ll. 29-32; Oppert had restored the name of Narâm-Sin's father as

Sagaraktiyas (cf. "Expédition scientifique en Mésopotamie," Vol. I. (1863), p. 273, and "Histoire des Empires de Chaldée et d'Assyrie" (1865), pp. 22 ff.).

[7] See "Comptes rendus de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-lettres," Ser. IV., Tome V. (Oct., 1877), pp. 330 ff. An impression of the seal had been sent from Baghdad to Constantinople, whence M. Ménant had received it from M. Barré de Lancy in 1865. It was later acquired by M. de Clercq (cf. "Collection de Clercq," Tome I., 1888, No. 46, pl. V., p. 49 f.).

[8] "Recherches sur la glyptique orientale," I. (1883), p. 73 f.

[9] See Pinches, "Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch.," Vol. V. (Nov. 7, 1882), pp. 8 f., 12. For a discussion of the date, see above, Chap. III., p. 60 f.

[10] See Pinches, _op. cit._, Vol. VI. (Nov. 6, 1883), pp. 11 ff. The identification was opposed by Ménant, who pointed out that the two final syllables of the name could not be treated as a title (_op. cit._, Feb. 5, 1884, pp. 88 ff., and "Collection de Clercq," p. 49 f.). Ménant adhered to his former opinion that Shargani-shar-lukh (as he now read the name) was an earlier king of Agade.

[11] See Oppert, "Expedition scientifique," II. (1859), p. 62, and "Cun. Inscr. West. Asia," Vol. I., pl. 3, No. VII.

[12] See George Smith, "Trans. Soc. Bibl. Arch.," Vol. I., p. 52.

[13] Cf. Winckler, "Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens" (1892), pp. 30, 39, and "Altorientalische Forschungen," I., p. 238 (1895); and Niebuhr, "Chronologie" (1896), p. 75.

[14] Hilprecht, "Old Bab. Inscr.," I. (1893), pll. 1-3, p. 15.

[15] _Op. cit._, II. (1896), p. 19 f.

[16] Cf. Thureau-Dangin, "Comptes rendus de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-lettres," Ser. IV., Tome XXIV., 1896, pp. 355 ff.; and Heuzey, "Revue d'Assyr.," IV. (1897), p. 2.

[17] See King, "Chronicles concerning early Babylonian Kings" (1907), Vol. I., pp. 27 ff.

[18] _Shargani_, the first part of the name Shar-Gani-sharri, was equated with _Sharru_-GI-NA (=ukîn), and the second part of the name, read as _shar-ali_, "king of the city" was regarded as having been dropped by a process of abbreviation.

[19] See Gautier, "Recueil de travaux," Vol. XXVII., pp. 176 ff., and Scheil, "Textes Élam.-Sémit.," IV., pp. 4 ff.

[20] See above, Chap. V., pp. 125, 130 ff.

[21] See above, p. 217, n. 1.

[22] See Scheil, "Textes Élam.-Sémit," IV., pp. 4 ff.

[23] See Thureau-Dangin, "Orient. Lit.-Zeit.," 1908, col. 313 ff.; cf. also King, "Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch.," Vol. XXX. (1908), pp. 239 ff.

[24] See above, p. 203.

[25] See above, p. 203 f.

[26] See King, _op. cit._, p. 240 f. M. Thureau-Dangin has since examined the text at Constantinople, and he confirms the restoration.

[27] Cf. Scheil, "Une saison de fouilles à Sippar," p. 96.

[28] See above, pp. 206, 212

[29] King, "Chronicles," Vol. II., pp. 27 ff., Sections II, IV., V., and VII.

[30] Thureau-Dangin, "Comptes rendus de l'Académie des Inscriptions," 1896, p. 358, No. 2 and n. 1, "Recueil de tablettes chaldéennes," p. 57, No. 124 (cf. p. 46, No. 85); see also "Königsinschriften," p. 225.

[31] "Chronicles," Vol. II., p. 25 f., Section I.

[32] "Comptes rendus," 1896, p. 357, No. 1; "Recueil de tablettes," p. 60, No. 130.

[33] The warlike expedition to Dêr (Dûr-ilu), which is referred to in the Legend of Sargon (see "Chronicles," Vol. II., p. 92), may possibly be connected with this campaign of Shar-Gani-sharri.

[34] See above, p. 205, and below, pp. 231, 243 f.

[35] "Comptes rendus," 1896, p. 359, No. 6; "Recueil de tablettes," p. 56, No. 118.

[36] "Chronicles," II., p. 8, l. 18.

[37] _Op. cit._, II., p. 27. The passage has no reference to Kish, as suggested by Hilprecht, "Old Bab. Inscr.," II., p. 26.

