Part 5

In regard Mr Buck hath many Bookes which he hath lately printed in Cambridge now lieing upon his hand (some whereof he hath lately printed whilst he freed Mr Legate from takeing the share of the Presse in Cambridge whereunto he had otherwise been obliged) the said Companie of Stationers shall really, and bona fide, use the utmost of their best indeavours to sell all the said bookes....

For all the letter in the Printinge house of Cambridge (mentioned in founders' Bills and bought since Mr Legate was first chosen to be a Printer in Cambridge, as also the long Primmer and Pica-greeke ...) the Companie of Stationers shall pay unto the said Thomas Buck two full third parts of the several prices they cost....

The said John Legate shall oblige himself soe to exercise the Priviledge of Printing in the University of Cambridge as may be most for the honor, and reputation of the said University, soe as the said Mr Thomas and John Buck may noe wayes be injured in their reputation, but may safely forbeare the exercise of their severall printinge Places in the said University[60].

This last obligation, however, does not appear to have been fulfilled, since Legate's patent was cancelled for neglect in 1655[61].

John Field, who followed him, was in close touch with the Parliamentary party. Before his appointment by grace of 12 October, 1655, he had been "printer to the parliament" and had produced several editions of the bible, as well as a number of political tracts.

_The London Printers Lamentacon, or, the Press opprest, and overprest_ (? 1660) contained a violent outburst against him:

Who printed the pretended Act of the Commons of England _for the setting up an High Court of Justice, for the tryall of his Martyred Majesty in 1648_? Or, _the Acts for abolishing King-ship, and renouncing the Royall Line and Title of the Stuarts_? Or, _for the Declaring what Offences should be adjudged Treason_?... or, _the Proclamation of 13. of September 1652_ after the fight at Worcester, _offering, One Thousand pound to any person, to bring in his Majesties person_? but only John Feild Printer to the Parliament of England (and since by _Cromwell_ was and is continued Printer to the University of Cambridge!) ... Have they[62] not invaded and still do intrude upon His Maiesties Royall Priviledge, Praerogative and Praeeminence.... Have they not obtained, (and now keep in their actuall possession) the Manuscript Copy of the last Translation of the _holy Bible_ in English (attested with the hands of the Venerable and learned Translators in King _James_ his time) ever since 6 March 1655[63]?

On receiving his appointment Field built a "large shop or printing-house" in Silver Street, the land being leased to the university by Queens' College. The new press stood on part of the site now occupied by the master's lodge of St Catharine's College, and served as the university printing house until about 1827.

Between 1650 and the year of Field's death (1668) there was, as may be seen from Appendix II, a considerable output of books from the press. Not many are of intrinsic importance, but the titles show considerable variety and a further point of interest is that the printer's copies of a large number of _imprimaturs_ of books printed between 1656 and 1692 have been preserved[64]. Orders "for the better government of the presses and Printers" were reaffirmed by the Vice-Chancellor and Heads in 1655 and it is clear that the university at this time exercised a closer supervision over its press than in the days when Buck conducted his independent negotiations with the London Stationers. The specimen _imprimatur_ which is reproduced overleaf shows the care with which Field preserved his authority for printing any particular book.

One of the first books printed by Field was _The History of the University of Cambridge_ by Thomas Fuller (1655), who, in spite of his Royalist convictions, appears to have raised no objection to his work being printed by one who styled himself "one of his Highness's Printers."

Cromwell's death in 1658 called forth the customary _Musarum Cantabrigiensium Luctus & Gratulatio_, containing a Hebrew poem by Cudworth; whilst two years later Field, with fine impartiality, printed _Academiae Cantabrigiensis ΣΩΣΤΡΑ_, as well as two editions of the speech delivered by Richard Love in honour of the return of Charles II and a sermon by John Spencer on the same happy theme. Several bibles were printed during this period, including a folio "with Chorograph Sculps by T. Ogilby" (1660)[65]. Field, however, did not (in the earlier years of his career, at any rate) maintain the high reputation of Cambridge bibles established by Buck and Daniel; for in 1656 William Kilburne presented a statement to the Vice-Chancellor showing a long list of errata in bibles printed by Field in 1653, 1655, and 1656. These errata were based upon an examination only of a few sheets and in a note at the end of the list it is stated:

If those severall Bibles were read over throughout, they would be found egregiously erroneous, without all question; And of the severall Impressions, there were about fower score Thousand printed, And all, or the greatest part of them sold by Mr Field and dispersed, to the great scandall of the Church[66].

