paternoster in a loud voice and in the vernacular, administering the body in fragments of bread and the blood in any vessel which might be handy; all consecrations of sacred vessels, oil, and water was forbidden; purgatory, which Huss had accepted, was denied, and to manifest their contempt for the suffrages of the saints they ate more than usual on fast-days and saints'-days; auricular confession was derided--for venial sins confession to God sufficed, for mortal ones, public confession before the brethren, when the priest would assign a penalty commensurate with the offence. At the same time the rude and uncultured vigor of the Taborites led them to regard all human learning as a snare. Those who studied the liberal arts were regarded as heathen and as sinning against the Gospel, and all writings of the doctors, save what were expressly contained in the Bible, were to be destroyed.[565]

What were their views with respect to the Lord's Supper cannot be stated with precision. Laurence of Brezowa, a Calixtin bitterly hostile to them, says that they consecrated the elements in a loud voice and in the vulgar tongue, that the people might be assured that they were receiving the real body and the real blood, which infers belief in transubstantiation. In 1431 Procopius the Great and other leaders of the Taborites issued a proclamation defining their position, in which they asserted their disbelief in purgatory, in the intercessory power of the Virgin and saints, in masses for the dead, in absolution through indulgences, etc., but said nothing against transubstantiation. When, in 1436, the legates of the Council of Basle complained of the non-observance of the Compactata, one of their grievances was that Bohemia still sheltered Wickliffites who believed in the remanence of the substance of the bread, but they said nothing about the existence of any worse form of belief. On the other hand, the Taborite Bishop, Nicholas of Pilgram, strongly asserted that Christ was only present spiritually, that no veneration was due to the consecrated elements, and that there was less idolatry in those who of old adored moles and bats and snakes than in Christians who worshipped the host, for those things at least had life. During the negotiations, in January, 1433, the legates of the council presented a series of twenty-eight articles, attributed to the Bohemians, and asked for definite answers, yea or nay. One of these was a denial of transubstantiation, and the Bohemians could never be induced to make the desired reply. Peter Chelcicky reproached the Taborites with concealing their belief on the subject, but it is probable that there was no absolute accord among them. The Chiliast leaven doubtless spread the denial of transubstantiation; others probably adopted the Wickliffite doctrine of remanence; others again may have preserved the orthodox faith, and all resented the appellation of Pikards, with which the Bohemians designated those who disbelieved in the absolute conversion of the elements. Certain it is that the question did not come up with any prominence in the negotiations with the Council of Basle; and in the description which Æneas Sylvius gives, in 1451, of the Taborites of Mount Tabor he simply says that some of them are so foolish that they hold the doctrine of Berenger, that the body of Christ is only figuratively in the sacrament.[566]

It was impossible that harmony could be preserved between Taborite and Calixtin when there was so marked a divergence of religious conviction. They quarrelled and held conferences and persecuted each other, but they presented a united front to the levies of crusaders which Europe repeatedly sent against them, and Sigismund's hope of reconquering the throne of his fathers grew more and more remote. The death of Ziska, in 1424, made little difference, save that his immediate followers organized themselves into a separate party under the name of Orphans, but continued in all things to co-operate with the Taborites. He was succeeded in the leadership by the warrior-priest Procopius Rasa, or the Great, whose military skill continued to hold banded Europe at bay. Hussitism, moreover, was spreading into the neighboring lands, especially to the south and east, requiring, as we shall see hereafter, the strenuous efforts of the Inquisition to eradicate it from Hungary and the Danubian provinces. In Poland its missionary efforts called forth an edict from King Ladislas V., April 6, 1424, ordering all his subjects to join in exterminating heretics; every Pole who returned from a sojourn in Bohemia was subjected to examination by the inquisitors or episcopal officials, and all who should not return by June 1 were declared heretics, their estates confiscated, and their children subjected to the customary disabilities.[567] The Church was completely baffled. It had triumphed over a similar revolt in Languedoc, and had shown the world, in characters of blood and fire, how it utilized its triumphs. It now had a different problem to solve. Force having failed, it was obliged to discover some formula of reconciliation which should not too nearly peril its claim to infallibility.

To do it justice, it did not yield without compulsion. Tired of standing on the defensive against assaults whose repetition seemed endless, Procopius, in 1427, adopted the policy of aggression. He would win peace by making the coterminous states feel the miseries of war, and in a series of relentlessly destructive raids, continued till 1432, he carried desolation into all the surrounding provinces. Thus in a foray of 1429, which cut a swath through Franconia, Saxony, and the Vogtland, over a hundred castles and fortified towns were captured, and an immense booty was carried back to Bohemia. Misnia, Lusatia, Silesia, Bavaria, Austria, and Hungary in turn felt the weight of the Hussite sword, while the prompt retirement of the invaders in every case showed that retaliation and not conquest was their object. It was no wonder that a general cry for peace went up among those who bore the brunt of the effort to reassert the papal supremacy.[568]

Meanwhile the Church was perplexed with another yet more vexatious question. Christendom never ceased to clamor for the reform of which it had been cheated at Constance. Skilful procrastination had wearied the reforming fathers, and they had consented, in 1418, to the dissolution of the council, hoping that the promises made in the election of Martin V. would be fulfilled. They took the precaution, however, to provide for an endless series of councils, which might be expected to resume and complete their unfinished work, and the plan which they laid out shows how deep-seated was the distrust entertained of the papacy. Another general council was ordered to be held in five years, then one in seven years thereafter, and finally a perpetual succession at intervals of ten years, with careful provisions to nullify the expected evasions of the popes.[569]

As far as relates to Germany, Martin endeavored to perform the two duties for which he had been elected--the suppression of heresy and the reformation of the Church--by sending, in 1422, Cardinal Branda thither as legate. To accomplish the former object the legate was directed to preach another crusade, that of 1421 having ended so disastrously. As regards the latter feature of his mission, the papal commission and the decree issued in conformity with it by Branda describe the vices of the German clergy in terms quite as severe as those employed by Huss and his followers, and furnish a complete justification of the Bohemian revolt. The only wonder is that pope or kaiser could expect the populations to rest satisfied with the ministrations of men who assumed to be gifted with supernatural power and to speak in the name of the Redeemer, while steeped to the lips in every form of greed, uncleanness, and lust. The constitution which Branda issued to cure these evils only prescribed a repetition of remedies which had vainly been applied for centuries. It simply attacked the symptoms and not the cause of the disease, and it consequently remained inoperative.[570]

Five years had elapsed since the ending of the Council of Constance. Nothing had been accomplished to suppress heresy or reform the Church, and when in due time the Council of Siena assembled, in 1423, it remained to be seen whether the unfinished work of Constance could be completed. Under the presidency of four papal legates it was held that the attendance of prelates and princes was too small to permit the work of reformation to be undertaken, but it was sufficient to justify the council in confirming the promises made by Martin of forgiveness of sins for all who should assist in exterminating the heretics. All Christian princes were summoned to lend their aid in the good work without delay if they wished to escape divine vengeance and the penalties provided by law. All commerce of every kind with the heretics was forbidden, especially in victuals, cloth, arms, gunpowder, and lead; every one trading with them, or any prince permitting communication with them over his lands was pronounced subject to the punishments decreed against heresy. Bohemia was to be isolated and starved into submission by a material blockade enforced by spiritual censures.[571]

As for reformation, it was found that all efforts seriously to consider it were skilfully blocked by the legates. This is not surprising, as the Church was to be reformed in its head as well as in its members, and the head was recognized as the chief source of infection. A project presented by the Gallican deputies described in indignant bitterness the abuses of the curia--the sale of preferments and dignities to the highest bidder, irrespective of fitness, with the consequent destruction of benefices and plunder of the people; the papal dispensations which enabled the most incongruous pluralities to be held by individuals, and the other devices whereby Rome was enriched at the cost of religion; the centralizing of all jurisdiction in Rome to the spoliation of the indigent who dwelt at a distance; the papal decrees which set aside the salutary regulations of general councils--showing how nugatory had been the reformatory regulations wherewith Martin, when elected, had parried the attacks of the Council of Constance. The disappointment of the Council of Siena at the baffling of its efforts was leading to a tension of feeling that grew dangerous. A French friar, Guillaume Joselme, preached a sermon in which he demonstrated that the pope was the servant and not the master of the Church. The legates denounced him as a heretic, and ordered the magistrates of Siena to arrest him, but they, unlike Sigismund, replied that they had given a safe-conduct to all the members of the council, and could not go behind it. Finally, finding that under the control of the papacy no reformatory action was possible, the attempt was made to shorten to two or three years the seven years' interval that was to elapse before the next council. All the several nations had agreed to it when its enactment was prevented by the legates suddenly dissolving the council, March 8, 1424, in spite of a protest intimating very plainly that they had prevented all reformatory legislation. The seven years' interval was preserved, and the next council was indicated for Basle, in 1431. The reformers consoled themselves by pointing out that, of the four papal representatives concerned in thus strangling the council, three died within a year, of terrible deaths, manifestly the divine vengeance on their wickedness. Martin made a show of supplementing this lack of performance by appointing a commission of three cardinals to carry on the work of reform, and requested all complaints and suggestions to be sent to them--a measure which was as profitless in result as it was intended to be. Equally illusory was a constitution issued shortly after, restraining the ostentation and extravagance of the cardinals, and prohibiting them from assuming the "protection" of any prince or potentate, or asking favors except for the poor or for their own retainers and kindred, thus reducing the importance of the Sacred College as a factor of the Holy See and exalting his own.[572]

The time fixed for the assembling of the Council of Basle, March, 1431, was rapidly drawing nigh without any action on the part of Martin looking to its convocation. He who owed his election to a general council was notorious for abhorring the very name of council. At length, on November 8, 1430, there appeared on the doors of the papal palace, and in the most conspicuous places in Rome, an anonymous notice, purporting to be issued by two Christian kings, reciting the necessity of holding a council in obedience to the decrees of Constance, and appending some conclusions of a threatening character, to the effect that if the pope and cardinals impede it, or even evade promoting it, they are to be held as fautors of heresy; that if the pope does not open the council himself or by his deputies, those who may be present will be compelled by divine law to withdraw obedience from him, and Christendom will be bound to obey them, and that they will be forced to proceed summarily to his deposition and that of the cardinals as fautors of heresy. It was evident that Christendom was determined to have the council, with the pope or without him, and Martin, after holding out till the last moment, was compelled to yield. He had appointed, January 11, 1431, Cardinal Giuliano Cesarini as legate to preach another crusade with plenary indulgences against the Hussites, and to him he issued, February 1, a commission to open and preside at the council. One of those most earnest in bringing this about was the Cardinal of Siena. Had he been able to forecast the future he would have tempered his zeal. Within three weeks Martin was dead, and on March 3 the Cardinal of Siena was elected his successor, taking the name of Eugenius IV.[573]

Cardinal Giuliano went on his double mission and preached the fifth crusade against the Hussites. The Bohemian forays had stimulated Germany to an earnest effort to crush the troublesome rebels, and he found himself at the head of an army variously estimated at from eighty thousand to one hundred and thirty thousand men. The Bohemians applied to the Emperor Sigismund for a safe-conduct to Basle, offering to submit the questions at issue to debate on the basis of Scripture. This was refused, and they were told that they must agree to stand to the decisions of the council without limitation. They preferred the arbitrament of arms, and issued a protest to the Christian world in which, with coarse good sense, they defined their position, attacked the temporal power of the papacy, and ridiculed the indulgences issued for their subjugation. This document was received by the council on August 10, very nearly on the day on which, at Taas, the crusaders fled without striking a blow, on hearing the battle-hymn of the dreaded Hussite troops. As a military leader Cardinal Giuliano was evidently a failure, and it only remained for him to try peaceful measures. The German princes, alarmed and exhausted, showed evident signs of determination to come to terms with their unconquerable neighbors. It was a hard necessity, but there was no alternative, and on October 15 the council resolved to invite the Bohemians to a conference and to give them a safe-conduct, although the letters were not forwarded until November 26.[574]

Meanwhile the inevitable quarrels between pope and council had broken out with bitterness. But three weeks after the invitation to the Bohemians had been despatched, on December 18, Eugenius took the extreme step of dissolving the council and calling another to be held in eighteen months at Bologna, where he would preside in person. At this action Germany was aghast. Sigismund remonstrated energetically, and the council, assured of his support, refused to obey. Cardinal Giuliano was won over and made himself its mouthpiece. He had had an opportunity of observing the condition of men's minds north of the Alps, and he knew to what a storm the bark of St. Peter would be exposed. It may safely be said that since the papacy became dominant over the Church few popes have received from a subordinate so vigorous a reproof as that in which Giuliano gave his reasons for disobedience, and it contains so vivid a picture of the times that a brief abstract of it cannot well be spared. Clerical wickedness, he says, in Germany is such that the laity are irritated to the last degree against the Church, wherefore it is greatly to be feared that if there is no reformation they will execute their public threats of rising, like the Hussites, against the clergy. This turpitude has given great audacity to the Bohemians and lends color to their heresy, and if the clergy cannot be reformed the suppression of this heresy would lead only to the breaking-out of another. The Bohemians have been invited to the council; they have replied and are expected to come. If the council is dissolved, what will the heretics say? Will not the Church confess herself defeated when she dares not await those whom she has invited? Will not the hand of God be seen in it? A host of warriors has fled before them, and now the Church universal flies! Behold, they cannot be overcome either by arms or arguments! Alas for the wretched clergy wherever they be! Will they not be deemed incorrigible and determined to live in their filth? So many councils have been held in our days from which no reformation has come! From this one the nations have expected some fruit. If it be thus dissolved, we shall be said to laugh at God and man, and when there is no hope of our correction the laity will justly assail us, like the Hussites. Already there are reports of it, already they begin to spit forth the venom which is to destroy us. They will think to offer a welcome sacrifice to God when they slay or despoil us, who will then be odious both to God and man, and whereas now there is little respect for us, there will then be none. The council was some restraint upon them, but when they lose all hope they will persecute us publicly, and the whole blame will be thrown upon the Roman curia, which breaks up the assembly convened to effect reform. Latterly the city of Magdeburg has expelled her archbishop and clergy; the citizens march with wagons like the Bohemians, and are said to have sent for a Hussite captain, and they have, moreover, a league with many other communities of those parts. The people of Passau have driven out their bishop and are besieging one of his castles. Both cities are near to Bohemia, and if, as is to be feared, they unite they will have a following of many other towns. At Bamberg there is fierce discord between the citizens on the one side and the bishop and chapter on the other, which is especially dangerous by reason of the neighborhood of the heretics. If the council is dissolved these quarrels will increase, and many other communities will be drawn in.[575]

Making due allowance for inevitable rhetorical exaggeration this picture is a true one. Hussite ideas were rapidly spreading through Germany, and finding a congenial soil in the aversion born of incurable clerical corruption. About this time Felix Hemmerlin complains of the countless souls seduced to heresy by the emissaries who, every year, come from Bohemia to Berne and Soleure. Numerous executions of heretics are recorded at this period in Flanders, where persecution had been for centuries almost unknown, and we may be sure that Hussite missionaries were busily carrying on an equally successful propaganda elsewhere. If the hopes which were built on the council were destroyed, the Church might well expect a general revolt. Sustained by the united support of Cismontane Christendom, the council resolutely went its way. Sigismund urged it to stand firm, and in November, 1432, he issued an imperial declaration that he would sustain it against all assailants. Eugenius held out until February, 1433, when he assented to its continuance, but in July he again dissolved it, and in September repeated the command. Then the council commenced active proceedings to arraign and try him, and in December he revoked these bulls. In the subsequent quarrel the council decreed his suspension in January, 1439, and his deposition in June, while the election of Amedeo of Savoy as Felix V. was confirmed in November of the same year.[576]

Into the details of the interminable negotiations which followed between the council and the Hussites it is not worth while to enter. The latter carried their point, and, in a conference held at Eger, May 18, 1439, it was agreed that the questions should be debated on the basis of the Scriptures and the writings of the early fathers. The four articles which were the common ground of Calixtins and Taborites were put forward as their demands, and to these they steadily adhered through all the dreary discussions in Basle, Prague, Brünn, Stuhlweissenberg, to the final conference of Iglau in July, 1436. The discussions were ofttimes hot and angry, and the good fathers of Basle were sometimes scandalized at the freedom of speech of the Bohemian delegates. When John of Ragusa alluded to the Hussites as heretics, John Rokyzana, one of the Calixtin delegates, indignantly denied it, and demanded that if any one accused them of heresy he should offer the _talio_ and prove it. Procopius, who represented the Taborites, joined in and declared that he would not have come to Basle had he known that he would be thus insulted. Time and skill were required to pacify the Bohemians, and John of Ragusa and the Archbishop of Lyons were forced to apologize formally. On another occasion the Inquisitor Henry of Coblentz, a Dominican doctor, complained that Ulric of Znaim, a deputy of the Orphans, had said that monks were introduced by the devil. Ulric denied it, and Procopius intervened, saying that he had remarked to the legate that if the bishops came from the apostles, and priests from the seventy-two disciples, the others could have had no other source but the devil. This sally raised a general laugh, which was increased when Rokyzana called to the inquisitor, "Doctor, make Dom Procopius provincial of your order." These trifles have their significance when compared with the shouts of "Burn him! Burn him!" which assailed Huss at Constance. In fact the Hussites were urged to incorporate themselves with the council, but they were too shrewd to fall into the snare.[577]

By unbending firmness the Bohemians carried their point, and secured the recognition of the four articles, which became celebrated in history as the Compactata--the Magna Charta of the Bohemian Church until swept away by the counter-Reformation. This was agreed to in Prague, November 26, 1433, and confirmed by mutual clasp of hands between the legates of the council and the deputies of the three Bohemian sects, but matters were by no means settled. The four articles were brief and simple declarations which admitted of unlimited diversity of construction. The dialecticians of the council had no difficulty in explaining them away, until they practically amounted to nothing; the Hussites, on the other side, with equal facility, expanded them to cover all that they could possibly wish to claim. Hardly was the handclasping over when it was found that the Bohemians asserted that the permission of communion in both elements meant that they were to continue to administer it to infants, and to force it proscriptively on every one--positions to which the council could by no means assent. This will serve as an illustration of the innumerable questions which kept the negotiators busy during yet thirty dreary months. So far, indeed, was the matter as yet from being settled, that, in April, 1434, the council levied a half-tithe on Christendom for a crusade against the Hussites, which enabled it to stimulate with liberal payments the zeal of the Bohemian Catholic nobles.[578]

It is not likely that any results would have been reached but for events which at first seemed to threaten the continuance of the negotiations. The Taborites could only have consented to treat on the basis, so inadequate to them, of the four articles, in the confidence that the practical application would cover a vastly wider sphere. After the preliminary agreement of November 26, the construction assumed by the legates of the council made them draw back. The affair was reaching a conclusion, and it was necessary to have a definite understanding of that to which they were binding themselves. After the departure of the legates from Prague, in January, 1434, hot discussions arose between them and the Calixtins as to the continuance of the negotiations. There were political as well as religious differences between them. The Taborites were mostly peasants and poor folk; they wanted no nobles or gentlemen in their ranks, and seem to have had republican tendencies, as they desired to add to the four articles two others, providing for the independence of Bohemia and for the retention of all confiscated property. Both parties became exasperated, and flew to arms for a contest decisive as to their respective mastery. The Taborites had for some time been besieging Pilsen, a city which held out for Sigismund. Learning that their friends in the Neustadt of Prague had been slaughtered without distinction of age or sex, to the number, it is said, of twenty-two thousand, they raised the siege, May 9, to take vengeance on the city, but after a demonstration before it, they withdrew towards Moravia. Meanwhile the Calixtins had formed an alliance with the Catholic barons, who had been liberally subsidized by the council, and followed them with a formidable force. The shock came at Lipan, on Sunday, May 30. All day and night the battle raged, and until the third hour of Monday morning. When it was over, Procopius, Lupus, and thirteen thousand of the bravest Taborites lay dead upon the field, and the murderous nature of the strife is seen in the fact that but seven hundred prisoners were taken, though we may question the claim of the victors that the battle cost them but two hundred men, and we may hope that there is exaggeration in the boast that they burned several thousand of those whom they subsequently captured. The power of the Taborites was utterly broken. It is true that they continued to hold Mount Tabor until finally crushed by George Podiebrad, in 1452; and that in the December following the battle their unconquerable spirit was again contemplating an appeal to arms, but after Lipan they were only a troublesome element of insubordination, and not a factor in the political situation. The congratulatory letters sent by some of the victors to Sigismund, and the effusive joy with which he communicated the news to the council, show that the victory was one for the Catholics.[579]

Even after the virtual elimination of the Taborites there were ample subjects of dispute, and at one time the prospect seemed so unpromising that preliminary arrangements were set on foot, in August, 1434, for organizing a new crusade on the proceeds of the half-tithe levied shortly before. One source of endless trouble sprang from the personal ambition of Rokyzana. Learned, able, a hardy disputant, and a skilled man of affairs, he had determined to be Archbishop of Prague, and this object he pursued with unalterable constancy. He bore a leading part in the negotiations, and made himself as conspicuous as possible, shifting his ground with dexterity, interposing objections and smoothing them as the interest of the moment might dictate. At first he endeavored to have a clause inserted that the people and the clergy should be empowered to elect an archbishop, who should be acknowledged and confirmed by the emperor and the pope. This being rejected, he procured of Sigismund a secret agreement that the election should be held, and that the emperor would do all in his power to secure the confirmation by the pope, without cost for pallium, confirmation, or notarial fees. Although this, when discovered, was protested against by the legates of the council and refused by the council itself, he proceeded, in 1435, to obtain an election by the national assembly of Bohemia, to the great disgust of the orthodox, who reasonably dreaded this example of a return of the primitive methods of selecting prelates. Again Sigismund secretly accepted this, while the legates declared it to be invalid, and that, as an infraction of the Compactata, it must be annulled. On this question the whole negotiation was nearly wrecked, and it was only settled by Sigismund and his son-in-law and heir, Albert of Austria, promising to issue letters recognizing Rokyzana as archbishop, and to compel obedience to him as such. After this it required but a fortnight more of quarrelling to bring the matter to a termination, and signatures to the Compactata were duly exchanged July 5, 1436, amid general rejoicings. Sigismund, restored to the throne of his fathers, made a show of complying with his promise, by writing to the council a letter asking Rokyzana's confirmation, at the same time explaining to the legates that he considered the council ought to refuse, but that he did not wish to break with his new subjects too suddenly. Of course the confirmation never came, and although Rokyzana called God to witness that he did not wish the archbishopric, the policy of his long life was devoted to obtaining it. With all convenient speed Sigismund forgot the pledge to enforce obedience to him. His position became so dangerous that he secretly fled from Prague, June 16, 1437, and remained in exile until after the deaths of Sigismund and Albert, when he returned in 1440, and speedily became the most powerful man in Bohemia. This position he retained until his death, in 1471, administering the archbishopric, constantly seeking confirmation at the hands of successive popes, and subordinating the policy of the kingdom, internal and external, so far as he dared, to that object--not the least anomalous feature of the anomalous Calixtin Church.[580]

A peace in which all parties distrusted each other and placed radically different interpretations on its conditions was not likely to heal dissensions so profound. The very day after the solemn ratification of the Compactata an ominous disturbance showed how superficial was the reconciliation. In the presence of an immense crowd, at the high altar of the church of Iglau, where the final conferences were held, the Bishop of Coutances, chief of the legation of the council, celebrated mass and returned thanks to God. After this the letters of agreement were read in Bohemian, and Rokyzana commented upon them in the same language, much to the discomfort of the legates. He had been celebrating mass at a side altar, and when the reading was finished he called out, "If any one wishes communion in both elements let him come to this altar and it will be given to him." The legates rushed over to him and twice forbade him, but he quietly disregarded them and administered the sacrament to eight or ten persons. The incident excited intense feeling on both sides. The Bohemians demanded that a church be assigned to them in Iglau where during their stay they could receive the sacrament in both kinds; the legates refused the request, although urged by the emperor, and finally, after threats of departure, the Bohemians were forced to content themselves with celebrating, as they had previously done, in private houses.[581]

When Sigismund was fairly seated on the throne, there followed an endless series of bickerings, as the rites and ceremonies and usages of the Roman Church were restored, supplanting the simpler worship which had prevailed for twenty years. Consecrations, confirmations, images, relics, holy water, benedictions, were one by one introduced--even the hated religious orders were surreptitiously smuggled in. The canonical hours and chants were renewed in the churches, and every effort was made to accustom the people to a resurrection of the old order of things. On Corpus Christi day, May 30, 1437, a gorgeous procession swept through the streets of Prague bearing the host on high; the legate, the Archbishop of Kalocsa, and the Bishop of Segnia headed it, and were dutifully followed by the emperor and empress, the nobles and a mass of citizens. As a mute protest, Rokyzana met the splendid array, attended only by three priests, and bearing both host and cup. To the stern puritans who had so long struggled against the Scarlet Woman the imposing ceremony must have seemed a bitter mockery, for the Empress Barbara, who occupied a conspicuous position in the ranks, was a woman notorious for shameless licentiousness, and, moreover, was an avowed atheist, who disbelieved in the immortality of the soul.[582]

Within three weeks of this celebration, Rokyzana was a fugitive, seeking the protection of George Podiebrad at Hradecz, not without reason, if Æneas Sylvius is correct in saying that Sigismund was about to arrest him and punish him condignly. Then the process of reaction went on apace. Had Sigismund lived, he might have overcome all resistance, and reduced the land to obedience to Rome. His power was constantly growing. In March the surrender of the Taborite stronghold of Konigingrätz filled the Hussites with consternation. Not long after siege was laid to Zion, the fastness of John Rohacz, a powerful baron who had refused submission. He was finally captured in it, brought to Prague, and hanged in the presence of the emperor with sixty of his followers and a priest. Tradition relates that on that very day Sigismund was attacked with an ulcer which grew constantly worse and ended his days in December. Almost simultaneous with this was the decision by the Council of Basle on the question of communion in both elements, in which it skilfully evaded the inconsistency of the prohibition of the cup, and pronounced it to be the law of the Church, not to be modified without authority. As Albert of Austria, the son-in-law and successor of Sigismund, was a zealous Catholic prince, the council was emboldened in January, 1438, to issue an edict reciting and ordering the strict enforcement of the implacable bull of February 22, 1418, by Martin V., directed against the errors of Wickliff, Huss, and Jerome. This evidence of what they were to expect as the outcome of the Compactata gave the Taborites and the disaffected parties in Bohemia new energy. After a fruitless appeal to the council an alliance was made with Poland, whose boy-king, Casimir, was elected as a competitor. Thus strengthened they offered effective resistance to Albert, who up to his sudden death, October 27, 1439, was unable to occupy the whole of his kingdom. Four months later, Ladislas, his posthumous son, was born, and a long minority, with its accompanying turbulence, enabled the Calixtins again to get the upper hand, over both the Taborites and the Catholics. In 1441 a council held at Kuttenberg organized the national Church on a Calixtin basis. Several conferences were held with the Taborites, and the points at issue were referred to the national diet held in January, 1444. Its emphatic decision in favor of the Calixtin doctrine broke up the Taborite organization. The cities still held by them surrendered one by one, and the members were scattered, for the most part joining the Calixtins. As a separate sect they may be said to have disappeared when, in 1452, George Podiebrad captured Mount Tabor and dispersed their remains.[583]

After the death of Albert what central authority there was in Bohemia was lodged in the hands of two governors, Ptacek representing the Calixtins, and Mainhard of Rosenberg, the victor of Lipan, the Catholics. In October, 1443, we hear of the Emperor Frederic III. as about starting for Bohemia where he expected to receive the regency, but his hopes were frustrated. Ptacek died in 1445, when the choice for his succession fell upon George Podiebrad, a powerful baron, who, though only twenty-four, had acquired a high reputation for military ability and sagacity. He was largely under the influence of Rokyzana, to whom doubtless his election was due. After a long interval, Rome again appeared upon the scene. Nicholas V., who ascended the papal throne in 1447, sent, in 1448, John, Cardinal of Sant' Angelo, to Prague as legate. The Bohemians earnestly urged him to ratify the Compactata and confirm Rokyzana as archbishop. He promised an answer, but finding the situation embarrassing, he secretly left Prague with Mainhard of Rosenberg. Popular indignation enabled George by a _coup d'état_, in which there was considerable bloodshed, to render himself master of Prague and to cast Mainhard into prison, where he died soon after. George thus became the undisputed master of Bohemia. When Ladislas, in 1452, was recognized as king, George secured the regency, and when the young monarch died towards the close of 1457, at the early age of eighteen, George's coronation as king soon followed. Under him, until just before his death in 1471, Rokyzana's influence was almost unbounded.[584]

The situation of Bohemia, as a member of the Latin Church, was unprecedented. After the first break between Eugenius IV. and the Council of Basle the name of the pope disappears in the negotiations for the restoration of unity. These were carried on by both sides as though the conciliar authority was supreme, and the papal assent or confirmation was a matter of no moment, although a papal legate was present in January, 1436, at the conference at Stuhlweissenberg, where the matter was virtually settled. As the council drew to its weary end, powerless and discredited, the triumphant Eugenius was not disposed to recognize the validity of its acts or to ratify them gratuitously. The Bohemians alleged that he had confirmed the Compactata, but no positive evidence was forthcoming. To purchase the submission of Germany, in 1447, he had ratified a portion of the acts of the council, but the Compactata could not be included in his carefully. guarded decrees. On the accession of Nicholas V., in 1447, the Bohemians sent to him a deputation offering him their allegiance, but we have seen how wary was the legate whom he despatched in return to Prague. It is true that to obtain the abdication of Felix V., Nicholas issued a bull, June 28, 1449, approving all the acts of the council which might strictly be held to confirm the Compactata, but the character of the bull shows that it had in view rather the material interests involved in benefices and preferment. Whatever doubt the Bohemians may have had as to the papal intentions towards them was speedily dissipated.[585]

Rome, in fact, had never proposed to recognize the compromise made by the council. While the latter was busy in endeavoring to win back the Hussites, Eugenius IV. was laboring for their extermination by the usual methods, in such regions as he could reach. The relations between Bohemia and Hungary had long been close, and Hussitism had spread widely throughout the latter kingdom as well as in the Slavic territories to the south. As early as 1413 we hear complaints of Wickliffite doctrines carried into Croatia by students returning from the University of Prague. As Sigismund was King of Hungary, the Compactata were supposed to cover the Hungarian Hussites, and were published in Hungarian as well as in Bohemian, German, and Latin. We have seen, however, how false he was to his Bohemian subjects, and those of Hungary he cheerfully abandoned to Rome. Six weeks after the signature of the Compactata at Iglau, on August 22, 1436, Eugenius commissioned the indefatigable persecutor, Frà Giacomo della Marca, as Inquisitor of Hungary and Austria. He was already on the ground, for in January of that year we catch a glimpse of him as present in the conference at Stuhlweissenberg. Frà Giacomo lost no time. Before the close of the year he had traversed Hungary from end to end, with merciless severity. The Archbishop of Gran, the Chapter of Kalocsa, the Bishop of Waradein, were loud in his praises. Their dioceses, they said, had been infected with heretics so numerous that a rising was anticipated which would have exceeded in horror the Bohemian wars, but this holy man had exterminated them. The numbers whom he put to death are not enumerated, but they must have been considerable from the expressions employed, and from the terror inspired, for his associates declared that in this expedition he had received the submission of fifty-five thousand converts. As the Bishop of Waradein rapturously declared, had the Apostle Paul accompanied him he could not have effected more. Earnestly the Bishops of Csanad and Transylvania appealed to him to visit their dioceses, which abounded in heretics; and as the latter prelate speaks of the Hussites having penetrated to his bishopric from Moldavia, it shows how widely the heresy had been diffused through southeastern Europe.[586]

Suddenly, in 1437, Frà Giacomo's career was interrupted. He had crushed the Fraticelli of Italy, the wild Cathari of Bosnia, and the fiercer Hussites of Hungary, but when he attacked the orthodox concubinary priests of Fünfkirchen, and strove to force them to abandon the illicit partners who were universally kept, they proved too strong for even his iron will and seasoned nerves, backed though he was by the power of pope and kaiser and the awful authority of the Inquisition. They raised such a storm at this attempted invasion of their accustomed privileges that he was obliged to abandon his work and fly for his life. He appealed to Eugenius, and Eugenius to Sigismund. The latter wrote to Henry, the Bishop of Fünfkirchen, peremptorily ordering him to recall Giacomo and give him every aid, and also to Giacomo, assuring him of support. Thus assailed, Bishop Henry gave instructions that Giacomo should be supplied with all necessaries, but the attempt to enforce chastity on the priesthood seems to have been abandoned. The customary penalty in Hungary for such offences was five marks, and the synods of Gran in 1450 and 1480 complain that the archdeacons not only keep these fines for themselves, but encourage the criminals in order to derive profit from them; in fact, they issued in Hungary, as in many other places, licenses to sin, which may, perhaps, explain the indignation caused by Giacomo's interference and its lack of success.[587]

He appears to have meddled no longer with the private lives of the orthodox clergy, but to have devoted his energies to the easier work of exterminating heretics. Early in 1437 we hear of him south of the Danube, where the Bishop of Sreim praised his effective work; by putting to death all who could not be converted, he had saved the diocese from a rising of the Hussites, in which all the clergy would have been slain. Eugenius rewarded him by describing him as "a vigorous and most ruthless extirpator of heresy," and granting him the power of appointing subordinate inquisitors, thus rendering him an inquisitor-general in all the wide region confided to him. It was probably a result of the quarrel over the priestly concubines that led, in 1438, Simon of Bacska, Archdeacon of Fünfkirchen, to excommunicate him; but that official was speedily forced to withdraw the anathema by the Emperor Albert and the Archbishop of Gran. For a while his labors were interrupted by a call to attend the Council of Ferrara, held in 1438 by Eugenius IV., to offset the hostile assemblage at Basle, but he speedily returned to Hungary. It was doubtless owing to his efforts that in Poland the barons and cities entered into a solemn league and covenant to suppress heresy, April 25, 1438--just before Poland intervened in Bohemia to protect the Hussites from the Emperor Albert. In 1439 Giacomo's zeal received a check on the more immediate fields of his labors. In Sreim he delivered to the secular arm, as convicted heretics, a priest and three associates; their friends assembled in force, broke open the prison and carried off the culprits, and, what is difficult to understand, unless the heresy was merely concubinage, the Archbishop of Kalocsa, when appealed to, protected the criminals. Giacomo had recourse to the Emperor Albert, who wrote sharply to the archbishop in June; and this proving ineffectual, again in August. What was the result of the affair is not known, but Albert, as we have seen, died in October, to the great detriment of religion; and in 1440 Giacomo left Hungary on account of ill-health. He seems not to have been immediately replaced, and, in the absence of organized persecution, the tares speedily began to multiply again among the wheat. In January, 1444, Eugenius IV., deploring the spread of Hussitism throughout the Danubian regions, appointed the Observantine Vicar Fabiano of Bacs as inquisitor for the whole Slavonian vicariate, which included Hungary, with power to appoint inquisitors under him. These were authorized to act in complete independence of the local prelates; Holy Land indulgences were promised to all who would aid them, and excommunication, removable only by pope or inquisitor, against all withholding assistance. In July, 1446, Eugenius again alludes to the flourishing condition of Hussitism in Hungary and Moldavia, in spite of the labors of the friars, and he recurs to the question which baffled Giacomo della Marca. Many parish priests, he says, in these regions not only keep concubines publicly, but teach that there is no sin in intercourse between unmarried persons; the question has been asked him whether this is heresy, justiciable by the Inquisition; this he answers in the affirmative, and authorizes Fabiano and his deputies to treat it as such. Apparently it was not the practice itself, but the justification of it, which was so heinous.[588]

If Rome was thus active in repressing Hussitism, and thus regardless of the Compactata while crippled by the quarrel with the fathers of Basle, it may readily be imagined that, after the abdication of Felix V. and the restoration of unquestioned supremacy, Nicholas V. was not disposed to respect the bargain made by the council or to regard the Calixtins in any light but that of heretics. It was in vain that the Bohemians proffered obedience if only the Compactata were confirmed, with a tacit condition that Rokyzana's claims to the archbishopric should be recognized. Ostensibly the sole difficulty in the way of reunion lay in the use of the cup by the laity and the communion of infants; save this there was by this time but little to distinguish the Calixtins from the rest of the Latin churches, although occasionally the question of the sequestrated church lands emerged into view. The papacy had taken its position, however, and it would have plunged all Christendom into war, as, in fact, it more than once attempted, rather than admit that the Council of Basle had been justified in purchasing peace by conceding communion in both elements. Behind this, however, was the question of Rokyzana's confirmation. Æneas Sylvius informs us that in 1451 he convinced George Podiebrad of the impossibility of effecting this, and secured a promise that the attempt should be abandoned, he pledging himself that if George would present the names of several suitable persons the pope would select one, and peace would then be established. This treated the Compactata as of minor importance, and was doubtless wholly unauthorized. Neither George nor Rokyzana gave up their hopes; the effort was renewed again and again, now with the pope, now with the Emperor Frederic III., and now with the German Diet, but all to no purpose. Occasionally when there was an object to be gained hopes would be held out, only to be withdrawn. The papal emissaries represented Rokyzana to Rome as the most wicked and perfidious of heresiarchs, whose recognition would be the destruction of what remained of Catholicism in Bohemia, and there never was the slightest idea of confirming him.[589]

When the overthrow of Mainhard of Rosenberg and the concentration of power in the hands of George Podiebrad showed that no further hopes were to be built on the Catholic party in Bohemia, Nicholas V. fell back upon the old methods and resolved to try what could be done by a missionary inquisitor. He had at hand an instrument admirably fitted for the work. Giovanni da Capistrano, vicar-general of the Observantine Franciscans, had commenced his career as an inquisitor in 1417; he was now in his sixty-sixth year, vigorous and implacable as ever. Small and insignificant in appearance, shrivelled by austerities until he seemed to consist only of skin and bone and nerves, he rarely tasted meat and allowed himself but four hours of sleep out of the twenty-four, the remainder being all too few for his restless and indefatigable activity. His saintly and self-denying life had gained him enviable powers as a thaumaturge, and his reputation as a preacher drew crowds to listen to his eloquence. In 1451 he was busy in exterminating the Fraticelli, but he suspended his bloody work at the call of Nicholas to undertake the conversion of the Hussites. Nothing was omitted that could contribute to the dramatic effect of his mission. Before assuming it he sought the divine assent by consulting the Virgin at Assisi, when the heavenly light diffused around him was a sign that his apostolate was confirmed; he accepted the enlarged powers which extended his inquisitorial commission to the Bohemian territories, and set forth. Everywhere on his road multitudes assembled to see and listen to the man of God, and everywhere his miraculous powers manifested the authenticity of his mission. At Brescia he addressed an assembly computed at one hundred and twenty thousand souls, and, though walls and trees were broken down by the masses of men gathered thickly upon them, not a human being was injured. At the crossing of the River Sile, near Treviso, the party, with true Observantine austerity, had no money to pay ferriage, and the surly ferryman refused free transportation; but Capistrano quietly took the habit of San Bernardino, which he carried with him, laid it upon the waters, and they shrank away till all had passed dry-shod, when they resumed their former volume. Thus heralded, his way through Venice and Vienna was a triumphal progress; crowds of sixty thousand or one hundred thousand to hear him preach were common; men came from a distance of five hundred miles to listen to him; at Vienna three hundred thousand were reckoned present; the sick were brought before him in thousands, and the miraculous cures which he wrought were computed by hundreds. The ecclesiastical machinery was evidently well-devised and effectively worked, and the desired impression was produced.[590]

In vain the emperor asked permission for him to visit Prague. Podiebrad and Rokyzana refused it peremptorily, and Capistrano's zeal for martyrdom was not sufficient to prompt him to disregard their wishes. Furnished with imperial letters to the Catholic nobles and to their leader, Ulric Mainhard of Rosenberg, he turned in July to the safer region of Moravia, where presumably the influence of Podiebrad and Rokyzana was not so strong. Here his career indicates how little foundation there was for the persistent Catholic complaints of the proscriptive intolerance of the Calixtins. Though on Bohemian territory, Catholic and Hussite seem to have been dwelling together in mutual harmony; the Bishop of Olmütz was a Catholic, and no hindrance seems to have been experienced by Capistrano in his labors for the conversion of the so-called heretics. Beginning at Brünn, August 1, 1451, there is a register containing names and dates of more than eleven thousand conversions made by him up to May, 1452. Yet at the same time he was restricted to persuasion, and was not allowed to use inquisitorial methods. As his converts were voluntary, he smoothed the path of the repentant heretic, reconciling him to the Church with only the infliction of a salutary penance, and allowing him to retain all his possessions and dignities. Where the heretic was hardened, he was powerless, except through such miraculous power as he could wield. The situation was an anomalous one--unexampled, in fact, in the Middle Ages--of heretic and Catholic dwelling together in peace, the heretic in the ascendant, yet not only tolerating the Catholic, but allowing a man like Capistrano to wander through the land denouncing heretics and making conversions unmolested. To Capistrano the position was irritating in the extreme, insomuch as he was limited to the arts of persuasion, and was unable to enforce his arguments with the dungeon and the stake. This peculiar state of things is well illustrated by an adventure related of him at Breslau. Though Silesia had a Catholic bishop, it belonged to Bohemia, and mutual tolerance was established. In the summer of 1453 Capistrano came there and labored to convert the Hussites, but these sons of Belial, to ridicule his miraculous powers, placed a young man in a bier, carried him to where the inquisitor was preaching, and asked the latter to resuscitate the dead. Capistrano sternly replied, "Let him have his portion with the dead in eternity!" and went his way. Then the heretics said to the crowd, "We have holier men among us;" and one of them went to the coffin, calling to its inmate, "Peter, arise!" and then whispering, "It is time to get up;" but there was no response, and the unfortunate youth was found to be really dead. Yet at this very time Capistrano had no difficulty in exercising his inquisitorial office pitilessly when the victims were unfortunate Jews. A country priest was said to have sold them eight consecrated hosts for use in their infernal rites. Capistrano seized those implicated, tortured them to confession, and burned them, while a woman who was implicated was torn with red-hot pincers. An old Jewess embraced Christianity, and soon afterwards was slain. The Jews were accused of the murder, and also of that of a Christian boy. Capistrano made another onslaught on them, and this time burned no less than forty-one. It is easy to gather from this incident what would have been the fate of the Hussites had he been able to wreak his will on them. Those of Moldavia and Poland, whither he despatched three of his associate inquisitors under Ladislas the Hungarian, probably felt the full rigor of the canons.[591]

During all this the Calixtin leaders had not been wholly indifferent. At the commencement of Capistrano's mission Rokyzana wrote to him in a friendly tone, remonstrating with him for condemning as a heresy the communion in both elements, which the Council of Basle had permitted to the Bohemians. Some correspondence ensued, in which Capistrano took high ground as to the use of the cup and the papal supremacy; there were negotiations for a conference, and at one time hopes were entertained of an accommodation. Capistrano, however, skilfully eluded a disputation on various pretexts, but really, as we learn from his confidential letter to the cardinal-legate, Nicholas of Cusa, because he knew that the Calixtins had on their side the weight of authority and tradition. Both parties gradually lost their temper and published against each other letters filled with scurrility. Having thus rendered amicable negotiations impossible, Capistrano could safely, in 1452, ask Podiebrad for a safe-conduct to Prague, and on its refusal summon him to render the aid and service due to him as apostolic commissioner and inquisitor.[592]

When the German princes assembled in the Diet of 1452 the Bohemians addressed them, complaining that although they were living in peace and obedience to the Holy See, the provisions of the Compactata, which declared that no one should be stigmatized as a heretic for partaking in both elements, were violated by a friar named Capistrano, who, under the guise of an apostolic commissioner and inquisitor, was traversing their territories proclaiming that all Utraquists were heretics. The agreement which had cost so much blood was thus plainly infringed, and, notwithstanding their desire for peace, a persistence in this would revive all the old troubles. This was significant of strife, and Capistrano, on his side, was eagerly engaged in stimulating it. He wrote to the pope that certain propositions of accommodation entertained by the cardinal-legate were disgraceful, and spoke hopefully of negotiations which he was carrying on with the German princes for a new crusade against the Hussites. Nicholas of Cusa was effectually snubbed for daring to talk of conferences and terms of accommodation. He promptly threw himself on the other side and contributed his share towards provoking a fresh conflict, by issuing, in June, 1452, an encyclical to the Bohemians, in which he plainly told them that those who were not with the Church must be against it; that the Compactata must be thrown aside, as they had not effected the union for which they were designed, and that nothing save pure and simple obedience to the Holy See could be entertained. To render the irritation complete needed only the exquisite insolence with which he assured them that the Church was too pious a mother to concede to her children what she knew to be injurious.[593]

Capistrano's busy mischief-making was bearing its fruits. The breach between Rome and Bohemia was constantly widening, and if the zeal of the German princes could be brought to correspond to the ardor of the missionary of strife, the horrors of the old Hussite wars might be hopefully looked for again. During the remainder of the year 1452 we find him travelling through Germany, probably with this charitable object, though at Leipsic he paused long enough for his eloquence to win for his rigid Order sixty professors and students.[594] His efforts to raise a crusade against Bohemia, however, were frustrated by the capture of Constantinople in May, 1453. The immense impression which this produced throughout Christendom, the universal alarm at the progress of the Turk, and the necessity of defending Europe against his approach, speedily threw into the shade all minor questions. A new crusade was imperatively wanted, but it could not be wasted upon Bohemia and the Utraquists.