[38] "Chronicles," II., pp. 3, 30 f., 90 f.

[39] See below, p. 241.

[40] Though we have no direct evidence in his case, Sharru-Gi may well have been the founder of his dynasty; the absence of his father's name from the genealogy in the Constantinople text and the cruciform monument accords with this suggestion. Shar-Gani-sharri ascribes no title to his father Dâti-Enlil (see further, p. 232).

[41] Cf. Scheil, "Textes Élam.-Sémit.," I., pp. 16, 26.

[42] Dhorme's suggestion that GI was an ideographic writing for _Gani_ in the early period (cf. "Orient. Lit.-Zeit.," 1909, col. 53 f.) is scarcely probable, though the fact that the commonest ideographic value for GI was _kanû_ or _ganû_ ("a reed") may possibly have contributed in some way to the later confusion. It should also be noted that Clay has recently pointed out the occurrence of the name _Sha-ru-ki-in_, on a fragment of an early text (see "Amurru," p. 194), as apparently that of a ruler of "the four quarters." Since the final _n_ can hardly be treated as the nunnation (as in the word _ir-bi-ti-in_ in the fifth line of the text), we may probably regard the passage as proving the early existence of the name _Sharrukîn_, Sargon, which would be the natural rendering of the name Sharru-GI (see above, p. 221). But the title of the king in the new text, and his description as "the beloved of Ishtar," would suit a king of Akkad rather than a king of Kish, thus affording additional excuse for a confusion by the later scribes.

[43] I is therefore still permissible to employ the name "Sargon" as a synonym of Shar-Gani-sharri, the predecessor of Narâm-Sin upon the throne of Akkad. Similarly the terms "Pre-Sargonic" and "Post-Sargonic" need not be given up. In the text, however, the forms Sharru-Gi and Shar-Gani-sharri have been employed for the sake of clearness.

[44] See above, p. 210 f.

[45] See the frontispiece; and cf. p. 242 f.

[46] See Heuzey, "Rev. d'Assyr.," Vol. IV., p. 111.

[47] See above, p. 211 f.

[48] It should be noted that on a tablet from Tello of the time of the Dynasty of Akkad mention is made of a patesi of Susa who must have been the dependent of the reigning king. His name should probably be read as Ilishma, but as the end of the line is broken, it is also possible that the personage referred to was Ilish, an official in the service of the patesi of Susa (cf. "Rec. de tabl.," p. 57, No. 122, Rev., 1. 2 f.). It is possible that to this period also should be assigned a patesi, whose name, occurring upon the fragment of an archaic inscription from Susa, has been provisionally read as Ur-ilim (see Scheil, "Textes Elam.-Sémit.", III., p. 1); see further, p. 243 f.

[49] Cf. "Old Bab. Inscr.," Pt. II., pl. 2, No. 2; and see further, p. 248 f.

[50] See Thureau-Dangin, "Comptes rendus," 1890, p. 359, No. 6; "Recueil de tablettes," p. 56, No. 118; and "Königsinschriften," p. 225.

[51] See King, "Chronicles," Vol. I., p. 38 f.

[52] See above, p. 197 f.

[53] For a discussion of the archaeological evidence adduced in favour of the theory, see further, Chap. XII., p. 343 f.

[54] The phrase "the Sea in the East," opposed to the Country of the West, can only mean the Eastern Sea, _i.e._ the Persian Gulf. It would be more than a fanciful interpretation to take it as implying a maritime expedition in the eastern portion of the Western Sea, as Winckler suggests (see "Orient. Lit.-Zeit.," Nov. 1907, col. 580). The Neo-Babylonian Chronicle, though the tablet on which it is written is later in point of time than the Omen-tablet from Ashur-bani-pal's Library, clearly represents the more original version. There would be no object in amending the Chronicle's text, while its mutilation to fit the Liver-omens would naturally introduce inconsistencies, which it would be tempting to a copyist to correct.

[55] In the commercial tablets of the period of Shar-Gani-sharri and Narâm-Sin, reference is frequently made to transport by water. Thus the arrival of grain-boats at Lagash is often noted, or arrangements are made for the despatch of cattle and asses by boat to other places.

[56] See above, p. 219.

[57] See above, p. 218.

[58] See above, p. 226.

[59] See Heuzey, "Rev. d'Assyr.," Vol. IV., pp. 2 ff.

[60] See Thureau-Dangin, "Rec. de tabl.," pp. 44 ff., Nos. 77 ff.; "Rev. d'Assyr.," IV., pp. 71 ff.

[61] See above, pp. 206 ff.

[62] See "Chronicles," I., p. 40 f.; II., pp. 5, 32.

[63] See above, p. 205.