Amongst the editions of classical authors printed during this period may be noted Statius (1651), Poetae Minores Graeci (1652, 1661, 1667), Terence (1654), Cicero, _de Officiis_ etc. (1660), Homer (1664), Sophocles (1665, 1669), Sallust (1665).

Editions of Euclid appeared in 1655 and 1665, the former by Isaac Barrow, afterwards Lucasian Professor and Master of Trinity College.

A work which has a special interest in the history of the study of botany in Cambridge is _Catalogus plantarum circa Cantabrigiam nascentium_ (1660) to which ("in gratiam tyronum") various indexes were added. The author was John Ray, of St Catharine's, afterwards Fellow of Trinity College.

Controversial theology is, of course, prominent; _Ichabod: Or Five Groans of the Church_ (1663) prudently foresees and passionately bewails the Church's Second Fall and on the title-page is a mournful female figure holding a church in her lap.

A work of lighter fancy is _University Queries, In a gentle Touch by the By_ (1659). One of the queries propounded runs:

Whether if the Universities of Cambridge and Oxford should be annihilated, and the revenues imployed to the publique affairs of this Commonwealth, (Religion being now out of date, and learning of no use, where men are so generally inspired,) it is not fitting that Brasen Nose College in Oxford should be exempted from that general devastation, as a memorial of the Respect they bore to Oliver late Lord Protector.

This period was not free from disputes between the university and the London Stationers. Field and his partner had in 1655 bought from Christopher and Matthew Barker "ye Manuscript Coppie of the Bible," and the right of printing it, for £1200. In August 1662 two letters were received by the Vice-Chancellor from Charles II, ordering the university to "forbeare to print the Bible and new Testament otherwise than according to the Orders of 1623 and 1629." The university appealed against this and Lord Clarendon appointed a day for hearing both parties--the King's printers and the university. Field undertook not to publish any prayer-books until further orders; Clarendon proposed "an accommodation by way of agreement," and John Pearson, Bishop of Chester, advised the university to make a composition with its rivals. From another correspondent, who signs himself W. D.[67], the Vice-Chancellor received very different advice:

The University's priviledge is looked upon as a trust for the publick good, and theire printing of these bookes will force the Londoners to print something tolerably true ... who otherwise looking meerly at gaine will not care how corruptly they print, witness the 200 blasphemy's wͨͪ Mr B. found in theire bibles; & the millions of faults in their schoolbookes, increasing in every edition, so long as Mr B's composition with the stationers held ... whence it was that often errors were drunk in in grammer schooles scarcely after to be corrected at the University, unlesse schoolmͬˢ were so careful as to correct bookes by hand before they lett theire boys have them. It being therefore the University's interest to have youths well and truly grounded in school bookes & the interest of the whole nation to have true bibles, I cannot but think the University trustees in both respects, & feare they would afterwards rew the betraying of so great a trust if they should sell it by farming[68].

The university appears to have taken this advice and a New Testament printed by Field appeared in 1666.

Field's name is found in the St Botolph's parish books from 1657 to 1668, and in 1660 he was churchwarden.

He died on 12 August, 1668, and no successor was immediately appointed, a letter being received by the Vice-Chancellor from the King requesting that the office should not be filled for a time.

At this point the names of Thomas and John Buck re-appear. In a petition to the Vice-Chancellor they repeat accusations, made against Field in 1665, both of false printing and of failure to pay sums due to the two brothers[69]. Whether the claim against Field's estate was substantiated does not appear, but it is evident that Thomas and John Buck still held their printer's patents in 1668.

The first election made after Field's death was that of Matthew Whinn, Registrary, in March, 1669; this seems, however, to have been a purely formal appointment and Field's successor was in fact John Hayes, who was elected in October of the same year, the printing having previously been leased to him for £100 a year, on the condition that there should be no further treaty with the London Stationers.