During the summer of 1453, as we have seen, Capistrano was tranquilly employing his enforced leisure in burning Jews at Breslau. Thence he went to Poland, where we find him at Cracow throwing into prison a physician, Master Paul, whom he suspected of being an emissary of Rokyzana. He applied again to Podiebrad for a safe-conduct to Prague, which was curtly refused on the ground that when it had been previously offered it had not been accepted, and that Ladislas did not want the peace of his kingdom disturbed. He left Cracow May 15, 1454, for Breslau and Olmütz, whence he still hoped to accomplish something within the charmed circle of Bohemia, into which he had not been allowed to penetrate. Rokyzana at this time was inspired with hopes that the terror of the Turk and the need for Christian unity would enable him to realize his dream of the archbishopric. He made the large concessions alluded to above on many of the points of dissidence, and used every effort with the emperor to procure through him the papal confirmation. A letter from Ladislas, of June 13, to the Bishop of Olmütz, asking him to restrain Capistrano from using such violent terms in denouncing Bohemians, as he was doing more harm than good, was evidently a move in the same game. Yet even the paramount interests of Christendom could not win for Rokyzana the coveted confirmation, although those interests soon diverted Capistrano's fiery energies from the heretic to the infidel.[595]

A brief and clear-cut letter of Æneas Sylvius to Capistrano, dated July 26, 1454, tells him to give up the dream of getting to Prague and go to Frankfort, where he will be useful. An assembly of princes had been held in Ratisbon, where a crusade had been agreed upon, and Philip of Burgundy had consented to lead it. Final arrangements were to be made in Frankfort in October, and there Æneas Sylvius wanted the aid of Capistrano's tireless ardor. Their correspondence at this juncture shows the terror which existed lest Europe should be overrun; the confusion and uncertainty which prevailed, and the selfish differences which threatened to neutralize effort. At Frankfort their worst fears were realized. The zeal of the princes had cooled, and they declared the purpose of the pope and emperor was to steal their money and not to fight. They demanded that the business should be conducted by a general council which should at the same time repress the Holy See--in fact, both parties were selfishly endeavoring to turn the agony of Europe to account; the pope to raise money, and the princes to recover their independence. All that Æneas and Capistrano could obtain was a promise that at the Pentecost of 1455 they would meet the emperor and determine what could be done. In February and March, 1455, they began to assemble at Neuburg, near Vienna, where Podiebrad again used every effort to procure Rokyzana's confirmation. As for the crusade, the energies of Christendom seemed paralyzed by the petty jealousies and ambitions of its rulers. At last, under the unflagging eloquence of Æneas and Capistrano, things appeared to be taking shape, when the news was received of the death of Nicholas V. on March 22. Everything fell to pieces, and the princes departed, postponing action until the next year. It was a forcible example of the utility of the papacy, which supplied a common head to the discordant forces of the time.[596]

Capistrano's impetuous energies were now fairly enlisted in the strife with the Turk, and the Hussites had a respite. In fact, the situation was too alarming to permit of their persecution, and it is a remarkable instance of the unbending rigidity of Rome, that even in this perilous juncture the overtures and concessions of Podiebrad and Rokyzana availed them nothing.

Calixtus III. was elected April 8, with a speed which showed how dangerous a papal interregnum was considered. He at once sent legates to preach the crusade throughout Europe, and commenced to build war-ships on the Tiber. The Hungarians, who were justly excited at the impending invasion of Mahomet II. begged Capistrano to come to them and use his eloquence. Calixtus gave him permission, confirmed all the powers conferred on him by Nicholas, and he undertook the task which was to complete his life's work. Yet even these new duties, which wrought his fiery soul to a higher tension than ever, did not wholly distract his attention from the hated Hussites. The juncture seemed favorable for a reconciliation, which every motive of policy dictated. Besides, Æneas Sylvius had just been promoted to the cardinalate, and that crafty diplomat had succeeded in making the Bohemians look upon him as their friend. They not only hoped to obtain the confirmation of the Compactata, but the cardinal's hat for Rokyzana. Hearing of this, Capistrano wrote, March 24, 1456, from Buda to Calixtus dissuading him in the most vigorous terms. The Hussites are the worst of mankind, fearing neither God nor man; the heart can scarce conceive the errors which they believe, or the abominations which they practise in secret. The Compactata are their sole bulwark; if these are confirmed, the Hussites, who abound secretly, not only in Bohemia but in Hungary, Transylvania, Moldavia, and the neighboring regions, will rise and declare themselves. The warning was sufficient and the overtures were rejected.[597]

Suddenly the news came that the dreaded Mahomet II. was advancing, and had laid siege to Belgrade. Ladislas, who was King of Hungary as well as of Bohemia, was at Buda-Pesth, and with his uncle, the Count of Cillei, on pretext of a hunting-excursion, basely fled to Austria. John Hunyady, Count of Transylvania, who had been regent of the kingdom, organized the Hungarian forces, with some German crusaders who had come to his assistance, while Capistrano marched with him as papal commander of the crusade. Glorious in the annals of Hungary is the victory of Belgrade. "With a flotilla of boats on the Danube, Hunyady, on July 14, 1456, cut his way into the town through the beleaguering forces. Furious were the attack and the defence until the 22d, when a fierce assault by the Turks was repulsed, and the besieged followed the retreating enemy, burned one of their camps, spiking some of their cannon and carrying the rest back into the town, where they did good service during the rest of that memorable day. Mahomet gathered together his forces for a last desperate attempt, which was a failure, and during the night he fled, leaving twenty-four thousand men upon the field, and three hundred cannon. His army was utterly dispersed, and this disaster, aided by the heroic resistance of Scanderbeg in Albania, arrested the Turkish invasion and gave Europe a breathing-spell. It cost, however, the lives of the two heroes to whom it was due. The stench of the dead bodies sickened the army of the victors, and John Hunyady fell a victim, August 11, to the epidemic, which prevented the following up of the advantage. Capistrano had thrown himself into the work with all his self-forgetful enthusiasm. His eloquence had wrought the Christians up to the highest pitch of religious exaltation; the crusaders would obey no one but him, and his labors were incessant. He passed days without time for food, and nights without rest; for seventeen days, it is said, before the victory, he slept but seven hours in all. He was in his seventy-first year, with a frame weakened by habitual austerities, and when the strain was past exhausted nature paid the penalty. A slow fever set in, August 6, under which he wasted away, and died, October 23. He was perhaps the most perfect type which the age produced of the ideal son of the Church; a purely artificial creation, in which the weakness of humanity disappeared with some of its virtues, and the whole nature, with its rare powers, was concentrated in unselfish devotion to a mistaken purpose. Such men are the tools of the worldly and unscrupulous who know how to use them, and for forty years Capistrano had been thus employed to bring misery on his fellow-beings, unconscious of the evil which he wrought. Yet, as Æneas Sylvius shrewdly points out, there was one weak spot left in his nature. In the letters in which he and Hunyady described the victory of Belgrade neither chief gave credit to the other. As Æneas says, "Capistrano had despised the pomps of the world, he had fled from its delights, he had trampled down avarice, he had overcome lust, but he could not contemn glory."[598]

No one could be found worthy to replace Capistrano but his friendly rival, Giacomo della Marca, who was accordingly despatched, in 1457, to the scene of his labors of twenty years previous, armed with the same powers, as inquisitor and crusader. The danger from the Turk was still too pressing for him to waste thought on the former function, and he devoted himself to stimulating and organizing the war against the Moslem until his health gave way, and he returned to Italy, where, as we have seen, he not long afterwards had to defend himself from a charge of heresy brought by his zealous Dominican brethren. He was replaced by his disciples, Giovanni da Tagliacozza and Michele da Tussicino, who were followed in 1461 by Frà Gabriele da Verona; but though Franciscans still continued for a generation to labor for the conversion of the Calixtins, they had little success in the absence of power to employ the customary inquisitorial methods, of which more hereafter.[599]

In fact, the prospects of reducing Bohemia to obedience were steadily diminishing. In the wildest uproar of the Hussite wars there were powerful barons and cities who steadily held out for the pope and kaiser, and under the interregnum there had at first been a dual government, shared equally by Catholic and Calixtin. Under the firm hand of George Podiebrad the orthodox communities submitted one by one, and in spiritual matters Rokyzana was supreme. It is true that there was now little to distinguish the churches in doctrine or practice save the use of the cup; but independence served as a protection against the greed of the Roman curia, and there was small encouragement for a surrender of this independence in the clamor which was now going up from Germany. The Basilian regulations, confirmed by Eugenius, had for a time served as a safeguard to some extent, but now these were coolly treated as obsolete, and complaints were loud that all the old abuses were flourishing as vigorously as ever. Elections were set aside, or heavy sums were extorted for their confirmation, while the country was drained of money by the exaction of tenths and the sale of indulgences. Secure in their isolation, the Bohemians might well submit to some inconvenience to be spared the costly blessing of apostolic paternal care. The only hope of Rome lay in the approaching majority of the Catholic youth Ladislas; but when, on the eve of his marriage with the daughter of Charles VII. of France, he suddenly died, towards the close of 1457, not without suspicions of foul play, and George Podiebrad soon afterwards was elected and crowned, it might well seem that, short of Divine interposition, the peaceful return of Bohemia was not to be looked for.[600]

Yet at first it looked as though an accommodation might be reached. Ladislas, shortly before his death, had proposed to send an embassy to Rome for the purpose of effecting a reconciliation, and Calixtus III. had asked of Podiebrad to gratify his vehement desire of seeing Rokyzana, whose high reputation was well known in Rome. Podiebrad, moreover, caused himself to be crowned according to the Roman rite; having no bishop of his own, he borrowed from his son-in-law, Matthias Corvinus of Hungary, those of Raab and Bacs, to perform his consecration; in his coronation oath he swore obedience to Calixtus and his successors, to restore the Catholic religion, and to persecute heretics; he wrote to Calixtus as a faithful son of the Church, and obtained from him letters recognizing him as King of Bohemia; he sent envoys to Rome, who held out promises that Rokyzana would follow, and settle on a lasting basis the submission of Bohemia. All this was mere skirmishing for position; but when, a few months later, Calixtus died, and was succeeded by Æneas Sylvius, who took the name of Pius II., men might hope that some reasonable accommodation could be reached. Since he had gone to Basle in the suite of Cardinal Capranica, and had become the mouth-piece of the antipapal party, influenced, as he himself says, by cupidity rather than by truth, and inspired by the hostility to the Church usually felt by the laity, the new pope had been occupied almost exclusively with German and Bohemian affairs, which he knew better than any living man; he had taken part in the negotiations resulting in the Compactata; he was shrewd, clear-headed, and troubled with few scruples, and, sharing fully in the papal anxiety to unite Christendom against the Turks, he might be expected to recognize the vital importance of reconciliation with Bohemia. George made haste to send an embassy to renew his protestations of obedience, and to ask for the confirmation of the Compactata. Pius, who took no shame in issuing a solemn bull condemning and disavowing all his early opinions uttered during his service with the council, was prepared to break with his own traditions rather than with those of his predecessors. He gave a dubious response; George could win his recognition as king by extirpating heresy, and he promised to send legates. They came, but the pope, although he addressed George as king and as his dearest son when soliciting his co-operation in the crusade, shortly afterwards took a step which, with his knowledge of Bohemia, he knew could not but provoke a rupture. Wenceslas, Dean of Prague, was a Catholic, and a bitter enemy of Rokyzana, and this man Pius appointed as administrator of the archbishopric, thus ousting Rokyzana. All at once was in uproar. Wenceslas endeavored to assert himself, but the power remained in Rokyzana's hands. George threw into prison Fantinus, who had been his procurator in the curia, and who had been sent with a commission as papal orator, and detained him there for three months. Frederic III., whom George, by a stroke of happy audacity, had recently liberated from a siege by his rebellious subjects in the castle of Vienna, interposed, and delayed the explosion of the papal wrath; but to his earnest request that George should be acknowledged as king Pius returned an absolute refusal. George was a heretic, incapable of the crown, and his subjects' oaths of allegiance were void; only by returning to the Church could he hope to be fitted for the royal dignity. In June, 1464, Pius, in full consistory, published a bull reciting all the griefs of the Church against Bohemia, pronouncing the Compactata void, as never having been confirmed by the Holy See, and summoning George before him to stand trial for heresy within three terms of sixty days each. In two months Pius was dead, but his successor, Paul II., carried forward the proceedings with the old inquisitorial weapons. Three cardinals were appointed in 1465 to try George as a relapsed heretic, and summoned him in August, as a private person, to appear before them within six months for judgment. Without waiting for the expiration of the term, early in December, Paul issued a bull absolving all George's subjects from their allegiance, alleging as a reason for haste that the sentence would grow more difficult by delay. The papal wrath increased with the obstinacy of the assumed heretic. In 1468 another summons was issued to him to appear before the cardinals for judgment; and in February, 1469, his name was placed as that son of perdition, the Hussite George Podiebrad, together with those of Rokyzana and Gregory of Heimburg, in the curse of the Coena Domini, to be anathematized thrice a year, in the solemnities of the mass, in all cathedrals, both in Latin and in the vernacular.[601]

All this was not a mere _brutum fulmen_. It was not difficult to excite rebellion among turbulent subjects and attacks from ambitious neighbors. With all his vigor and capacity George found the maintenance of his position by no means easy. When, in 1468, the German princes had agreed upon a five years' truce in order to concentrate their energies against the Moslem, Paul II. threw the empire into confusion by sending the Bishop of Ferrara to preach a crusade with plenary indulgences against Bohemia, adding the special favor that all who joined in the preaching should have the privilege of choosing a confessor, and receiving from him plenary absolution and indulgence. The kingdom was bestowed upon Matthias Corvinus of Hungary, who took the cross, and with an army of crusaders occupied Moravia. A long war ensued, during which George died, in 1471, released from excommunication on his death-bed, and Ladislas II., son of Casimir of Poland, was elected as his successor. In 1475 the rivals came to terms; both were recognized as kings of Bohemia, while Matthias was to have for life Moravia, Silesia, and the greater part of Lusatia, and the survivor was to enjoy the whole kingdom. On the death of Matthias, in 1490, Ladislas recovered the three provinces, and shortly afterwards added Hungary to his dominions.[602]

Ladislas was a good Catholic, and Sixtus IV., who had aided in his election, hoped that the opportunity had at last arrived to break down the stubbornness of the Calixtins. The king made the attempt, but bloody tumults in Prague, which nearly cost him his life, showed that, slight as was the difference between Catholic and Utraquist, the old fanaticism for the cup survived. At length, in 1485, at the Diet of Kuttenberg, mutual toleration was agreed upon, and Ladislas, who was of easy disposition, ran no further risks. Thus the anomalous position of Bohemia, as a member of Latin Christendom, became more remarkable than ever. The great majority of the people were Calixtins and therefore heretics, but the Church had to abandon the attempt to coerce them to salvation. Missionary inquisitors were commissioned from time to time, but practically their efforts were limited to persuasion and controversy. Even Pius II., in 1463, felt obliged to caution Zeger, the Observantine Vicar-general, that his brethren, in dealing with heretics, should restrain their zeal from the customary curses and insults, and should try the effect of gentleness and argument. That these missionaries were mostly Franciscans perhaps explains why the toleration accorded to Catholics could not be enforced against the popular prejudices of which the Order was the object. Even George Podiebrad, in 1460, had permitted the Franciscans to return to Prague, but their zeal was not to be restrained, and they were expelled in 1468. Under Ladislas they came again, in 1482, but in the disturbances of the following year they were glad to escape, their house was levelled to the ground, and was not rebuilt until 1629. From time to time other communities were founded at Hradecz, Glatz, and Neisse, but they were short-lived, and were speedily destroyed by the fanaticism of the people. As the invention of printing facilitated controversy, polemical zeal multiplied treatises to prove the iniquity of the Utraquist heresy, but the Utraquists were not to be converted. They maintained the Compactata as the charter of their religious independence. When, in 1526, King Louis fell in the disastrous day of Mohacz, and the House of Austria, in the person of Ferdinand I., obtained the Bohemian throne, good Catholic though Ferdinand was, he was obliged to pledge himself to preserve the Compactata.[603]

* * * * *

It is not to be imagined that the teachings of Wickliff and Huss were wholly forgotten in Utraquist degeneracy. Their real inheritors were the Taborites, and although these, in their disorderly enthusiasm, vainly contended against the spirit of the age and disappeared from sight under the strong hand of Podiebrad, the seed which they had nurtured was not wholly lost. The profound religious convictions which animated these poor and simple folk are visible through the satire with which Æneas Sylvius requited their hospitality in 1451, on the eve of their suppression. Travelling with some nobles, on a mission from Frederic III., he was benighted near Mount Tabor, and thought it safer to trust himself with the enemies of his faith than to pass the hours of darkness in the open villages. In return for the simple kindliness of his reception the polished scholar and courtier describes them with the liveliest ridicule, and with brutal sneers at their poverty. They were mostly peasants, and as they came forth to greet him in the cold and rain, many were almost naked, having nothing but a shirt or a sheepskin to protect them; one had no saddle, another no reins, another no spurs; this one had lost an eye, that one an arm. Ziska was their patron saint, whose portrait was painted on the city gates. Though they ridiculed the consecration of churches, they were very earnest in listening to the word of God, and if any one was too busy or too lazy to go to the wooden house where they assembled for preaching he was compelled by stripes. Though they paid no tithes, they filled their priests' houses with corn, beer, wood, vegetables, meat, and all the necessaries of life. Firm as they were in defence of their religious independence, they were not intolerant, and wide diversity of opinion was allowed among them.[604]

When such men as these were driven forth and scattered among the people they were much more likely to make converts than to be converted, and though lost to sight they were assuredly not false to their convictions. The reactionary course of Rokyzana and Podiebrad during the succeeding years could hardly fail to provoke discontent among the more earnest even of the Calixtins and to furnish fresh disciples and teachers. Materials existed for a sect representing the doctrines which, a generation earlier, had set Bohemia aflame; and although when that sect timidly appeared it prudently and sedulously disavowed all affiliation with the hated and dreaded Taborites, there can be no doubt that it was, to a great extent, composed of the same elements.

These new sectaries first present themselves in an organized form in 1457. Earnest, humble Christians, who sought to carry out the doctrines of Jesus, they differed from the Taborites in a yet closer approach to Waldensianism, due probably to the influence of Peter Chelcicky, who, without belonging to them, was yet to some extent their teacher. Like the Waldenses, they rejected the oath and the sword--nothing would justify the taking of human life, and consequently they were non-resistants. Since the time of Constantine and Silvester the Roman Church had gone astray in the pursuit of wealth and worldly power. The sacraments were worthless in polluted hands. Priests might hear confessions and impose penances, but they could not absolve; they could only announce the forgiveness of God. Purgatory was a myth invented by cunning priests. As for the mystery of the Eucharist, they prudently adopted the formula of Peter Chelcicky, which eluded the difficulty by affirming that the believer receives the body and blood of Christ, without pretending to explain or daring to discuss the matter. They ridiculed the superstition of the Calixtins, which exaggerated in the absurdest fashion the sanctity of the Eucharist, which carried the sacrament through the streets for adoration, and which held that he whose eye chanced to fall on it was safe from evil happening for that day; and they sometimes incurred martyrdom by publicly reproving the fanatic zeal which regarded the Eucharist as the holiest of idols. On this basis was founded the brotherhood of love and charity, of patient endurance and meekness, which represented more nearly the Christian ideal than anything the world had seen for thirteen centuries. With extreme simplicity of life there was no exaggeration of asceticism. Heaven was not to be stormed by mortification of the flesh, but was to be won by the sedulous discharge of the duties imposed on man by his Creator, in humble obedience to the divine will, and in pious reliance on Christ. Such was the "Unitas Fratrum"--the Bohemian or Moravian Brotherhood--and that a society thus defenceless and unresisting should endure the savage vicissitudes of that transitional period, and maintain itself through four hundred years to the present time, shows that force is not necessarily the last word in human affairs, and that average human nature is capable of a higher moral development than it has been permitted to reach under prevailing influences, secular and spiritual.[605]

At first they seem to have enjoyed the favor of Rokyzana, whose doctrines they claimed to follow, and whose nephew Gregory was one of their earliest leaders, along with Michael, priest of Zamberg. Rokyzana's fluctuating policy, as the archbishopric seemed to approach or recede, soon led him to hold aloof, and when they drew apart from the Calixtins and organized themselves as a separate body he had no objection to see them persecuted. In vain they declared that they were neither Waldenses nor Taborites--the one was a word of bitter reproach, the other a terror. When, about 1461, Gregory, with a few companions, ventured secretly to Prague, they were betrayed as conspiring Taborites and put to the torture. It shows their state of religious exaltation that Gregory swooned on the rack and had a beatific vision. It may be put to the credit of Rokyzana that when he saw his nephew insensible from the torture he burst into tears, exclaiming, "O my Gregory, I would I were where thou art!" and that he soon afterwards obtained from Podiebrad permission for them to settle at Liticz. Here they prospered amid alternate peace and persecution, their numbers rapidly increasing.[606]

In retaining all the sacraments they retained belief in the necessity of apostolical succession for that of ordination; but as the sacraments were vitiated in unworthy hands, they became oppressed with misgivings as to the efficacy of the sacerdotal character of their priests, derived as it was through the Church of Rome. Some of them proposed sending to the legendary Christians of India, but they met with two men who had been in the East, and the accounts they received of the Oriental churches satisfied them that the succession there had been lost. Then they bethought them of the Greeks, but they met some Greeks in Prague, and many Bohemians had been in the Levant and Danubian provinces, from whom they learned that fees were required for ordination, thus rendering it void through simony; moreover, they heard of three Bohemians who had been ordained without inquiry as to their morals, which satisfied them that no true ordination was to be obtained there. Finally they turned to the Waldenses, of whom there was a community on the Austrian border. These claimed to descend from the primitive Church; that their ancestors had separated from Rome when the papacy was secularized under Silvester by the donation of Constantine, and that they had preserved the apostolic succession untainted. It remained for the brethren to see whether it was the will of God that they should organize themselves by means of these Waldenses. At Lhotka, in 1467, an assembly of about sixty chosen deputies was held. After fasting and earnest prayer, recourse was had to the lot, to decide whether they should separate themselves from the Roman priesthood. The result was affirmative. Then they selected nine men, from among whom three or two or one should be drawn, or none, if God so willed it. Twelve cards were taken, on three of which was written "is," and on nine "is not." These were mingled together, and a youth was directed to distribute nine of them among the men selected. All three with "is" proved to have been distributed, and the assembly devoutly thanked God for showing them the path to follow. Michael of Zamberg was sent to the Waldensian Bishop Stephen, who investigated his faith and life, and thanked God, with tears, that it had been vouchsafed him before he died to see such pious men. After episcopal consecration Michael returned; careful inquiry was made as to the antecedents of one of the three elect, named Matthias, and he was duly consecrated as bishop by Michael, who thereupon laid down both his Waldensian episcopate and Catholic priesthood, and was again ordained anew by Matthias.[607]

Thus all connection with Rome was sundered, and intimate relations were established with the Waldenses. Mutual sympathy and the identity of their faith drew the two sects together, although the austere virtue of the Brethren reproached the older heretics with concealing their faith by attending Catholic mass, with accumulating wealth, and with neglecting the poor. The Waldenses took the reproof kindly, promised amendment, and in a short time the two sects united and formed one body. Although the official name remained the "Unity of the Brethren," gradually the despised term of Waldenses came to be recognized, and was freely used by the body to designate themselves, in their confessions of faith and apologetic tracts. I have already alluded to the mission which was sent in 1498 to the Brethren of Italy and France, and to the increased spirit of vigor and independence which the old Alpine communities drew from the resolute steadfastness of their new associates.[608]

Gregory had moulded the Church of the Brethren on the strictest basis. Members on entering were not, it is true, obliged to contribute their property to the common fund, but this was frequently done. The closest watch was kept on the conduct of each, and any dereliction was visited with expulsion, not to be revoked without evidence of change of heart. No one was allowed to take an oath, even in court, to hold an office, to keep an inn, to follow any trade except in the necessaries of life. Any noble desiring to join was required to lay aside his rank and resign whatever offices he might hold. In 1479 two barons and several knights applied for admission, when the rules were strictly enforced, and some submitted while others withdrew. This rigor at last caused violent dissensions, and in 1490 the Synod of Brandeis relaxed the rules. The puritan party recalcitrated and were strong enough to cause a revocation of this action in a subsequent synod. Much ill-feeling was generated, until, in 1495, at the Synod of Reichenau, there was mutual forgiveness and a moderation of the rules. Yet two of the puritan leaders, Jacob of Wodnan and Amos of Stekna, refused to accept the compromise, and founded the sect known as Amosites, or the Little Party, which maintained a separate existence for forty-six years.[609]

During this period the Brethren had been subjected to repeated and severe persecution. Sometimes driven for refuge to the mountain and forest, whence they earned the name of Jamnici, or cave-dwellers, they counted their roll of martyrs who had testified in the dungeon or at the stake to the strength of their convictions. Yet the little band steadily grew. In the year 1500 it was deemed necessary to increase the number of bishops to four. In Bohemia and Moravia they counted between three hundred and four hundred churches with nearly two hundred thousand members. There were few villages and scarce any towns in which they were not to be found, and they had powerful protectors among the nobility, who, by the enslavement of the peasants in 1487, had become practically independent and able to shelter them during periods of persecution. The Brethren were active in education and in the use of the press. Every parish had its school, and there were higher institutions of learning, especially at Jungbunzlau and Litomysl. Of the six Bohemian printing-offices they possessed three, while the Catholics had but one and the Calixtins two. Of the sixty books issued in Bohemia between 1500 and 1510, fifty were printed by the Brethren.[610]

From this period until the death of Ladislas, in 1516, they were subjected to intermittent but severe persecution, especially in Bohemia. Ladislas, in his will, left instructions for their extermination "for the sake of his soul's salvation and of the true faith;" but the minority of his son Louis, only ten years old, the breaking-out of disturbances, and the feuds between Catholic and Calixtin brought them peace. The exiled pastors returned, the churches were reopened, and public service was resumed. With the rise of Lutheranism and the negotiations between the Bohemians and the German Protestants their history passes beyond our present horizon, except to allude to the fidelity with which they endured the shocks of the counter-Reformation, and succeeded in transmitting to our own time the lessons which they had learned from Peter Waldo and John Wickliff. They brought across the Atlantic the union of fearless zeal with the gentler Christian virtues, and in the annals of Pennsylvania the name of Moravian came to represent all that serves as the firmest and surest foundation of social organization. Parkman has well indicated the contrast between the civilizing influence of the kindly Moravian missionaries and the manner in which their Jesuit rivals were content to substitute the cross as a fetich in place of the medicine-bag. The same well-directed enthusiasm endures to the present day. Small as is the Moravian Church, it maintained in 1885 no less than three hundred and nineteen missionaries scattered among the remote places of the earth, with over eighty-one thousand native converts as church members; and the more rugged and inhospitable the fields of labor the more earnest the zeal of the good Brethren. But for them the savage coasts of Greenland would be almost destitute of Christian teaching, and in their truly apostolic work we may recognize that the blood of the martyrs of Constance was not shed in vain.[611]

APPENDIX.

I.

EXCOMMUNICATION OF THE MAGISTRATES OF TOULOUSE, JULY 24, 1237. (Doat, XXI. fol. 146.)

Manifestum eit omnibus tam presentibus quam futuris quod nos frater Stephanus de ordine fratrum Minorum et frater Guilhelmus A. de ordine fratrum Predicatorum inquisitores instituti ad faciendam inquisitionem contra hereticos, fautores, receptatores et deffensores hereticorum Tholose et in tota diocesi Tholosana; cum per diligentem inquisitionem a nobis factam constiterit nobis R. Centulli et Sicardum de Tholosa et R. Rogerii et Alamannum de Roaxio et R. Embruni et Ondradam uxorem Arnaldi Petrarii infectos esse heretica pravitate, per sententiam diffinitivam eos esse hereticos condemnaverimus. Petrum de Tholosa vicarium Tholose et capitularios Tholose diligenter et legitime tam per nos quam per alios admonuimus ut dictos hereticos caperent et de dictis hereticis facerent quod est de hereticis faciendum; cumi gitur vicarius et capitularii, neglectis et contemptis omnibus supradictis admonitionibus a nobisfactis, non solum non ceperunt eos nec de terra eos fugaverunt, vel eorum bona occupaverunt ut tenentur, sed etiam in periculum animarum suarum et in prejudicium fidei, pacis et ecclesie R. Rogerii et Alamannum de Roaxio predictos hereticos condemnatos tolerant et sustinent in stratis publicis circa Tholosam et aliis locis eotum jurisdictioni subditis, capere viros religiosos et clericos ac eorum bonis propriis spoliare et ad redemptionem compellere, et vulnerare et injuriis eos afficere, necnon et viros Catholicos cum clericis commorantes occidere mutilare et alia mala ceclesiis et ecclesiasticis viris inferre, maxime cum nos dicti inquisitores publice excommunicaverimus omnem hominem tam virum quam mulierem tanquam fautorem et deffensorem hereticorum qui eis consilium vel auxilium aliquod eis occulte vel manifeste prestaret, et vicarius et capitularii supradicti contra prohibitionem nostram temere supradictos hereticos in supradictis malitiis fovent nequiter et sustentant; et cum insuper ipsi sacramento et constitutionibus ecclesie teneantur hereticos ubique capere et totam terram eorum jurisdictioni subjectam a pravitate heretica extirpare, non attendentes quod scriptura dicit, non est grandis differentia utrum letum admittas vel differas quoniam mortem languentibus probatur infligere qui hanc, cum possit, non excludit et alibi dicatur canone, quod error cui non resistitur probatur, et negligere cum possit arguere perversos nihil aliud est quam fovere, nec caret scrupulo societatis occulte qui manifesto facinori distulit obviare, maxime cum vicarius et capitularii supradicti alia vice tanquam fautores et deffensores hereticorum fuerint excommunicati, predictos vicarium et capitularios, habito diligenti consilio et tractatu, assidentibus nobis venerabili patre R. Dei gratia episcopo Tholosano et B. abbate Mansi sub Verduno, et P. preposito Sancti Stephani, et P. priore ecclesie beate Marie desurate, tanquam fautores et sustentatores hereticorum auctoritate qua fungimur excommunicationis vinculo innodamus.

Lata fuit hec sententia publice in ecclesia sancti Stephani Tholose, coram multis viris religiosis et capellanis parochialium ecclesiarum Tholose et aliis viris ecclesiasticis, IX Kal. Augusti anno Domini MCCXXXVII.

II.

ARGUMENT OF BERNARD DÉLICIEUX BEFORE PHILIPPE LE BEL, TOULOUSE, 1304.

(Bib. Nat. MSS., fonds latin. No. 4270, fol. 138.)

Dixit etiam se dixisse tunc ipse frater Bernardus quod Deus fecerat magnam gratiam patriæ in adventu ipsius domini regis, eo quod dictus frater Guilhelmus Petri, ordinis prædicatorum, tunc prior provincialis, præsentibus inquisitoribus Tolosæ et Carcassonæ et multis aliis fratribus ejusdem ordinis, dixit et confessus est loquens in personam inquisitorum prædictorum, in præsentia ipsius regis et plurium quam quingentarum personarum in aula superiori ipsius domini regis existentium, quod in tota lingua occitana non erant hæretici nisi tantummodo in burgo Carcassonæ, Albiæ vel Corduæ, vel in circuitu per unam leucam vel duas, et quod illi non erant quadraginta, et si erant quadraginta non erant quinquaginta, et quod hoc dictus frater Guilhelmus dixit bis in præsentia prædictorum; et ideo intulit tunc ipse frater Bernardus, ut dixit, quod patria quæ hactenus fuerat diffamata testimonio ipsorum inquisitorum ab infamia prædicta in adventu ipsius domini regis fuerat relevata, et sperabat frater Bernardus, ut dixit tunc se dixisse, quod ex quo tunc secundum verba eorum tota patria erat sana, excepta sex leucis et quinquaginta personis, quod leucæ illæ et personæ ac tres villæ prædictæ adhuc invenientur immunes a labe hæresis prædicta. Dixit etiam tunc se dixisse, quod si hodie viverent beati Petrus et Paulus, et contra eos impingeretur quod hæreticos adorassent, si procederetur contra eos super hujusmodi adoratione, sicut per aliquos inquisitores istarum partium aliquando contra multos fuit processum nee pateret eis via deffensionis. Si enim de fide interrogarentur, responderent sicut magistri et doctores, ubi autem diceretur eis quod hæreticos adorassent, et quærerent quos hæreticos, et dicerentur eis sola nomina dictorum hæreticorum (quæ quidem nomina et cognomina multis conveniunt) et ipsi beati Petrus et Paulus dicerent "Istos nunquam novimus. Dicatis nobis ubi sunt vel unde venerunt et quo iverunt, cujus linguæ, staturæ aut conditionis erant" et nihil eis diceretur per quod notitia dictorum hæereticorum, qui dicuntur adorati haberi posset: si etiam quærerent quo tempore facta fuerit hæc adoratio, et non diceretur dies, mensis nec annus: si etiam quærerent nomina testium et non darentur eis, non est qui possit exprimere, ut dixit tunc se dixisse ipse frater Bernardus quod hi apostoli qui tam sancti sunt, a tali macula coram hominibus se possent deffendere, maxime cum si quis vellet eos deffendere statim impingeretur quod erat fautor hæreticorum, sicut ipse frater Bernardus in se ipso et dicto vicedomino probavit.

III.

SUPPLICATION OF THE CHURCH OF ALBI TO THE COLLEGE OF CARDINALS (1304-5).

(Archives de l'Hôtel-de-ville d'Albi.--Doat, XXXIV. fol. 42.)