[64] See Thureau-Dangin, "Recueil de tablettes," Nos. 99, 136, 176. The possibility may also be noted that the expedition represents one of Narâm-Sin's successful efforts, at the beginning of his reign, to recover his predecessor's empire which had dwindled during his later years.

[65] In addition to Lugal-ushumgal's seal-impression with its address to Shar-Gani-sharri, another has been recovered with a similar address to Narâm-Sin, which he evidently employed after the latter's ascension of the throne; see Heuzey, "Rev. d'Assyr.," Vol. IV., p. 11.

[66] On the monument the end of the name is wanting. Scheil suggested the restoration Mani[um] (see "Textes Élam.-Sémit.," III., p. 5), a reading that would not be inconsistent with the traces on the Omen-tablet (see King, "Chronicles," II., p. 39, n. 1). But M. Thureau-Dangin informs me that the traces upon the statue are not those of the sign UM, but possibly of DAN, so that the form Mannu-dannu may be a fairly accurate transcription of the original name.

[67] See "Comptes rendus," 1899, p. 348.

[68] See "Textes Élam.-Sémit.," I., pp. 53 ff.

[69] See the frontispiece to this volume.

[70] See above, p. 231, n. 2

[71] See Heuzey, "Rev. d'Assyr.," IV., p. 1. He also built in Lagash a temple to Sin, the Moon-god; see King, "Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch.," Nov. 1909.

[72] See the date-formulæ on tablets Nos. 86, 106, and 144 in "Rec. de tabl.," pp. 46, 53, 65; "Königsinschriften," p 226.

[73] See p. 245, Fig. 59.

[74] See Scheil, "Rec. de trav.," Vol. XV., p. 62.

[75] See Hilprecht, "Old Bab. Inscr.," II., p. 63, No. 120; and Meyer, "Geschichte des Altertums," Bd. I., Hft. II., p. 473.

[76] I visited the site in the summer of 1904, when on my way from Persia to Samsun, and the exact spot was pointed out to me where the stele was found. Narâm-Sin's building, or platform, was on lower ground below the tell, on which probably stood the citadel. The stele was found only about five feet below the surface, and it is clear that no considerable accumulation of debris covers the remains of the city of Narâm-Sin's time, and that its excavation would be a comparatively simple matter.

[77] On being discovered by the villagers no particular value was attached to it, and, as it was too large for them to use, it was left lying for three years on the spot where it was found. It was then brought to Diarbekr by the owner of the village, Chialy Effendi, who built it into the edging of a fountain in the court of his house on the left bank of the Tigris outside the city. On his death, about fourteen years ago, Natik Effendi sent it to the Museum at Constantinople.

[78] See Ménant, "Recherches sur la glyptique orientale," p. 76, pl. 1, No. 1. The seal is that of Izinum, the scribe, who was evidently in Bin-Gani-sharri's service.

[79] The seal of Abi-ishar, the scribe, bore the names of both Narâm-Sin and Bin-Gani-sharri; see Thureau-Dangin, "Rec. de tabl.," p. 70, No. 169. Erinda is mentioned on a commercial tablet of the period as the slave of a certain Bi-Gani-sharri (_op. cit._, p. 48, No. 94, "Rev. d'Assyr.," IV., p. 76), who may possibly be identified with Narâm-Sin's son.

[80] "Comptes rendus," 1899, p. 348.

[81] See the opposite plate.

[82] See Heuzey, "Comptes rendus," 1895, pp. 22 ff.; "Rev. d'Assyr.," Vol. III., pp. 113 ff.; and Thureau-Dangin, "Revue Sémitique," 1897, pp. 166 ff. For the sculptures, see p. 248 f., Figs. 60 and 61.

[83] Certain epigraphic peculiarities in the inscription, which are not characteristic of the Sargonic period, may perhaps be explained as due to the influence of Lagash: the inscription may have been engraved by a scribe of that city, who has reproduced the local forms of the characters with which he was familiar (cf. "Rev. Sémit.," 1897, p. 169).

[84] As the stele was set up in Lagash, the section dealing with the distribution of that city's land would naturally be added to the historical record.

[85] See above, p. 220.

[86] See the plate facing p. 206.

[87] See De Morgan, "Mission scientifique en Perse," Vol. IV., p. 161, pl. ix.

[88] When passing by this route into Persia from Turkey, in the spring of 1904, I made a careful study of all the sculptured panels on both sides of the Hulvan. The second largest panel is that of this early Semitic king; on the ledge below the sculpture are traces of an inscription, of which sufficient is preserved to prove that it is written in Semitic Babylonian. The sculptured panel at Sheikh-Khân, with its fragmentary Semitic inscription (De Morgan, op. city pl. x.), is a very much ruder production, and is probably of a considerably later date.

[89] See the panel on the cover of this volume; and cf. p. 217 f.