The books printed during the earlier part of Hayes's tenure of office are similar in general character to those of his predecessor John Field. Dyer describes the Andronicus Rhodius of 1679 as an _editio optima_ and among the other books of the period will be found the usual congratulatory, or lachrymatory, symposia evoked by the funeral of Henrietta Maria, the marriage of William and Mary, the death of Charles II; several university and assize sermons; editions of Homer, Sophocles, Euripides, Terence, Lucretius, Ovid, Livy, Sallust; Crashaw's _Steps to the Temple_ and the second edition of _Poemata et Epigrammata_ (1670); John Ray's _Collection of Proverbs_ (1670 and 1678); editions of à Kempis, _De Christo Imitando_ (1685), of Erasmus, _Enchiridion_ (1685), and of North's Plutarch's _Lives_ (1676); as well as bibles, prayer-books, and almanacks. The almanacks are an interesting feature of Cambridge printing at this period. Every year, under a pseudonymous heading (Dove, Swallow, Pond, Swan, etc.), a number of these attractive little books were issued.

The title-page of _Swan_ (1675) is reproduced here and in _A Brief Chronology_ included in the book the history of the world is summarised from the Creation (4004 B.C.) and the Flood (2347 B.C.) to the building of Cambridge (635 A.D.) and the peace with the Dutch (1674 A.D.).

At this time the printing of Hebrew seems to have fallen into disuse, as Isaac Abendana, writing from Cambridge in 1673, complains:

Paravi nuperrime versionem ... sed his desunt characteres Hebr.[70]

Hayes probably remained as printer--in name, at any rate--until his death in 1705, since there is in existence a bond of 1703, by which John Hayes and John Collyer (a London stationer) promised to pay the university £150 a year so long as Hayes continued as printer[71].

A pleasant description of the printing-house in 1689 is preserved in the diary of Samuel Sewall, an American judge who visited Cambridge in that year:

By it [Katherine Hall] the Printing Room, which is about 60 foot long and 20 foot broad. Six presses. Had my cousin Hull and my name printed there. Paper windows, and a pleasant garden along one side between Katherine Hall and that. Had there a print of the Combinations[72].

During Hayes's lifetime several other appointments to the office of printer were made: John Peck (1680), Hugh Martin (1682), James Jackson (1683), Jonathan Pindar (1686), H. Jenkes (1693), another Jonathan Pindar (1697)[73]. All these appointments seem, however, to have been merely formal. They were, presumably, the last to be made in accordance with the original provision of the charter of 1534, by which the university was empowered to elect three printers simultaneously. Far more important was the arrival of Cornelius Crownfield. As early as 1694 his name appears on the title-page of Joshua Barnes's edition of Euripides of which Dyer says: "the magnificence and typographical excellence ... form an epoch in the History of Greek Printing at Cambridge. It reminds us of the blooming infancy of this useful art, and the Harlem press"; and Crownfield's appointment, in 1698 or earlier, as Inspector of the Press, was part of an energetic movement to establish Cambridge printing on a new basis.

V

RICHARD BENTLEY--THE FIRST PRESS SYNDICATE

In the movement for the revival of Cambridge typography at the end of the seventeenth century the most prominent name is that of Richard Bentley.

The renovation of the University Press (writes his biographer, Monk), which had continued in decay since the Usurpation, was projected by him, and mainly accomplished through his agency. New buildings, new presses, and new types were all requisite; and the University itself being destitute of funds, a subscription for these purposes was procured principally by his exertions; and the deficiency was made up by the Senate borrowing a thousand pounds. The task of ordering types of every description was absolutely committed to his discretion by a _grace_ in very complimentary terms; and the power of attorney given him on this occasion is the most unlimited I recollect ever to have seen[74].

The reference to the continuous decay of the Press during fifty years savours of exaggeration. The typographical inaccuracies in Field's bibles, it is true, became notorious; but it was Field who built the new printing-house and from 1655 onwards there is no year in which the continuity of book-production is broken.

On the other hand, it is clear that the old system inaugurated by the charter of 1534 had broken down. Under that system the university simply licensed tradesmen (who might, or might not, be members of the university) to print and sell books; and the proper working of the Press was dependent on the capabilities of the individual printer. He might be bullied by the London Stationers, as were Thomas Thomas and John Legate (the elder), and involve the university in a long series of petitions and counter-petitions; on the other hand he might make commercially profitable arrangements with the Stationers' Company, as did Thomas Buck, and disregard the interests of the university; he might accept the office with no intention of printing, but simply in the interests of a family monopoly, as did Francis Buck; or he might neglect his duties altogether, as did John Legate, the younger.

Consequently, the standard of typography, the expansion of the Press buildings, and the purchase of new type were at the mercy of the commercial fortunes of the holders of the patents.