Illustrissimæ Dominationis Patribus venerabilibus Dominis Cardinalibus sacrosanctæ Romanæ ecclesiæ sacroque coetui eorumdem. Capitulum et Canonici ecclesiæ Albiensis et Capitulum et Canonici ecclesiæ Sti. Salvii de Albia, Abbasque et monachi monasterii de Galliaco Albiensis diocesis, et alii religiosi quorum sigilla inferius sunt appensa, suarum sublimitatum imperiis subjectionem debitam et devotam. Juste pater supplicatur a filiis dum cernunt fluctus tumescere et undis insiliantibus ventis et flantibus ex adverso naufragium imminere formidant, præsertim dum necessarium exigente qualitate causaram salus non pateat aut auxilium aliunde. Verum nostra patria quantis sit exposita præcipitiis et ruinis propter quæstiones et dissensiones quibus ad invicem se collidunt patria et inquisitores hæreticæ pravitatis novit ille qui nihil ignorat, et adeo excrevit turbatio ut idem populus ad iracundian concitatus non videatur aliud anhelare nisi ut discriminibus se committens deducat in ore gladii, nedum quos sibi putat adversarios sed et alios, ac ad talia se convertat quæ non poterunt aliquatenus reparari. Vestræ igitur Paternitatis pedibus provoluti humiliter supplicanus ut circa præmissa sic salutifere et celeriter succurratis quod, præclusa via periculis et ruinis, patria restituatur paci debitæ et quieti. Constet enim vobis quod dictus populus et patria est catholica et fidelis, quantum nos humana fragilitas nosse sinit, et populus civitatis Albiæ et patriæ fidem catholicam corde credens ore profitetur eamdem ut sic perveniat ad salutem et bonis operibus astruit et confirmat.... Paternitatem vestram conservet altissimus ecclesiæ suæ sanctæ per tempora longiora. (Signed with seventeen seals.)

IV.

BULL OF CLEMENT V. IN FAVOR OF THE INQUISITION.

(Doat, XXXIV. fol. 112.)

Clemens episcopus servus servorum Dei ad perpetuam rei memoriam. Dudum venerabili fratri Petro episcopo Prenestino, tunc tituli Sancti Vitalis, et dilecto filio nostro Berengario titulo sanctorum Nerei et Achillei presbyteris cardinalibus, per nostros sub certa forma litteras duximus committendum ut ipsi circa negotium inquisitionis heretice pravitatis in partibus Carcassonensi, Albiensi et Cordue super certis articulis seu dependentibus ab eisdem diligenter inquireretur et nonnulla etiam ordinarent; qui auctoritate litterarum hujusmodi quadam cura dictum officium ordinasse noscuntur. Quia vero nostre intentionis non extitit nec existit ut occasione dicte commissionis seu alicujus mandati nostri super hiis Cardinalibus ipsis facti, Inquisitoribus pravitatia predicte inquirendi vel conjunctim vel divisim cum episcopo seu episcopis ordinariis, aut sine ipsis, prout eis licet secundum canonicas sanctiones facultas aliquatenus restringatur; Nos ordinationem per quam dicti Cardinales facultatem inquirendi per se divisim inquisitoribus ipsis restrinxisse dicuntur utpote intentioni nostre et juri contrariam, juribus carere decernimus et nullatenus observandam, ordinatione ipsorum Cardinalium circa ceteros alios articulos in omnibus et per omnia in suo robore duratura. Nulli ergo omnino hominum liceat hanc paginam nostre constitutionis infringere, vel ei ausu temerario contraire. Si quis autem hec attemptare presumpserit, indignationem omnipot. Dei et beatorum Petri et Pauli apostolorum ejus se noverit incursurum. Datum Pictavis, secundo Idus Augusti, Pontificatus nostri anno tertio. (12 Aug. 1308.)

V.

BRIEF OF CLEMENT V. CONCERNING THE PRISONERS OF ALBI.[612]

(Doat, XXXIV. fol. 89.)

Venerabili fratri Geraldo episcopo Albiensi et dilectis filiis inquisitoribus heretice pravitatis in partibus Albiensibus. Dudum venerabili fratri nostro Bertrando tunc episcopo Albiensi et inquisitoribus dictis nostros direximus litteras in hec verba:

Clemens episcopus, servus servorum Dei venerabili fratri Bertrando episcopo Albiensi et dilectis filiis inquisitoribus heretice pravitatis in partibus Albie, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Significarunt nobis Isarnus Colli, P. Fransa, Jo. de Porta, Joannes Pays, Petrus de Raissaco, B. Casas, G. Salavert, G. de Landas, Isarnus de Cardalhaco, G. Borrelli, cives Albienses, quod ipsi olim de mandato venerabilis fratris B. Aniciensis, tunc Albiensis, episcopi et inquisitoris seu inquisitorum qui erant tunc in partibus illis, occasione criminis hereseos, fuerint carceri mancipati, et jam per octo annos et amplius, tam Albie quam Carcassone, diu carceris angustias sustulerunt, sicut adhuc sustinent, quamvis nulla super hoc facta fuerit condempnatio de eisdem; cum autem ex parte dictorum civium pluries fuerimus cum instantia requisiti, ut ad condempnationem vel absolutionem eorumdem, prout jus exigit faceremus procedi: Nos volentes quod circa illos vestri officii debitum exequamini, sicut decet, discretioni vestre per Apostolica scripta mandamus, quatenus apud Albiam tu frater episcope per te vel per alium seu alios idoneos, vos vero inquisitor vel inquisitores prefati, personaliter predictos cives ubicumque detineantur, adduci ad vestram, presentiam sub fida custodia facientes, in eodem negotio quibuscumque processibus factis seu inchoatis per venerabiles fratres Leonardum Albanensem, nunc Prenestinum tunc tituli S. Vitalis et Berengarium Tusculanum episcopum, tunc tituli sanctorum Nerei et Achillei, et dilectos filios nostros Johannem tituli sanctorum Marcellini et Petri presbyteros ac Richardum sancti Eustachii diaconum Cardinales, seu per dilectum filium Arnaldum abbatem Fontisfrigidi Cisterciensis ordinis, Narbonensis diocesis, nunc Sancte Romane Ecclesie Vicecancellarium seu alios quoscumque, commissionum vigore per nos vel per felicis recordationis Benedictum papam undecimum predecessorem nostrum super facto heresis dictos cives tangente factarum, ab subrogatione prefati abbatis et predicti Albiensis episcopi facta, nequaquam obstantibus, in eodem negotio solum Deum habentes pre oculis, ad inquirendum contra illos contra quos inquisitum non est, et contra illos etiam contra quos inquisitum extitit, sed non plene, diligenter ac plenarie secundum formam que consuevit in talibus observari, contra illos vero contra quos plenarie inquisitum est, et contra predictos alios cum plene fuerit inquisitum, ad sententiam ratione previa procedatis, et alias contra illos vestri officii debitum exequamini, prout fuerit rationis, communicato tamen processu prius et inquisitione predictis prefatis Prenestino et Tusculano episcopis, eorum consiliis inherentes; per hoc tamen quoad alios ordinationi facte dudum de mandato nostro, tam Carcassone quam Albie per dictos Prenest. et Tuscul. episcopos tunc, ut predicitur, presbyteros Cardin. ex commissione seu commissionibus tam per nos quam per predecessorem nostrum factis predictis quibuscumque aliis Cardinalibus, et processibus habitis per eosdem super facto hominum illorum de Albia et de diocesi Albiensi, contra quos per dictum Bernardum Aniciensem tunc Albiensem episcopum, et inquisitorem seu inquisitores predictos, condempnationis sententia lata fuit, nullatenus volumus prejudicium generari. Datum Avenione, sexto Idus Februarii pontificatus nostro anno V. (8 Feb. 1310).

Verum sicut accepimus presentatis prefato episcopo et inquisitoribus litteris supradictis, et quibusdam dicentibus quod dicte littere fuerant a nobis subrepticie impetrate, pro eo videlicet quod aliqui ex dictis civibus ante tempus date litterarum ipsarum decesserant, reliqui vero ipso tempore in carcere permanebant, et sic predicta non potuerunt intimasse, et in prefato negotio huc usque procedere neglexerant. Nos itaque nolentes quod propter hoc justitia retardetur, discretioni vestre per apostolica mandamus, quatenus premissis non obstantibus, nec obstante etiam quod aliqui de predictis querelantibus non sint cives Albie, licet sint de diocesi Albie, nec si aliquem de predictis mori contingat, vel ante decessisset quam inquirere inchoaveritis vel inchoavissetis, vel post eorumdem mortem, in aliquo non obstante, tam de mortuis quam de vivis inquirere, et in eodem negotio procedere minime postponatis, juxta predictarum nostrarum tenorem litterarum. Quod si forsan vos filii inquisitores, his nolueritis, aut non potueritis, aut non curaveritis interesse, tu frater episcope, solus per te vel per alium seu alios in negotio eodem procedas, juxta litterarum continentiam earumdem.

VI.

WITHDRAWAL OF SECURITY FROM CITIZENS OF ALBI.

(Archives de l'Inquisition de Carcassonne.--Doat, XXXII. fol. 138.)

Joannes episcopus servus servorum Dei dilectis filiis inquisitoribus hæreticæ pravitatis in partibus Carcassonæ constitutis salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Ut commissum vobis negotium Catholicæ fidei autore Domino prosperetur in vestris manibus libenter apostolicæ sollicitudinis partes apponimus et quæque obstantia submovemus. Olim quidem felicis recordationis Clementi papæ quinto prædecessori nostro pro parte quorumdam hominum de partibus Carcassonæ suggesto quod inquisitores pravitatis hæreticæ illarum partium qui tunc erant et pro tempore fuerant multa illis gravamina et injurias irrogarunt, iniquos contra eos et alios illarum partium processus contra justitiam facientes, idem prædecessor hujusmodi suggestionibus aurem accommodans, bonæ memoriæ Petro episcopo Prænestinensi tunc tituli Sancti Vitalis et venerabili fratri nostro Berengario episcopo Tusculanensi, tunc tituli SS. Nerei et Achillei presbiteris cardinalibus qui partium illarum notitiam habebant et per partes illas transitum facere tunc habebant, suis dedit litteris in mandatis ut de præmissis suggestionibus et aliis incidentibus se plenius informarent, et nihilominus interim personis prosequentibus negotium memoratum de securitate idonea, pendente dicto negotio, auctoritate apostolica providerent nec permitterent eos per eosdem inquisitores aliquatenus molestari; præfati quoque cardinales hujusmodi commissionis prætextu Aymerico de Castro burgensi Carcassonæ et quibusdam aliis tunc negotium prosequentibus supradictum securitatem hujusmodi, pendente dicto negotio, apostolica auctoritate præstantes, illos sub sua protectione et sedis apostolica receperunt; quam receptionem idem prædecessor noster ratam habens et gratam mandavit illam inviolabiliter observari, eisdem inquisitoribus districtius inhibendo ne contra præfatum Aymericum et alios officii eorum prætextu procederent quoquomodo, donec præfatum negotium esset per sedem apostolicam terminatum et a sede ipsa aliud reciperent in mandatis. Quia vero præfati Aymericus et alii circa proposita et objecta per eos ulterius coram prædecessore præfato ac etiam coram nobis negotium ipsum prosequi neglexerunt et quasi negligunt, præfata protectione securi, nos nolentes sicut etiam non debemus propterea vestrum officium impediri, securitatem ipsam penitus revocantes discretioni vestræ per apostolica scripta mandamus quatinus contra eumdem Aymericum et alios in decreta vobis provincia, Deum et justitiam habendo præ oculis, procedentes, non obstantibus securitate prædicta et aliis securitatibus, protectionibus, confirmationibus, ordinationibus, et inhibitionibus quibuscumque dicti prædecessoris aut aliorum quorumlibet, juxta formam vobis traditam ac canonicas sanctiones et de peritorum consilio officii vestri debitum curetis exequi diligenter. Datum Avenione, tertio Kalendas Aprilis, pontificatus nostri anno secundo (30 Mart. 1318).

VII.

Exequatur of on Inquisitor for Champagne.

(Archives de l'Inquisition de Carcassonne.--Doat, XXXII. fol. 127.)

Philippus regis Franciæ primogenitus Dei gratia rex Navarræ, Campaniæ et Briæ comes palatinus dilectis et fidelibus suis universis baillivis, castellanis, vasallis, præpositis, communitatibus villarum et earum rectoribus, cæterisque communia officia gerentibus in nostris comitatibus Campaniæ et Briæ, ad quos præsentes litteræ pervenerint salutem et dilectionem. Tenore præsentium bovis districte præcipitiendo mandamus, quatenus dilecto fratri Guillelmo Altissiodorensi ordinis fratrum prædicatorum præsentium exhibitori domini Papæ inquisitori hæreticorum ac perfidorum Judæorum in regno Franciæ sine mora et qualibet difficultate plenarie obediatis, sicut vobis in citando, capiendo, detinendo, ad eos mittendo seu etiam ducendo et puniendo tam Christianos quam Judæos, quos idem frater inquisitor invenerit culpabiles contra statuta ecclesiæ et fidem Domini nostri Jesu Christi, ipsum nihilominus familiam et res ipsius custodientes et defendientes sicut nos et familiam et res nostras. In cujus rei testimonium præsentibus litteris nostrum fecimus apponi sigillum. Actum et datum Parisius, die Dominica in crastino Sancti Matthiæ apostoli, anno Domini MCC. octuagesimo quarto, mense Februarii (25 Feb. 1285).

VIII.

Sentence of Marguerite la Porete.

(Archives nationales de France.--J. 428, No. 15.)

In Christi nomine amen. Anno ejusdem MCCC decimo, indictione octava, die dominica post Ascensionem Domini (31 Maii), pontificatus beatissimi patris domini C. divina providentia Pape quinti anno quinto, in Gravia Parisius, facta ibidem congregatione sollempni, assistentibus mihi reverendo in Christo patre domino Parisiensi episcopo, magistris Johanne de Frogerio officiali Parisiensi, C. de Chenat, Johanne de Domnomartino, Xaverio de Charmoia, Stephano de Bercondicuria, fratribus Martino de Abbatisvilla bachalario in theologia, Nicolao de Avessiaco ordinis predicatorum, Johanne Marchandi preposito Parisiensi, G. de Choques et pluribus aliis ad hoc specialiter evocatis, presentibus etiam pluribus processionibus ville Parisius et populi multitudine copiosa, et me notario publico infrascripto, religiosus vir et honestus frater G. de Parisius, ordinis predicatorum, inquisitor heretice pravitatis in regno Francie auctoritate apostolica deputatus in scriptis tulit sententias infrascriptas sub hac forma:

In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritua Sancti amen. Quia nobis fratri Guillelmo de Parisius ordinis predicatorum inquisitori heretice pravitatis in regno Francie auctoritate apostolica deputato, constat et constitit evidentibus argumentis te, Margaritam de Hannonia dictam Perete, super labe heretice pravitatis vehementer esse suspectam, propter quod citari te fecimus ut compareas in judicio coram nobis, in quo existens personaliter a nobis ortata pluries canonice et legitime ut coram nobis juramentum prestares de plena pura et integra veritate dicenda de te et aliis super hiis que ad nobis commissum inquisitionis officium pertinere noscuntur, que facere contempsisti, licet a nobis fueris pluries super hoc et locis pluribus requisita, in hiis fuisti semper contumax et rebellis, pro quibus contumaciis et rebellionibus evidentibus et notoriis hoc exigentibus de multorum peritorum consilio, in te sic rebellem et contumacem sententiam majoris excommunicationis tulimus et in scriptis, quam, licet te notificata fuisset, post notificationem predictam fere per annum et dimidium in tue salutis dispendium sustinuisti animo pertinaci, licet tibi pluries obtulerimus nos tibi absolutionis beneficium impensuros secundum formam ecclesie si hoc humiliter postulares, quod usque nunc petere contempsisti nec jurare nec respondere nobis super premissis hactenus voluisti, propter que secundum sanctiones canonicas pro convicta et confessa, et pro lapsa in heresim seu pro heretica te habemus et habere debemus: Porro dum tu Margarita in istis rebellionibus obstinata maneres, ducti conscientia volentes officii nobis commissi debitum exercere inquisitionem contra te et processum fecimus super predictis, prout exegit ordo vite, ex quibus inquisitione et processu nobis constitit evidenter quondam composuisse te librum pestiferum continentem heresim et errores, ob quam causam fuit dictus liber per bone memorie Guidonem olim Cameracensem episcopum[613] condemnatus et de mandato ipsius in Valencenis in tua combustus presentia publice et patenter; a quo episcopo tibi fuit sub pena excommunicationis expresse inhibitum ne de cetero talem librum componeres vel haberes aut eo vel simili utereris, addens et expresse ponens dominus episcopus in quadem littera suo sigillata sigillo, quod si de cetero libro utereris predicto vel si ca que continebantur in eo verbo vel scripto de cetero attemptares, te condempnabat tanquam hereticam et relinquebat justiciandam justicie seculari. Post vero dicta omnia dictum librum contra dictam prohibitionem pluries habuisti et pluries usa es, sicut et ejus patet recognitionibus factis nedum coram inquisitore Lotharingie et coram reverendo patre et domino, domino Johanne tunc Cameracensi episcopo, nunc archiepiscopo Senonensi,[614] dictum eumdem librum, preter condempnationem et combustionem predictas, sicut bonum et licitum communicasti reverendo patri domino Johanni Cathalonensi episcopo et quibusdam personis aliis, prout ex fidedignorum juratorum et super hiis coram nobis evidentibus testimoniis nobis liquet. Nos igiter super premissis omnibus deliberatione prehabita diligenti communicatoque multorum peritorum in utroque jure consilio, Deum et sancta evangelia pre oculis habentes, de reverendi patris et domini Domini G. Dei gratia Parisiensis episcopi consilio et assensu, te Margaritam non solum sicut lapsum in heresim sed sicut relapsam finaliter condempnamus, et te relinquimus justicie seculari, rogantes eam ut citra mortem et membrorum mutilationem, tecum agat misericorditer quantum permictunt canonice sanctiones; dictum etiam librum tanquam hereticum et erroneum upote errores et heresim continentem, judicio magistrorum in theologia Parisius existentium et de eorumdem consilio finaliter condempnamus ac demum excommunicari volumus et comburi; universis et singulis habentibus dictum librum precipientes districte et sub pena excommunicationis quod infra instans festum Apostolorum Petri et Pauli nobis vel priori fratrum predicatorum Parisius, nostro commissario, sine fraude reddere teneantur. Actum Parisius in Gravia, presente predicto patre reverendo Parisiensi episcopo, clero et populo dicte civitatis ibidem sollempniter congregate, Dominica infra Ascensionem Domini, anno Domini MCCC decimo.

CONSULTATION OF CANON LAWYERS ON THE CASE OF MARGUERITE LA PORETE, HELD MAY 30, 1310.

Universis presentes litteras inspecturis, Guillelmus dictus Frater archidiaconus Laudonie in ecclesia Sancti Andree in Scocia, Hugo de Bisuncio canonicus Parisiensis, Johannes de Tollenz canonicus Sancti Quintini in Veromandua, Henricus de Bitunia canonicus Furnensis et Petrus de Vallibus curatua Sancti Germani Altissiodorensis de Parisius, et etiam regentes Parisius in decretis, salutem in actore salutis. Noveritis virum venerabilem devotum et discretum fratrem Guillelmum de Parisius ordinis predicatorum inquisitorem heretice pravitatis in regno Francie auctoritate sedis apostolice deputatum, inque processum qui sequitur nobis intimasse, consultationemque nobis fecisse inferius annotatam. Processus equidem talis est: Tempore quo Margarita dicta Porete suspecta de heresi fuit in rebellione et in inobedientia, nolens respondere nec jurare coram inquisitore de hiis que ad inquisitionis sibi commisse officium pertinent, ipse inquisitor contra eam nihilominus inquisivit et etiam depositione plurium testium invenit quod dicta Margarita librum quemdam composuerat continentem hereses et errores qui de mandato reverendi patris domini Guidonis condam Cameracensis episcopi publice et sollempniter tanquam talis fuit condempnatus et combustus et per litteram dicti episcopi fuit ordinatum quod si talia sicut ea que continebantur in libro de cetero attemptaret verbo vel scripto earn condempnabat et relinquebat justiciandam justicie seculari. Invenit etiam idem inquisitor quod ipsa recognovit in judicio semel coram inquisitore Lotharingie et semel coram reverendo patre Domino Philippe tunc Cameracensi episcopo, se post condempnationem predictam librum dictum habuisse et alios: invenit etiam idem inquisitor quod dicta Margarita dictum librum in suo consimili eosdem continentem errores post ipsius libri condempnationem reverendo patri Domino Jo. Dei gratia Catbalaunensi episcopo communicavit ac nedum dicto domino sed et pluribus aliis personis simplicibus, begardis et aliis tanquam bonum. Consultatio autem ex predictis resultans per prefatum inquisitorem ut pertactum est nobis facta talis est: Videlicet, utrum in talibus dicta beguina debeat relapsa judicari? Nos autem fidei catholice zelatores, veritatisque canonice professores qualescumque consultationi predicte respondentes, dicimus quod ipsa beguina. supposita veritate facti precedentis, judicanda est relapsa et merito relinquenda est curie seculari. In cujus rei testimonium sigilla nostra presentibus apposuimus. Datum anno Domini MCCC decimo sabbato post festum beati Joannis ante portam latinam.[615]

IX.

EXEQUATUR OF AN INQUISITOR ISSUED BY PHILLIPE LE BON OF BURGUNDY.

(MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds Moreau, 444 fol. 10.)

Philippus universis et singulis seneschallis, baillivis, scultetis, officiariis et justiciariis nostris præsentibus et futuris, et locatenentibus eorumdem per ducatus et diatrictus nostras infra dyoceses Cameracensis et Leodiensis constitutos, ad quos præsentes nostræ litteræ pervenerint salutem et omne bonum. Cum religiosus dilectusque noster frater (Henricus) Kaleyser sacræ theologiæ professor ordinis fratrum prædicatorum inquisitor bæreticæ pravitatis per provincialem provinciæ Theotoniæ in prædictis Cameracensi et Leodiensi dyocesibus auctoritate apostolica specialiter deputatus pro Dei servitio et cultu seu exaltatione sanctæ fidei orthodoxæ utque ipsum hæresis crimen a dictis partibus quibus presidemus si forsan alicubi vigeat seu inoleat valeat extirpare ad loca seu partes nostræ jurisdictioni subjectas et vobis commissas declinare quisquam habeat seu etiam proficisci, nosque velut princeps catholicus qui de manu altissimi multa bona variosque honores recognoscimus recipisse in prædictis et aliis qui divinum continuo obsequium complacere ut convenit plurimum cupiantes intendimus ymo et volumus favorabilem dare locum, ipsumque inquisitorem tanquam Dei specialem ministrum nostris prosequi gratiis et favoribus optamus ideo vobis et cuilibet vestum qui super hoc fueritis requisiti seu fuerit requisitus, districte præcipiendo mandamus sub obtentu gratiæ nostra quatenus dictum fratrem Henricum inquisitorem quotiescumque ad exercendum dictum officium ad dicta loca seu partes vobis commissas contigerit se transferre et supra prædictis sæculare brachium invocando vestrum auxilium postulare, eumdem inquisitorem favorabiliter admittatis, et eidem in et supra prædictis sæculare brachium invocando vestrum auxilium impendatis, capiendo seu capi faciendo quoscumque ipse inquisitor debita informatione seu inquisitione prævia et juris ordine alias desuper observato de memorato facinore suspectos vel diffamatos noverit et hæreticos quosque vobis duxerit nominandos, et captos etiam detinendo, et infra jurisdictionem vestram ad locum de quo dictus inquisitor vobis dixerit deducendo, necnon poena debita plectendo eosdem sicut ipse decreverit et est fieri consuetum, si videlicet quando et quotiens ac prout ipse inquisitor vos duxerit requirendos. Ut autem inquisitor præfatus suum inquisitionis officium securius et liberius exercere valeat, nostro suffultus presidio et favore, inquisitorem eumdem ipsiusque socium ac ejus notarium et familiam, res et bona eorum, sub nostris protectione, defensione et salvagardia speciali atque securo conductu recepimus et recipimus per præsentes, mandantes vobis omnibus et singulis supradictis ut vestrum cuilibet quatenus nostras protectionem, defensionem et salvagardiam securumque conductum hujusmodi dicto inquisitori ejusque socio ac notario, familiæ, bonis et rebus eorum inviolabiliter observando, nullam injuriam nullumque dispendium, gravamen aut dampnum aliquod ipsis inferre in personis ac bonis a quocumque permittatis, quinnymo provideatis eisdem de securo transitu et salvo conductu si et prout per dictum inquisitorem inde fueritis requisiti. Datum in oppido nostro Bruxellensi mensis novembria die nona, anno Domini MCCCC tricesimo primo.

X.

WALDENSIANISM IN THE SENTENCES OF PIERRE CELLA.

(Doat, XXI.)

I select a few of the sentences of Pierre Cella in 1241-2, illustrating the development of Waldensianism at that period, and the relations between it and Catharism. The sects were perfectly distinct, but frequently the people, in their antagonism to the established Church, looked favorably on both, and considered them equally as "_boni homines_." It will be borne in mind that, in the language of the Inquisition, "heretic" always means Catharan. The following cases are all from Gourdon and Montauban.

Galterus Archambaut vidit hereticos pluries in diversis locis, audivit predicationes eorum, et comedit cum eis sepe, et adoravit eos sepe, et pacis osculum more hereticorum pluries recepit et interfuit hereticationibus duabus, et adduxit Valdenses ad hereticos in domum suam, ubi disputaverunt, et conduxit hereticos, et fuit depositarius eorum, multociens adoravit eos et comedit cum eis, et dedit eis de bonis suis, et audivit predicationes eorum tociens quod non recordatur, et credebat quod essent boni homines et quod esset salus cum eis, et si moreretur vellet mori in manibus eorum.--Stabit Constantinopoli per quinque annos, de cruce et via sicut alii, et tenebit pauperem quamdiu vixerit (fol. 196-7).

B. Bonaldi vidit P. de Vallibus Valdensem, et audivit predicationem ejus, et credidit aliquando quod non debet homo jurare, et in domo sua propria recepit Joset de Noguer hereticum, et disputavit cum eo, et ipse commendavit sectam Valdensem.--Idem quod proxima, excepta cruce (id est, Ibit ad Podium, Sanctum Egidium, Sanctum Jacobum, Sanctum Salvatorem de Asturia, Sanctum Marcialem, Sanctum Leonardum, Sanctum Dyonisium, Sanctum Thomam Cantuariensem) (fol. 201).

Petrus de Verniolo habuit hereticos et Valdenses in fortia sua, et locutus est alteri eorum, consuluit Valdenses de infirmitate sua.--Ibit ad Podium, Sanctum Egidium et Sanctum Jacobum (fol. 202).

Pana tociens recepit Valdenses quod non recolit, et fuit hospes Valdensium, et misit eis tociens panem, vinum, et alia comestibilia quod non nescit numerum, et fuit in domo sua facta disputatio inter Valdenses et credentes hereticis, et diligebat P. de Vallibus tanquam angelum Dei:--Sicut proxima, excepto paupere et cruce (i.e. Ibit ad Podium, Sanctum Egidium, Sanctum Salvatorem de Asturia, Sanctum Marcialem, Sanctum Leonardum, Sanctum Dyonisium, Sanctum Thomam Cantuariensem) (fol. 203).

Petrona uxor Raimundi Joannis, adduxit P. de Vallibus Valdensem ad domum suam, et tenuit per octo dies, et dedit ad comedendum et bibendum, et audivit eum ibi, et tenuit per tres septimanas Geraldam Valdensem, et credebat quod esset bona mulier, et dedit ei de bonis suis, et vidit hereticos et audivit predicationem eorum, et misit eis panem, vinum, et nuces.--Sicut Huga, excepta cruce (i.e. Ibit ad Podium, ad Sanctum Egidium, Sanctum Jacobum et Sanctum Salvatorem de Asturia, Sanctum Marcialem Lemovicensem, Sanctum Leonardum, Sanctum Dyonisium et Sanctum Thomam Cantuariensem), et tenebit pauperem per annum (fol. 204).

G. de Pradels vidit hereticos, audivit predicationem eorum, dedit eis de bonia suis, et pluries vidit et in diversis locis hereticos, et credebat quod boni homines essent, pluries vidit Valdensem, et credidit quod bonus homo esset, et dedit ei ad comedendum semel, et audivit predicationem ejus.--Portabit crucem per biennium (fol. 208).

G. Ricart pluries vidit hereticos et in diversis locis et sepe audivit predicationem eorum, et interfuit appareilhamento, recepit osculum pacis ab eis, comedit cum eis, recepit pluries eos in domum suam, dedit eis ad comedendum, recepit ab eis forcipes, dedit eis unam capam, unam camisiam, unam tunicam, unam quartam frumenti, duxit Valdenses ad hereticos ad disputandum in die Pasche, associavit hereticos, fuit depositarius eorum, et multociens audivit predicationem hereticorum, credebat quod essent boni homines, et, si moreretur, vellet mori in manibus eorum, tociens adoravit eos quod non recordatur.--Stabit Constantinopoli per tres annos, de cruce et via sicut alii, et tenebit pauperem quamdiu vixerit (fol. 208).

P. de Gaulenas viciit Valdenses et hereticos et locutus est cum eis in quadam navi, et cum audisset hereses quas dicebant, recessit ab eis.--Ibit ad Sanctum Jacobum (fol. 230).

P. Baco vidit Valdenses multociens et dedit eis eleemosynas et audivit predicationem Valdensium, et diligebat eos, et credebat quod essent boni homines, et frequenter dabat eis de suo, et interfuit cene Valdensium, et comedit de pane benedicto, vino et piscibus hereticorum et accepit pacem ab eis; item dedit Valdensibus ad comedendum in domo sua; item interfuit disputationi hereticorum et Valdensium, et dedit eis duodecim denarios.--Idem quod proximus (i.e. Ibit ad Podium, Sanctum Egidium, Sanctum Jacobum et Sanctum Thomam) et amplius ad Sanctum Dyonisium (fol. 231).

P. R. Boca dixit quod vidit multociens Valdenses et in diversis locis, et etiam habuit eos in domo sua, et audivit ibi monitiones eorum; item credebat quod essent boni homines; item pluries venit ad hereticos et audivit predicationem eorum, et alibi vidit hereticos et accepit pacem ab ipsis hereticis; item tercio vidit hereticos et adoravit eos; item quarto vidit hereticos et audivit predicationem eorum et adoravit eos; item recepit in porticu suo hereticum, et duxit eum inde ad quemdam locum, et dedit cuidam heretico unam capam; item credidit a principio quod Valdenses erant boni homines, et idem credidit postea de hereticis.--Stabit Constantinopoli tribus annis, de cruce et via sicut alii (fol. 232).

P. Lanes senior dixit quod vidit Valdenses et dedit eis eleemosinam, et uxor sua dedit se Valdensibus in morte et fuit sepulta in cimiterio eorum, ipse tamen absens erat, ut dixit, et vidit alibi Valdenses.--Ibit ad Podium, Sanctum Egidium et Sanctum Jacobum (fol. 232).

Johannes Toset dixit quod multociens vidit hereticos et in diversis locis, et fuit presens quando quidam fecit se hereticum apud Rabastens, et tunc vidit multos hereticos ibi; item audivit predicationem hereticorum et adoravit eos bis; item dedit sorori sue heretice pluries denarios; item associavit hereticos; item associavit avunculum suum quando fecit se hereticum apud Villamur; item consuluit Valdensibus pro infirmitate sua, et credidit quod essent boni homines.--Stabit tribus annis Constantinopoli, de cruce et via sicut alii (fol. 232-33).

Ramon Carbonel vidit multos Valdeuses et in diversis locis, et induxit fratrem suum ut solveret solidos ducentos Valdensibus legatos eis; item, interfuit disputationi Valdensium et hereticorum; item, interfuit cene Valdensium et comedit de pane et piscibus benedictis ab eis, de vino bibit, et audivit predicationem eorum.--Ibit ad Podium, Sanctum Egidium, Sanctum Jacobum, Sanctum Dyonisium et Sanctum Thomam (fol. 234).

Jacobus Carbonel dixit quod frequenter venit ad scholas Valdensium et legebat cum eis; item interfuit disputationi hereticorum et Valdensium et comedit de pane et pisce benedictis ab eis, de vino bibit, et tunc erat duodecim annorum vel circa, et credidit quod Valdenses erant boni homines usque ad tempus quo ecclesia condemnavit eos.--Ibit ad Podium, Sanctum Egidium, Sanctum Jacobum et Sanctum Dyonisium (fol. 234).

Bartholomeus de Posaca dixit quod adduxit quemdam Valdensem ad uxorem suam infirmam, qui curam illius egit, et audivit predicationem Valdensium, et ex tunc dilexit eos, et venerunt pluries ad domum ejus, et faciebat eis eleemosinas dando eis panem et vinum et multociens et in diversis locis audivit predicationem eorum; item interfuit cene Valdensium et comedit ut supra; item pluries (accepit) pacem ab eis.--Ibit ad Podium, Sanctum Egidium, Sanctum Jacobum et Sanctum Thomam (fol. 236).

Guillelmus de Catus dixit quod cum frater suus et filia ejus infirmarentur adduxit Valdenses ad domum suam ut haberent curam eorum; item, audivit expositionem evangelii a quodam Valdensi; item aliquando iverunt Valdenses ad restringendum dolium suum et tunc dedit eis ad comedendum; item aliquando volebat eis facere eleemosinas sed nolebant accipere; item aliquando accepit pacem ab eis et audivit admonitiones eorum; item credidit quod essent boni homines, et ea quæ dicebant et faciebant placebant ei.--Ibit ad Podium, Sanctum Egidium, Sanctum Jacobum et Sanctum Dyonisium (fol. 236).

P. Austores audivit multociens predicationem Valdensium dum predicarent publice in viis; item quidam apportavit sibi de pane pisceque benedicto a Valdensibus et comedit; item credidit quod essent boni homines et quod homo posset salvari cum ipsis; item dixit quod postquam audivit quod ecclesia condamnaverat eos non dilexit eos.--Ibit ad Podium, Sanctum Egidium et Sanctum Jacobum (fol. 237-8).

Domina de Coutas vidit Valdenses publice predicantes, et dabat eis eleemosinas, et venit ad domum in qua manebant et audivit predicationem eorum, et multociens ivit ad eos pro quodam infirmo; item in die Parasceves venit bis ad Valdenses et audivit predicationem eorum, et confessa fuit Valdensi cuidam peccata sua, et accepit peniteutiam a Valdense; item credebat quod esseut boni homines; item vidit hereticos et comedit cum eis cerasa; et dicebatur quod esset reconciliata; item vidit alibi pluries hereticos; item comedit de pane signato a Valdensibus.--Idem quod proxima excepta cruce (i.e. Ibit ad Podium, Sanctum Egidium, Sanctum Jacobum, Sanctum Thomam) (fol. 241).

B. Remon vidit Valdenses, et audivit predicationem eorum et credebat quod essent boni homines; item, ivit ad hereticos volens tentare qui essent meliores, Valdenses vel heretici, et ibi audivit predicationem eorum; item alibi locutus est cum hereticis, et adoravit eos postquam fuerat confessus quedam de predictis fratri Guillelmo de Belvais; item adduxit sororem suam hereticatam a Tholosa usque ad Montemalbanum, et conduxit eam et alias hereticas usque ad quemdam mansum; item venit ad ipsas et portavit eis piscem et bibit cum eis; item rogavit quemdam quod reciperet illas hereticas in manso suo, quod et fecit, et promisit ei quinquaginta solidos; item, alia vice comedit cum hereticis; item fecit donum dictis hereticis et audivit predicationem eorum et comedit cum eis; item, apportavit hereticis fructus; item, fecit tunicam et capam sorori sue heretice; item, vidit hereticis et credebat quod essent boni homines et haberent bonam fidem, et comedit de pane signato ab eis; item, disputavit cum quodam de fide hereticorum et Valdensium, et approbavit fidem hereticorum.--Stabit Constantinopoli tribus annis, de cruce et via sicut alii (fol. 242).

G. Macips vidit Valdenses qui habuerunt curam ejus in infirmitate sua, et pluries venerunt ad domum ipsius et audivit admonitiones eorum, et dedit eis pluries eleemosinas, et credebat quod essent boni homines; item, posuit fidejussorem quemdam hereticum pro eo pro quindecim solidis; item, vidit hereticos et audivit admonitionem eorum; item, vidit hereticos et audivit predicationem eorum, et promisit cuidam heretico servitium suum.--Ibit ad Podium, Sanctum Egidium, Sanctum Jacobum, Sanctum Salvatorem, Sanctum Dyonisium et Sanctum Thomam (fol. 246).

Guillelmus Laurencii vidit hereticos predicantes, et interfuit disputationi hereticorum et Valdensium, et fecit sibi fieri emplastrum a Valdensibus.--Ibit ad Podium, Egidium et Sanctum Jacobum (fol. 250).

J. Austores vidit hereticos multociens et adoravit eos multociens, et audivit predicationem eorum multociens. et comedit de pane benedicto ab hereticis et de nucibus; item vidit hereticos alibi; item dixit quod multociens vidit et in diversis locis et temporibus, et quotiens videbat hereticos adorabat eos semel; item, vidit Valdenses et audivit predicationem eorum multociens, et dedit eis panem et vinum multociens, et credebat quod essent boni homines.--Stabit Constantinopoli tribus annis, de cruce et via sicut alii (fol. 256).

A. Capra dixit quod multociens duxit quemdam Valdensem ad domuin suam pro infirmitate sue uxoris et dedit Valdensibus multociens panem et vinum et carnes; item, dixit quod portavit panem et piscem Valdensibus ad domum suam; item, dixit quod audivit predicationem Valdensium; item, dixit se audivisse predicationem eorum in platea multociens; item, in die Pasche dedit Valdensibus carnes et comedit de cena Valdensium.--Ibit ad Podium, Sanctum Egidium, Sanctum Jacobum et Sanctum Thomam (fol. 257).

B. Clavelz vidit Valdenses et audivit predicationem eorum in plateis et interfuit cene Valdensium et cenavit cum eis in die Jovis cene, et audivit ibi predicationem eorum, et dedit eis multociens panem et vinum, et credebat quod essent boni homines.--Ibit ad Podium, Sanctum Egidium, Sanctum Jacobum et Sanctum Dyonisium (fol. 258).

XI. LETTERS OF CHARLES I. OF NAPLES.

1.

(Archivio di Napoli, Anno 1269, Reg. 3, Letters A, fol. 64.)

Scriptum est comitibus, marchionibus, baronibus, potestatis et consulibus civitatum et villarum comitatibus, ac omnibus aliis potestatem et jurisdictionem habentibus et aliis amicis et fidelibus suis ad quos presentes littere pervenerint salutem et omne bonum. Cum dilecti nobis in Christo fratres predicatores in terris carissimi domini et nepotis nostri illustris regis Francie inquisitores heretice pravitatis auctoritate apostolica deputati in Lombardia et ad alias partes ytalie sane intelleximus proficisci intendant seu mittere nuncios speciales ad explorandos ibi hereticos et alios pro heresi fugitivos qui de terris predictis aufugerent et se ad partes ytalie transtulerunt et pro ipsis hereticis et fugitivis ad loca unde aufugerint per se vel per eosdem nuncios reducendis, rogamus et requerimus quatenus eisdem fratribus vel predictis eorum nuntiis presentium portatoribus in exigendis predictis vestrum impendatis consilium auxilium et favorem ut per terras et potestates vestras ipsos salvo et secure cum rebus societatis et familia suis conducatis et conduci faciatis eundo redeundo et morando. Ad salvamentum et liberationem eorum efficaciter intendentes quocies sibi necesse fuerit et vos inde credederint requirendos. Datum apud urbem veterem penultimo madii primæ indictionis.

2.

(Anno 1269, Registro 4, Letters B, fol. 47.)

Scriptum est universis justitiariis secretis baiulis judicibus magistris juratis ceterisque officialibus atque fidelibus suis per regnum sicilie constitutis etc. Cum religiosus vir frater benvenutus ordinis Minorum inquisitor heretice pravitatis Regebatium et Jacobucium familiares suos latores presentium pro capiendis quibusdam hereticis per diversas partes regni nostri morantibus quorum nomina inferius continentur mittat ad presens et petiverit nostrum sibi ad hoc favorem et auxilium exhiberi fidelitati tue precipiendo mandamus quatenus ad requisitionem dictorum nunciorum vel alterius eorumdem omnes hujusmodi hereticos cum bonis eorum omnibus tam stabilibus quam mobilibus seseque moventibus capientes faciatis personas illorum in locis tutis cum summa diligentia custodiri. Bona vero ipsorum ad opus nostre curie fideliter et solliciter conservari. Attentius provisuri ne in hoc aliquem adhibeatis negligentiam vel defectum sicut divinam et nostram indignationem cupitis evitare et nihilominus de hiis que ceperitis faciatis fieri quatuor publica consimilia instrumenta, quorum uno penes vos retento alio penes eum qui bona ipsa custodierit dimisso. tercium ad cameram nostram et quartum ad magistros rationales magne nostre curie destinetis. Nomina vero hereticorum ipsorum sunt hec (sequuntur nomina 67). Datum in obsidione lucerie XII. Augusti decime secunde indictionis.

3.

(Anno 1269, Reg. 6, Lettera D, fol. 135.)

Karolus etc. Berardo de Rajona militi etc. Cum te ad justitiariatum aprutii et comitatue molisii pro inveniendis et capiendis patarenis hereticis ac receptatoribus et fautoribus eorum specialiter duximus destinandum fidelitati tue districte precipiendo mandamus quatenus ad partes illas etc. personaliter conferens in inveniendis et capiendis ipsis omnem curam quam poteris et diligentiam et sollicitudinem studeas adhibere, ita quod possis exinde in conspectu nostre celsitudinis commendabili merito apparere. Nos enim scribimus omnibus officialibus nostris ceterisque in eisdem partibus constitutis ut super hiis celeriter exequendis dent tibi consilium et auxilium opportunum. Datum Neapoli XIII. Decembris XIII. indictionia.

4.

(Anno 1270. Reg. 9, Lettera C, fol. 39.)

Xiiij Martii Neapoli scriptum cst Johannutio de Pando magistro portuiano et procuratori curie in principatu et terra laboris etc. Qnia ex insinuatione fratris Mathei de Castro Maris inquisitoris in regno Sicilie heretice pravitatis intelleximus quod idem frater Matheus nuper invenerit in civitate beneventana tres patarenos, unum videlicet lombardum nomine Andream de Vivi Mercato, alium nomine Judicem Johannem de zeccano, et tertium Thomasium Russum nomine de Maula saracena quos judicavit relapsos et tradi fecit ignibus et comburi, quorum bona omnia sunt regie curie tanquam bona Patarenorum juste et rationabiliter applicanta, Devotioni tue etc. quatenus statim receptis presentibus de bonis omnibus tam stabilibus quam mobilibus et semoventibus ipsorum Paterenorum cum omni diligentia inquirere studeas, quibus inventis et captis debeas ea pro parte curie fideliter procurare, faciens redigi in quaterno uno transumptum inquisitionis ipsius in quo quaterno contineantur etiam bona omnia que ceptris, quantitatem et qualitatem ipsorum in quibuscumque consistant et ubi ac valorem annuum eorumdem; quem quaternum cum litteris tuis continentibus processum tuum totum quem in premissis hujusmodi sub sigillo tuo etc. sine dilatione transmittas, in quo quaterno similiter redigi facias formam presentium litterarum. Datum Neapoli ut supra.

5.

(Anno 1271, Reg. 10, Lettera B, fol. 96.)

Pro fratre Trojano inquisitore heretice pravitatis.--Item scriptum est cabellotis seu credentiariis super ferro, pice, et sale Neapolis ut cum scriptum fuerit eis alias ut de pecunia curie etc. fratri Trojano inquisitori heretice pravitatis in justitiariatu provincie terre laboris et aprutii de proventibus ferri picis et salis Neapolis ad requisitionem suam pro expensia suis, alterius socii fratis sui et unius notarii et trium aliarum personarum et equorum suorum pro mensibus martii aprilis madii junii julii et augusti presentis XIIII indictionis ad rationem de augustali uno per diem uncias auri XLVII ponderia generalis in principio videlicet dicti mensis martii deberent ecclesie exhibere etiam mandatum est sub pena dupli ut dictam pecuniam juxta continentiam predictarum litterarum eidem fratri Trojano vel nuncio etc. persolvant. Datum ut supra (apud Montem Flasconem XVIII Martii, XIV indictionis).

XII.

LETTERS OF CHARLES II. OF NAPLES ORDERING THE PROSECUTION OF A REPLAPSED HERETIC.

(MSS. Chioccarelli, T. VIII.)

Scriptum est religioso viro Fratri Roberto de Sancto Valentino Inquisitori in Regno Siciliæ post salutem. Olim religiose viro Fratri Benedicto prædecessori tuo in eodem inquisitionis officio post salutem scripsisse dicimur in hæc verba. Veridica nuper accepimus relatione quod te ex officio tuo contra hæreticæ pravitatis infectos inquirente Petrus de Bucclanico ipsius castri archipresbyter de pluribus articulis contra fidem Catholicam inventus est labefactus, cumque satis expediat in contemptæ religionis vindictam ad reprimendum tam damnabile exemplum hæreticæ pravitatis te satis insurgere viribus ad celerem punitionem tam enormis criminis fidelitati tuæ mandamus quatenus statim receptis presentibus sic omni specie corruptionis procul ejecta in præmissis contra dictum archipresbyterum tam fideliter proscquaris processum quod inde Deo placens honori ordinis tui deservias et apud nos qui dicti negotii plenam habemus fidem et notitiam dignas tibi laudes valeas vindicare. Datum apud Monasterium Regalis Vallis die 10 mensis Martii 4 Indict (1306).--Noviter autem facta nobis assertio continebat quod memoratus archipresbyter ad vomitum rediens in ejusdem hæreticæ pravitatis laqueum est relapsum, quod si veritate fulcitur de tanta profecto obstinatione turbati devotionem tuam attenta exhortatione requirimus ut tam ex processu dicti prædecessoris tui contra dictum archipresbyterum ab olim habito quam habendo per te ut cupimus denuo contra eum meritis (?) sive indagine in prædictis sic tuæ disciplinæ virga in dictum archipresbyterum proinde desæviat aspere ut impunitate non gaudeat hostis fidei orthodoxæ. Tuque propterea digua apud Deum et nos laude attolaris. Datum Neapoli apud Bartholomæum de Capua militem Logothetam et Prothonotarium Regni Siciliæ anno Domini 1307 (1308) die ultimo Augusti, 6 Indict. Regnorum nostrorum anno 24.

XIII.

OATH OF THE DOGE OF VENICE IN 1249.

(Archivio di Venezia. Codice ex Brera No. 277.)

Promissio Domini Marini Mauroceno.

In nomine dei eterni amen. Anno ab incarnatione domini nostri Jesu Christi millesimo ducentesimo quadragesimo nono mense Junii die terciodecimo intrante indictione septima Rivoalto. In palatio ducatus Veneciarum feliciter amen.... Ad honorem dei et sacrosancte matris Ecclesie et robur et defensionem fidei catholice studiosi erimus cum consilio nostrorum consiliariorum vel maioris partis quod probi et discreti et catholici viri eligantur et constituantur super inquirendis hereticis in venecia. Et omnes illos qui dati erunt pro hereticis per dominum Patriarchum Gradensem, Episcopum Castellanum vel per alios episcopos provincie duchatus Veneciarum a Grado videlicet usque ad caput aggeris comburi faciemus de consilio nostrorum consiliariorum vel maioris partis ipsorum.... Ego Marinus Maurocenus Dei gratia Dux manu mea subscripsi.

CAPITULARE SUPER PATARENIS ET USURARIIS (1256).

(Dal Registro intitulato, Capitolari di più Magistrati riformato nell' anno 1376. Miscellanea Codici, No. 133, p. 121.)

Item juro quod amodo usque ad unum annum et per totum ipsum annum simul cum meis vel cum altero eorum studiosus ero bona fide sine fraude ad inquirendum et inveniendum patarenos hereticos et suspectos de heresi tam venetos quam forinsecos in civitate Rivoalti et si quem talem vel tales invenero secretum aput me habebo et quam cito potero bona fide sine fraude denunciabo domino Duci et consiliariis ejus vel aliis quibus per dominum ducem et suum consilium fuerint hoc commissum. Hec autem omnia observabo bona fide sine fraude remote odio vel amore prece vel precio, et servitium inde non tollam nec faciam tolli. Item attendam et observabo ea que continentur in capituiari maioris consilii.--Si autem secundo in eodem crimine quis fuerit depreensus penam predictam incurrat et bannizetur et expellatur de veneciis si forinsecus fuerit venetus autem quociens inventus fuerit penam incurrat predictam excepto quod de veneciis non bannizetur nec expellatur. Post anno domini millesimo ducentesimo quinquagesimo quinto (1256) indictione XIIII. mense februarii fuit hoc additum in presente capitulare.

END OF VOL. II.

* * * * *

The following typographical errors were corrected by the etext transcriber:

Behind them now, moreover, was Gregory XI., the implacable and indefatigable persecutor of heresy=>Behind them now, moreover, was Gregory IX., the implacable and indefatigable persecutor of heresy

chair of St. Peter to be filled, and in 1216 Louis Hutin sent his=> chair of St. Peter to be filled, and in 1316 Louis Hutin sent his

* * * * *

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Diez, Leben und Werke der Troubadours, pp. 450, 576.--Millot, Hist. Littéraire des Troubadours, III. 244-50.

[2] Teulet, Layettes, II. 185, 226-8.

In 1239 we find Raymond asking for six months' delay in the payment of one of the instalments (Ib. p. 406).

[3] Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1238 c. 11 (Mart. Ampl. Coll. VII. 134).--Ripoll I. 120, 145, 165.--Potthast No. 9452, 11092, 11094, 11515.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 365.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 262.--Arch. des Frères Prêcheurs de Toulouse (Doat, XXXI. 19)--C. 1 Sexto v. 2.--Raynald. ann. 1243, No. 30.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXI. 69).--Bern. Guidon, de Trib. Grad. Prædicat. (Bouquet, XXI, 739).--Practica super Inquisit. (MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, fol. 224).

When Cardinal Wolsey sought to reform the English Church he found the same difficulty in obtaining bishops to degrade clerical criminals, and he obtained from Clement VII. the same remedy (Rymer, XIV. 239).

[4] Coll. Doat, XXI. 149, 153, 156, 158.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 9992.

[5] Practica super Inquisit. (MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, fol. 224).--Guill. Pelisso Chron. (Ed. Molinier. Anicii, 1880, pp. 6, 15).--Epistt. Sæcul. XIII. T. I. No. 688 (Monument. Hist. German.).--Bern. Guidon. Vit. Gregor. PP. IX. (Muratori S. R. I. III. 573).

One of the complaints made by Gregory IX. against Raymond, in 1236, was that he had neglected to pay the salaries of the professors, and that the school of Toulouse was dissolved (Teulet, Layettes, II. 315). In 1239, however, a receipt in full for them was exhibited to the papal legate (Ib. p. 397), and in 1242, when Raymond was under peril of death in the Agenois, his chief physician was Loup of Spain, the professor of medicine in the University (Ib. p. 466).

[6] Pelisso Chron. pp. 7-8.

[7] Ibid. pp. 9-10.

[8] Pelisso Chron. pp. 10-11.--Preger, Vorarbeiten zu einer Geschichte der deutschen Mystik, p. 17.

[9] Pelisso Chron. p. 13. Cf. Bern. Guidon. Vit. Gregor. PP. IX. (Muratori S. R. I. III. 573).

[10] Pelisso pp. 10-17.

[11] Ibid. pp. 17-20.

[12] Pelisso Chron. pp. 20-1.

[13] Ibid. p. 22.

[14] Pelisso Chron. pp. 23-5.

[15] Millot, Troubadours, II. 65-77.--Mary-Lafon, Histoire du Midi de la France, III. 396-99.

[16] Vaissette, III. 403.--Martene Thesaur. I. 985.--Pelisso Chron. pp. 13-14, 52-9.

Chabanaud (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. 330) thinks it probable that this Arnaud Catala is the troubadour of the same name, developing, like Folquet of Marseilles and others, from a poet to a persecutor.

[17] Vaissette, III. 402-3, 406; Pr. 370-1, 379-81.--Coll. Doat, XXXI. 33.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 321, 334.

[18]

"Car del pejors homes que son Se defen et de tot le mont; Que Franses ni clergia Ni las autras gens ne l'affront; Mas als bos s'humilia Et l'mal confond."

(Peyrat, Les Albigeois et l'Inquisition, II. 394).

[19] Bern. Guidon. Vit. Gregor. PP. IX. (Muratori, S. R I. III. 573)--Archives Nat. de France J. 430, No. 17, 18.--Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 42.--Peyrat, Hist. des Albigeois, I. 287.--Harduin. Concil. VII. 203-8.--D'Achery Spicileg. III. 606.--Potthast No. 9771.--Epistt. Sæculi XIII. T. I. No. 577 (Mon. Germ. Hist.).--Matt. Paris ann. 1334, p. 280.--Vaissette, III. 399-400, 406.--Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. IV. pp. 485, 799-802.

[20] Pelisso Chron. pp. 25-8.

[21] Pelisso Chron. pp. 30-40.--Bern. Guidon. Hist. Fundat. Convent. Præidicat. (Martene Thesaur. VI. 460-1).--Epistt. Sæculi XIII. T. I. No. 688 (Mon. Germ. Hist.).--Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 43.

[22] Martene Thesaur. I. 992.--Epistt. Sæculi XIII. T. I. No. 688 (Mon. Germ. Hist.)--Teulet, Layettes, II. 314.

The subordination of the bishop to the inquisitors is further shown in the excommunication of the viguier and consuls of Toulouse, July 24, 1237, in which Bishop Raymond and other prelates are mentioned as assessors to the inquisitors (Doat, XXI. 148).

[23] Potthast No. 10152.--Epistt. Sæcul. XIII T. I. No. 700 (Mon. Germ. Hist.).--Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. IV. P. II. p. 912.--Vaissette, III. 408.--Pelisso Chron. pp. 40-1.

[24] Pelisso Chron. p. 41-2.

[25] Coll. Doat, XXI. 163.

[26] Pelisso Chron. pp. 43-51.--Coll. Doat, XXI. 149.--It is probable that among these victims perished Vigoros de Bocona, a Catharan bishop. Alberic de Trois Fontaines places his burning in Toulouse in 1233 (Chron. ann. 1233), but there is evidence of his being still alive and active in 1235 or 1236 (Doat, XXII. 222). He was ordained a "filius major" in Montségur about 1229, by the Catharan bishop, Guillabert de Castres (Doat, XXII. 226), and his name as that of a revered teacher continues for many years to occur in the confessions of penitents.

[27] Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 43.--Arch, de l'Évêché de Béziers (Doat, XXXI. 35).--Bern. Guidon. Libell. de Magist. Ord. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 422).--Raynald. ann. 1237, No. 32.

[28] Epistt. Sæculi XIII. T. I. No. 706 (Mon. Germ. Hist).--Potthast No. 10357, 10361.--Raynald. ann. 1237, No. 33, 37.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 339, No. 2514.--Vaissette, III. 410.--Coll. Doat, XXI. 146.

A deposition of Raymond Jean of Albi, April 30, 1238 (Doat, XXIII. 273), probably marks the term of the activity of the Inquisition before its suspension.

[29] Teulet, Layettes, II. 377, 386.--Epistt. Sæculi XIII. T. I. No. 731 (Mon. Germ. Hist.).--Raynald. ann. 1239, No. 71-3.--Arch. du Vatican T. XIX. (Berger, Actes d'Innocent IV. p. xix.).

[30] Arch. Nat. de France J. 430. No. 19, 20.--Guill. Pod. Laurent, c. 43.--Vaissette, III. 411.

[31] Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 43.--Guill. Nangiac. Gest. S. Ludov. ann. 1239.--Vaissette, III. 420.--Bern. Guidon. Vit. Gregor. PP. IX. (Muratori S. R. I. III. 574).--Teulet, Layettes, II. 457. It was not until 1247 that Trencavel released the consuls of Béziers from their allegiance to him.--Mascaro, Libre de Memorias, ann. 1247.

[32] A. Molinier (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VII. 448-61).--Douais, Les Albigeois, Paris, 1879; Pieces justif. No. 4.

[33] D'Achery Spicileg. III. 621.--Vaissette, III. 424; Pr. 400.

[34] Guillem de Tudela V. 8980, 9183.--Trésor des Chartes du Roi à Carcassonne (Doat, XXII. 34-49).--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. 975.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 252, No. 2241.--Vaissette, III. 383, 422-3; Pr. 385, 397-99.--Ripoll VII. 9.--Potthast No. 9024.--Pelisso Chron. pp. 28-9.--Coll. Doat, XXI. 163-164, 166; XXIV. 81.

[35] The document is in the Collection Doat, XXI. 185 sqq.--Although it does not specify that the cases are of voluntary penitents within the time of grace, there is no risk in assuming this. The penances are all of the kind provided for such penitents; and in one case (fol. 220) it is mentioned that the party had not come in within the time, which would infer that the rest had done so. Besides, the extraordinary speed with which the business was transacted is wholly incompatible with prosecutions of accused persons striving to maintain their innocence.

[36] Coll. Doat, XXI. 210, 215, 216, 227, 229, 230, 238, 265, 283, 285, 293, 299, 300, 301, 305, 307, 308, 310.

[37] Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1244 c. 19.

[38] Pelisso Chron. pp. 49-50.--Coll. Doat, XXII. 216-17, 224, 228.--Schmidt, Cathares I. 315, 324.

[39] Coll. Doat, XXI. 153, 155, 158.

[40] Vaissette, III. 431; Pr. 438-42.--Doat, XXIV. 160.--Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 45.--Peyrat, Les Albigeois et l'Inquisition, II. 304.--Diez, Leben und Werke der Troubadours, p. 491.--Ripoll I. 117.--Analecta Franciscana, Quaracchi, 1887, II. 65.

The Catholic tradition at Avignonet was that some of the inquisitors' followers escaped to the church, where they were massacred with a number of Catholic inhabitants who had sought refuge there. In consequence of this pollution the church remained unused for forty years, and the anniversary of its reconciliation, on the first Tuesday in June, was still, in the last century, celebrated with illuminations and rejoicing as a local feast (Bremond _ap._ Ripoll l.c.)

[41] Vaissette, III. 456.--Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 45.--Molinier _ap._ Pelisso Chron. p. 19.--Molinier, L'Ensevelissement de Raimond VI. p. 21.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. 1258.

[42] Teulet, Layettes, II. 466.--Maj. Chron. Lemovicens. ann. 1242 (Bouquet, XXI. 765).--Vaissette, III. Pr. 410.--Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 45.--Schmidt. Cathares, I. 320.--Bern. Guidon. Vit. Coelestin. PP. IV. (Muratori S.R.I. III. 589).

[43] Vaissette, III. 434-7, 439.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 470, 481-2, 484, 487, 488, 489, 493, 495, etc.

[44] Vaissette, III. Pr. 425.--Ripoll I. 118. Innocent's bull is dated July 10, 1243, within a fortnight after his election. The deputation had evidently been sent to Celestin IV., and the bull had been prepared in advance, awaiting the election of a successor.

[45] Archives de l'Évêché d'Albi (Doat, XXXI. 47).--Archives de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXI. 63, 65, 97).--Berger, Registres d'Innocent IV. No. 31, 102.

[46] Vaissette, III. 443; Pr. 411, 433-4.--Potthast No. 10943, 11187, 11218, 11390, 11638.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 523, 524, 528, 534.--D'Achery, III. 621.--Berger, Registres d'Innocent IV. No. 21, 267, 360, 364, 594, 697, 1283.--Douais. Les sources de l'histoire de l'Inquisition (loc. cit. p. 415).

[47] Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 46.--Coll. Doat, XXII. 204, 210; XXIV. 76, 80, 168-72, 181.--Schmidt, Cathares, I. 325.--Peyrat, Les Albigeois et l'Inquisition, II. 363 sqq.

[48] Collection Doat, XXII. 202, 214, 237; XXIV. 68, 160, 182, 198.

[49] Millot, Troubadours, II. 77.--Berger, Registres d'Innocent IV. No. 37.

[50] Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246, Consil. ad Inquis. c. 1.--Ripoll, I. 179.

[51] Doat, XXII. 217.--Molinier, L'Inquisition dans le midi de la France, pp. 186-90.--See also Peyrat, Les Albigeois et l'Inq. III. 467-73.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 446-8.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 566.

M. l'Abbé Douais (loc. cit. p. 419) tells us that the examinations in the inquest of Bernard de Caux number five thousand eight hundred and four.

[52] Vaissette, III. 457, 459; Pr. 467.--Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 48.--Baluz. et Mansi I. 210.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXI. 105, 149).--Ripoll, I. 184.

[53] Vaissette, III. 455-6; Pr. 468, 469.--Arcli. de l'Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXI. 77, 79, 80).--Martene Thesaur. I. 1040.

[54] Martene Thesaur. I. 1044.--Vaissette, III. 465.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. 1255, 1292, 1333, 1583.--Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 48--Mary-Lafon, Hist. du midi de la France, III. 33, 49--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXXI. 250).

[55] Rainer. Summa (Mart. Thesnur. V. 1768).--Molinier, L'Inquis. dans le midi de la France, pp. 254-55.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 11847.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 13, 14.--See also the curious account of Ivo of Narbonne in Matt. Paris, ann. 1243, p. 412-13 (Ed. 1644).

The Abbé Douais, in his analysis of the fragments of the "Registre de l'Inquisition de Toulouse" of 1254 and 1256, tells us that it contains the names of six hundred and thirteen accused belonging to the departments of Aude, Ariège, Gers, Aveyron, and Tarne-et-Garonne, the greater part of whom were Perfects. That this is evidently an error is shown by the statistics of Rainerio Saccone, quoted in the text. At this time, in fact, the whole Catharan Church, from Constantinople to Aragon, contained only four thousand Perfects. Still the number of accused shows the continued existence of heresy as a formidable social factor and the successful activity of the Inquisition in tracking it. In this register eight witnesses contribute one hundred and seven names to the list of accused (Sources de l'hist. de l'Inquisition, loc. cit. pp. 432-33).

[56] MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, Nouv. Acquis. 139.--Molinier, op. cit. p. 404.--Ripoll I. 273-4.--Arch. Nat. de France, J. 431, No. 34.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXI. 239, 250, 252).--Vaissette, III. Pr. 528, 536.--Arch. di Napoli, Regestro 6, Lettere D, fol. 180.

[57] Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1255.--Vaissette, III. 482-3; IV. 17.--A. Molinier (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VI. 843).--Peyrat, op. cit. III. 54.

[58] Miguel del Verms, Chronique Bearnaise.--P. Sarnaii Hist. Albigens. c. 6.--Guill. Pod. Laur., c. 8.--Schmidt, Cathares, I. 299.--Vaissette, III. 426, 503; Pr. 383-5, 392-3.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 490.--Bern. Guidon. Vit. Coelestin. PP. IV. (Muratori, S. R. I. III. 589).--Berger, Registres d'Innocent IV. No. 3530.

[59] Vaissette, III. Pr. 551-3.

[60] Vaissette, III. Pr. 575-77; IV. Pr. 109.

[61] Coll Doat, XXV. XXVI.--Martene Thesaur. V. 1809.

[62] Vaissette, IV. 3-5, 9-11, 16, 24-5.--Baudouin, Lettres inédites de Philippe le Bel, Paris, 1886, p. 125.

[63] Raynald ann. 1303, No. 41.--Vaissette, IV. Note xi.--Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1303, 1309, 1310.--Nich. Trivetti Chron. ann. 1306.--La Faille, Annales de Toulouse I. 284.

The irresistible encroachment of the royal jurisdiction, in spite of perpetual opposition, is most effectively illustrated in the series of royal letters recently printed by M. Ad. Baudouin (Lettres inédites de Philippe le Bel, Paris, 1886).

[64] Bern. Guidon. Gravam. (Doat, XXX. 93, 97).--Molinier op. cit. p. 35.--Doat, XXVI. 197, 245, 265, 266.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. p. 282.

Sanche Morlana, the archdeacon of Carcassonne, who is represented as bearing a leading part in the conspiracy, belonged to one of the noblest families of the city. His brother Arnaud, who at one time was Seneschal of Foix, was likewise implicated, and died a few years later in the bosom of the Church. In 1328 Jean Duprat, then inquisitor, obtained evidence that Arnaud had been hereticated during a sickness, and again subsequently on his death-bed (Doat. XXVIII. 128). This would seem to lend color to the charge of heresy against the conspirators, but the evidence was considered too flimsy to warrant condemnation.

[65] Doat, XXVI. 254.--Bern. Guidon. Gravam. (Doat, XXX. 93).--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXII. 132).

[66] MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin. No. 11847.--Doat, XXVI. 197.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 54, 109, 111, 130, 137, 138, 139, 143, 144, 146, 147.

[67] There has been great confusion as to the date of Philippe's action. The Ordonnance as printed by Laurière and Isambert is of 1287. As given by Vaissette (IV. Pr. 97-8) it is of 1291. A copy in Doat, XXXI. 266 (from the Regist. Curiæ Franciæ de Carcass.), is dated 1297. Schmidt (Cathares I. 342) accepts 1287; A. Molinier (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, IX. 157)confirms the date of 1291. The latter accords best with the series of events. 1287 would seem manifestly impossible, as Philippe was crowned January 6, 1286, at the age of seventeen, and would scarcely, in fifteen months, venture on such a step so defiant of all that was held sacred; nor would Nicholas IV. in 1290 have praised his zeal in furthering the Inquisition (Ripoll II. 29), while 1297 seems incompatible with his subsequent action on the subject.

In 1292 Philippe prohibited the capitouls of Toulouse from employing torture on clerks subject to the jurisdiction of the bishop, a prohibition which had to be repeated in 1307.--Baudouin, Lettres inédites de Philippe le Bel, pp. 16, 73.

[68] Arch. de l'Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXII. 251).--Chron. Bardin ann. 1293 (Vaissette IV. Pr. 9).

[69] In 1278 the inquisitors of France applied to Nicholas III. for instructions, stating that some time previous, during a popular persecution of the Jews, many of them through fear, though not absolutely coerced, had received baptism and allowed their children to be baptized. With the passing of the storm they had returned to their Jewish blindness, whereupon the inquisitors had cast them in prison. They were duly excommunicated, but neither this nor the "_squalor carceris_" had been of avail, and they had thus remained for more than a year. The nonplussed inquisitors thereupon submitted to the Holy See the question as to further proceedings, and Nicholas ordered them to treat such Jews as heretics--that is to say, to burn them for continued obstinacy.--Archives de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXVII. 191).

[70] Mag. Bull. Roman. I. 151, 155, 159.--Archivio di Napoli, Registro 20, Lett. B, fol. 91.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, fol. 227-8.--Wadding, ann. 1290, No. 5, 6.--C. 13, Sexto V. 2--Coll. Doat, XXXII. 127; XXXVII. 193, 206, 209, 242, 255, 258.--Wadding, ann. 1359, No. 1-3.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. p. 230.

In 1288 Philippe had already ordered the Seneschal of Carcassonne to protect the Jews from the citations and other vexations inflicted on them by the ecclesiastical courts (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, IX. Pr. 232). Yet in 1306 he had all the Jews of the kingdom seized and exiled, and forbidden to return under pain of death (Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1306).

[71] Regist. Curiæ Franciæ de Carc. (Doat, XXXII. 254, 267, 268, 269).--Vaisette, IV. Pr. 99.

[72] Du Puy, Histoire du Differend, etc. Pr. 14, 15, 23, 24.--D'Argentré, Collect. Judic. de novis Error. I. I. 125.--Vaissette, IV. Pr. 99.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXII. 264).--Faucon, Registres de Boniface VIII. No. 2140.

[73] Du Puy, op. cit. Pr. 39, 41, 42, 44.--Faucon, Registres de Boniface VIII. No. 1822-3, No. 1829, No. 1830-1, No. 1930.--C. 18 Sexto v. 2.--Isambert, Anc. Loix Franç. II. 718.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. Pr. 347.--Archives de l'Évêché d'Albi (Doat, XXXII. 275).

[74] C. Molinier, L'Inq. dans le midi de la France, p. 92.--A. Molinier(Vaissette, Éd. Privat, IX. 307). The character and power of the bishops of Albi are illustrated in a successor of Bernard de Castanet, Bishop Géraud, who in 1312, to settle a quarrel with the Seigneur de Puygozon, raised an army of five thousand men with which he attacked the royal Château Vieux d'Albi, and committed much devastation.--Vaissette, IV. 160.

[75] Bern. Guidon. Hist. Conv. Prædic. (Martene Coll. Ampl. VI. 477-8).--Ejusd. Gravam. (Doat, XXX. 94).

[76] MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 18, 119-23, 129, 135-6, 292.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXII. 283).--Vaissette, IV. 91; Pr. 100-2.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 282-5.--Coll. Doat, XXXIV. 21.

[77] Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1299, c. 3 (Vaissette, IV. 96).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 264, 270.--Archives de l'Evêché d'Albi (Doat, XXXV. 69).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 11847.--Lib. Sententt. Inquis. Tolos. p. 266.

[78] Du Puy, Hist. du Differend, Pr. 633 sqq. 653-4.--Martene Thesaur. I. 1320-36.

[79] MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 125-8, 139.

[80] In a series of confessions extracted from Master Arnaud Matha, a clerk of Carcassonne, in 1285, there are two, of October 4 and 10, in which he describes all the details of the heretication of Castel Fabri on his death-bed, in 1278 (Doat, XXVI. 258-60). While these cannot be positively said to be interpolations, they have the appearance of being so, and it may safely be assumed as impossible that such a matter would have been allowed to lie dormant for fifteen years with so rich a prize within reach. The case is doubtless one of the forged records which, as we have seen, were popularly believed to be customary in the Inquisition.

[81] MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 14-16, 29-30, 35, 120, 148.--Coll. Doat, XXVII. 178; XXXIV. 123, 189.

As late as 1338 the confiscated house of Castel Fabri at Carcassonne was the subject of a reclamation by Pierre de Manse who claimed that Philippe le Bel had given it to his queen, through whom it had come to him. The royal officials asserted that the gift had only been for life, and had seized it again, but Philippe de Valois abandoned it to the claimant.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat. X. Pr. 831-3.

[82] Historia Tribulationum (Archiv für Litteratur. u. Kirchengeschichte, 1886, p. 148).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 231.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. 268.

[83] MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 9, 19, 22, 24, 26, 32, 40, 63, 70, 73, 81, 82, 84, 119, 128, 149, 155, 163.--Bern. Guidon. Hist. Conv. Albiens. (D. Bouquet, XXI. 748).--Coll. Doat, XXXIV. 26.

[84] MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 163.--Guillel. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1303.--Grandes Chroniques, T. V. pp. 156-7.--Girard de Fracheto Chron. contin. ann. 1203 (D. Bouq. XXI. 23).--Vaissette, IV. 112.--Bern. Guidon. Hist. Fund. Conv. (Martene Ampl. Coll. V. 514).

When, long years afterwards, in 1319, Bernard Délicieux was carried from Avignon to Toulouse for the trial which led to his death, one of the convoy, a notary named Arnaud de Nogaret, chanced to allude to a report that Pequigny had been bribed with one thousand livres to oppose the Inquisition. Then the old man's temper flashed forth in defence of his departed friend--"Thou liest in the throat: the Vidame was an honest man!"--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 263.

[85] Bern. Guidon. Hist. Fund. Conv. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 510-11).--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXVII. 7).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270. fol. 6, 7, 11, 42, 45, 48, 71, 161, 270.--Arch. de l'hôtel-de-ville d'Albi (Doat. XXXIV. 169).--Vaissette, IV. 143.

[86] MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 16, 149.

[87] MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 121, 125, 132, 150, 159, 165.--Vaissette, IV. Pr. 118-20.--Bern. Guidon. Hist. Conv. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 510).--Arch. de l'hôtel-de-ville d'Albi (Doat, XXXIV. 169).

[88] Vaissette, IV. Pr. 118-21.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No, 4270, fol. 69.--Isambert, Anc. Loix Franç. II. 747, 789.

[89] Arch, de l'hôtel-de-ville d'Albi (Doat, XXXIV. 169).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 16, 70, 134, 151.--Coll. Doat, XXXIII. 207-72; XXXIV. 189.

[90] Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. Pr. 409.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 165.--Bern. Guidon. Hist. Conr. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 511).

[91] MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 8, 17, 19, 20, 32, 44, 49, 58, 156, 162, 229.--Pequigny is also said to have arrested some of the friars connected with the Inquisition (La Faille, Annales de Toulouse I. 34), but I think this impossible.

[92] MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 27, 272.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXII. 114).--Bern. Guidon. Hist. Conv. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 511).--Vaissette, IV. Pr. 128.--Coll. Doat, XXXIV. 26.

The Dominican party declared that the statements purporting to come from the prisoners were fraudulent, and Bernard Gui relates with savage satisfaction that a monk named Raymond Baudier, who was concerned in getting them up, hanged himself like Judas (l. c. p. 514).

[93] MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 63, 153-55, 272-3.--Hauréau, Bern. Délicieux pp. 187, 190.

[94] Arch. de l'Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXI. 10; XXXII. 114).--Bern. Guidon. Hist. Conv. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 510-11).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 88, 109, 122.

[95] Arch. de l'hôtel-de-ville d'Albi (Doat, XXXIV. 45).--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXIV. 14).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 23, 25, 31, 86, 132, 137, 140-1, 152, 153.

[96] Grandjean, Registres de Benoit XI. No. 1253-60, 1276.--MSS, Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 21, 73, 74, 158, 162, 278.--Molinier, L'Inq. dans le midi de la France pp. 126-7.--Geoffroi d'Ablis had sufficient influence with the king to persuade him to found the Dominican convent of Poissy.

[97] Vaissette, IV. Pr. 130-1.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 139.

[98] MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 26, 74-8, 88-9, 98, 103-8, 198, 200-3, 226, 233, 265, 279.--Mascaro, Memorias de Bezes, ann. 1336, 1389.

For the tenure of Montpellier by the Kings of Majorca, see Vaissette, IV. 38, 42, 77-8, 151, 235-6. It was not until 1349 that Philippe de Valois bought out the rights of Jayme II., and in 1352 his son Jean was obliged to extinguish the claims still asserted by Pedro IV. of Aragon (Ib. 247, 268, Pr. 219).

Bernard's attention was probably drawn to the House of Majorca by its strong adhesion to the Franciscan Order. Ferrand's older brother died in 1304, in the Franciscan habit, under the name of Fray Jayme. Another brother, Felipe, became a "Spiritual Franciscan," as we shall see hereafter.

[99] MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 78-80, 90-1, 196, 247, 252-3, 257-9.--Bern. Guidon. Hist. Conv. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 479-80).--Vaissette, IV. 129-30.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. Pr. 461.--Bernard Gui's allusion refers to the insults offered to the Dominicans during the troubles of Carcassonne, when those who ventured into the streets were followed with cries of "Coac, Coac!" "_ad modum corvi_"--MS. No. 4270, fol. 281.

[100] Arch. de l'hôtel-de-ville d'Albi (Doat, XXXIV. 42).--Arch, de l'Évêché d'Albi (Doat, XXXII. 81).

[101] MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 10-11, 84, 128, 160-7.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXII. 83).

Geoffroi's stay at Lyons was prolonged. November 29, we find him issuing commissions to those appointed by his deputies (Doat, XXXII. 85). Jean de Faugoux had been connected with the Inquisition for at least twenty years (Doat, XXXII. 125).

[102] MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 254.--Arch, de l'hôtel-de-ville d'Albi (Doat, XXXIV. 45).--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXIII. 48).

[103] Arch. de l'hôtel-de-ville d'Albi (Doat, XXXIV. 45).--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXIV. 89, 112).--Bern. Guidon Gravam. (Doat, XXX. 95-6.)--Ripoll II. 112.

I designed printing in the Appendix the Gravamina of Bernard Gui and the report of the Cardinals. M. Charles Molinier, however, I understand, is engaged on an edition of these documents, to be accompanied with a complete apparatus, which will render any other publication superfluous.

[104] Arch. de l'Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXI. 74; XXXIV. 89).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 11847.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 228, 266-7, 282-5.--Coll. Doat, XXXII. 309, 316.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. Pr. 526.

[105] Archives de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXVII. 255).

The Inquisition seems to have by some means acquired jurisdiction over the Jews of Languedoc. In 1279 there is a charter granted by Bernard, Abbot of S. Antonin of Pamiers, to the Jews of Pamiers, approving of certain statutes agreed upon among themselves concerning their internal affairs, thus showing them subjected to the abbatial jurisdiction. Yet in 1297 we have a letter from the inquisitor, Frère Arnaud Jean, ordering the Jews of Pamiers to live according to the customs of the Jews of Narbonne, and promising not to introduce "_aliquas graves et insolitas novitates_." During the interval they had thus passed into the hands of the Inquisition.--Coll. Doat, XXXVII. 156, 160.

[106] Martin Fuldens. Chron. ann. 1312.--C. 1, 2, 3, Clement, V. iii.--Bern. Guidon. Gravam. (Doat, XXX.).--Bern. Guidon. Practica, P. IV. c. 1.

It is due to Clement to say that doubtless he devised a much more thorough reform, and the meagreness of the outcome is probably attributable to the final revision under John XXII. Angelo da Clarino, writing from Avignon in 1313, about the new canons, which were then supposed to be ready for issue, says: "_Inquisitores etiam heretice pravitatis restringuntur et supponuntur episcopis_"--which would argue something much more decisive than the regulations as they finally appeared.--Franz Ehrle, Archiv. für Litteratur-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1885, p. 545.

[107] Du Puy, Histoire du Differend, Preuves, pp. 522-602.

[108] Joann. Canon. S. Victor. Chron. ann. 1314-16.--Rymer, Foedera, III. 494-5.--Grandes Chroniques, ann. 1314-16--Bern. Guidon. Vit. Joann. PP. XXII.--Ptolmaei Lucens. Append.

John XXII. has always passed as the son of a cobbler of Cahors. Recent researches, however, render it probable that he belonged to a well-to-do burgher family.--A. Molinier (Vaissette, Éd. Privat. X. 363.)

[109] Joann. Can. S. Victor. Chron. ann. 1311, 1316-19.--Historia Tribulationum (Archiv. für Litteratur-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1886, pp. 145-8).--Wadding. ann. 1318, No. 26-7.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 1, 39.

[110] MSS. Bib. Nat, fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 5, 81, 103-4, 146-7, 169.

Arnaud Garsia and Pierre Probi were kept in prison until 1325, when they were released on payment of two thousand gold florins, and such penance as Jean Duprat, the inquisitor, might impose on them. Their sequestrated property was ordered to be restored.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. Pr. 645.

[111] Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. pp. 268-73.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 186-92.--Jo. a S. Victore Memor. Historiale ann. 1319 (Bouquet, XXI. 664).