It was with the object of bringing the Press directly under the control of the university and, at the same time, of making it worthier of Cambridge scholarship that the movement associated with Bentley's name began.

The formal initiative came from the Chancellor himself. On 29 June, 1696, the Duke of Somerset wrote to the members of the Senate:

GENTLEMEN

As I have yͤ honour to be a servant to you all, soe am I ever thinking of wͭ may be most for yͬ interest, and for yͤ support of that reputation, and great character wͨͪ yͤ University have soe worthily deserved in yͤ opinion of all good, and of all learned men: & in my poore thoughtes, noe way more effectual, than the recovering yͤ fame of yͬ own printing those great, and excellent writinges, yͭ are soe frequently published from yͤ Members of yͬ own body; wͨͪ tho' very learned, sometimes have been much prejudiced by yͤ unskillful handes of uncorrect printers. Therefore it is, yͭ I doe at this time presume to lay before you all, a short, and imperfect Scheame (here enclosed) of some thoughtes of mine, by way of a foundation, for you to finishe, and to make more perfect; wͨͪ tho' never soe defective at present, yett they have mett with aprobation among some publick spirited men (much deserving the name of friends to us) who have freely contributed eight hundred pounds towards yͤ Carying on this good, and most beneficiall worke.

Now, Gentlemen, their is nothing wanting of my part, to endeavour the procuring the like su[̄m]e againe from others, but yͬ aprobation, and consent, to have a Presse once more erected at Cambridge: and when that shall bee resolved on, then to give a finishing hand (like great Masters as you are) to my unfinished thoughtes, that I may be proude in having done some thing, yͭ you think will bee for your service; wͨͪ I doe hope will bee a meanes to procure mee a general pardonn from you all, for laying this Matter before you, having noe other ambition, than to bee thought your most obedient and most faithfull humble servant.

SOMERSET.

The duke himself lent the university the sum of £200 towards the cost of the scheme[75] and the Senate quickly acted on his letter, for on 10 July a grace was passed authorising Bentley to act on behalf of the university and the power of attorney, referred to by Monk, gave him

potestatem generalem et mandatum speciale omnimoda literarum et characterum genera ab exteris gentibus comparandi et omnia ad idem negotium spectantia et pertinentia pro arbitratu suo perquirendi et sumptibus Academiae in nostrum usum coemendi.

"The commission," says Monk, "was executed with promptitude and judgment: he procured to be cast in Holland those beautiful types which appear in Talbot's Horace, Kuster's Suidas, Taylor's Demosthenes, &c."[76]

The next step was a grace of the Senate for the appointment of the first Press Syndicate:

Placeat vobis, ut Dⁿͧˢ Procancellarius, Singuli Collegiorum Praefecti, Dⁿͥ Professores, Mͬ Laughton Coll. Trin. Academiae Architypographus, Dͬ Perkins Regin. Mͬ Talbot and Mͬ Lightfoot Trin. Mͬ Nurse Joh. Mͬ Beaumont Petr. Mͬ Moss CCC. Mͬ Banks Aul. Pemb. Mͬ Leng Aul. Cath. Mͬ Pierce E[̄m]an. Mͬ Wollaston Sidn. Mͬ Gael Regal. aut eorum quinque ad minus, quorum semper unus sit Dⁿͧˢ Procancellarius, sint Curatores Praeli vestri Typographici

lect. & concess. 21 Jan. 169⅞.

Though Hayes retained his position as printer, the active part in the renovation of the Press was taken by Crownfield in his capacity as Inspector. Crownfield is described by Ames as "a Dutchman, who had been a soldier, and a very ingenious man"; and the earliest orders of the newly-appointed Curators seem to have been carried out by him.

A new printing-house, facing Queens' Lane, was built to the north of that established by John Field; and for some years it appears that both may have been in use[77]. But in 1716 a grace was passed allotting the new printing-house (as being _Academiae alioquin infructuosum_) to the use of the Professors of Chemistry and Anatomy for lectures and experiments, and the printing was carried on at the older press at the corner of Queens' Lane and Silver Street.