[112] Isambert, Anc. Loix Franç. III. 123.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXII. 138).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 11847.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 228, 244-8, 266-7, 277-81.--Arch, de l'hôtel-de-ville d'Albi (Doat, XXXIV. 169, 185).

[113] Bern. Guidon. Gravam. (Doat, XXX. 97).

[114] Ibid. (Doat, XXX. 96, 98).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 138-9, 213.

[115] Molinier, L'Inq. dans le midi de la France, p. 111--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 285.

[116] Bern. Guidon. Hist. Conv. Præedic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 469).--Touron, Hommes illustres de l'Ordre de S. Dominique, II. 94.

[117] Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 2, 3, 12, 13, 32, 68, 76, 81, 159.--Molinier, L'Inq. dans le midi de la France, pp. 145-56.

[118] Molinier, op. cit. p. 157--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos, p. 102.

[119] Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. p. 37.

[120] Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 59, 60, 64, 73, 74, 75, 92-3, 132.

[121] Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 341-2.--Coll. Doat, XXVII. 198-200, 248; XXVIII. 128, 158.

The entire disappearance of a sect once so numerous and powerful as the Cathari has appeared so unlikely that there has been a widespread belief that their descendants were to be found in the Cagots--the accursed race of the Pyrenees who in French Navarre were only admitted to common legal rights in 1709, and in the Spanish province in 1818, some of them still existing in the latter. The Cagots themselves even assumed this to be their origin in an appeal to Leo X., in 1517, to be restored to human society, and claimed that their ancestral errors had been long atoned for. Yet among all the conjectures as to the origin of this mysterious class, the descent from Catharans would seem to be the least admissible, and M. de Lagrèze's opinion that they are descendants of lepers is sustained by arguments which appear to be convincing.--Lagrèze, La Navarre Française I. 53-60. Cf. Vaissette, Liv. XXXIV. c. 79.

[122] Coll. Doat, XXVII. 216-25, 234.

[123] Vaissette, III, 362, 496; IV. 104-5, 211.--Archives de l'Évêché de Béziers (Doat, XXXI. 35).--Beugnot, Les Olim I. 1029-30.--Les Olim I. 580.--Coll. Doat, XXXIII. 1.

The extent of the change of the proprietorship is well illustrated by a list of the lands and rents confiscated for heresy to the profit of Philippe de Montfort from his vassals. It embraces fiefs and other properties in Lautrec, Montredon, Senegats, Rabastain, and Lavaur. The knights and gentlemen and peasants thus stripped are all named, with their offences--one died a heretic, another was hereticated on his death-bed, a third was condemned for heresy, and a fourth was burned at Lavaur, while in other cases the mother, or the father, or both were heretics (Doat, XXXII. 258-63).

Many examples of donations and sales are preserved in the Doat collection. I may instance T. XXXI. fol. 171, 237, 255; T. XXXII. fol. 46, 53, 55, 57, 64, 67, 69, 244, etc.

In the possessions of the English crown in Aquitaine the same process was going on, though in a minor degree (Rymer, Foedera, III. 408).

[124] Coll. Doat, XXXII. 309, 316.

[125] Joinville, P. I. (Ed. 1785. p. 23).

[126] Alberic. Triun. Font. Chron. ann. 1236.--Gregor. PP. IX. Bull. _Gaudemus_. 19 Ap. 1233 (Ripoll I. 45-6).--Raynald. ann. 1233, No. 59.

[127] Greg. PP. IX. Bull. _Olim_, 4 Feb. 1234; Ejusd. Bull. _Dudum_, 21 Aug. 1235; Ejusd. Bull. _Quo inter coeteras_, 22 Aug. 1235; Ejusd. Bull. _Dudum_, 23 Aug. 1235 (Ripoll I. 80-1).--Potthast No. 9386.--Chron. breve Lobiens. ann. 1235 (Martene Thes. III. 1427).--D. Bouquet, XXII. 570.--Chron. Rimée de Philippe Mousket, v. 28871-29025.--Alberic. Trium Font. ann. 1235.

[128] Chron. S. Medardi Suessionens. (D'Achery, II. 491).--Conc. Trevirens. ann. 1238, c. 31 (Martene Ampl. Coll. VII. 130).--Wadding. Annal. ann. 1236, No. 3.--Meyeri Annal. Flandrens. Lib. VIII. ann. 1236.--Raynald. ann. 1238, No. 52.--Matt. Paris ann. 1236, 1238, pp. 293, 326 (Ed. 1644).--Chron. Gaufridi de Collone ann. 1239 (Bouquet, XXII. 3).--Alberic. Trium Font. Chron. ann. 1239.--Chron. Riméc de Phil. de Mousket, v. 30525-34.

Frère Bremond endeavors to clear Robert's fame from the accusations brought against him by Matthew Paris, and states that he died in the convent of St. Jacques in Paris in 1235.

[129] Concil. Turonens. ann. 1239, c. 1.--D. Bouquet, XXI. 262, 264, 268, 273, 274, 276, 280, 281.--Ripoll I. 273-4.

[130] Coll. Doat, XXXI. 68.--Martene Coll. Ampl. I. 1284.--Wadding. Annal. ann. 1288, No. 14, 15; ann. 1290, No. 3, 5, 6; ann. 1292, No. 3.

[131] Arch. de l'Inq. de Carc. (Doat. XXXI. 90; XXXII. 41).--Wadding. Annal. ann. 1255, No. 14.--Raynald. ann. 1255, No. 33.--Arch. Nat. de France, J. 431, No. 30, 31, 34, 35, 36.--Ripoll I. 273-4, 291, 362, 472, 512; II. 29.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin. No. 14930. fol. 226.--Martene Thesaur. V. 1814, 1817.

[132] Ripoll I. 179, 183; II. 29.--Potthast No. 15995.--Lib. Sentt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 252-4.

[133] Martene Thesaur. V. 1809, 1811-13.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXXII. 127).

[134] Ripoll II. 1.--Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1307, 1310.

[135] Martene Ampl. Collect. VII. 1325-7. Cf. Concil. Trident. Sess. xxv. Decret. Reform, c. 3.

[136] Arch. Nat. de France, J. 428, No. 15, 19 _bis_.--Guillel. Nangiac. Contin, ann. 1308, 1310.--Grandes Chroniques, V. 188.

[137] Guillel. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1323.--Grandes Chroniques, V. 273-4.--Chron. Johann. S. Victor. Contin. ann. 1323 (Bouquet, XXI. 681).

[138] Coll. Doat, XXVII. 119, 132, 140, 146, 156, 178, 192, 198, 232.--Vaissette, IV. Pr. 23.

[139] Vaiseette, Éd. Privat, X. Pr. 782-3, 792, 802, 813-14.--Arch, de l'Évêché d'Albi (Doat. XXXV. 120).--Vaissette, IV. 184.--Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 433.

[140] Ripoll II. 236.

[141] Raynald. ann. 1365, No. 17; ann. 1373, No. 19, 21.--Gaguini Hist. Francor. Lib. IX. c. 2. (Ed. 1576, p. 158).--Meyeri Annal. Flandr. Lib. XIII. ann. 1372.--Du Cange s. v. _Turlupini_.--Gersoni de Consolat. Theolog. Lib. IV. Prosa 3; Ejusd. de Mystica Theol. Specul. P. I. Consid. 8; Ejusd. de Distinctione verarum Visionum Signum, 5.--Altmeyer, Précurseurs de la Réforme aux Pays-Bas, I. 85.

Probably there may be some connection between the Turelupins and certain wandering bands known as "_de Pexariacho_" and suspected of heresy. A member of these, named Bidon de Puy-Guillem, of the diocese of Bordeaux, was condemned to perpetual imprisonment, and was liberated by Gregory XI. in 1371 (Coll. Doat, XXXV. 134).

[142] Grandes Chroniques, ann. 1380-1.--Religieux de S. Denis, Hist. de Charles VI. Liv. I. c. 13, liv. II. c. 1.

[143] Religieux de S. Denis, op. cit. Liv. IV. ch. 13.--D'Argentré, Collect. Judic. de novis error. I. II. 151.

[144] Chron. Bardin, ann. 1322 (Vaissette, IV. Pr. 21-22).

[145] Isambert, Anc. Lois Franç. IV. 364-5.--Coll. Doat, XXVII. 118.--Vaissette, IV. Pr. 23.

[146] Chron. Bardin, ann. 1340, 1368 (Vaissette, IV. Pr. 27, 31).

[147] Chron. Bardin, ann. 1364 (Vaissette, IV. Pr. 30. Cf. A. Molinier, Éd. Privat. X. 763).

[148] Martene Thesaur. I. 1399.

[149] Arch. Administratives de Reims, III. 637-45.--Meyeri Annal. Flandr. Lib. XVI. ann. 1419.--Lafaille, Annales de Toulouse I. 183.--Chron. Bardin, ann. 1423 (Vaissette. IV. Pr. 38).

[150] Arch. Administratives de Reims, III. 639-43.

[151] Isambert, Anc. Lois Franç. IX. 3; X. 393, 396-416, 477.--Bochelli Decret. Eccles. Gallican. Lib. IV. Tit. 4, 5.--Bull. de la Soc. de l'Hist. du Protestantisme en France, 1860, p. 121.--D'Argentré Coll. Judic. de novis Error. I. II. 357.--Fascic. Rer. Expetend. et Fugiend. I. 63 (Ed. 1690).

The feelings with which the abrogation of the Pragmatic Sanction in 1461 was received are well expressed in the "_Pragmaticæ Sanctionis Passio_," Baluz. et Mansi, IV. 29.

Pius II. is singularly candid in his account of the simoniacal transaction through which he purchased the abrogation by giving the cardinal's hat to Jean, Bishop of Arras. The suggestion at first provoked the liveliest remonstrances from the members of the Sacred College, who, through their spokesman, the Cardinal of Avignon, warned Pius that there would be no peace in the Consistory, for the bishop would set them all by the ears, and that his unquiet spirit showed that he must be the offspring of an Incubus. Pius admitted all this, but argued that it was an unfortunate necessity; both Louis XI. and Philippe le Bon had asked for his promotion; unless the request was granted the Pragmatic Sanction would not be abolished, for the fury of the disappointed man would convert him into its supporter, and, as he was learned, he would readily find ample Scriptural warrant to adduce in its favor, which would be decisive, as he was the only man in France who urged the abrogation, and he could readily lead the king to change his mind. These arguments were convincing, and Pius enjoyed the supreme triumph of destroying the last relic of the reforms of Constance and Basle. He paid dearly for it, however, in the annoyances inflicted on him by the new cardinal, whom he describes as a liar and a perjurer, avaricious and ambitious, a glutton and a drunkard, and excessively given to women. He was so irascible that at meals he would frequently throw the silver plates and vessels at the servants, and occasionally would push the whole table over, to the dismay of his guests.--Æn. Sylvii Opp. inedd. (Atti della Accad. dei Lincei, 1883, pp. 531, 546-8).

[152] Juvenal des Ursins, ann. 1411, 1413.--Religieux de S. Denis, Hist. de Charles VI. Liv. XXXII. ch. 14; XXXIII. ch. 1, 15, 16; XXXV. ch. 18.

[153] D'Argentré, op. cit. I. II. 370.

[154] Ibid. I. II. 340.

[155] Ibid. I. II. 346.

[156] Wadding, ann. 1375, No. 17; 1418, No. 1, 2; 1419, No. 2; 1434, No. 2, 3; 1472, No. 24.--Ripoll II. 522, 566-9, 637, 644; III. 487; IV. 6.

[157] Wadding. ann. 1409, No. 13; 1418, No. 1, 2, 4.

[158] Baluz. et Mansi I. 288-93,--Arch. Gén. de Belgique, Papiers d'État, v. 405.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds Moreau, 444, fol. 10.--Ripoll II. 533; III. 6, 8, 21, 193.

[159] Ripoll III. 301.--Wadding, ann. 1458, No. 12.

[160] Wadding, ann. 1458, No. 13; 1461, No. 3.--Ripoll III. 317, 423, 487; IV. 103, 217, 303, 304, 356, 373.

A MS. of Bernard Gui's _Practica_, now in the Municipal Library of Toulouse, bears a marginal note that it was lent by the Inquisition of Toulouse, in 1483, to the Dominicans of Bordeaux to be transcribed, thus showing that there was an Inquisition in operation in the latter city of which the members required instruction in their duties (Molinier, l'Inq. dans le midi de la France, p. 201).

[161] Memoires de Jacques du Clercq, Liv. III. ch. 43.--D'Argentré, op. cit. I. II. 308-18, 319-20, 323, 347.

[162] Bremond, _ap_. Ripoll IV. 373.--Ripoll IV. 390.

[163] Ripoll IV. 376.--Wieri de Præstig. Dæmon. Lib. VI. c. 11.

[164] Coll. Doat, XXI. 197, 203, 208, 223, 225, 232, 233, 234, 236, 238, 241, 244, 250, 252, 254, 261-2, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 269, 270, 271, 275, 276, 281, 282, 289, 296.

It is perhaps worthy of note that Raymond de Péreille, the Castellan of Montségur, and his companions, when on trial, while freely giving evidence about innumerable Cathari, declared that they knew nothing whatever about Waldenses, which would seem to indicate that there was little communication between the sects (Doat, XXII. 217; XXIII. 344; XXIV. 8).

[165] Statut. Synod. Odonis Tullensis ann. 1192, c. ix., x. (Martene Thesaur. IV. 1180).--Ripoll I. 183.--Douais, Les sources de l'histoire de l'Inq. (Revue des Questions Historiques, Oct. 1881, p. 434).--Peyrat, Les Alb. et l'Inquis. III. 74.--Chabrand, Vaudois et Protestants des Alpes, Grenoble, 1886, p. 34.--Havet, L'heresie et le bras seculier (Bib. de l'École des Chartes, 1880, p. 585).--Vaissette, IV. 17.--A. Molinier (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VI. 819).--Wadding, ann. 1288, No. 14-15; 1292, No. 3.--Raynald. ann. 1288, No. 27-8.

[166] Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 200-1, 207-8, 216-43, 252-4, 262-5, 289-90, 340-7, 352, 355, 364-66.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXVII. 7 sqq.).

[167] Bernard. Guidon. Practica P. v. (Doat. XXX.).

[168] Wadding. ann. 1321, No. 21-4.

[169] Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXVII. 119 sqq.).--Raynald. ann. 1335, No. 63; 1344, No. 9; 1352, No. 20.--Chabrand. op. cit. pp. 36-7.--Wadding ann. 1352, No. 14, 15; 1363, No. 14, 15; 1364, No. 14, 15; 1365, No. 3.--Lombard, Pierre Valdo et les Vaudois du Briançonnais, Genève, 1880, pp. 17. 20, 23-7.

[170] Raynald. ann. 1372, No. 34; ann. 1373, No. 19.

[171] Wadding. ann. 1375, No. 11-19.--D'Argentré, op. cit. I. I. 394.--Ripoll II. 289.--Raynald. ann. 1375, No. 26.--Gautier, Hist, de la Ville de Gap, p. 39.

[172] Lombard, op. cit. pp. 27-8.--Wadding, ann. 1375, No. 21-3.--Isambert, Anc. Loix Franç. IV. 491.

[173] Wadding. ann. 1376, No. 3.

[174] Wadding. ann. 1375, No. 24; ann. 1376, No. 2.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXXV. 163).

[175] Perrin's Waldenses, translated by Lennard, London, 1624, Bk. 2 pp. 18, 19.--Leger, Hist. des Églises Vaudoises II. 26.--Chabrand, op. cit. pp. 39, 40.

[176] Miroir de Souabe, ch. 89 (Ed. Matile, Neuchatel, 1843).

[177] Wadding. ann. 1409, No. 12.

[178] Mary-Lafon, Hist. du midi de la France, III. 384.--C. Bituricens. ann. 1432 (Harduin. VIII. 1459).--Martene Ampl. Coll. VII. 161-3.

[179] Leger, Hist. des Églises vaudoises, II. 24.--Duverger, La Vauderie dans les États de Philippe le Bon, Arras, 1885, p. 112.

Even in the eariy part of the sixteenth century, Robert Gaguin, in speaking of riding on a broomstick and worshipping Satan, adds "_quod impietatis genus Valdensium esse dicitur_" (Rer. Gallican. Annal. Lib. X. p. 242. Francof. ad M. 1587).

[180] Martene Ampl. Collect. II. 1506-7.

[181] Isambert, Anc. Loix Franç. X. 793-4.

[182] Chabrand, op. cit. pp. 43, 48-52, 70.--Herzog, Die romanischen Waldenser pp. 277-82.--D'Argentré I. I. 105.--Leger, Hist. des Églises Vaudoises II. 23-5.--Filippo de Boni, I Calabro-Valdesi p. 71.--Comba, Histoire des Vaudois d'Italie, Paris, 1887, I. 160-66, 169.

The Waldensian legend relates that in the cavern of Aigue-Fraide the number of victims was three thousand, of whom four hundred were children, but I think that M. Chabrand has sufficiently demonstrated its exaggerated improbability (Op. cit. pp. 53-9).

[183] Herzog, op. cit. pp. 283-5.--Perrin, Hist. Waldens. B. II. ch. 3.--Chabrand, op. cit. pp. 73-4.

[184] Matt. Paris ann. 1234 (p. 270, Ed. 1644).--Reinerii Summa (Martene Thesaur. V. 1767-8).

[185] Archives Nat. de France, J. 426, No. 4.--D'Achery Spicileg III. 598.--Paramo de Orig. Offic. S. Inquis. p. 177.--Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib. III. c. 94.--Ripoll I. 38. (Cf. Llorente, Ch. III. Art. i. No. 3).--Marca Hispanica, pp. 1425-6.

[186] Llorente, Ch. III. Art. i. No. 5--Ripoll I. 91-2.

[187] Vaissette, III. Pr. 383-5, 392-3.--Doat, XXII. 218; XXIV. 184.

[188] Wadding, ann. 1238, No. 6.--Doat, XXIV. 182.--Pet. Rodulphii Hist. Seraph. Lib. II. fol. 285_b_.--Berger, Registres d'Innoc. IV. No. 2257.--Monteiro, Hist. da Inquisição, P. I. Liv. ii. ch. 36.

[189] Llorente, Ch. III Art. 1. No. 7, 8, 19.--Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1242.--Paramo, pp. 110, 177-8.

[190] Berger, Registres d'Innocent IV. No. 799, 3904.--Baluz. et Mansi I. 208.--Ripoll I. 245, 427, 429; II. 235.--Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. pp. 129-36.--Paramo, p. 132.

[191] Llorente, Ch. III. Art. i. No. 14, 17.--Monteiro, Hist. da Inquisição, P. I. Liv. ii. ch. 10.--Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 492.--Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib. II. c. 76.--Paramo, p. 178.

[192] Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1291, c. 8 (Martene Ampl. Coll. VII. 294).

[193] Llorente, Ch. III. Art. ii. No. 4, 5, 9, 10, 11, 12, 14.--Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. p. 265.--Ripoll II. 245.--Zurita, Añales, Lib. VI. c. 61.--Raynald. ann. 1344, No. 9.

[194] Eymeric. Direct. Inq. p. 262.--Ripoll. III. 421; VII. 90.--Wadding. ann. 1351, No. 16, 18, 21; ann. 1462, No. 1-18; 1463, No. 1-5; 1464, No. 1-6.--D'Argentré, I. I. 372; II. 250, 254.--Gradonici Pontif. Brixianorum Series, Brixiæ, 1755, pp. 348-51.--Æn. Sylvii Comment. Lib. XI.; Ejusd. Lib. de Contentione Divini Sanguinis.

[195] Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. pp. 44, 266, 314-6, 351, 357-8, 652-3.--Mag. Bull. Rom. I. 263.--Ripoll II. 268, 269, 270.--Martene Thesaur. II. 1181-2, 1182 _bis_, 1189.--Raynald. ann. 1398, No. 23.--Wadding, ann. 1371, No. 14-24.--Paramo, p. 111.--Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 499-500, 528.

[196] Dameto, Mut, y Alemany, Historia General de Mallorca (Ed. 1840, I. 101-3, II. 652).--Libell. de Magist. Ord. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 432).--Paramo, pp. 179, 186-7.--Ripoll II. 579, 594; III. 20, 28.--Monteiro, P. I. Liv. ii. c. 30.--Llorente, Ch. III. Art. iii. No. 4, 8.

[197] Ripoll II. 613.

[198] Ripoll III. 347.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXXV. 192).

[199] Llorente, Ch. III. Art. iii. No. 11.--Albertini Repertor. Inquis. s. v. _Deficiens_.--Ripoll III. 397, 415, 572.

[200] Llorente, Ch. VII. Art. ii. No. 2.--Herculano, Da Origem, etc., da Inquisição em Portugal, I. 44.--Ripoll III. 422.--Paramo, p. 187.

[201] Monteiro, P. I. Liv. i. c. 38, 44, 46, 48-51; Liv. ii. c. 5-12.--Chron. Eccles. Hamelens. (Scriptt. Rer. Brunsv. II. 508).--Herculano, I. 39.--Baluz. et Mansi, I. 208.--Paramo de Orig. Offic. S. Inquis. p. 131.

[202] Lucæ Tudens. de altera Vita, Lib. III. c. 7, 9. Cf. c. 18, 20.--Florez, España Sagrada, XXII. 120-22, 126-30.

[203] Lucæ Tudens. Lib. III. c. 12.--Raynald. ann. 1236, No. 60.--Rodrigo. Hist. Verdadera de la Inquisicion, II. 10.

[204] Las Siete Partidas, P. I. Tit. vi. I. 58; P.VII. Tit. xxiv. I. 7; Tit. XXV. II. 2-7.--El Fuero real, Lib. IV. Tit. i. II. 1, 2.

[205] Coll. Doat, XXX. 132 sqq.--Archbishop Rodrigo's letter is dated 1315. This I presume to be an error of a copyist, probably misled by the use of the Spanish era in which 1355 is equivalent to 1317.

[206] Ripoll II. 421, 433.--Monteiro, P. I. Liv. ii. c. 35, 36.--Ordenanzas Reales, Lib. VIII. Tit. iv. I. 4.

[207] Monteiro, P. I. Liv. ii. c. 30.--Rodrigo, II. 11, 14-15.--Paramo, p. 136.--Raynald. ann. 1453, No. 19.--Alphons. de Spina Fortalic. Fidei Prolog, fol. 56_b_ (Ed. 1494).

[208] Alphons. de Castro adv. Hæreses Lib. III. s.v. _Confessio_.--Illescas, Historia Pontifical, Lib. VI. c. 18.--Aguirre Concil. Hispan. V. 351-8.--D'Argentré, I. II. 298-302.

[209] Herculano, I. 40.--Monteiro. P. I. Liv. ii. c. 34.--Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 782-3.

[210] Llorente, Ch. III. Art. ii. No. 24.--Monteiro, P. I. Liv. ii. c. 35, 37, 38, 39.--Wadding, ann. 1394, No. 4; 1413, No. 4.--Ripoll II. 389.

[211] Herculano, Da Origem, etc., da Inquisição, I. 163-5.

[212] Cæsar. Heisterbacens. Dial. Mirac. Dist. V. c. 25.--Muratori Antiq. Ital. Diss. LX. (T. XII. p. 447).

[213] D'Argentré, Coll. Judic. de novis Error. I. i. 86.--Reinerii Summa (Martene Thesaur. V. 1767).

[214] Matt. Paris. ann. 1236, p. 293; ann. 1243, pp. 412-13 (Ed. 1644)--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1230.--Innoc. PP. III. Regest. XV. 189.--Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. IV. p. 881.

[215] Montet, Hist. litt. des Vaudois du Piémont, pp. 40-1.--Innoc. PP. III. Regest. IX. 18, 19, 204; XII. 17; XIII. 63.--Kaltner, Konrad v. Marburg, pp. 42, 44.--Annal. Marbacens. ann. 1231 (Urstisii Germ. Hist. Scriptt. II. 90).

[216] Böhmer, Regest, Imp. V. 110.--Comba, La Riforma in Italia, I. 254-57.--Ejusd. Histoire des Vaudois d'Italie, I. 124 sqq., 140.--Charvaz, Origine dei Valdesi, App. No. XXII.

Giuseppe Manuel di S. Giovanni (Un' Episodia della Storia del Piemonte, Torino, 1874, pp. 15-21) argues that the letter of Otho IV. is only the draft of one which the bishop desired to procure, but the question is merely of archæological interest, for in either case it was equally ineffective.

[217] Rescript. Heres. Lombard. (Preger, Beiträge, München, 1875, pp. 56-63).--Reinerii Summa (Martene Thesaur. V. 1775).

[218] Campi, Dell' Historia Ecclesiastica di Piacenza, P. II.. pp. 92 sqq.--Innoc. PP. III. Regest. IX. 131, 166-9; X. 54, 64, 222.--Tocco, L'Heresia nel Medio Evo, pp. 364, 366 (Firenze, 1884).--Cf. Pseudo-Joachim de septem temporibus Ecclesiæ P. V.

[219] Epistt. Sæcul. XIII. T. I. No. 451 (Mon. Hist. Germ.).--Potthast No. 7672.

[220] Epistt. Sæc. XIII. T. I. No. 264-66, 275, 295 (Mon. Hist. Germ.).--Havet, Bibl. de l'École des Chartes, 1880, p. 602.

[221] Epistt. Sæc. XIII. T. I. No. 355.

[222] Raynald. Annal. ann. 1231, No. 13-18.--Constit. Sicular. Lilt. I. Tit. i.--Rich. S. Germ. Chron. (Muratori, S. R. I. VII. 1026).--Vit. Gregor. PP. IX. (Ib. III. 578).--Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. IV. pp. 299-300, 409-11.--Verri, Storia di Milano, I. 242.--Bern. Corio, Hist. Milanese, ann. 1228.

[223] Ripoll. 41.

[224] Epistt. Sæc. XIII. T. I. No. 559.--Raynald. ann. 1233, No. 40.--Ripoll I. 69, 71.

Probably about this period may have occurred the incident related of Moneta, the disciple of St. Dominic, whose efforts against the heretics of Lombardy are said to have aroused their animosity to the point that a noble named Peraldo hired an assassin to despatch him. Word was brought to Moneta, who seized a crucifix and assembled a band of the faithful, with whom he captured Peraldo and the bravo, delivered them to the secular authorities, and they were both burned alive.--Ricchini Vit. Monetæ, p. viii.

[225] Ripoll I. 48, 56-9.--Matt. Paris, ann. 1238, p. 320.--Chron. Veronens. ann. 1233 (Muratori, S.R.I. VIII. 67).--Gerardi Maurisii Hist. (Ib. pp. 37-9).--Barbarano de' Mironi, Hist. Eccles. di Vicenza, II. 79-84.

[226] Barbarano de' Mironi, op. cit. II. 90-1.

[227] Ripoll I. 60-1--Barbarano de' Mironi op. cit. II. 86, 91-2.

[228] Greg. PP. IX. Bull. _Ille humani generis_, 20 Maii, 1230 (Ripoll I. 95. gives this in 1237, probably a reissue).--Epistt. Sæcul. XIII. T. I. No. 693, 700, 702, 704.--Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. IV. P. II. pp. 907-8.--Schmidt, Cathares, I. 161.

[229] Ripoll I. 174-5.--Barbarano de' Mironi, op. cit. II. 94-6.

[230] Jac. de Voragine Legenda Aurea s. V.--Mag. Bull. Rom. I. 94.

[231] Campana, Storia di San Piero-Martire, Milano, 1741, pp. 28-39.

[232] Bern. Corio, Hist. Milanese, ann. 1233, 1242.--Verri, Storia di Milano, I. 241-3.--Ripoll I. 65.--Annal. Mediolanens. c. xiv. (Muratori, S.R.I. XVI. 651).--Sarpi, Discorso (Ed. Helmstad. 1763, IV. 21).

[233] Lami, Antichità Toscane, pp. 497, 500.

[234] Ripoll I. 79-80.--Raynald. ann. 1235, No. 15.--Vit. Gregor. PP. IX. (Muratori, S.R.I. III. 581).--Lami op. cit. pp. 554, 557.

[235] Lami, op. cit. pp. 560-85.--Lami's account of these troubles, based upon original sources, is so complete that I have followed it without reference to other authorities. Most of the documents are still in the Archives of Florence (Archiv. Diplom., Prov. S. Maria Novella, ann. 1245).

The Compagnia della Fede, known subsequently as del Bigallo, was changed in the middle of the fifteenth century, by Sant' Antonino, Prior of San Marco, into a charitable association for the care of orphans (Villari, Storia di Girol. Savonarola, Firenze, 1887, I. 37).

[236] Ripoll I. 192-3, 199, 205, 208-14, 231.--Berger, Registres d'Innoc. IV. No. 5065, 5345.--Mag. Bull. Rom. I. 91.

[237] Campana, Vita di San Piero-Martire, pp. 100-1.

[238] Bern. Corio, Hist. Milanese, ann. 1252.--Gualvaneo Flamma c. 286 (Muratori, S. R. I. XI. 684).--Ripoll I. 224, 244, 389.--Campana, Vita di San Piero Martire, pp. 118-20, 125, 128-9, 132-33.--Annal. Mediolanens. c. 24 (Muratori, XVI. 656).--Tamburini, Storia dell' Inquisizione, I. 492-502.--Wadding Annal. ann. 1284, No. 3.--Rodulphii Hist. Seraph. Relig. Lib. I. fol. 126.--Raynald. Annal. ann. 1403, No. 24.

There is a Daniele da Giussano who appears as inquisitor in Lombardy in 1279 (Ripoll I. 567), and who may very probably be the same as the accomplice in the murder.

[239] Ripoll I. 212.--Campana, op. cit. 126, 149, 151, 257, 259, 262-3.--Jac. de Vorag. Legenda Aurea s. v.--Mag. Bull. Roman. I. 94.--Wadding Annal. ann. 1291, No. 24.--Juan de Mata, Santoral de los dos Santos, Barcelona, 1637, fol. 28.--Gualvaneo Flamma, Opusc. (Muratori, S. R. I. XII. 1035).

Frà Tommaso's disgrace was not perpetual. We shall meet him hereafter as inquisitor, alternately protecting and persecuting the Spiritual Franciscans. If the accounts of the latter be true, his death in 1306 was a visitation of God for the frightful cruelties inflicted upon them (Hist. Tribulationum, _ap_. Archiv für Litteratur-und Kirchengeschichte, 1886, p. 326).

The question of the Stigmata was always a burning one between the two Orders. The Dominicans at first refused to accept the miracle until forced to submit by energetic papal measures (Chron. Glassberger ann. 1237--Analecta Franciscana II. 58, Quaracchi, 1887), and when at length they claimed the same honor for St. Catharine of Siena the Franciscans were equally incredulous. In 1473, at Trapani, the two Orders preached against each other on this subject with so much violence as to raise great disorders between their respective partisans among the laity, until the Viceroy of Sicily was obliged to interfere (La Mantia, L'Inquisizione in Sicilia, Torino, 1886, p. 17); and, as already mentioned, Sixtus IV., in 1475, prohibited the ascription of the Stigmata to St. Catharine.

[240] Ripoll VIII. 113.--Chron. Parmens. ann. 1286 (Muratori, S.R.I. IX. 810).--Campana, op. cit. p. 63.--Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquis. s. VV. _Bona hoereticor_. No. 6, _Crucesignati. Indulgentia._

[241] Ripoll I. 144, 168.--Campi, Dell' Hist. Eccles. di Piacenza, P. II. pp. 208-9.

[242] Molinier, Thesis de Fratre Guillelmo Pelisso, Anicii, 1880, pp. lix.-lx.

[243] Ripoll I. 238, 242-3; VII. 31.--Bern. Corio, Hist. Milanese, ann. 1269.

[244] Ripoll I. 254.--Campana, op. cit. p. 114.

[245] Bern. Guidon. Vit. Innocent. PP. IV. (Muratori, S.R.I. III. 592).--Wadding, ann. 1254, No. 8.--Ripoll I. 246.--Sclopis, Antica Legislazione del Piemonte, p. 440.

[246] Ripoll I. 285.--Raynald. ann. 1255, No. 31--Campi, Dell' Hist. Eccles. di Piacenza. P. II. pp. 212-13, 402.

[247] Ripoll I. 300, 326, 327, 399.--Potthast No. 16292.

[248] Campi, Deli' Hist. Eccles. di Piacenza, P. II. pp. 214-15.--Barbarano de Mironi, Hist. Eccles. di Vicenza, II. 99, 104.

[249] Epistt. Sæcul. XIII. T. I. No. 451.--Raynald. ann. 1231, No. 20-22.

[250] Chabaneau (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. 314).--Monach. Patavin. Chron. (Muratori, S. R. I. VIII. 707-9).--Frederic II. is similarly described by the papal scribes as a monster delighting in objectless cruelty. See Vit. Gregor. PP. IX. (Muratori, S. R. I. III. 583-4).

[251] Epistt. Sæcul. XIII. T. I. No. 453, 741, 757-9.--Ripoll I. 59, 135, 193.--Potthast No. 12899.--Berger, Registres d'Innocent IV. No. 4095.--Raynald. Annal. ann. 1248. No. 25-6.--Harduin. Concil. VII. 362.

[252] Ripoll I. 230, 247, 249-51, 286, 391.--Mag. Bull. Rom. 1.102-4.--Pegnæ Append. Eymeric. p. 77.--Harduin. Concil. VII. 362.

[253] Raynald. ann. 1357, No. 38-9; 1258, No. 1-4; 1259, No. 1-3.--Rolandini Chron. Lib. IX.-XII. (Muratori, S. R. I. VIII. 299-352).--Monach. Patavin. Chron. (Ib. VIII. 691-705).--Nic. Smeregi Chron. (Ib. VIII. 101).--Wadding, ann. 1258, No. 6.--Mag. Bull. Rom, I. 118.

The ferocity of the age is seen in the treatment bestowed on Ezzelin's brother Alberico, when captured with his family. He was gagged and tied to a tree, his wife and daughters were burned alive before his eyes, his sons were slain and their limbs thrown in his face, and then he was deliberately hacked in pieces.--Laurentii de Monacis Ezerinus III. (Muratori, S. R. I. VIII. 150). Alberico was a man of culture, a troubadour, and a patron of the _gai science_ (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. 313).

[254] Raynald. ann. 1259, No. 6-9.

[255] Ripoll I. 398.--Bern. Corio, Hist. Milanese, ann. 1259.

[256] Arch. de l'Inquis de Carcassonne (Doat. XXXI.).--Ripoll I. 400.

[257] Potthast No. 17984-5.--Arch. de I'Inquis. de Carc. (Doat, XXXI. 216).--Ripoll I. 402, 460, 462, 466, 469, 478.--Raynald. ann. 1260, No. 12.--Mag. Bull. Rom. I. 119.

The bull threatening the people of Bergamo with interdict for their legislation is by Urban IV. and dated in 1264, as found in the archives of the Inquisition of Carcassonne (Doat, XXX. 288), while Ripoll (I. 499) gives it as by Clement IV. in 1265, showing that the Bergamese were obstinate. Bergamo had been under interdict for adhering to Frederic and Conrad, and had only been reconciled after the death of the latter in 1255 (Ripoll I. 268).

[258] Epistt. Urbani PP. IV. (Martene Thesaur. II. 9-50, 74-9, 116-18, 220-37.)--Epistt. Clement. PP. IV. (Ibid. pp. 176, 186, 196-200, 213, 218, 241-5, 250, 260, 274).

[259] Epistt. Clem. PP. IV. (Martene Thesaur. II. 174, 319, 327).--Raynald. ann. 1266, No. 23.

[260] Ripoll I. 427, 514.--Campi, Dell' Hist. Eccles. di Piacenza, P. II. pp. 218-31.--Philippi Bergomat. Supplem. Chron. ann. 1261.

[261] Wadding, ann. 1254, No. 7, 8, 11, 16; 1261, No. 2.--Grandjean, Registres de Benoît XI. No. 1167.--Ripoll II. 87.

[262] Wadding, ann. 1259, No. 3.--Barbarano de' Mironi, Hist. Eccles. di Vicenza, II. 95, 105, 108, 113, 121.

[263] Annal. Mediolanens. cap. 31 (Muratori, S. R. I. XVI. 662).--Muratori Antiq. Ital. XII. 513.--Wadding, ann. 1277, No. 10, 11; 1278, No. 33; 1289, No. 18.

[264] Grandjean, Registres de Benoit XI. No. 508.

[265] Paramo, p. 264.--Verri, Storia di Milano, I. 244.--Ripoll I. 567.--Raynald. ann. 1278, No. 78.--In Doat, XXXII. 160, is the letter to the authorities of Bergamo, which Bremond (Ripoll ubi sup.) says is not to be found.

[266] Memor. Protestat. Regiens. ann. 1279, 1282 (Muratori, S.R.I. VIII. 1146, 1150).--Bern. Corio, Hist. Milanese, ann. 1279.--Paramo Lib. II. Tit. ii. cap. 30, No. 13.--Pegnæ Append. ad Eymeric. p. 55--Salimbene Chron. pp. 274, 276, 342.--Chron. Parmens. ann. 1279, 1282, 1286, 1287 (Muratori, IX. 792, 799, 809-11).--Sarpi, Discorso (Opere, IV. 21).--Concil. Mediolanens. ann. 1287, c. xi.

[267] Ripoll I. 241-2.--Wadding. ann. 1258, No. 3, 5; ann. 1278, No. 33; ann. 1279, No. 29; Regest. Nich. PP. III. No. 11.--Mag. Bull. Rom. I. 118.--Martene Thesaur. II. 191.--Raynald. ann. 1278, No. 78.

[268] Muratori Antiq. Ital. XII. 513-14, 521-3, 537-8.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. pp. 2, 3, 12, 13, 32, 68, 75, 76, 81, etc.

[269] Muratori Antiq. Ital. XII. 508-55.--Bern. Guidon. Vit. Bonif. VIII. (S.R.I. III. 671-2).--Barbarano de' Mironi, Hist. Eccles. di Vicenza II. 153.--Salimbene Chron. ann. 1279, p. 276.--Paramo, p. 299.

The wide attention attracted by the case of Armanno is shown by the allusion to it in the German chronicles.--Trithem Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1299.--Chron. Cornel. Zanfliet (Martene Ampl. Coll. V. 142-3).

[270] Introductio ad Zanchini Tract. de Hæres, ed. Campegii, Romæ, 1568. (I owe a copy of this document to the kindness of Prof. Felice Tocco, of Florence.)

[271] Cod. Epist. Rodulphi I. Lipsiæ, 1807, pp. 266-9.--Wadding. ann. 1289, No. 20.--Lami, Antichità Toscane, pp. 497, 536-7.

[272] Faucon, Registres de Boniface VIII. No. 1673, p. 632.--Wadding. ann. 1298, No. 3.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXVI. 147).

[273] Wadding. ann. 1285, No. 9, 10.

[274] Tocco, L'Eresia nel Medio Evo, p. 403.--Renerii Summa (Martene Thesaur. V. 1767).--Ripoll I. 74.

[275] Raynald. ann. 1231, No. 19.--Rich. de S. German. Chron. ann. 1233.--Giannone, Ist. Civ. di Napoli, Lib. XVII. c. 6, Lib. XIX. c. 5.--Vaissette, IV. 17.

[276] Archivio di Napoli, MSS. Chioccarello T. VIII.--Ib. Regist. 3 Lett. A, fol. 64; Reg. 4 Lett. B, fol. 47; Reg. 5 Lett. C, fol. 224; Reg. 6 Lett. D, fol. 35, 39, 174; Reg. 10 Lett. B. fol. 6, 7, 96; Reg. 11 Lett. C, fol. 40; Reg. 13 Lett. A, fol. 212; Reg. 113 Lett. A, fol. 385; Reg. 154 Lett. C, fol. 81; Reg. 167 Lett. A, fol. 324.

[277] Archivio di Napoli, Reg. 6 Lett. D, fol. 135; Reg. 253 Lett. A, fol. 68.--Giannone, Ist. Civ. di Napoli Lib. XIX. c. 5.

[278] Archivio di Napoli, Regist. 3 Lett. A, fol. 64; Regist. 4 Lett. B, fol. 47; Reg. 9 Lett. C, fol. 39.--MSS. Chioccarello, T. VIII.

[279] Lombard, Jean Louis Paschal et les Martyrs de Calabre, Geneve, 1881, pp. 22-32.--Filippo de Boni, L'Inquisizione e i Calabro-Valdesi, Milano, 1864, pp. 73-77.--Perrin, Hist. des Vaudois, Liv. II. ch. 7.--Comba, Hist. des Vaudois d'Italie, I. 128, 181-6, 190.--Rorengo, Memorie Historiche, Torino, 1649, pp. 77 sqq.--Martini Append. ad Mosheim de Beghardis, p. 638.

Vegezzi-Ruscalla (Rivista Contemporanea, 1862) has shown the identity of the dialects of the Calabrian Guardia and of the Val d'Angrogna, proving the reality of the emigration.

[280] Salimbene, p. 330.--Grandjean, Registries de Benoît XI. No. 834-5.--Pelayo Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 730.--La Mantia, Origine e Vicende dell' Inquisizione in Sicilia, Torino, 1886, p. 12.

[281] Sarpi, Discorso (Opere, Ed. Helmstadt, IV. 20).

[282] Archivio Generale di Venezia, Codice ex Brera, No. 277, Carte 5.

[283] Ripoll VII. 25.--Arch. di Venez. Miscellanea, Codice No. 133, p. 121; Cod. ex Brera, No. 277, Carte 5.

[284] Albizio, Risposta al P. Paolo Sarpi, pp. 20-3.--Wadding ann. 1288. No. 23.

[285] Albizio, op. cit. pp. 24-7.--Wadding. ann. 1289, No. 15.--Sarpi. op. cit. p. 21.--Arch. di Venez. Codice ex Brera, No. 277, Carte 41; Maggior Consiglio, Carte 67.

[286] Wadding. ann. 1292, No. 5.--Albanese, L'Inquisizione nella Repubblica di Venezia, 1875, pp. 52-3.--Sarpi, loc. cit.--Cecchetti, La Repubblica di Venezia e la Corte di Roma, Venezia, 1874, I. 18.

[287] Wadding. ann. 1340, No. 10; ann. 1369, No. 4; ann. 1373, No. 7; Regest. Gregor. PP. XI. No. 45-7; Tom. VII. p. 481.--Raynald. ann. 1372, No. 35.

[288] Archivio Storico Italiano, 1865, No. 39, pp. 46-61.

[289] Archivio Storico Italiano, 1865, No. 39, pp. 33-5.

[290] Archivio Storico Italiano, 1865, No. 39, pp. 4-45.--G. Manuel di S. Giovanni, Un Episodio della Storia del Piemonte, Torino, 1874, pp. 75 sqq.

[291] Raynald. ann. 1403, No. 24.--Archiv. Stor. Ital. 1865, No. 38, p. 22.--Comba, Les Vaudois d'Italie, I. 120.

[292] Processus contra Valdenses (Archivio Storico Italiano, 1865, No. 38, pp. 39-40).--Comba, Hist. des Vaudois d'Italie, I. 354-7.

[293] Comba, Hist. des Vaudois d'Italie, I. 141.--Herzog, Die romanischen Waldenser, p. 273.--Wadding. ann. 1332, No. 6.

[294] Rorengo, Memorie Historiche, Torino, 1649, p. 17.--Wadding. ann. 1364, No. 14, 15.--Cantù, Eretici, I. 86.--D'Argentré, Collect. Judic. I. I. 387.--Comba, Rivista Cristiana, 1887, pp. 65 sqq.

[295] Raynald. ann. 1375, No. 26.--Filippo de Boni, L'Inquiz. e i Calabro-Valdesi, p. 70.

[296] Processus contra Valdenses (Archivio Storico Italiano, 1865, No. 38, pp. 18-52).

There is some confusion as to the dates of these events which I cannot remove. Gregory XI., in his letter of April 20, 1375, to Amadeo VI., speaks of the recent murder at "Bricherasio" of the inquisitor Antonius Salvianensis (Raynald. ann. 1375, No. 26). According to the records of Antonio Secco, Antonio Pavo da Savigliano received in 1384 the abjuration of Lorenzo Bandoria (loc. cit. p. 23), and his murder must have taken place the same year, from the evidence of the son of one of his murderers, Giov. Gabriele of "Bricherasio" (Ib. p. 31). Rorengo places the martyrdom of Antonio Pavo in 1374, and tells us that he was honored in Savigliano with a local cult as one of the blessed. Another Dominican, Frà Bartolomeo di Cervere was also slain, and his assistant Ricardo desperately wounded, but the date is not certain (Rorengo, Memorie Historiche, p. 17).

[297] Chabrand, Vaudois et Protestants des Alpes, Grenoble, 1886, p. 39.

[298] Raynald. ann. 1403, No. 24.--Melgares Marin, Procedimientos de la Inquisicion, Madrid, 1886, I. 50.

[299] Rorengo, Memorie Historiche, pp. 18-20.--E. Comba, Rivista Cristiana, Giugno, 1882, p. 204.--Ripoll III. 359.

[300] Hahn, Geschichte der Ketzer im Mittalalter, II. 705.--Rorengo, Memorie Historiche, pp. 22-5.--Martene Ampl. Coll. II. 1510-11.--Leger, Hist. des Églises Vaudoises, II. 8-15, 26, 71.--Perrin, Hist. des Vaudois, L. II. c. 4.--Filippo de Boni, op. cit. p. 71.--Comba, Les Vaudois d'Italie, I. 167, 175-8.--Herzog, Die roman. Waldenser, p. 274.--Montet, Hist. Litt. des Vaudois, pp. 152-55.--D'Argentré, Coll. Judic. I. I. 105-7.

[301] Filippo de Boni, op. cit. pp. 79-81.--Lombard, Jean-Louis Paschale, pp. 29-33.--Perrin, Hist. des Vaudois, B. II. ch. 7, 10.--Comba, La Reforma, I. 269.--Vegezzi-Ruscalla, Rivista Contemporanea, 1862.--Camerarii Hist. Frat. Orthodox. p. 120.

[302] Bremond in Ripoll II. 139.--Raynald. ann. 1344, No. 9, 70.--Antiqua Ducum Mediolani Decreta, Mediolani, 1654.--Albanese, L'Inquisizione religiosa nella Repubblica di Venezia, Venezia, 1875, p. 167.--Giuseppe Cosentino, Archivio Storico Siciliano. 1885, p. 92.

[303] Ripoll II. 351; III. 368.--Wadding. ann. 1452, No. 14.--Raynald. ann. 1457, No. 90: ann. 1459, No. 31.

[304] Wadding. ann. 1447, No. 8, 47; ann. 1450, No. 2.--Raynald. ann. 1446. No. 8.

[305] Ripoll IV. 6, 102, 103, 158, 339.--Brev. Hist. Magist. Ord. Prædic. (Martene Coll. Ampl. VI. 393).

[306] Wadding, ann. 1356, No. 12-19.--Arch. di. Venez. Misti, Conc. X. Vol. VI. p. 26.

[307] Wadding. ann. 1373, No. 15-16; ann. 1376, No. 4-5; ann. 1433, No. 15; ann. 1434, No. 4, 6; ann. 1437, No. 24-8; ann. 1456, No. 108.--Archiv. di Venez. Misti, Cons. X. No. 9, pp. 84, 85.--Cecchetti, La Repubblica di Venezia, etc. I. 18.

[308] Archiv. di Venez. Misti, Cons. X. Vol. XIII. p. 192; Vol. XIX. p. 29.--Wadding. ann. 1455, No. 97.--Mag. Bull. Rom. I. 617.--Albizio, Riposto al P. Paolo Sarpi, pp. 64-70.

[309] Wadding. ann. 1494, No. 6.--When Frà Bernardo endeavored to establish a _mont de piété_ at Florence the moneyed interests were strong enough to drive him from the city (Burlamacchi, Vita di Savonarola, Baluz. et Mansi I. 557).

[310] Prediche di Frà Giordano da Rivalto, Firenze, 1831, I. 172.--Wadding. ann. 1340, No. 11.--Archivio di Firenze, Riformagioni, Diplomatico, 27; Classe V. No. 129, fol. 46, 54.

[311] Wadding. T. III. App. p. 3--Ughelli, Italia Sacra, Ed. 1659, II. 1075.--Archiv. di Firenze, Riformag. Classe V. No. 129, fol. 55.

[312] Archiv. di Firenze, Riformag. Atti Pubblici, Lib. XVI. de' Capitolari, fol. 15.--Villani Chron. XI. 138; XII. 55, 58.

[313] Archiv. delle Riformag. Atti Pubblici, Lib. XVI. de' Capitolari, fol. 22; Classe V. No. 129, fol. 62 sqq.--Archiv. Diplomatico XXXVII., XXXVIII., XL., XLI., XLII.--Villani, XII. 58.

The amount involved was not small. The revenue of Florence at this period was only three hundred thousand florins (Sismondi, Rep. Ital. ch. 36), and Florence was one of the richest states in Europe. Villani (XI. 92) boasts that France alone enjoyed a larger revenue; that of Naples was less, and the three were the wealthiest in Christendom.

[314] Archiv. delle Riformag. Classe IX., Distinzione i. No. 39; Classe V. No. 129, fol. 62 sqq.; Prov. del Convento di S. Croce, 23 Ott. 1354.--Villani, XII. 58.--Ughelli VII. 1015.

[315] Archiv. delle Riformag. Classe II. Distinz. I. No. 14.--Archiv. Diplom. LXXVIII.-IX., LXXX.-I.; Prov. del Convento di S. Croce, 1371 Febb. 18, Ott. 8, 14; 1372, Marz. 15; 1375, Marz. 9; 1380, Genn. 12; 1380, Dic. 1; 1381, Nov. 18; 1383, Lugl. 12; 1384, Dic. 13.--Werunsky Excerptt. ex Registt. Clement. VI. et Innoc. VI. p. 95.--Villani, XII. 58.--Wadding. ann. 1372, No. 35; ann. 1375, No. 32.--Raynald. ann. 1375, No. 13-17; ann. 1376, No. 1-5.--Poggii Hist. Florentin. Lib. II. ann. 1376.--A document of 1374 (Archiv. Fior. Prov. S. Croce, 1374, Nov. 17) allows that Frà Piero di Ser Lippo, at that time Inquisitor of Florence, was defendant in an action brought against him in the papal curia by the Dominican Frà Simone del Pozzo, Inquisitor of Naples, in which Frà Piero seems to have obtained what was equivalent to a nonsuit.

[316] Wadding. ann. 1377, No. 4-23.

[317] Tamburini, Storia Gen. dell' Inquisizione, II. 433-6.--Raynald. ann. 1418, No. 11.--Archiv. di Firenze, Prov. S. Maria Novella, 1424, Ap. 24.--Wadding. ann. 1437, No. 33; ann. 1438, No. 26; ann. 1439, No. 57; ann. 1440, No. 26; ann. 1441, No. 61; ann. 1452, No. 30; ann. 1471, No. 11; ann. 1496, No. 7.--Ripoll VII. 89, 100.

Frà Gabriele, the Inquisitor of Bologna, in the same year, 1461, in which he was sent to Rome, expended twenty-three lire ten sol. in having a copy made of Eymerich's _Directorium Inquisitionis_.--Denifle, Archiv für Litteratur-etc. 1885, p. 144.

[318] Paramo de Orig. Office S. Inq. p. 113.

[319] MSS. Chioccarello, T. VIII.--Raynald. ann. 1344, No. 9; ann. 1368, No. 16; ann. 1372, No. 36; ann. 1375, No. 26.--Tocco. Archivio Storico Napolitan. Ann. XII. (1887), Fasc. 1.--Ripoll II. 311, 324, 364.--Guiseppe Cosentino, Archivio Storico Siciliano, 1885, pp. 74-5, 87.--La Mantia, Dell' Inquisizione in Sicilia, Torino, 1886, pp. 13-15.

[320] Wadding. T. III. Regesta, p. 392.--Ripoll II. 689.

When, in 1447, Nicholas V. issued a cruel edict subjecting the Jews to severe disabilities and humiliations, Capistrano was likewise appointed conservator to enforce its provisions (Wadding. ann. 1447, No. 10).

[321] Giannone, Ist. Civ. di Napoli, Lib. XXXII. c. 5.--Wadding. ann. 1449, No. 13.--Ripoll III. 240, 441, 501.

[322] Paramo, pp. 197-99.--Ripoll III. 510.--La Mantia, L'Inquisizione in Sicilia, pp. 16-18.

Giuseppe Cosentino says (Archivio Storico Siciliano, 1885, p. 73) that the confirmation in 1451 by King Alonso of the diploma of Frederic II. is not to be found in the archives of Palermo, but that the royal letters of 1415 allude to a privilege granted by Frederic. See also La Mantia, pp. 8-10, 13, 15.

[323] Pirro, Sicilia Sacra, I. 185-6.--G. Cosentino, loc. cit. p. 76.--Caruso, Memorie Istoriche di Sicilia, P. II. T. i. p. 92.--Giannone, op. cit. Lib. XXXII. c. 5.--Paramo, pp. 191-4.--Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib. V. c. 70; Lib. IX. c. 36.--Mariana, Hist. de España, Lib. XXX. c. 1.

[324] Schmidt, Histoire des Cathares, I. 104-9.--Gregor. PP. VII. Regist. VII. 11.--Batthyani Legg. Eccles. Hung. II. 274, 289-90, 415-17.--Raynald. ann. 1203, No. 22.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. II. 176.

[325] Innoc. PP. III. Regest. II. 176; III. 3; V. 103, 110; VI. 140, 141, 142, 212.

[326] Schmidt, I. 112-13.

[327] Potthast No. 6612, 6725, 6802.--Raynald. ann. 1225, No. 21.--Klaic, Geschichte Bosniens, nach dem Kroatischen von Ivan v. Bojnicic, Leipzig, 1885, pp. 89-91.

[328] Monteiro, Historia da Sacra Inquisição P. I. Liv. 1, c. 59.--Paramo, p. 111.--Raynald. ann. 1257, No. 13.--Hist. Ord. Prædic. c. 8. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 338).--Ripoll I. 70.--Klaic, pp. 92-4.

[329] Epist. Sæc. XIII. T. I. No. 574, 601.--Ripoll I. 70.--Potthast No. 9726, 9733-8, 10019, 10052.--Klaic, p. 96.--Batthyani Legg. Eccles. Hung. I. 355.--Matt. Paris ann. 1243 (Ed. 1644, pp. 412-13).

[330] Bishop John succeeded in resigning his bishopric, and became Grand Master of his Order. A contemporary, who knew him personally, describes him as a man of apostolic virtue, who distributed in alms the revenue of his see, amounting to 8000 marks, and performed his journeys on foot, with an ass to carry his books and vestments. After his death at Strassburg he shone in miracles.--Thomæ Cantimprat. Bonum universale Lib. II. c. 56.

[331] Potthast No. 10223-6, 10507, 10535, 10631-9, 10688-93, 10822-4, 10842.--Ripoll I. 102-4, 106-7.--Schmidt, I. 122.--Klaic, pp. 97-107.

[332] Ripoll I. 175-6.--Klaic, pp. 107-13.--Kukuljevic, Jura Regni Croatiæ, Dalmatiæ et Slavoniæ, Zagrabiæ, 1862, I. 67.

[333] Rainerii Summa (Martene Thesaur. V. 1768).--Klaic, p. 153.--Theiner Monumenta Slavor. Meridional. I. 90.

[334] Raynald. ann. 1280, No. 8, 9; ann. 1291, No. 42-44.--Klaic, pp. 116-9.--Wadding. ann. 1291, No. 12.

[335] Wadding. ann. 1298, No. 2.--Klaic, pp. 123-4.--Raynald. ann. 1319, No. 24.

[336] Klaic, pp. 124-5, 139-40, 154-6.--Theiner Monument. Slavor. Merid. I. 157, 234.--Raynald. ann. 1325, No. 28; ann. 1327, No. 48.--Wadding. ann. 1325, No. 1-4; ann. 1326, No. 3-7; ann. 1329, No. 16; ann. 1330, No. 10.

[337] Archivio di Venezia, Fontanini MSS. III. 560.

[338] Theiner Monument. Slavor. Merid. I. 174, 175--Wadding. ann. 1331, No. 4; ann. 1337, No. 1.--Raynald. ann. 1335, No. 62.--Klaic, pp. 157-8.

[339] Klaic, pp. 159-61, 181-3.--Wadding. ann. 1340, No. 6-10.--Theiner, op. cit.

[340] Klaic, pp. 184-5, 187-8, 190-5, 200-1, 223, 262, 268-77, 287, 369.--Theiner Monument. Slavor. Merid. I. 233, 240.--Wadding. ann. 1356, No. 7; ann. 1368, No. 1-3; ann. 1369, No. 11; ann. 1372, No. 31-33; ann. 1373, No. 17; ann. 1382, No. 2.--Raynald. ann. 1368, No. 18; ann. 1372, No. 32.--Pet. Ranzani Epit. Rer. Hung. XIX. (Schwandtner Rer. Hung. Scriptt, p. 377).

In 1367 we find the people of Cattaro appealing to Urban V. for aid against the schismatics of Albania, and the heretics of Bosnia who were endeavoring to convert them by force (Theiner, op. cit. I. 259), which probably refers to some enterprise of the restless Sandalj Hranic. Yet when, in 1383, we hear of a Bishop of Bosnia, recently dead, who had lent 12,000 florins to Louis of Hungary, and had then bequeathed the debt to the Holy See (Ib. p. 337), we can only conclude that the orthodox Bosnian Church continued to exist and was not wholly penniless.

[341] Klaic, pp. 275, 287-8, 291, 297-8, 304-5, 312-13, 324.

[342] Klaic, p. 416.

[343] Ibid. pp. 335-8, 344-6, 351-3.

[344] Wadding, ann. 1433, No. 12-13; ann. 1435, No. 1-7, 9; ann. 1476, No. 39-40; ann. 1498. No. 2.--Ægid. Carlerii Lib. de Legationibus (Monument. Concil. General. Sæc. XV. T. I. p. 676).

[345] Theiner Monument. Slavor. Merid. I. 375, 376.--Klaic, pp. 354-6, 364-5, 369.

[346] Klaic, pp. 366-7, 369-70, 372-3.--Wadding, ann. 1437, No. 2-3; ann. 1444, No. 42-3.--Ripoll III. 91.--Raynald. ann. 1444, No. 2; ann. 1445, No. 23: ann. 1447, No. 21.--Theiner, op. cit. I. 388, 389, 395.

[347] Klaic, pp. 373-4.--Raynald. ann. 1449, No. 9.

[348] Klaic, pp. 376-77, 379.--Raynald. ann. 1449, No. 9; ann. 1450, No. 13; ann. 1461, No. 136.--Wadding. ann. 1451, No. 47, 52-3.--Ripoll III. 286.

[349] Theiner, op. cit. I. 408.--Klaic, pp. 380-2.

[350] Klaic, pp. 398, 408-9, 412, 414-15.--Theiner, I. 432.

[351] Klaic, pp. 424-6.

[352] Klaic, pp. 427-8, 432-6.--Wadding. ann. 1462, No. 82.

[353] Klaic, pp. 437-9, 443.--Wadding. ann. 1478, No. 67; ann. 1498, No. 2-3; ann. 1500, No. 44.

There was at least one humorous incident connected with the conquest of Bosnia. On the occupation by the Turks of the capital, Jaicza, the Franciscans fled to Venice, carrying with them the body of St. Luke, which had been translated thither from Constantinople. The possession of so important a relic brought them great consideration, but involved them in a troublesome contest. For three hundred years the Benedictine house of St. Justina at Padua had rejoiced in owning the body of St. Luke, which was the source of much profit. The Benedictines objected to the intrusion of the döppelganger; and as no trustworthy tradition assigned two bodies to the saint, there was no chance of compromise. They appealed to Pius II., who referred the case with full powers of decision to his legate at Venice, Cardinal Bessarion. A trial in all legal form was held, lasting for three months and resulting in the victory of the Franciscans. The Paduan Luke, as an impostor, was forbidden to enjoy in future the devotion of the faithful, but no provision was made to compensate those who for three centuries had wasted on him their prayers and offerings, in the belief that they were securing the suffrages of the genuine Evangelist. The Paduans for years vainly endeavored to get Bessarion's decision set aside, and they were finally obliged to submit. Their strongest argument was that, about the year 580, the Emperor Tiberius II. had given to St. Gregory, then apocrisarius of Pelagius II. in Constantinople, the head of St. Luke, which was still exhibited and venerated in the Basilica of the Vatican. Now the Benedictine St. Luke was a headless trunk, while the Franciscan one was perfect, and they argued with reason that it was highly improbable that St. Luke had possessed two heads. This logic was more cogent than successful, though the Vatican clergy did not feel called upon to discredit their own valuable relic, which they continued to exhibit as genuine. The question was still further complicated by a superfluous arm of the Evangelist which was preserved in the Basilica of S. Maria ad Præsepe (Wadding. ann. 1463, No. 13-23).

[354] Kaltner, Konrad von Marburg, Prag, 1882, pp. 41-5.--Frag. Hist. (Urstisii Scriptt. P. II. p. 89).--Chronik des Jacob v. Königshofen (Chroniken der deutchen Städte, IX. 649).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1215.--H. Mutii Chron. Lib. XIX. ann. 1212.--Innoc. PP. III. Regest. XIV. 138.--Cæsar. Heisterb. Dist. III. cap. 16, 17.

On the authority of Daniel Specklin, a Strassburg annalist who died in 1589, Bishop Henry is said to have met St. Dominic in Rome, to have promised him and Innocent III. to introduce the Dominican Order in Strassburg, and to have taken some members home with him, who speedily multiplied to about a hundred, and distinguished themselves by the persecution related in the text (Kaltner, loc. cit.; cf. Hoffman. Geschichte der Inquisition II. 365-71). At this period, as we have seen in a former chapter, Dominic was laboring obscurely in Languedoc, and it was not until 1214 that the liberality of Pierre Cella suggested to him the idea of assembling around him in Toulouse half a dozen kindred spirits. It was not until 1224 that the Dominican convent in Strassburg was founded (Kaltner, p. 45).

[355] Kaltner, p. 45.--Hoffmann, II. 371-2.--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1215.

[356] Innoc. PP. III. Regest. II. 141, 142, 235.--Alberic. Trium Font. ann. 1200.--Cæsar. Heisterb. Dist. V. c. 20.

[357] Kaltner, op. cit. pp. 69-71.--I am rather inclined to believe that honest Daniel Specklin has drawn to some extent upon his own convictions for this list of errors. Among them he enumerates lay communion in both elements. As the cup at this time had not been withdrawn from the laity, its administration would not have been characterized as a heresy.

[358] Tocco, L'Heresia nel Medio Evo, p. 21.--D'Argentré, Collect. Judic. I. I. 127.--Cæsar. Heisterbac. v. 22.--Nich. Trivetti Chron. ann. 1215 (D'Achery Spicileg. III. 185.)--Rigord. de Gest. Phil. Aug. ann. 1210.--Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1210.--Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. P. II. Q. vii.--Cf. Renan, Averroès et l'Averroïsme, 3d Ed. pp. 220-4.

[359] Cæsar. Heisterb. VI. 5.

[360] Rigordus de Gest. Phil. Aug. ann. 1210.--Chron. Canon Laudunens. ann. 1212.--Chron. de Mailros ann. 1210.--Chron. Turonens. ann. 1210.--Cæsar. Heisterb. V. 22.--Chron. Breve S. Dionys. ann. 1209.--Grandes Chroniques, IV. 139.--Guillel. Brito (Bouquet XVII. 82 sqq.).--D'Argentré, Coll. Judic. I. I. 128-33.--Harduin. Concil. VI. II. 1994.--Chron. Engelbusii (Leibnitz, S. Rer. Brunsv. II. 1113).

William the goldsmith, under the title of Gulielmus Aurifex, retains his place in the Index Librorum Prohibitorum to the present day (Migne, Dictionnaire des Hérésies, II. 1056). Cf. Reusch, Der Index der verbotenen Bücher. I. 17.

[361] Steph. de Borbone (D'Argentré I. I. 88).--Potthast No. 7348.--Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 410,--Concil. Lateran. IV. c. 2.

For the connection between the speculations of Erigena and those of Amauri see Poole's "Illustrations of the History of Medieval Thought," London, 1884, p. 77.

[362] Anon. Passaviens. c. 6 (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 300-2).--Kaltner, pp. 64-5.--Haupt, Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, 1885, p. 507.

[363] Kaltner, pp. 90-5.--Hartzheim Concil. German. III. 515-16.--Potthast No. 7260.--Chron. Mont. Sereni ann. 1222 (Menken. Scriptt. Rer. Germ. II. 265).--Chron. Sanpetrin. Erfurt, ann. 1222 (Ib. III. 250).

[364] Conrad of Marburg was too shining a light not to be earnestly and persistently claimed by the Dominicans as an ornament of their Order. Their legend relates that he was miraculously drawn into it in 1220 by St. Dominic himself, who earnestly desired him as a colleague, and who promptly sent him to Germany with a commission as inquisitor (Monteiro, Historia da Sacra Inquisição, P. I. Liv. i. c. 48.--Jac. de Voragine Legend. Aur. fol. 90_a_, Ed. 1480.--Paramo, pp. 248-9), and Ripoll assumes it as a matter of course, though he failed to furnish us with the promised dissertation to prove it (Bull. Domin. I. 20, 52). See also Kaltner, pp. 76-82. The claim is based upon his inquisitorial activity, his voluntary poverty, and the title of _prædicator_, which he bore in virtue of a papal commission--arguments flimsy enough, but better than that of his latest champion, Hausrath, who cites an expression in a letter of Gregory IX. characterizing Conrad as the watch-dog of the Lord--"_Dominicus canis_" (Hoffman, Geschichte d. Inq,. II. 392). Of course a negative, such as the present, can only be proved by negatives, but these are sufficient. In numerous letters to him from Honorius III. and Gregory IX. he is never addressed as "_Frater_," the term invariably used by the Mendicants. The superscription always is "_Magistro Conrado de Marburo prædicatori Verbi Dei_, or the equivalent--Conrad being presumably a master in theology (Epistt. Sæc. XIII. T. I. No. 51, 117, 118, 126, 361, 362, 484, 533, 537). Similarly in the chronicles of the time he is never spoken of as "_Frater_," but always as "_Magister Conradus_." Besides, Theodoric of Thuringia, himself a Dominican, and almost a contemporary, in his life of St. Elizabeth describes Conrad in the moat exalted terms, without claiming him for his Order, which he could not have avoided doing had there been ground for it (Canisii Thesaur. IV. 116).

[365] Theod. Thuring, de S. Eliz. Lib. III. c. 10 (Canisii Thesaur. IV. 130).--Potthast No. 7930.--Epistt. Sæc. XIII. T. I. No. 361.

[366] Kaltner, pp. 96, 121.--De Dictis IV. Ancillarum (Menken. Scriptt. Rer. Germ. II. 2017, 2023, 2029)--Theodor. Vit. S. Eliz. (Ib. 2000-1).--Jundt, Les Amis de Dieu, p. 95

[367] Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1214.--Chron. Sanpetrin. Erfurtens. (Menken. III. 242).--Kaltner, pp. 86-7.--Epistt. Sæcul. XIII. T. I. No. 117, 118, 126, 362.

[368] Hartzheim III. 521. Cf. Concil. Frizlar. ann. 1246, ib. p. 574.--Ripoll I. 21.

[369] Vit. S. Eliz. (Canisii Thesaur. I. 116).--Johann Rohte, Chron. Thuring. (Menken. II. 1715).--Kaltner, pp. 108, 130-33.--Gesta Treviror. Episcopp. c. 172.--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1230.

[370] Hartzheim III. 539, 540.--Potthast No. 8073-4.--Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. III. p. 466.--Gest. Treviror. Archiepp. c. 170. 172.

[371] Kaltner, pp. 135-6, 143.--Theod. Vit. S. Eliz. VII. 1.--Vit. rythmic. S. Eliz. (Menken. II. 2090).--Thür. Fortsetzung d. Sächs. Weltchronik (Pertz, Scriptt. Vernac. II. 292).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1232.--Erphurdian. Variloq. (Menken. II. 484).

[372] Kaltner. p. 134.--Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. IV. pp. 300-2.

[373] Annal. Wormatiens. (Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. IV. p. 616).--Kaltner, p. 138.--Sächsiche Weltchronik ann. 1232.--Gest. Treviror. Archiepp. c. 170.

[374] Pauli Carnotens. Vet. Aganon. Lib. VI. c. 3.--Adhemar. Cabannens. ann. 1022 (Bouquet, X. 159).--Gualteri Mapes de Nugis Curialium Dist. I. c. XXX.

[375] Raynald. ann. 1233, No. 41-6.--Epistt. Sæcul. XIII. T. I. No. 533, 537.--Gest. Treviror. Archiepp. c. 171.

[376] Alberic Trium Font. ann. 1234.--Godefrid S. Pantaleon. annal. ann. 1233.

It would seem from this that Henry, Archbishop of Cologne, was performing his functions at this period, although he had been suspended by Gregory IX. in December, 1231, pending an investigation into his criminal turpitude, which the pope declared to be a shame to describe and a horror to hear. In April, 1233, Gregory tried to make him resign, to which he responded in June by an appeal to the Holy See. The immediate consequence of this was a papal levy on the clergy of Cologne of three hundred sterling marks to defray expenses. In March of the next year further provision for the expenses was requisite. In April, 1235, we find him still under excommunication and deprived of his functions. After this he seems to have re-established himself, and in March, 1238, he was condemned to pay thirteen hundred sterling marks to a Roman banker for expenses incurred many years before by his predecessor. In May, 1239, we find his successor, Conrad von Hochstaden, in Rome as archbishop-elect, and Gregory ordering a levy of eight thousand marks on the province to pay the debts due there by the see (Epistt. Select. Sæcul. XIII. T. I. No. 457, 472, 523, 529-30, 555, 579, 637, 723, 748). This serves to illustrate the relations between the Roman curia and the great German bishoprics, the insatiable greed of the former, and the fruitless efforts at emancipation of the latter.

[377] Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. IV. pp. 285-7, 300-2.

[378] Annal. Wormatiens. (Hist. Dip. Frid. II. T. IV. pp. 616-17).--Kaltner, pp. 19, 146-8.--Epistt. Select. Sæc. XIII. No. 514.

[379] Gest. Treviror. Archiepp. c. 174.--Sächsische Weltchronik, ann. 1233 (Pertz, II. 292).--Annal. Wormatiens. (loc. cit.).--Godefrid. S. Pantaleon. Annal. ann. 1233.

[380] Sächsische Weltchronik, loc. cit.--Gest. Treviror. loc. cit--Alberic. Trium Font. ann. 1233.--Erphurdian. Variloq. ann. 1233.--Chron. Erfordiens. ann. 1233 (Schannat Vindem. Literar. I. 93).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1233.--Kaltner, pp. 160-1.

[381] Alberic. Trium Font. ann. 1233.--Alban Butler, Vies des Saints, 19 Novbre.

[382] Gest. Treviror. c. 174.--Hartzheim III. 549.

[383] Epistt. Select. Sæcul. XIII. T. I. No. 533, 537, 558, 560-1.--Chron. Erfordiens. ann. 1234 (Schannat Vindem. Literar. I. 94).

[384] Epistt. Select. Sæcul. XIII. T. I. No. 503, 572.--Chron. Erfordiens. (Schannat Vindem. Literar. I. 94).--Alberic. Trium Font. ann. 1234.--Gest. Treviror. c. 175.

[385] Alberic. Trium Font. ann. 1233.

[386] Alberic. Trium Font. ann. 1233.--Epistt. Select. Sæcul. XIII. T. I. No. 607, 611-12, 636, 647.

There would appear not to be ground for the story told by Philippe Mousket (Chronique Rimée, 28831-42.--Bouquet, XXII. 55) that Gregory sent a cardinal Otho to Germany, who proceeded to degrade sundry ecclesiastics concerned in the matter, and raised such a tempest that he was obliged to escape by night to Tournay, and thence return to Rome. Even if baseless, however, the very circulation of such a report shows the antagonism excited between Rome and Germany.

[387] Kaltner, p. 173.--Annal Wormatiens. (Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. IV. p. 617).

[388] Tritbem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1232.--Erphurdian. Variloq. ann. 1232 (Menken. II. 484).--Chron. Sanpetrin. Erfurt. (Ib. III. 254).--Anon. Saxon. Hist. Impp. (Ib. III. 125).--Chron. Erfordiens. ann. 1232 (Schannut Vindem. Literar. I. 92).

[389] Kaltner, pp. 171, 173.--Annal. Dominican. Colmar. ann. 1233 (Urstisii Germ. Hist. II. 6).--Potthast No. 13000, 15995.--Albert. Statdens. Chron. ann. 1248.

[390] Anon. Passaviens. contra Waldens. c. 3, 6, 9, 10 (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 299, 301-2, 308-9).--W. Preger, Beiträge, pp. 9, 49.--Ejusd. Per Tractat des David von Augsburg.

[391] Concil. Mogunt. ann. 1261 c. 1 (Hartzheim III. 596).--Cod. Epist. Rodolph. I. pp. 148-9, Lipsiæ, 1806.

[392] Sachsenspiegel, II. iii., III. i.--Raynald. ann. 1374, No. 12.

The papal condemnation was probably elicited by a passage in the Sachsenspiegel (II. 3) declaring that the pope could not issue decretals in prejudice of the local laws and constitutions. The Saxon legists were in no wise disconcerted, and proceeded to reassert and prove their position (Richstich Lnndrecht, II. 24).

[393] Schwabenspiegel, Ed. Senck. c. 29, 116 § 12, 351; Ed. Schilt. c. 111, 166, 308.

[394] Hist. Monast. S. Laurent. Leodiens. Lib. V. c. 54.--Mag. Chron. Belgic. p. 193.--Mosheim de Beghardis, Lipsiae, 1790, pp. 98-100, 114.

In popular use the words Lollard and Beghard were virtually convertible, and yet there is a difference between them. The associations of Lollards were founded during a pestilence at Antwerp about the year 1300. They were laymen who devoted themselves to the care of the sick and insane, and specially to the burial of the dead, supplying the funds partly by labor and partly by begging. The name was derived from the low and soft singing of the funeral chants, but they called themselves Alexians, from their patron, St. Alexis, and Cellites from dwelling in cells. They were also known as Matemans, and in Germany as Nollbrüder. The word Lollard gradually grew to have the significance of external sanctity covering secret license, and was promiscuously applied to all the mendicants outside of the regular Orders. The Cellite associations spread from the Netherlands through the Rhinelands and all over Germany. Constantly the subject of persecution, along with the Beghards, their value was recognized by the magistrates of the cities who endeavored to protect them. In 1472 Charles the Bold obtained from Sixtus IV. a bull receiving them into the recognized religious orders, thus withdrawing them from episcopal jurisdiction; and in 1506 Julius II. granted them special privileges. The associations of Alexian Brothers still exist, devoted to the care of the sick, and have flourishing hospitals in the United States, as well as in Europe. (Mosheim de Beghardis pp. 461, 469.--Martini Append. ad Mosheim pp. 585-88.--Hartzheim IV. 625-6.--Addis & Arnold's Catholic Dictionary, New York, 1884, p. 886.)

[395] Miræi Opp. Diplom. II. 948 (Ed. Foppens).--D'Argentré, Coll. Judic. I. I.

[396] Miræi Opp. Diplom. I. 429; II. 998, 1013; III. 398, 523.--Mosheim de Beghardis pp. 43, 105, 127, 131-2.--Wadding, ann. 1485, No. 27.--B. de Jonghe Beigium Dominican, ap. Ripoll II. 170.--Chron. Rimée de Ph. Mousket, 28817 (Bouquet. XXII. 54).

[397] Chron. Senonens. Lib. IV. c. 18 (D'Achery II. 634-6).

The cry of "_Brod durch Gott_ was already of old usage. It was the first German speech acquired by the Franciscans sent to Germany, in 1221, by St. Francis.--Frat. Jordani Chron. c. 27 (Analecta Franciscana I. 10).

[398] Haupt, Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, 1885, p. 544.--Hartzheim III. 717; IV. 577.--Concil. Trevirens. ann. 1257 c. 66 (Martene Ampl. Coll. VII. 114-5).--Mosheim p. 199.

[399] C. 3 Clement. V. 3.--Johann. de Ochsenstein (or of Zurich) (Mosheim de Beghardis pp. 255-61).--Concil. Colon. ann. 1306 c. 1, 2 (Hartzheim IV. 100-2).--Vitodurani Chron. ann. 1344 (Eccard. Corp. Hist. I. 1906-7).--Alvar. Pelag. de Planctu Eccles. Lib. II. art. 52.--Conr. de Monte Puellarum contra Begehardos (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 342-3).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1356.--D'Argentré, Coll. Judic. I. I. 377.--Nider Formicar. III. v.--W. Preger, Meister Eckart u. d. Inquisition, pp. 45-7.--Haupt, Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, 1885, 557-8.

[400] Nider. Formicar. III. vi.--Concil. Colon, ann. 1306 c. 1 (Hartzheim IV. 101).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1356.

Poggio states that in his time a number of ecclesiastics in Venice corrupted many women with this theory of impeccability and of nakedness as an evidence of a state of grace.--Poggii Dial. contra Hypocrisim.

[401] Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1315.--Schrödl, Passavia Sacra, Passau, 1879, pp. 242-3, 247, 284.

[402] Altmeyer, Les Précurseurs de la Réforme aux Pays-Bas, I. 94.--Raynald. ann. 1329, No. 71.

For the relations of Master Eckart with the Brethren of the Free Spirit, see Preger, Vorarbeiten zu einer Geschichte der deutschen Mystik (Zeitschrift für die hist. Theol. 1869. pp. 68-78). The fact that the bull of John XXII., "_In agro Dominico_" (Ripoll VII. 57; cf. Herman. Corneri Chron. _ap._ Eccard. Corp. Hist. II. 1036-7), condemning Master Eckart's errors, has until within a few years passed as a general bull against the Brethren, sufficiently shows the connection.

[403] Mosheim de Beghardis, pp. 305, 433-57.--Jundt, Les Amis de Dieu, pp. 65-66.--Gersoni Opp. Ed. 1494, xv. Z-xvi.B.--D'Argentré, Coll. Judic. I. II. 152.--Altmeyer, Les Précurseurs de la Réforme aux Pays-Bas, I. 107-117, 166-188.--Acquoy, Gerardi Magni Epistolæ, Amstelod. 1857, pp. 28, 32-5, 37-8, 40-2, 48-9, 52-4, 57-60, 69, 83, 101.--Von der Hardt, III. 107-20.--Bonet-Maury, Gérard Groot, pp. 37-8, 49-54, 62-4, 83-5.

[404] J. Tauleri Institt. c. 12.--Vitæ D. Johannis Tauleri Historia.

It is no wonder that Tauler's writings have been the subject of contradictory opinion and action on the part of the Church. Their tendencies to Illuminism and Quietism were recognized, and, in 1603, the Congregation of the Index proposed to prepare an expurgated edition of his works and of those of Savonarola, but the project was never executed.--Reusch, Der Index der verbotenen Bücher, I. 370, 469, 523, 589.

[405] Vitæ Tauleri Historia.