The Curators' activities may be illustrated by some extracts from the first Order Book[78]:

Aug. 23rd 1698

1 Agreed then at a meeting of yͤ Curators of yͤ University-Press, yͭ Mͬ Jacob Tonson have leave to print an edition of Virgil, Horace, Terence, Catullus, Tibullus and Propertius in 4ᵗͦ with yͤ double Pica Letter: he paying to such persons as shall be appointed by yͤ said Curators 12ˢ p. Sheet for yͤ impression of 500 copies: 14ˢ for 750; and so in proportion for a greater Number: and yͭ Dͬ Mountague, Dͬ Covell, Mͬ Leng, Mͬ Laughton and Mͬ Talbot shall sign yͤ Articles of yͤ agreement above mentioned, on yͤ part of yͤ University.

2 Agreed at yͤ same time, yͭ Mͬ Edmund Jeffries have leave to print an Edition of Tully's works in 12ᵐͦ with the Brevier Letter: he paying 1ˡ. 10ˢ. yͤ sheet for 1000 Copies.

3 That Cornelius Crownfield have leave to send to Roterdam for 300ˡ weight of yͤ double Pica letter in order to yͤ Printing of Virgil, Horace, &c in yͤ manner above mentioned.

The next extract shows the executive arrangements made by the Curators; clearly the whole body (including the Heads of Houses and Professors) was too large to handle the details of administration and committees of delegates were appointed to take monthly tours of duty.

Provision was also made for the reading of proofs by competent scholars to be nominated by the editor and approved by the delegates.

Octob. 17. 98.

Present Dͬ James Vicechancellour, Dͬ Covell, Dͬ Blithe, Dͬ Roderick, Dͬ Smoult, Dͬ Perkins, Mͬ Barnet, Mͬ Laughton, Mͬ Leng, Mͬ Beaumont, Mͬ Pearse, Mͬ Wollaston, Mͬ Talbot, Mͬ Bennett.

1 Agreed yͭ all resolves made at any meeting of yͤ Curatours for the press be entered in yͤ Register for yͤ Press.

2 That yͤ Major part of yͤ Curatours present at any meeting shall determine who shall write yͤ resolves then made into yͤ said Register.

3 That all graces granted by yͤ Senate relating to yͤ Press be entered into yͤ said Register.

4 That there shall be a general meeting of yͤ Curatours upon yͤ first Wednesday in every month.

5 That yͤ general monthly meeting shall determine, wͭ persons shall be delegates for yͤ said Month.

6 That the sͩ delegates appointed by them shall meet weekly on Wednesdays at 2 of yͤ clock in yͤ afternoon.

7 That every Editour shall appoint his own inferiour Correctour to attend yͤ press.

8 That no Editour shall have power to appoint any inferiour Correctour to attend yͤ Press, but such as shall be approved by the delegates, & yͭ yͤ allowance for yͤ Correctours labour be set by yͤ delegates.

The delegates for this month are Mͬ Vice-Chancellour Mͬ Peirse, Mͬ Leng, Mͬ Talbot, Mͬ Bennett.

Wednesday Octob. 26. 1698

1 Ordered, yͭ Mͬ Cornelius Crownfield do go to London to procure an Alphabet of Box flourish't Letters, and to retain Workmen for the Press, and to take care for yͤ Carriage of Mͬ Tonson's Paper: and to hasten yͤ return of yͤ double Pica Letter from Holland.

2 Upon yͤ proposall of Mͬ Talbot of Dˢ Penny[79] to be his correctour for yͤ edition of Horace with yͤ approbation of yͤ delegates; agreed, yͭ the said Dˢ Penny be spoken to to undertake yͤ said office of Correctour.

January yͤ 4ᵗʰ 1698/9.

At a meeting of Eight of yͤ Curators--

Ordered that Mͬ Talbot have full power to treat about & procure a Rolling press fit for yͤ service of yͤ Printing house the charges thereof to be defrayed out of such money as he shall receive upon subscriptions to yͤ press at London.

Agreed also that 4 pence [p_] week for copy money be allowed to yͤ workmen at yͤ Press and half a crown [p_] Quarter for cleaning yͤ Press[80].

The three following entries show that in their first few years of office, at any rate, the Curators approached their duties in a business-like way:

March 4 1698

1 Orderd, that a particular account of each Body of Letter, & of all Tooles & Moveables belonging to yͤ New Printing House be taken in writing in yͤ presence of the Delegates for yͤ weekly meetings of this Month, and yͭ it be entered into yͤ Journal Book by yͤ person appointed to keep that Book: and yͭ yͤ said account be sign'd by yͤ Delegates, & Mr Crownfield yͤ Printer....