M. Jundt, as the result of a series of elaborate and ingenious investigations, feels himself authorized to assume that the mysterious Friend of God in the Oberland, who has given rise to so much discussion, was John of Rutberg; that he was a resident of Coire, and that his final hermitage was in the parish of Ganterschwyl, Canton of St. Gall (Jundt, Amis de Dieu, Paris, 1879, pp. 334-42). Prof. Ch. Schmidt, however, still considers that the mystery has not been solved.--Précis de l'Histoire de l'Église de l'Occident, Paris, 1885, p. 304.

[406] Jundt, pp. 37-9, 60-2, 83, 106-7, 166, 313.

[407] See Rénan, Averroès et l'Averroïsme, 3e Éd. pp. 95, 144-6.

[408] Jundt, pp. 143, 164, 308-9, 312-13, 316-17.

[409] Mosheim de Beghardis p. 256.--Jundt, pp. 13, 42-3, 147, 155-60, 282-7, 347.--Nider Formicar. III. 2.--Gerson. de Exam. Doctrinarum P. II. Consid. 3.

There is nothing improbable in the freedom of speech attributed to the Friends of God in their interview with Gregory. Apocalyptic inspiration was common at the period, and St. Birgitta of Sweden, and St. Catharine of Siena, were not particularly reticent in their language to the successors of St. Peter.

[410] Raynald. ann. 1296, No. 34.--Annal. Domin. Colmar. ann. 1290 (Urstisii Germ. Histor. II. 25).--Hartzheim IV. 54, 201.

[411] Concil. Colon, ann. 1306, c. 1, 2 (Hartzheim IV. 100-2).--Wadding, ann. 1305, No. 12.--Mosheim de Beghardis pp. 232-4.

[412] Concil. Trevirens. ann. 1310 c. 51 (Martene Thesaur. IV. 250).--Hocsemii Gest. Pontif. Lend. Lib. I. c. 31 (Chapeaville, II. 350).

[413] C. 3, Clement. V. iii.; C. 1, III. xi.

[414] Mosheim de Beghardis, pp. 255-61, 268-9.--Haupt, Zeitschrift für K.G. 1885, pp. 561-4.

Many of the decrees of the Council of Vienne were circulated at the time, but Clement, desiring a revision, ordered them to be destroyed or surrendered. After recasting them, they were adopted by a consistory held March 21, 1314, and copies were sent to some of the universities; but Clement's death, on April 20, caused new delay. John XXII. subjected them to another revision, and they were finally published October 25, 1317.--Franz Ehrle, Archiv für Litteratur-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1885, pp. 541-2.

The contradictory character of the provisions concerning the Beguines is doubtless attributable to these repeated revisions.

The manner in which John of Zurich obtained the bishopric of Strassburg is highly illustrative of the methods of the papal curia. On the death of Bishop Frederic, the chapter divided and elected four aspirants, among whom was John of Ochsenstein, a favorite of the Emperor Albert, who, to secure his confirmation, sent to Clement V. his chancellor, John of Zurich, Bishop of Eichstedt, and the Abbot of Pairis. The envoys returned bringing papal briefs, one appointing the chancellor to the contested see, and another filling that of Eichstedt with the abbot.--Closener's Chronik (Chron. der deutschen Städte, VIII. 91).

[415] Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1317.--Ripoll II. 169.--Wadding, ann. 1319, No. 11; Ejusd. Regest. Johann. PP. XXII. No. 81.--Vitodurani Chron. ann. 1317 (Eccard. Corp. Hist. I. 1785-6).--Chron. Sanpetrin. Erfurt, ann. 1315 (Menken. III. 325).--Chron. Magdeburgens. ann. 1317 (Meibom. Rer. German. II. 337).--Chron. Egmondan. ann. 1317 (Matthæi Analect. IV. 161).--Mosheim de Beghardis, pp. 251, 269.

[416] Mosheim, pp. 189-90.--Martini Append. ad Mosheim, pp. 630-2, 638-40.--C. 1 Extrav. Commun. III. 9.--Ripoll II. 169-70.--Haupt, Zeitschrift für K. G. 1885, pp. 517, 524.

[417] Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1322.

[418] Gesta Treviror. ann. 1323 (Martene Ampl. Coll. IV. 410).--Chron. Egmondan. (Matthæi Analect. IV. 233-4)--Vitodurani Chron. (Eccard. Corp. Histor. I. 1814-15).

[419] Hartzheim IV. 436, 438.

[420] Mosheim de Beghardis, pp. 272, 298-300.--Martini Append. ad Mosheim, p. 537.--Haupt, Zeitschrift für K. G. 1885, p. 534.--Chron. de S. Thiebaut de Metz (Calmet, II. Pr. clxxi.).--Erphurdian. Variloq. ann. 1350 (Menken. II. 507).

[421] Vitodurani Chron. (Eccard. Corp. Hist. I. 1833-4, 1839-40).--Dalham Concil. Salisburg. p. 157.

[422] Vitodurani Chron. (Eccard. I. 1906-7, 1767-8).--Ullman, Reformers before the Reformation, Menzies' Translation, I. 383.

[423] Conrad, de Monte Puellar. contra Begehardos (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 342).--Mosheim de Beghardis p. 307.

[424] Carl Müller, Der Kampf Ludwigs des Baiern mit der römischen Curie, Tubingen, 1879, I. 234 sqq.

When that bold thinker, Marsiglio of Padua, endeavored, for the benefit of his patron, the Emperor Louis, to introduce into Germany the principles of the Roman jurisprudence which had enabled the French monarchs to triumph over their feudatories and to become independent of the Church, he handled the subject of the persecution of heresy in a manner which has led some writers to regard him as an advocate of toleration. This is an error. It is true that he denies all Scriptural or apostolical authority for the temporal punishment of infractions of the divine law, and asserts that Christ alone is the judge thereof, and his punishments are reserved for the next world, but this is only to serve as a premise to his conclusion that the persecution of heresy is a matter of human law, to be ordained and enforced by the secular ruler. Though the heretic, he argues, sins against the divine law, he is punished for transgressing a human law; the priest has nothing to do with it, except as an expert to determine the commission of the crime, and has no claim upon the consequent confiscations (Defensor. Pacis P. II. c. ix., x.; P. III. c. ii. Conclus. 3, 30). All this is simply part of his general scheme to exclude the Church from control in secular affairs. Louis was never in a position to give these theories practical effect; they had no influence either on the current of opinion or on the course of events, and are only interesting as an episode in the development of political thought.

[425] Werunsky Excerpta ex Registris Clement. VI. et Innoc. VI., Innsbruck, 1885, pp. 8, 40, 63.--Schmidt, Päbstliche Urkunden und Regesten, Halle, 1886, p. 383.

[426] Boccaccio, Decamerone, Giorn. I--Alberti Argentinens. Chron, ann. 1348-9 (Urstisius, II. 147).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1248.--Aventinus, Annal. Boiorum Lib. VII. c. 20.--Grandes Chroniques V. 485-6.--Guillel. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1348-9.--Froissart, Lib. I. P. ii. ch. 5.--Meyeri Annal. Flandr. ann. 1349.--Henrici Rebdorff. Chron. ann. 1347.--Alberti Argent. de Gestis Bertold. (Urstisius, II. 177).--Mascaro, Memorias de Bezes, ann. 1348.--Gesta Treviror. ann. 1349.--Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet (Martene Ampl. Coll. V. 253-4).--Erphurd. Variloq. ann. 1348-9 (Menken. II. 506-7).

Accusations such as were brought against the Jews were no new thing. In 1321 all the lepers throughout Languedoc were burned on the charge that they had been bribed by the Jews to poison the wells. Doubtless torture was employed to obtain the confessions which were freely made. The story went that the King of Granada, finding himself hard pressed by the Christians, gave great sums to leading Jews to effect in this way the desolation of Christendom. The Jews, fearing that they would be suspected, employed the lepers. Four great councils of lepers were held in various parts of Europe, where every lazar-house was represented except two in England; there the attempt was resolved upon, and the poison was distributed. King Philippe le Long was in Poitou at the time; when the news was brought him he returned precipitately to Paris, whence he issued orders for the seizure of all the lepers of the kingdom. Numbers of them were burned, as well as Jews. At the royal castle of Chinon, near Tours, an immense trench was dug, and filled with blazing wood, where, in a single day, one hundred and sixty Jews were burned. Many of them, of either sex, sang gayly as though going to a wedding, and leaped into the flames, while mothers cast in their children for fear that they would be taken and baptized by the Christians present. The royal treasury is said to have acquired one hundred and fifty thousand livres from the property of Jews burned and exiled.--Guillel. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1321.--Grandes Chroniques V. 245-51.--Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet. ann. 1321.

[427] Amalr. Augerii Hist. Pontif. Roman. ann. 1320 Muratori, S. R. I. III. II. 475.--Johann. S. Victor. Chron. ann. 1320 (Ib. p. 485).--Chron. Anon. ann. 1330 (Ib. p. 499).--Pet. de Herentals ann. 1320 (Ib. p. 500).--Guillel. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1320.--Grandes Chroniques, V. 245-6.--Cronaca di Firenze ann. 1335 (Baluz. et Mansi IV. 114).--Villani, Lib. XI. c. 23.--Lami, Antichità Toscane, p. 617.

Venturino was acquitted of the charge of heresy, but his free speech offended the pope; he was forbidden to preach or hear confessions, and was sentenced to live in retirement at Frisacca, in the mountains of Ricondona (Villani l. c.). He died in 1346, at Smyrna, whither he had gone as a missionary. He had preached with wonderful success in all the countries of Europe, including Spain, England, and Greece. His face, when preaching, shone with celestial light, and his miracles were numerous (Raynald. ann. 1346, No. 70).

[428] Erphurdian. Variloq. ann. 1349.--Chron. Magdeburgens. ann. 1348 (Meibom. Rer. German. II. 342).--Alberti Argentinens. Chron. ann. 1349.--Closener's Chronik (Chron. der deutschen Städte, VIII. 105 sqq.).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1348--Hermann. Corneri Chron. ann. 1350.--Guillel. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1349.--Grandes Chroniques, V. 492-3.--Froissart, Liv. I. P. II. ch. 5.--Gesta Treviror. ann. 1349.--Meyeri Annal. Flandriæ ann. 1349.--Chron. Ægid. Li Muisis (De Smet, Corp. Chron. Flandr. II. 349-51).--Henr. Rebdorff. Annal. ann. 1347.

[429] Alberti Argentinens. Chron. ann. 1349.--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1348.

[430] Von der Hardt. T. III. pp. 95-105.

[431] Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1348.--Hartzheim IV. 471-2.--Meyeri Ann. Flandr. ann. 1349.

[432] Raynald, ann. 1353, No. 26, 27.--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1356.--Naucleri Chron. ann. 1356.--Hartzheim IV. 483.

[433] Mosheim de Beghardis, pp. 333-4.

[434] Mosheim de Beghardis, pp. 335-7.--Chron. Magdeburg. (Leibnitii Scriptt. R. Brunsv. III. 749).--Herm. Korneri Chron. (Eccard. II. 1113).--Cat. Prædic. Prov. Saxon. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 344).--Böhmer, Regest. Karl IV. No. 4761.

[435] Mosheim de Beghardis pp. 343-55.

[436] Mosheim de Beghardis pp. 356-62.--Mosheim suggests that the distinction between the houses of the Beghards and the Beguines probably arose from the former being larger and situated in the cities, the latter smaller, more numerous, and scattered among the towns and villages.

[437] Chron. Magdeburg. (Leibnitii S. R. Brunsv. III. 749).--Herm. Corneri Chron. (Eccard. Corp. Hist. III. 1113-4).--Raynald. ann. 1372, No. 34.--Ripoll II. 275.--Mosheim de Beghardis pp. 380-3.

[438] Mosheim de Beghardis pp. 368-74, 378-9.--Böhmer, Regest. Karl. IV. No. 4761.

[439] Mosheim de Beghardis pp. 364-66.--Martini Append. ad Mosheim pp. 541-2.

[440] Cat. Prædic. Prov. Saxon. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 344).--Raynald. ann. 1372, No. 33, 34.--Mosheim de Beghardis pp. 388-92.--Martini Append. ad Mosheim pp. 647-8.

[441] Martene Thesaur. II. 960-1.--Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet (Martene Ampl. Coll. V. 293, 301-2).--Raynald. ann. 1372, No. 33.--Meyeri Annal. Flandriæ ann. 1373.--Mag. Chron. Belgic. ann. 1374.--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1374.--P. de Herentals Vit. Gregor. XI. ann. 1375 (Muratori S. R. I. III. ii. 674-5).

[442] Mosheim de Beghardis pp. 394-8.--Haupt, Zeitschrift für K.G. 1885, pp. 525-6, 553-4, 563-4.--Hæmmerlin Glosa quarumd. Bullar. per Beghardos impetratar. (Basil. 1497, c. 4 sqq.).

[443] Höfler, Prager Concilien, pp. 26-7.--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1392.--Jundt, Les Amis de Dieu, p. 3.--Haupt, ubi sup. p. 510.

[444] There has recently been discovered at St. Florian, in Austria, an epistle written in 1368 by the Waldenses of Lombardy to some of their German brethren on the occasion of the withdrawal of certain members of the sect, who alleged in justification that the Waldenses were ignorant, that they had no divine authority, and that they were mercenary. Evidently the local church had appealed to the Lombards as to a central head, for an answer to these accusations, and the reply, together with a rejoinder by one of the apostates, throws valuable light upon the current beliefs of the sectaries. It appears that they carried their origin back to the primitive Church, claiming that their predecessors had opposed the reception of the Donation of Constantine, and that when Silvester refused to reject the perilous gift a voice sounded from heaven, "This day hath poison been spread in the Church of God." As they were unyielding, they were driven out and persecuted, since when they had preserved the genuine tradition of the Church in obscurity and affliction. They asserted that Peter Waldo had been ordained to the priesthood, and that they possessed full authority, transmitted from God, but nothing is said as to the apostolical succession, and the apostate, Sigfried, reproaches them with only hearing confessions and sending their disciples to the Catholic churches for the other sacraments. There is no word as to transubstantiation, which must therefore have been an accepted doctrine among them, and their frequent quotations from Augustine and Bernard show that they admitted the authority of the doctors of the Church. They allude to two Franciscans who had recently joined the sect, to a priest who had done so and had been burned, and to a Bishop Bestardi, who, for the same offence, had been summoned to Rome, whence he had never returned.--Comba, Histoire des Vaudois d'Italie, I. 243-55.

[445] Index Error. Waldens. (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 340).--Petri Herp Annal. Francofurt. ann. 1389 (Senckenberg Select. Juris II. 19).--Gudeni Cod. Diplom. III. 598-600.--Serrarii Hist. Mogunt. Lib. v. p. 707.--Hist. Ordin. Carthus. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 214).--Modus examinandi Hsereticos (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 341-2).

John Wasmod subsequently wrote a tract against the Beghards which has been printed by Haupt (Zeitschrift fur Kirchengeschichte, 1885, pp. 567-76). Its chief interest lies in its attributing to the Beghards the tenets of the Waldenses. There is no allusion to pantheism, to union with God, to refusal of the sacraments, to the denial of hell and purgatory. Either he confounds the sects, or else the Waldenses concealed themselves under the guise of Beghards, or else there were among the Beghards a certain number who constituted a church separate from that of Rome without adopting the distinctive principles of Amaurianism. Wasmod tells us that they do not easily receive applicants, whose obedience they test by making them eat putrid flesh, drink water foul with maggots, etc., at the risk of their lives. One of their strongest arguments is found in the corruption of the Church, which is thus deprived of the power of the keys. Distinctively referable to Beghardism is the assertion that these heretics are greatly favored and defended by the magistrates of the cities; and not very flattering to Rome is the explanation that the bulls in favor of the Beguines were obtained by the use of money.

[446] Gretseri Prolegom. c. 6 (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 292).--Refutat. Waldens. (Ib. p. 335).--P. de Pilichdorf. c. 15 (Ib. p. 315).--Wattenbach, Sitzungsberichte der Preuss. Akad. 1886, pp. 49-9, 51.

[447] Wattenbach, op. cit. pp. 49-50, 54-55.--Flac. Illyr. Cat. Test. Veritatis Lib. XV. pp. 1506, 1524; Lib. XVIII. p. 1803 (Ed. 1608).

[448] W. Preger, Beiträge, pp. 51, 53-4, 68, 72.--P. de Pilichdorf c. 15 (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 315).

[449] Hoffmann, Geschichte der Inquisition, II. 384-90.--C. Schmidt, Real-Encyklop. s. V. Winkeler.

[450] Martini Append, ad Mosheim pp. 652-66, 674-5.--Mosheim pp. 409-10, 430-1.--Hartzheim V. 676--Haupt. Zeitschrift für K. G. 1885, pp. 565-7.

[451] Mosheim de Beghardis pp. 225-8, 383-4.--Martini Append, ad Mosheim pp. 656-7.--Herm. Corneri Chron. ann. 1402-3 (Eccard. Corp. Hist. II. 1185-6).--Raynald. ann. 1403, No. 23.

[452] Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet ann. 1400 (Martene Amplis. Coll. V. 358.)--Haupt. Zeitschrift für K. G. 1885, pp. 513-15.--Chron. Glassberger ann. 1410 (Analecta Franciscana II. 233-5).--Martini Append. ad Mosheim p. 559.--Mosheim p. 455.--Serrarii Lib. V. (Scriptt. Rer. Mogunt. I. 724).

In 1399 an outbreak very similar to that of the Flagellants took place in Italy, stimulated by a pestilence which was ravaging the land. The pilgrims were known as _Bianchi_, from the white linen vestments which they wore, and they first brought to popular notice the "Stabat Mater," which was their favorite hymn. The only reference to flagellation, however, is that in Genoa they were joined by the old fraternities of the Verberati or guilds, founded in 1306, which publicly used the scourge. The Archbishop of Genoa and many of the Lombard bishops lent the movement their countenance; universal peace was proclaimed, enemies forgave each other, and even the strife of Guelf and Ghibelline for a moment was forgotten. When we are told that twenty-five thousand Modenese made the pilgrimage to Bologna, we can readily understand why suspicious rulers, such as Galeazzo Visconti and the Signory of Venice, forbade the entry of their states to such armies. Boniface IX. probably felt the same alarm when the movement reached Rome, and the whole population, including some of the cardinals, put on white garments and marched in procession through the neighboring towns. He caused one of the leaders to be seized at Aquapendente; the free use of torture brought a confession that the whole affair was a fraud, and the poor wretch was burned, when the movement collapsed.--Georgii Stella Annal. Genuens. ann. 1399 (Muratori, S. R. I. XVII. 1170).--Mattæi de Griffonibus Memor. Historial. ann. 1399 (Ib. XVIII. 207).--Cronica di Bologna ann. 1399 (Ib. XVIII. 565).--Annal. Estens. ann. 1398 (Ib. XVIII. 956-8).--Conrad Urspurgens. Chron. Contin. ann. 1399.--Theod. a Niem de Schismate, Lib. II. c. 26.

[453] Nider Formicar. Lib. III. c. 2.--Haupt, Zeitschrift für K. G. 1885, pp. 510-11.--Gersoni de Consolat. Theolog. Lib. IV. Prosa iii.; Ejusd. de Mystica Theol. speculat. P. I. consid. viii.; Ejusd. de Distinct, verar. Vision. a falsis, Signum V.

[454] Baluz. et Mansi I. 288-93.--Altmeyer, Les Précurseurs de la Réforme aux Pays-Bas, I. 84.

[455] Theod. Vrie, Hist. Concil. Constant. Lib. IV. Dist. 13.--Marieta, Los Santos de España, Lib. XI. c. xxviii.--Gobelini Person. Cosmodrom. Æt. VI. c. 93.--Chron. S. Ægid. in Brunswig (Leibnitii S. R. Brunsv. III. 595).--Gieseler, Lehrbuch der Kirchengeschichte, II. III. 317-18.--Herm. Corneri Chron. ann. 1416 (Eccard. Corp. Hist. II. 1206).--Andreæ Gubernac. Concil. P. IV. c. 11 (Von der Hardt VI. 194)--Chron. Magdeburgens. ann. 1454 (Meibom. Rer. German. II. 363).--Haupt, Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, 1887, 114-18.--Herzog, Abriss. II. 405.

In 1448, when pestilence and famine in Italy brought men to a sense of their sins, the eloquence of Frà Roberto, a Franciscan, excited multitudes to repentance, and the streets of the cities were again filled with Flagellants, disciplining themselves and weeping (Illescas, Historia Pontifical, II. 130).

[456] Conc. Constant. Decret. Reform. Lib. III. Tit. X. c. 13; Tit. V. c. 5 (Von der Hardt, I. 715-17).--Hemmerlin Glosa quarund. Bullar. (Opp. c. d.).--De Rebus Malthæi Grabon (Von der Hardt, III. 107-20).

[457] Von der Hardt, IV. 1518.--Concil. Salisburg. XXXIV. c. 32 (Dalham, Concil Salisb. p. 186).

[458] Hemmerlin Glosa quarund. Bullar; Ejusd. Lollardorum Descriptio.--Nider Formicar. III. 5, 7, 9.

[459] Concil. Herbipolens. ann. 1446 (Hartzheim V. 336).. Mosheim de Beghardis pp. 173-9, 190, 194-5.--Addis and Arnold's Catholic Dictionary, p. 73.

[460] Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1460.--.Hartzheim V. 464, 507, 560, 578.--Wadding, ann. 1492, No. 8.--Martini Append, ad Mosheim p. 579.

[461] Concil. Senens. ann. 1423 (Harduin. VIII. 1016-17).--.Ullumnn's Reformers before the Reformation, Menzies' Transl. I. 383-4.--Flac. Illyr. Catal. Test. Veritatis Lib. XIX. p. 1836 (Ed. 1608).--Comba, Histoire des Vaudois d'Italie, I. 97.--Hoffmann, Geschichte der Inquisition, II. 390-1.

[462] Wattenbach, Sitzungsberichte der Preuss. Akad. 1886, pp. 57-8,

[463] Hist. Persecut. Eccles. Bohem. pp. 71-2 (s. 1. 1648). Camerarii Hist. Frat. Orthodox, pp. 116-17 (Heidelbergæ, 1605).--Ripoll III. 577.]

[464] Ullmann, op. cit. I. 195-207.--Æn. Sylvii Epist. 400 (Opp. 1571, p. 932).--Fasciculus Rerum Expetendarum et Fugiendarum II. 115-28 (Ed. 1690).--Freber et Struv. II. 187-266.--Wadding. ann. 1461, No. 5.--Ripoll III. 466.--Chron. Glassberger ann. 1462.

[465] Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1476.--Ullmann, op. cit. I. 377 sqq.

[466] D'Argentré I. II. 291-8.--Ullmann, op.cit. I. 258-9, 277-94, 356-7.--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1479.--Conr. Ursperg. Chron. Continuat. ann. 1479,--Melanchthon. Respons. ad Bavar. Inquis., Witebergæ, 1559, Sig. B 3.

[467] Ripoll IV. 5.--Synod Bamberg. ann. 1491, Tit. 44 (Ludewig Scriptt. Rer. Germ. I. 1242-44).--D'Argentré I. II. 342.

[468] Pauli Langii Chron. Citicens. (Pistorii Rer. Germ. Scriptt. I. 1276-6.)--Gieseler, Lehrbuch der Kirchengeschichte II. IV. 532 sq.--Herzog, Abriss, II. 397-401.--Spalatini Annal. ann. 1515 (Menken. II. 591).--Eleuth. Bizeni Joannis Reuchlin Encomion (sine nota. sed c. ann. 1516).--II. Corn. Agrippæ Epist. II. 54

[469] Ripoll IV. 378.--Lutheri Opp., Jenæ, 1564, I. 185 sqq.--Henke, Neuere Kirchengeschichte, I. 42-6.

[470] Dubrav. Hist. Bohem. Lib. 14 (Ed. 1587, pp. 380-1).

[471] Palacky, Beziehungen der Waldenser, Prag, 1869, p. 10.--Potthast No. 11818.

Palacky (pp. 7-8) conjectures that these heretics were Cathari, but his reasoning is quite inadequate to overcome the greater probability that they were of Waldensian origin. He is, however, doubtless correct in suggesting that the allusion to princes and magnates may properly connect the movement with the commencement of the conspiracy which finally dethroned King Wenceslas I. in 1253. Wenceslas was a zealous adherent of the papacy and opponent of Frederic II., and the connection between antipapal politics and heresy was too close for us to discriminate between them without more details than we possess.

[472] Wadding. ann. 1257, No. 16.--Potthast No. 16819.--Höfler, Prager Concilien. Einleitung, p. xix.

[473] Palacky. op. cit. pp. 11-13.--Schrödl, Passavia Sacra, Passau, 1879, p. 242.--Dubravius (Hist. Bohem. Lib. 20) relates that in 1315 King John burned fourteen Dolcinists in Prague. Palacky (ubi sup.) argues, and I think successfully, that this relates to the above affair and that there were no executions.

[474] Wadding. ann. 1318, No. 2-6.--Ripoll II. 138-9, 174-6.--Gustav Schmidt, Päbstliche Urkunden und Regesten, Halle, 1886, p. 105.--Raynald. ann. 1319, No. 43.

[475] Palacky, op. cit. pp. 15-18.--Flac. Illyr. Catal. Test. Veritatis Lib. XV. p. 1505 (Ed. 1608).--Raynald. ann. 1335, No. 61-2.--Wadding. ann. 1335, No. 3-4.

[476] Krasinsky, Reformation in Poland, London, 1838, I. 55-6.--Raynald. ann. 1341, No. 27.

[477] Werunsky Excerptt. ex Registt. Clem. VI. pp. 28, 47.--Raynald. ann. 1347, No. 11.

[478] OEn. Sylvii Hist. Bohem. c. 36.--Naucleri Chron. ann. 1360.--Höfler, Prager Concilien, pp. 2, 3, 5, 7.--Loserth, Hus und Wicklif, Prag, 1884, pp. 261 sqq.--Werunsky Excerptt. ex Registt. Clem. VI. pp. 1, 2, 3, 13, 25.

Dispensations for children to hold preferment were an abuse of old date, as we have seen in a former chapter. In 1297 Boniface VIII. authorized a boy of Florence, twelve years old, to take a benefice involving the cure of souls.--Faucon, Registres de Boniface VIII. No. 1761, p. 666.

[479] Werunsky op. cit. pp. 89, 94, 98, 99, 102, 111, 120, 135, 136, 140, 141.--Gudeni Cod. Diplom. III. 509.--Hartzheim Concil. Germ. IV. 510.

[480] Höfler, Prager Concilien, pp. 2, 5, 12, 14, 26-7.--Loserth, Hus und Wiclif, pp. 32-33, 37.--W. Preger, Beiträge, p. 51.--Flac. Illyr. Catal. Test. Veritatis Lib. xv. p. 1506 (Ed. 1608).

[481] Mosheim de Beghardis p. 381.

[482] Loserth, Hus und Wiclif, pp. 49, 50-2.--Lechler (Real Encyklopädie, X. 1-3).--Raynald. ann. 1374, No. 10-11.

[483] Höfler, Prager Concilien, pp. 33, 37-9.--De Schweinitz, History of the Unitas Fratrum (Bethlehem, Pa., 1885, pp. 25-6).

[484] Loserth, Hus und Wiclif, pp. 54, 56-7, 63-4, 68-9.--Montet, Hist. Lit. des Vaudois, p. 150.--Pseudo-Pilichdorf Tract. contra Waldens. c. 15 (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 315).

[485] Arnold's English Works of Wyclif, III. 454-96. Cf. Væ Octuplex (Ib. II. 380); Of Mynystris in the Chirch (Ib. II. 394); Vaughan's Tracts and Treatises, p. 226; Trialogi III. 6, 7; Trialogi Supplem. c. 2.--Losertb, Mittheilungen des Vereines für Gesch. der Deutschen in Böhmen, 1886, pp. 384 sqq.

[486] Trialogi II. 14; IV. 22.--Jo. Hus de Ecclesia, c. 1 (Monument. I. fol. 196-7, Ed. 1558).--Wil. Wodford adv. Jo. Wiclefum (Fascic. Rer. Expetend. et Fugiend. I. 250, Ed. 1690).--In the condemnation of the innovations by the Council of Prague, in 1412, predestination is not among the errors enumerated (Höfler, Prager Concilien, p. 72), though it appears in the final proceedings against Huss in the Council of Constance (P. Mladenowic Relatio, Palacky Documenta. p. 317).

[487] Raynald. ann. 1377, No. 4-6.--Lechler's Life of Wickliff, Lorimer's Translation, II. 288-90, 343-7.--Loserth, Hus und Wiclif, pp. 101-2, 121.--Palacky Documenta Mag. Johannis Hus, p. 189, 203, 313, 374-6, 426-8, 467.--Harduin. Concil. VIII. 203.--Von der Hardt III. XII. 168; IV. 153, 328.--Jo. Hus Replica contra P. Stokes (Monument. I. 108 _a_).--Höfler, Prager Concilien. p. 53.

[488] Loserth, op. cit. pp. 79, 114, 161 sqq.--Mittheilungen des Vereines für Gesch. d. Deutschen in Böhmen, 1886, 395 sqq.--Jo. Hus Monument. I. 25_a_, 108_a_.--Nider Formicar. Lib. III. c. 9. fol. 50_a._--Von der Hardt IV. 328.--Gobelin. Personæ Cosmodrom. Ætat. VI. c. 86-7 (Meibom. Rer. German. I. 319-21).

[489] Loserth, op. cit. pp. 13, 75-8, 98-100.--Jo. Hus Monument. II. 25-52.

Even Æneas Sylvius (Hist. Bohem. c. 35) speaks of Huss as distinguished for the purity of his life; and the Jesuit Balbinus says that his austerity and modesty, his kindness to all, even to the meanest, won for him universal favor. No one believed that so holy a man could deceive or be deceived, so that the memory of the thief was worshipped at Prague as that of a saint (Bohuslai Balbini Epit. Rer. Bohem. Lib. V. C. V. p. 431).

[490] Palacky Documenta, pp. 3, 56.--Berger, Johannes Hus u. König Sigmund, p. 5.--Loserth, op. cit. pp. 82, 98-100, 103-5, 111-12, 270.--Höfler, Prager Concilien, pp. 43-6, 51-3, 57, 60, 61-2.--Hist. Persecut. Eccles. Bohem. p. 29.

Wickliff continued to the end to be the chief authority of the Hussites. A half a century later he is appealed to by both factions into which they were divided. See Peter Chelcicky's reply to Rokyzana, in Goll, Quellen und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der Böhmischen Brüder, II. 83-4.

[491] Loserth, pp. 105-6.--Palacky Documenta, pp. 345-6, 363-4.

[492] Loserth, op. cit. pp. 106-10, 123-4.--Palacky Documenta, pp. 181, 347, 350--62.--Höfler, Prager Concilien, pp. 64-70.--Raynald. ann. 1409, No. 89.

[493] Æneæ; Sylv. Hist. Bohem. c. 35.--Loserth, op. cit. p. 137.--Palacky Documenta, pp. 184-5, 342-3.--Palacky, Beziehungen, pp. 19-20--Jo. Hus Monument. I. 2-3.

[494] Loserth, op. cit. pp. 120, 123-4.--Höfler, Prager Concilien, pp. 5, 15, 18, 31, 32, 46, 57.

[495] Loserth, op. cit. pp. 121-3, 130.--Palacky Documenta, pp. 19-21, 191, 233.--Mladenowic Relatio (Palacky p. 319).--Jo. Hus Disputatio contra Indulgent. (Monument. I. 174-89); Ejusd. contra Bull. PP. Joannis (Ib. I. 189-91); Ejusd. Serm. XXII. de Remissione Peccatorum (Ib. II. 74-5).

[496] Loserth, op. cit. p. 131.--Palacky Documenta, p. 640.--De Schweinitz, Hist. of the Unitas Fratrum, pp. 41-2.--Stephani Cartus. Antihussus c. 5 (Pez Thesaur. Anecd. IV. II. 380, 382).

[497] Höfler, Prager Concilien, pp. 73, 110.--Loserth, op. cit. pp. 132-5.--J. Hus Monument. I. 17; Ejusd. de Ecclesia c. 14 (Monument. I, 223. Cf. Wicklif. de Eccles. c. 18, _ap._ Loserth, p. 188).--Palacky Documenta, pp. 458, 464-66.

[498] Höfler, Prager Concilien, pp. 73-100.--Loserth, op. cit. pp. 142-5.--Palacky Documenta, p. 510.--Mladenowic Relatio (Palacky Documenta, p. 246).

[499] Von der Hardt IV. 313.

[500] Leonardi Aretini Comment. (Muratori S.R.I. XIX. 927-8). --Harduin. VIII. 231.--Theod. a Niem Vit. Joann. XXIII. Lib. II. c. 37 (Von der Hardt II. 384).--Palacky Documenta, pp. 512-18.

For the confusion existing in Germany, caused by the Schism, see Haupt, Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, 1883, pp. 356-8.

[501] Jo. Fistenport. Chron. ann. 1415 (Hahn. Coll. Monum. I. 401).--Dacherii Hist. Magnatum (Von der Hardt V. II. 50).--Theod. a Niem Vita Joann. XXIII. Lib. I. c. 40 (Ib. II. 388).--Nider Formicar. Lib. V. c. ix.

[502] Stephani Cartus. Dial. Volatilis c. 11, 14, 21 (Pez Thesaur. Anecd. IV. II. 465, 473, 492).--The three sermons prepared for this purpose are printed in Huss's works (Monument. I. 44-56). The first is on the sufficiency of the law of Christ for the government of the Church: the second is an elaborate exposition of his belief; the third on Peace, in which he attributes the schisms and troubles of the Church to the pride and greed and vices of the clergy.

[503] Mladenowic Relatio (Palacky Documenta, p. 237).--Von der Hardt IV. 754.--Jo. Hus Monument. I. 2-4, 57, 68.--Palacky Documenta, pp. 70, 73.

[504] Richentals Chronik des Constanzer Concils p. 76 (Tübingen, 1882).--Jo. Hus Epistt. iii. vi. (Monument. I. 57-8).--Monument. I. 4_a_

[505] Richentals Chronik p. 58.--Jo. Hus Epistt. iv. vi. vii. (Monument. I. 58-9).

[506] Hus Epistt. v. vi. (Monument. I. 58).--Monument. I. 4 _b._--Laur. Byzyn. Diar. Bell. Hussit. ann. 1414 (Ludewig Reliq. MSS. VI. 124).--Palacky Document. p. 170.--Richentals Chronik pp. 76-77.--Mladenowic Relatio (Palacky, pp. 247-8).--Naucleri Chron. ann. 1414.

[507] Richentals Chronik p. 77.--Jo. Hus Monument. I. 5 _b._--Von der Hardt IV. 22, 32, 212.--Mladenowic Relatio (Palacky Document. pp. 246-52).

The special rigor of confinement near the latrines was well understood. In 1317, when John XXII. delivered some Spiritual Franciscans to their brethren for safe-keeping, Friar François Sanche "_posuerunt fratres in quodum carcere juxta latrinas_."--Historia Tribulationum (Archiv. für Litteratur-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1886, p. 146).

[508] Von der Hardt IV. 11-12, 22.--Mladenowic Relatio (Palacky, p. 251).

[509] Palacky Documenta, p. 238.--Von der Hardt IV. 12, 28.--Richentals Chronik p. 76.--Jo. Hus Epist. lvii. (Monument. I. 75).--Mladenowic Relatio (Palacky, p. 253).

[510] Von der Hardt IV. 189, 209.

Berger's labored collection of safe-conducts and their comparison with the one given to Huss (Johann Hus u. König Sigmund pp. 180-208) prove nothing but his own industry. Huss went to Constance as an excommunicate to defend himself and his faith. Sigismund. knowing this, gave him a safe-conduct without limitation or condition. The only contemporaneous documents with which this can fairly be compared are those offered by the council and by Sigismund to John XXIII. when they summoned him back to Constance, May 2, 1415, and the one offered by the council to Jerome of Prague, April 17. Of these the first was limited by the clause "_justitia tamen semper salva_," the second by "_in quantum idem dominus rex tenetur sibi dare de jure et servare alios salros conductus sibi datos_," the third by "_quantum in nobis est et fides exegit orthodoxa_" (V. d. Hardt IV. 119, 143, 145). No ingenious reasoning can explain this away. The allusion in Sigismund's safe-conduct to other letters already given by him to the pope refers to those which John had required of him and of the city of Constance before he would trust himself there (Raynald. ann. 1413, No. 22-3). These the council set aside as coolly as it did that of Huss.

Sigismund, as we shall see, had no power to give a safe conduct that would protect a heretic, but Berger's argument that he therefore could not have designedly issued an unlimited one to Huss (Berger, op. cit. 92-3, 109) is worthless in view of his readiness, which Berger freely concedes (p. 85), to enter into engagements which he knew he could not fulfil. From his indignation it is evident that he was unacquainted with the niceties of the canon law; but even if he were, his giving the letters is easily explicable by the fact, which Berger has well pointed out (pp. 100-1), that Huss's certificates of orthodoxy, obtained in August, were laid before him (Palacky Document, p. 70). He could thus easily persuade himself that there was no risk of his pledge causing him trouble. It was of the greatest moment to him that Huss should be reconciled to the Church, and to a man of his temperament it was inconceivable that Huss's delicate conscientiousness would in the end render martyrdom inevitable.

Hefele (Conciliengeschichte VII. 234), following Palacky, calls attention to the absence, in the letter of the Bohemian magnates to the council, September 2, 1415, of any reproach for violating the safe-conduct, and he argues thence that they admitted that it could not protect Huss from judgment as a heretic. So little is this the case that they emphatically declare that Huss was not a heretic, and if there is no allusion to the safe-conduct this is evidently attributable to their referring to certain previous letters to Sigismund which the council had ordered burned, and which they defiantly desired to be considered as embodied and repeated in the present one (Monument I. 78). Anything they might have to say on the subject must have been said in those letters, which presumably were the occasion of the projected decree of September 23, 1415, punishing as fautors of heresy all who vilified Sigismund for permitting the violation of his safe-conduct.

[511] Martene Thesaur. II. 1611.--Von der Hardt II. x. 255; IV. 26.--Palacky Documenta, p. 612.--Berger, Johann Hus u. König Sigmund, pp. 133, 136.--Fistenport. Chron. ann. 1419 (Hahn Collect. Monument. I .404).--Ægid. Carlerii Lib. de Legationibus (Monument. Conc. General. Sæc. XV. T. I. pp. 531, 536-7, 595-6, 612-13, 662-73, 680-4, 688-93, 695-7).--Thomæ Ebendorferi Diar. (Ib. p. 767).--Jo. de Turonis Regestr. (Ib. pp. 834-5).

Even in France Sigismund was reproached for surrendering Huss after giving him a safe-conduct, and was accused of disregarding other engagements of the same kind.--(Martene Ampl. Coll. II. 1444-5.) Yet had he persisted he would have been liable to excommunication and heavy penalties as an impeder of the Inquisition; and had he carried out his threat of forcibly liberating Huss, under the bull _Ad extirpanda_ he would have been punishable by perpetual relegation and the forfeiture of all his dominions (Mag. Bull. Rom. Ed. Luxemb. 1742, I. 92, 149).

[512] Von der Hardt IV. 32, 311-13, 329.--Martene Thesaur. II. 1611.--Berger, Johann Hus u. König Sigmund, p. 138.--Palacky Documenta, 541, 543, 546-53.--Jo. Hus Epistt. xxxiii., liv., lix., lx.(Monument. I. 68-9, 74-77).--Mladenowic Relat. (Palacky, p. 314-15).--Narr. Hist, de Condemnatione (Monument. II. 346 _a_; Von der Hardt IV. 393).--Ægid. Carlerii Lib. de Legat. (Monument. Concil. Gen. Sæc. XV. Tom. I. p. 435).--Martene Ampl. Coll. VII. 174-6, 179-83.--Jo. de Turonis Regestrum (Monument. Con. Gen. Sæc. XV. T. I. p. 860).

The incident of Sigismund's blush has been disputed by some recent writers. It is a matter not worth controversy, but as the only evidence to his credit in the whole affair it may be hoped to be true.

[513] Richentals Chronik p. 78.--Von der Hardt IV. 313, 521-22.--Chron. Glassberger ann. 1415.--Martene Ampl. Collect. VIII. 131-33. Cf. Noel Alexander's justification of the decree of September 23 (Hist. Eccles. Ed. Paris, 1699. T. VIII. p. 496).

It is customary with modern Catholic writers to stigmatize as a Protestant calumny the assertion that the Church held the doctrine that faith is not to be kept with heretics. See, for instance, Van Ranst, Regent of the College of Antwerp, in his "Historia Hæreticorum" (4th. Ed. Venet. 1759, p. 263), together with his ingenious endeavor to argue away the case of Huss. I have already alluded to this subject (Vol. I. p. 228), and have shown that it was a recognized principle of the Church that faith and oaths pledged to heretics were void. It has also been seen how the efforts of the popes procured the insertion in the public law of Europe of the principle that suspicion of heresy in the lord released the vassal from the most binding engagement known to the Middle Ages--the oath of allegiance (Lib. V. Extra, VII. xiii. § 3). When thus the basis on which society itself was founded was destroyed by heresy all minor pledges were necessarily invalidated. The Church did not allow this to become obsolete. When, in 1327, John XXII. sentenced the Emperor Louis of Bavaria as a heretic, he not only released all his vassals from their oaths of allegiance, but declared void all compacts and agreements made with him (Martene Thesaur. II. 702, 775-6, 791). So, in 1463, when it pleased Pius II. to declare George Podiebrad a heretic, he released the communities of Breslau and Namslau from their allegiance, and excommunicated all who should lend their aid or service to their monarch (Æn. Sylvii Epist. 401); and when Frederic III. asked him to compel Breslau to submit to George, he replied by arguing that heresy dissolved compacts as effectually as death (Martene Ampl. Coll. I. 1598-99). When, in 1469, Paul II. again declared George a heretic he pronounced that each and every obligation, promise, and oath made to that heretic was null and void, for faith was not to be kept with him who kept not faith with God. Acting under this, when George released from prison Wenceslas of Biberstein, on bail of six thousand florins furnished by John and Ulric of Hazemburg, the papal legate Rudolph incontinently ordered the bailors neither to surrender the accused nor to pay the forfeit (Ludewig Reliq. MSS. VI. 77).

The play upon the double meaning of the word faith by which this was epigrammatically justified was seriously accepted by Christendom. In April, 1415, Fernando of Aragon wrote to Sigismund earnestly remonstrating with him for the delay in judging Huss, and expressing the hope that the safe-conduct would not be allowed to protect him "_quoniam non est frangere fidem in eo qui Deo fidem frangit_."--Andreæ Ratisponens Chron. ann. 1414 (Pez Thesaur. Anecd. IV. III. 626.--Palacky Documenta, p. 540).

All statutes and laws impeding the free action of the Inquisition, directly or indirectly, were null and void _ipso jure_, as we have repeatedly seen above (see also Farinaccii de Hæresi Quæst. 182 No. 76); and what Sigismund could not have done at the head of the Imperial Diet, he certainly could not do by a simple safe-conduct, and no ecclesiastical jurisdiction was bound to respect it.

If the Church thus disregarded the pledges of laymen, it was equally unmindful of its own when heretics were concerned. Even late in the sixteenth century the bull _Multiplices inter_ of Pius V. annulled all letters of absolution and decrees of acquittal for heresy issued by inquisitors, bishops, popes, and even by the Council of Trent, showing how scant was the ceremony customarily used in such cases, and how completely suspicion of heresy deprived a man of all rights (Lib. V. in Septimo III. x.).

Even without this general principle, however, there would have been no difficulty in soothing Sigismund's scruples of conscience, if, perchance, he had any. The system of the mediæval Church so completely confused the ideas of right and wrong that the ordinary notions of morality were superseded. The power of the keys was such that a papal dispensation could release any one from an inconvenient vow or promise, no matter how binding might be its form. Sigismund's father, Charles, when Margrave of Moravia, was released, in 1346, by Clement VI. from a troublesome oath which he had taken (Werunsky Excerptt. ex Regist. Clem. VI. p. 44); and the sin of perjury was one for which the popes were accustomed to grant efficacious pardons when it was committed in their interest (Ludewig op. cit. VI. 14). It was deemed only a reasonable precaution in compacts for the parties to pledge themselves that they would not seek a release by a papal dispensation (Hartzheim IV. 329; Preger, Der kirchenpolitische Kampf unter Ludwig dem Baier, p. 59). Sigismund, in the case of Huss, admitted that his pledge was dissolved by heresy and a dispensation was superfluous, but it could have been had for the asking. In view of these facts all attempts to argue away the betrayal of Huss are useless, nor is it possible to accuse the good fathers of Constance of conscious bad faith. They but accepted and enforced the principles in which they were trained.

[514] Mandata Synodalia ann. 1390 (Höfler, Prager Concilien, p. 40).--Æn. Sylvii. Hist. Bohem. cap. 35.--Laur. Byzyn. Diar. Bell. Hussit. ann. 1414 (Ludewig Reliq. MSS. VI. 125, 128-9).--Von der Hardt III. 335 sqq.; IV. 288-91, 334, 342.--Jo. Hus Monument. I. 42-44, 62, 72.

The relentless obstinacy with which the Church of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries refused the use of the cup to the laity at the cost of Christian unity and unnumbered troubles is perhaps the most impressive example on record of the perversity of sacerdotalism in sacrificing essentials to non-essentials. No one denied that in the early Church communion in both elements was administered to all the faithful, as it continued to be without interruption in the Greek Church. The refusal of the cup to the laity was originally a Manichæan custom, in imitation of the corresponding ancient Izeshne rite of the Mazdeans. Communion in one element thus became a mark of heresy, and was condemned as such by Leo the Great (Leon. PP. I. Serm. XLII. cap. 5), about the middle of the fifth century, and again towards its end by Gelasius I., whose decretal on the subject is embodied, without comment or contradiction, by Gratian in the Decretum (P. II. Dist. ii. c. 12), showing that it was still good law in the twelfth century.

When, however, in the tenth and eleventh centuries the belief in transubstantiation became the accepted dogma of the Church, the supreme veneration felt for the consecrated elements naturally gave rise to the necessity of the utmost care in handling them and to excessive dread as to any accidents which might occur to them; and the penitentials grew full of all manner of penalties inflicted on priests who, through carelessness, let fall a crumb of the body or a drop of the blood, for which, by forged decretals of the early popes, a false antiquity was claimed (Decreti III. ii. 27). Of course the liquid was much more subject to these accidents, and to decomposition, than the solid, and the ministering priests were sorely tried to avert such profanation and its consequences to themselves. At first they adopted the ready expedient of dipping the host in the wine-and-water, and thus administering both elements together, which was conducive both to safety and comfort. This innovation was condemned by the Church, but was suppressed with great difficulty. Under Gregory VII. the author of the Micrologus devotes a chapter to its prohibition (Micrologi c. 19). In 1095 the great Council of Clermont forbade it, except in cases where it was demanded by prudence or necessity for the avoidance of accidents (Conc. Claromont. ann. 1095, c. 28); and some twenty years later Paschal II. laid down the rule that it was only admissible in the communion of infants and the sick who could not swallow the bread (Paschal PP. II. Epist. 535). In a Bohemian document dating about the close of the twelfth century the priest carrying the viaticum to the dying is directed to dip the wafer in the wine so as to avoid accidents and yet be able to administer both elements (Höfler, Prager Concilien, Einleitung, p. ix.). When this resource was denied, while the veneration of the sacrament as the flesh and blood of Christ continued to develop, the custom was gradually introduced of restricting the laity to the solid element, in administering which there was less liability to accident, while the priest continued to partake in both. About 1270 Thomas Aquinas tells us that in some churches the bread only is given to the laity, as a matter of prudence, to avoid spilling, and his dialectics are equal to the task of proving that both body and blood are contained in the wafer (Summa III. lxxx. 12). The convenience of the innovation led to its extension, but it was left to the individual churches, and no authoritative decree was issued withdrawing the cup from the laity until the Bohemian controversy led to the action of the Council of Constance. How universal the custom had become without authority of law is shown by the special privilege granted, about 1345, by Clement VI. to John, Duke of Normandy, son of Philip of Valois, to receive both elements (Martene Ampl. Coll. I. 1456-7). When the question was exhaustively debated before the Council of Basle, the orator of the council, John of Ragusa, freely admitted that the Hussite practice was in accordance with the traditions of the Church, but argued that it could be changed if convenience or other reasons demanded it (Harduin. Concil. VIII. 1712, 1740); and the Cardinal of St. Peter told William, Baron of Kostka, the Bohemian chief, that the cup was refused to children and common people simply as a precaution, adding. "If you were to ask of me I would give it, but not to the careless" (Petri Zaticensis Liber Diurnus; Mon. Concil. Gen. Sæc. XV. T. I. p. 315). The final decision of the Council of Basle, in December, 1437, admits that there is no precept on the subject, but lay communion in one element is a laudable custom, the law of the Church, and not to be modified without authority (Conc. Basiliens. Sess. XXX.; Harduin. VIII. 1234). How thoroughly indefensible the Church felt its position to be, yet how arbitrarily and despotically it was resolved to enforce that position, is most clearly shown by the inquisitor Capistrano, in 1452, when he heard that the cardinal legate, Nicholas of Cusa, was thinking of giving Rokyzana a hearing on the subject at Ratisbon. Capistrano expressed his mind freely to the legate: "If we excuse the heretics we condemn ourselves.... I have always avoided a debate with the Bohemians under the ordinary rules, for they study to justify their heresy from the ancient Scriptures and observances, and they have a perfect knowledge of the texts, which certainly are numerous, in favor of communion in both elements." Capistrano then quotes to the legate the bulls of Nicholas V. sent to him, in which the Bohemians are denounced as schismatics, heretics, and disobedient to the Roman Church, pointedly adding that the disciple is not above the teacher, nor the servant superior to the master; he had never read in the law that heretics were to be rewarded, but were to be sharply punished with confiscation and the bitterest penalties (Wadding. Annal. ann. 1452, No. 12). So it had come to this, that those who admittedly followed the practices of the Church current until the thirteenth century were to be condemned and exterminated as heretics. Disobedience was heresy, and Rome, for a century, endeavored to convulse Europe on this simple punctilio.

An episode of this question was the communion of infants. This was the practice of the early Church (Cyprian. de Lapsis c. 25), and St. Innocent I. and St. Gelasius I. had both declared that as soon as infants were baptized the sacrament was necessary to secure them eternal life (Innocent PP. I. Epist. XXX. c. 5; Gelasii PP. I. Ep. VII.). The epistle of Paschal II., quoted above, shows that this was still customary in the twelfth century, but the same causes which led to the withdrawal of the cup from the laity induced the withholding of the sacrament from infants, who were liable at any moment unconsciously to commit sacrilege with the body and blood of Christ. In their enthusiasm for the Eucharist the Bohemians naturally recurred to infantile communion, and their obstinacy in this gave the fathers of Basle infinite trouble. After the reconciliation of 1436 the question still remained disputed. The feeling about it is well defined by the Bishop of Coutances, legate of the Council of Basle in Prague, who was horror-stricken when, April 28, 1437, Rokyzana administered communion to a number of infants, and one of them ejected the wafer from its mouth, forcing Rokyzana quietly to replace it. This incident was evidently regarded as the most convincing argument, and the terms in which it is alluded to show how profound was the terror which it was expected to create (Jo. de Turonis Regestrum; Monument. Conc. Gen. Sæc. XV. T. I. p. 863). At the Council of Constance it was gravely argued that if a layman allowed the wine to moisten his beard he ought to be burned with his beard (Von der Hardt III. 369). Gerson was not quite so absurd, but he did not shrink from alleging such reasons as the expensiveness of wine and its liability to turn sour (ib. 771 sqq.). In 1391, when John Malkaw, in preaching against the concubinary priesthood, hotly declared that he would rather place reverently on the ground a consecrated wafer than violate his vow of chastity, Böckeler, the Strassburg inquisitor, in trying him, made this the ground of a charge of heresy with respect to the sacrament of the altar (Haupt, Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, 1883, pp. 366-7).

In older times the Church had felt no such exaggerated reverence for the elements. In 646 Pope Theodore, when he excommunicated Pyrrhus, the refugee Patriarch of Constantinople, mingled consecrated wine from the cup with the ink with which he signed the sentence; and in 869 the Council of Constantinople adopted the same device in condemning Photius.--Chr. Lupi Dissert. de Sexta Synodo c. V. (Opp. III. 25).

As a matter of course the vilest stories were circulated to inspire the faithful with abhorrence for the Bohemian innovations. It was said that the wine was consecrated in bottles and barrels; that the sectaries held conventicles in cellars, where they would partake of it to intoxication and then commit all manner of sexual abominations (Laur. Byzyn. Diar. Bell. Hussit,; Ludewig VI. 129-30).

[515] Palacky Documenta, pp. 194-204, 506.--Mladenowic Relatio (Palacky, p. 252).

The council itself recognized that its proceedings were inquisitorial. In the sentence of Jerome of Prague it uses the phrase "_Hæc sancta synodus Constantiensis in causa inquisitionis hæreticæ pravitatis per eamdem sanctum synodem mota_."--Von der Hardt IV. 766.

[516] Palacky, pp. 204-24.--Mladenowic Relatio (Palacky, p. 254).--Martene Thesaur. II. 1635.--Jo. Hus Epist. xlviii. (Monument. I. 72).

[517] Epist. xxxii. (Monument. I. 68).--Von der Hardt IV. 20-8.--Jo. Hus Monument. I. 39-41.--Mladenowic Relatio (Palacky, pp. 276-8, 303, 318).

Already in 1411 Huss energetically disclaimed to John XXIII. belief in remanence and in the vitiation of sacraments (Palacky, p. 19. Cf. pp. 164-5, 170, 174-85).

[518] Mladenowic Relatio (Palacky, pp. 252-3).--Palacky, pp. 73, 174, 318, 560.--Von der Hardt IV. 308, 420-8.

[519] Mladenowic Relatio (Palacky. pp. 253, 323).--Von der Hardt IV. 188, 212, 289.--Epist. xlix. (Monument. I. 73 _a_).

[520] Von der Hardt IV. 47.--Mladenowic Relatio (Palacky, p. 255).--Palacby, p. 541.--Jo. Hus Monument. I. 7, 29-42.--Epistt. xi., xxvii., xxx., xxxi., xxxii., xxxvi., xlvii., li., lii., lvi. (Monument. I. 60, 65-9, 72-5).--Laur. Byzyn. Diar. Bell. Hussit. (Ludewig Reliq. MSS. VI. 128-9).

[521] Epist. lii. (Monument. I. 75).--Theod. a Niem de Vit. Joann. XXIII. Lib. III. c. 5.--Raynald. ann. 1419, No. 5.

[522] Jo. Hus Monument. I. 118, 128.--Epist. xliii. (Ib. 71 _a_).--Palacky Documenta, pp. 60, 185, 523-8.--Mladenowic Relatio (Palacky, p. 301).

[523] Von der Hardt IV. 100, 118, 136, 153, 189, 209, 212-13, 288-90, 296, 306.--Martene Thesaur. II. 1635.--Harduin. VIII. 280.--Mladenowic Relatio (Palacky, pp. 256-72).

[524] Epistt. xliii., xlvii. (Monument. I. 71, 72).--Von der Hardt IV. 291, 306-7.

[525] Jo. Hus Monument. I. 25 _b._--Von der Hardt IV. 307, 311-29.--Epistt. xii., xv., xxxvi. (Monument. I. 60-2, 69),--Palacky, pp. 275, 308-15.

The attempt to deny to Huss the inalienable privilege of recantation was based upon a mistranslated passage of his Bohemian address to his disciples, in which he was made to assure them that if he was forced to abjure, it would only be with the lips and not with the heart (Palacky, pp. 274, 311). In such matters the council was at the mercy of Huss's Bohemian enemies.

[526] Von der Hardt IV. 432-33.

[527] Huss was by no means the first to suffer from this technical necessity of confession in abjuring. In the case of the English Templars, William de la More, Preceptor of England, and Humbert Blanc, Preceptor of Aquitaine, refused to abjure because they would not confess to heresies which they had never entertained.--Wilkins, Concil. II. 390, 393.

[528] Epistt. xxx., xxxi., xxxii. (Monument. I. 67-8).--Von der Hardt IV. 342-5.

[529] Mladenowic Relatio (Palacky, p. 309).--Epistt. xxvii., xxix., xxx., xxxviii., xxxix., xl., xli. (Monument. I. 63-66, 67, 70).--Von der Hardt IV. 329-30.--Palacky, pp. 225-34.

[530] Mladenowic Relatio (Palacky, pp. 316-17).--Von der Hardt IV. 345-6, 386.--Palacky, p. 560.

To appreciate properly the extent of the concessions offered to Huss it is necessary to bear in mind the elaborately careful formulas of abjuration which the inquisitors were accustomed to use, so as to allow no loophole for the avoidance of the penalties of relapse, and to force the penitent to betray his fellow-heretics. See Modus Procedendi (Martene Thesaur. V. 1800-1).--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. p. 215.--Bern. Guidon. Practica pp. 92-3 (Éd. Douais).

[531] Mladenowic Relatio (Palacky, pp. 318-21).--Von der Hardt IV. 389-96, 432-40.--Harduin. VIII. 408-10.--Richentals Chronik p. 80.--Richental says that Huss was delivered to the secular arm with the customary adjuration for mercy, but the text of the sentence as printed by Von der Hardt contains no such clause. It may well have been omitted at Sigismund's request, as he had already incurred sufficient obloquy, but the same omission is noticeable in the sentence of Jerome of Prague (Von der Hardt IV. 771).

[532] Richentals Chronik pp. 80-2.--Von der Hardt IV. 445-8.--Mladenowic Relatio (Palacky, pp. 321-4).--Æn. Sylvii Hist. Bohem. c. 36.--Laur. Byzyn. Diar. Bell. Hussit. (Ludewig VI. 135-6).--Andrew Ratispon. Chron. (Pez Thes. Anecdot. IV. III. 627).

[533] P. d'Ailly (Theod. a Niem) de Necess. Reform. c. 28, 29 (Von der Hardt I. VI. 306-9).--Theod. Vrie Hist. Concil. Constant. Lib. VI. Dist. 11; Lib. VII. Dist. 3 (Ibid. I. 170-1, 181-2). It is simply a lack of familiarity with the ecclesiastical jurisprudence of the Middle Ages that has led historians to regard the cases of Huss and Jerome as exceptional. Even so well informed an authority as Lechler does not hesitate to say "Hussens Verbrennung war, mit dem Massstab des damaligen Rechts gemessen, ein warer Justizmord" (Herzog's Real-Encyklop. VI. 392).

[534] Loserth, Huss u. Wiclif p. 156.--Epistt. lxi., lxii., lxiv. (Monument. I. 77-9, 81).--Von der Hardt IV. 489-90, 494-7.--Palacky Documenta, pp. 580-4, 593-4.--Laur. Byzyn. Diar. Bell. Hussit. (Ludewig VI. 136).

The temper of the Bohemians had been excited, a few days before the burning of Huss, by the news that in Olmütz a student of Prague named John, described as a zealous follower of God, had been, within the short space of twelve hours, arrested, tortured, convicted, and burned.--Palacky Documenta, p. 561.

[535] Von der Hardt IV. 634-91, 756.--Palacky Documenta, pp. 63, 336-7, 408-9, 417-20, 506, 572.--Loserth, Mittheilungen des Vereins für Gesch. der Deutschen in Böhmen, 1885, pp. 108-9.--Schrödl, Passavia Sacra, pp. 284-5.

[536] Von der Hardt IV. 103-5, 134_bis_.--Palacky Documenta, p. 541-2.--Richentals Cronik, p. 78.--Laur. Byzyn. Diar. Bell. Hussit. ann. 1415 (Ludewig VI. 132).

[537] Von der Hardt IV. 119, 134, 139, 142, 148-9, 216-18.

[538] Richentals Cronik p. 70.--Theod. Vrie Hist. Concil. Constant. Lib. VI. Dist. 12.--Theod. a Niem de Vita Joann. PP. XXIII. Lib. III. c. 8.--Palacky Documenta, pp. 596-9.

[539] Von der Hardt IV. 501-7.--Richentals Cronik p. 79.--In the final official articles drawn up against Jerome by the _Promotor Hæreticæ Pravitatis_, his absolute refusal to write to Bohemia, after promising to do so, is made a special point of accusation. Yet his letter to that effect, of September 12, is still on record, and in his last defiant address to the council he speaks of having written it under fear of burning, and now desires to withdraw it (V. d. Hardt IV. 688, 761).

[540] Von der Hardt III. IV. 39; IV. 634-91.--Laur. Byzyn Diar. Bell. Hussit (Ludewig VI. 137-8).

[541] Von der Hardt IV. 600-1, 732-33, 748-56.

[542] Von der Hardt III. 64-9.

[543] Ibid. IV. 754-62.

[544] Von der Hardt III. 55-60; IV. 763-71.--Theod. Vrie Hist. Conc. Constant. Lib. VII. Dist. 4.

[545] Von der Hardt III. 64-71; IV. 771-2.--Richentals Cronik p. 83.--Theod. Vrie Hist. Conc. Constant. Lib. VII. Dist. 3.--Laur. Byzyn. Diar. Bell. Hussit. (Ludewig VI. 141).--Æn. Sylvii Hist. Bohem. c. 36.

[546] Chron. Glassberger ann. 1416.

[547] Palacky Documenta, pp. 566-7, 572-9, 602-3.--Von der Hardt IV. 528, 609-12, 724, 781-2, 823-40.--Æn. Sylvii. Hist. Bohem. c. 35.--Theod. a Niem Vit. Joann. PP. XXIII. Lib. III. c. 12.

[548] Epistt. lxiii., lxv. (Jo. Hus Monument. I. 79-80, 82).--Palacky Documenta, pp. 611-14, 621.--Ludewig Rel. MSS. VI. 69.--Stepbani Cartus. Epist. ad Hussitas P. I. c. 5 (Pez Thesaur. Anecd. IV. II. 521).

[549] Von der Hardt IV. 1077-82, 1410-13.--Palacky Documenta, pp. 652-4. Doubtless there was much ill-treatment of such of the clergy as remained faithful to Rome. In 1417 Stephen of Olmütz complains that they were driven from their benefices, beaten, and slain.--Steph. Cartus. Epist. ad Hussit. P. I. c. 3 (Pez Thesaur. Anecd. IV. II. 517).

[550] Von der Hardt IV. 1514-18.--Palacky Documenta, pp. 676-77.

[551] Von der Hardt IV. 1518-31.--Palacky pp. 684-6.

[552] Palacky Documenta, pp. 631-2, 633-8, 654-6, 679.--Laur. Byzyn. Diar. Bell. Hussit. (Ludewig VI. 138-9).--Jo. Hus Monument. II. 364.--Ægid. Carlerii Lib. de Legation. (Monument Concil. General. Sæc. XV. T. I. pp. 385-6).

[553] Laur. Byzyn. Diar. Bell. Hussit. (Ludewig VI. pp. 142-44).--Æn. Sylvii Hist. Bohem. c. 36, 37.

[554] Laur. Byzyn. Diar. Bell. Hussit. (Ludewig VI. 145-52, 154-56).--Hist. Persecut. Eccles. Bohem. pp. 37-8.--Camerarii Hist. Frat. Orthod. p. 49.

[555] Ægid. Carlerii Lib. de Legation. (Mon. Concil. General. Sæc. XV. T. I. p. 387).--Laur. Byzyn. Diar. Bell. Hussit. (Ludewig VI. 152-4, 157-8, 168, 172).

[556] Laur. Byzyn. Diar. Bell. Hussit. (Ludewig VI. 159).--Raynald. ann. 1420, No. 13.--Hist. Persecut. Eccles. Bohem. pp. 39-40.--Ægid. Carlerii Lib. de Legation. loc. cit.

There was warning also to the democratic party among the Bohemians in the vengeance taken by Sigismund on citizens of Breslau who had been concerned in an uprising similar to that of Prague. On March 7 he caused twenty-three of them to be beheaded.--Bezold, König Sigmund und die Reichskriege gegen die Husiten, München, 1872, p. 37.

[557] Laur. Byzyn. Diar. Bell. Hussit. (Ludewig VI. 161-3, 167-70, 181).--Andreæ Ratispon. Chron. (Eccard. Corp. Hist. I. 2147).--Schrödl, Passavia Sacra, p. 289.--Naucleri Chron. p. 933 (Ed. 1544).--Hist. Persecut. Eccles. Bohem. pp. 43-44.

[558] Palacky, Beziehungen, pp. 20-1.--Æn. Sylvii Hist. Bohem. c. 41.--Dubravii Hist. Bohem. Lib. 27.

[559] Laur. Byzyn. Diar. Bell. Hussit. (Ludewig VI. 202-7).--Palacky, Beziehungen, p. 31.--J. Goll, Quellen u. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der Böhmischen Brüder, Prag, 1882, II. 10-11, 57-60.--Hist. Persecut. Eccles. Bohem. pp. 46-8.--Palacky, Præf. in Mon. Conc. Gen. Sæc. XV. p. xx.

[560] Ægid. Carlerii Lib. de Legation. (Mon. Conc. Gen. Sæc. XV. T. I. p. 389).--Epistt. lxvi. lxvii. (Jo. Hus Monument. I. 82-4).--Laur. Byzyn. Diar. (Ludewig VI. 175-81).

[561] Conciliab. Pragens. ann. 1421 (Hartzheim V. 199-201). Cf. Johann. de Przibram Profess. Cath. Fidei (Cochlæi Hist. Hussit. pp. 501 sqq.).

[562] Jo. de Turonis Regestrum (Mon. Conc. Gen. Sæc. XV. T. I. p. 833, 858).

Yet these Puritans were represented to Europe in the papal bulls for the crusades as not only subverting all political and social order, but as condemning marriage and abandoning themselves to all manner of license and bestiality.--Martini PP. V. Bull. _Permisit Deus_, 25 Oct. 1427 (Fascic. Rer. Expetendarum et Fugiend, II. 613).

[563] Jo. de Turonis Regestrum (Mon. Conc. Gen. Sæc. XV. T. I. pp. 843, 858, 865).--Wratislaw, Diary of an Embassy from George of Bohemia, London, 1871.

[564] Æn. Sylvii Hist. Bohem. c. 35; Ejusd. Epist. 130 (Opp. Ed. 1571, p. 678).--Pet. Zatecens. Lib. Diurnus (Monument. Conc. Gen. Sæc. XV. T. I. p. 352).--Concil. Bituricens. ann. 1432 (Harduin. VIII. 1459).--Goll, Quellen u. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der Böhmischen Brüder, I. 106.

[565] Goll, Quellen u. Untersuchungen, II. 40-1.--Preger, Beiträge zur Geschichte der Waldesier, pp. 68-71.--Laur. Byzyn. Diar. (Ludewig VI. 183-4, 194-202).--Johann. de Przibram Profess. Fidei (Cochlæi Hist. Huss. p. 507).--Huss, Sermo de Exequiis (Monument. II. 50).

See also Æneas Sylvius's statement of the identity between the Waldensian and Hussite teachings (Hist. Bohem. c. 35).

[566] Laur. Byzyn. (loc. cit. p. 195).--Martene Ampl. Coll. VIII. 19-27, 249-51, 596-99.--Jo. de Turonis Regest. (Mon. Conc. Gen. Sæc. XV. T. I. p. 842, 846).--Jo. de Ragusio Tractatus (Ibid. T. I. pp. 272-4, 278, 285).--Goll, Quellen, II. 17-18, 61-1.--Æn. Sylvii Epist. 130 (Ed. 1571, p. 661).

Even Rokyzana, in 1436, was with great difficulty forced to express his disbelief in the remanence of the substance of the bread.--Jo. de Turonis Regest. (loc. cit. pp. 426-7). Yet nothing can exceed the strength of his affirmation of the existence of the body and blood, in his _Tractatus de Septem Sacramentis_ (Cochlæi Hist. Hussit. pp. 473-4). In view of the exaggerated superstitious adoration of the Eucharist by the Calixtins, the assertion of Cardinal Giuliano, in 1431, that the Hussites were wont to manifest their contempt for it by trampling it in the blood of the slain, is a good illustration of the stories invented to stimulate popular abhorrence (Cochlæi op. cit. p. 240).

[567] Herburt. de Fulstin Statut. Regni Poloniæ, Samoscii, 1597, p. 191.

[568] Balbin. Epit. Rer. Hung. pp. 475-6.--Sommersberg Silesiac. Rer. Scriptt. L. 75.--A popular rhyme of the period described:

"Meissen und Sachsen verderbt, Oesterreich verhergt, Schliesien und Laussnitz zerscherbt, Mähren verzerht, Bayern aussgenehrt, Böheimb umbgekehrt." (Balbin. p. 478.)

[569] C. Constant. Decr. _Frequens_ (Von der Hardt IV. 1435).

[570] Ludewig Reliq. MSS. XI. 385, 409.

[571] Concil. Senens. ann. 1423 (Harduin. VIII. 1015).

[572] Jo. de Ragusio Init. et Prosec. Conc. Basil. (Mon. Conc. Gen. Sæc. XV. T. I. pp. 28-30, 32-35, 53-61, 64).--Concil. Senens. (Harduin. VIII. 1025-6).--Act. Conc. Basil. (Harduin. VIII. 1108-10).--Raynald. ann. 1425, No. 3, 4.

John of Ragusa was the delegate of the University of Paris to Siena, and subsequently played an active part at Basle.

[573] Jo. de Ragusio Init. etc. (Mon. Con. Gen. Sæc. XV. T. I. pp. 66-7).--Cochlæi Hist. Hussit. pp. 237-9.

The repulsion of the papacy for general councils was not unnatural. On June 3, 1435, the Council of Basle, with virtual unanimity, abrogated the annates and decreed that in future no charges should be made for sealing collations and confirmations of sees and benefices, except the scrivener's moderate fees. The Bishops of Otranto and Padua protested in the name of the pope, and finding this unheeded arose and left the council, followed by a few others, while the rest gave themselves up to rejoicing and thanking God.--Ægid. Carlerii Lib. de Legation, (op. cit. I. 568).

[574] Martene Ampl. Coll. VIII. 15-18.--Chron. Concil. Zantfliet (Ibid. V. 425-7).--Jo. de Ragusio Tractatus (Mon. Conc. Gen. Sæc. XV. T. I. pp. 135, 138).

[575] Harduin VIII. 1575-8.--Raynald. ann. 1431, No. 26.--Epist. Card. Juliani (Æn. Sylv. Opp. Ed. 1571, pp. 66-9).

The letter of Cardinal Giuliano and Æneas Sylvius's Commentaries on the Council of Basle were subsequently put in the Index Expurgatorius (Reusch, Der Index der verbotenen Bücher, I. 40).

[576] Hemmerlin Lollardor. Descriptio.--Duverger, La Vauderie dans les États de Philippe le Bon, Arras, 1885, p. 24--Harduin. VIII. 1141, 1172-82, 1263, 1280, 1582. 1606.--Martene Ampl. Coll. VIII. 80-2.

[577] Martene Ampl. Coll. VIII. 131-33.--Pet. Zatecens. Lib. Diurn. (Mon. Conc. Gen. Sæc. XV. T. I. p. 304-5, 324, 328-31, 348).--Naucleri Chron. ann. 1434.

[578] Ægid. Carlerii Lib. de Legation (Ibid. T. I. pp. 447-71, 495-7).--Martene Ampl. Coll. VIII. 305-40, 356-415, 698-704.--Hartzheim V. 768-9.--Kukuljevic, Jura Regni Croatiæ, Zagrabiæ, 1862, I. 192.--Batthyani Legg. Eccles. Hung. III. 419. The question of infantile communion affords an illustration of the skilful casuistry of the orthodox. After the reconciliation, when Sigismund was ruling in Prague, infantile communion was forbidden by the legate of the council, on the ground that the Compactata only guaranteed the privilege to those who had been accustomed to it, and that infants born since then were therefore not entitled to it.--Jo. de Turonis Regest. (Mon. C. Gen. Sæc. XV. T. I. p. 865).

[579] Martene Ampl. Coll. VIII. 710-19.--Harduin. VIII. 1604, 1650-2.--Ægid. Carlerii Liber de Legationibus (Mon. Conc. Gen. Sæc. XV. T. I. pp. 522, 529-39, 544).--Raynald. ann. 1435, No. 22-3.--Naucleri Chron. ann. 1434.

The democratic insubordination characteristic of the Taborites is seen in an incident occurring in September, 1433. Procopius sent a detachment to invade Bavaria, and appointed as leader a captain named Pardus. The men mutinied before setting out, and, on Procopius interposing, one of them felled him to the ground with a blow on the head with a stool. The man who struck him was elected leader, and under his guidance the Taborites lost two thousand of their best veterans.--Ægid. Carlerii l.c. pp. 466-7.

The reduction to serfdom of the Bohemian peasantry, in 1487, may be regarded as the final result of the overthrow of the Taborites.

[580] Martene Ampl. Coll. VIII. 354-6.--Ægid. Carlerii Lib. de Legationibus (Mon. Conc. Gen. Sæc. XV. T. I. pp. 368-9, 516-17, 519, 595, 597, 600, 632-4, 662-4, 674-6, 678, 684-6, 688).--Th. Ebendorferi Diar. (Ib. pp. 767-9, 776-9, 782-3).--Jo. de Turonis Regest. (Ib. 834-5, 837-8, 848, 868).

[581] Th. Ebendorferi Diar. (loc. cit. 82).--Jo. de Turonis Regest. (Ib. 821-22).--Naucleri Chron. ann. 1436.

[582] Jo. de Turonis Regest. (loc. cit. pp. 862, 865).--Æn. Sylvii Hist. Bohem. c. 59.--Naucleri Chron. ann. 1437.

[583] Æn. Sylvii Epist. lxxi. (Opp. inedd. _ap._ Atti della Accademia dei Lincei, 1883, p. 465).--Jo. de Turonis Regest. (Mon. Conc. Gen. Sæc. XV. T. I. pp. 855, 857).--Camerarii Hist. Frat. Orthod. pp. 57-8.--Naucleri Chron. ann. 1436, 1438.

Concil. Basiliens. Sess. XXX. (Harduin. VIII. 1244).--Petitiones Bohemorum (Fascic. Rer. Expetend. et Fugiend. I. 319, Ed. 1690).--Martene Ampl. Coll. VIII. 942-3--Æn. Sylvii Epist. 101 (Ed. 1571, p. 591).--Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet (Martene Ampl. Coll. V. 445).--De Schweinitz, Hist. of Unitas Fratrum, pp. 91-2, 94.

[584] Æn. Sylvii Hist. Bohem. c. 58.--Ejusd. Epist. xix. (Opp. inedd. p. 397).--Raynald. ann. 1448, No. 3-5.

[585] Ægid. Carlerii. Lib. de Legation. (Monument. Conc. Gen. Sæc. XV. T. I. pp. 691, 694).--Cochlæi Hist. Hussit. Lib. XII. ann. 1462.--Wadding, ann. 1452, No. 1-4.--Raynald. ann. 1446, No. 3, 4; ann. 1447, No. 5-7.--Harduin. VIII. 1307-9.

The papal view of the permission to use the cup, as set forth by Pius II. (Æneas Sylvius) in 1464, was that it was only conceded to those accustomed to it until the Council of Basle should decide the question. Had this been observed those who used it would in time have died out, and it was an infraction of the agreement to give it to children and new communicants, through whom the custom was perpetuated.--Æn. Sylvii Epist. lxxi. (Opp. inedd. pp. 465).

[586] Loserth, Mittheilungen des Vereins für Gesch. der Deutschen in Böhmen, 1885, pp. 102-4, 107.--Wadding. ann. 1436, No. 1-11.--Ægid. Carlerii. Lib. de Legation. (Mon. Conc. Gen. Sæc. XV. T. I. p. 691).

[587] Wadding. ann. 1437, No. 6-12.--Synodd. Strigonens. ann. 1450, 1480 (Batthyani Legg. Eccles. Hung. III. 481, 557).

[588] Wadding. ann. 1437, No. 13-21; ann. 1438, No. 12-16; ann. 1439, No. 41-6; ann. 1440, No. 7; ann. 1444, No. 44; ann. 1446, No. 10.--Herburt de Fulstin Statuta Regni Poloniæ, Samoscii, 1597, p. 192.--Raynald. ann. 1446, No. 10.--Theiner Monument. Slavor. Meridian. I. 394.

[589] Æn. Sylvii. Epistt. 130, 246-7, 259, 404 (Ed. 1571, pp. 667, 782-3, 788, 947).--Wadding. ann. 1455, No. 2; ann. 1456, No. 11-12.

In George Podiebrad's letter of 1468 to his son-in-law Matthius Corvinus, complaining of his treatment by the Holy See, he says, "In truth there were formerly in Bohemia many errors concerning the sacrament, and also concerning the ornaments and vestments in administering the rite, and the veneration of saints, but by divine grace these have been so reduced that there is scarcely any difference now existing with the Roman Church. By comparing what was customary thirty or forty years ago with the present, it will be seen that little remains to do in comparison with what has been accomplished."--D'Achery Spieileg. III. 834.

A notable part of this retrogression occurred in 1454, when edicts were issued in the name of Ladislas, with the consent of Rokyzana, ordering that the epistles and gospels, in the canon of the mass, should be recited in Latin and not in the vulgar tongue; that confession should be a prerequisite to communion; that children should not receive communion without due preparation; that the blood of the Eucharist should not be carried beyond the churches for fear of accidents; that no one should administer it without letters authenticating his priesthood; that no marriage should be celebrated without banns published in full church.--Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet. ann. 1454 (Martene Ampl. Coll. V. 486-7).

[590] Wadding. ann. 1451, No. 1-16; ann. 1452, No. 34.

[591] Wadding. ann. 1451, No. 17-20; ann. 1452, No. 18, 26; ann. 1453, No. 2-8.

[592] Wadding. ann. 1451, No. 24-36; ann. 1452, No. 1, 12,--Sommersberg Silesiac. Rer. Scriptt. I. 84-5.--Cochlæi Hist. Hussit. Lib. X. ann. 1451.

[593] Wadding. ann. 1452, No. 2-4, 13-14.--Cochlæi Hist. Hussit. Lib. XI. ann. 1452.

[594] Chron. Glassberger ann. 1452.

[595] Wadding, ann. 1453, No. 9-10; ann. 1254, No. 12-13, 17-19--Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet (Martene Ampl. Coll. V. 486-7).--Æn. Sylvii Epist. 404 (Ed. 1571, p. 947).

[596] Wadding, ann. 1254, No. 7-12; ann. 1255, No. 2-7--Æn. Sylv. Epist. 405 (p. 947).--Ejusd. Epistt. xxxix.-xliii., xlvi., lviii., lx. (Opp. inedd. pp. 415-24. 426-9, 440-1, 448).

[597] Wadding, ann. 1455, No. 8-13; ann. 1456, No. 9-12.

[598] Wadding. ann. 1456, No. 16-67, 83-4.--Æn. Sylv. Hist. Bohem. cap.