CHAPTER VII

THE SHERIP MASAHOR

When the Rajah assumed the Government of Sarawak, he had to look out for suitable officials among the Malays to carry on the Government, and suitable officials were not easily to be found where hitherto all had been corruption and oppression. There is not much choice in rotten apples.

There were three offices of importance to be filled: that of Datu Patinggi, he who had the supervision and control over the tribes on the left-hand branch of the river; that of Datu Bandar, he who held sway over those on the right hand; and the Datu Temanggong, who had to look after the tribes on the coast.[224]

It will be remembered that before the rebellion of the Sarawak people against the Government of Bruni these offices had been held by three of their chiefs, who, in 1841, were reinstated in their old positions by the Rajah, and made collectors of the revenue in their several districts.[225] This was a tax levied on the head of a family of a bushel and a half of rice. Hitherto the officers of Government, the Bruni Pangirans great and small, had exercised the right of pre-emption of whatever the Dayak produced, and that at the prices they themselves fixed. Rajah Brooke modified, but could not wholly abolish, this privilege. He suffered these three officials, and them alone, to have the right to buy before all others what the Dayaks had to dispose of, but only at market price. With the others, the Datu Patinggi Gapur had been in disgrace under Rajah Muda Hasim and the Pangiran Makota. Any one who was looked on with an evil eye by that arch-scoundrel Makota had a claim to be regarded as an honest man, and for a while the Datu Patinggi did fairly well, but this was only till he had, as he thought, established himself firmly; and then he began to oppress the natives in the old way, by enforcing sales to himself on his own terms; and the timid people, accustomed to this sort of treatment, and afraid of the consequences should they protest, submitted without denouncing him to the Rajah. He was a man plausible and polite, and some time elapsed before the Rajah obtained sufficient evidence to convict him. But when he did, instead of deposing him from office, he announced his determination to pay each of these officials a fixed salary, in lieu of the enforced first trade with the Dayaks, and of their share in Dayak revenue.

The Datu Patinggi had a handsome daughter who was sought in marriage by a certain Sherip Bujang, brother of Sherip Masahor of Serikei, who had assumed the government of the Rejang river,[226] and had long been in league with the Saribas and Sekrang pirates—an evil-minded and intriguing man. The Rajah was very averse to this marriage, but could not forbid it. And the result was that Gapur and Masahor put their heads together, confided to each other their mutual grievances, and commenced plotting against the Rajah and his officers. Serikei is 20 miles up the Rejang river, which was not yet within the jurisdiction of Sarawak, but Saribas and Sekrang were, and Masahor was a source of annoyance and danger by incessantly fomenting agitation among the people of these rivers against the Rajah's government, and supplying them with powder and arms. For a while the Sadong district had been placed under the charge of the Datu Patinggi as well as his own, but it was found that, not satisfied with the salary paid by the Government in lieu of the right of pre-emption, he was enforcing that same right and using great oppression in both districts. The Tuan Besar, who was then administering the Government, went from Kuching to make a tour in both these, and to ascertain whether the rumours relative to the misconduct of Gapur were true, and by this means sufficient proof of his illegal exactions was obtained.

The Datu Patinggi had indeed pursued a course of oppression ever since 1851, when the marriage between Sherip Bujang and his daughter took place. He had levied imposts on the Sarawak Dayaks, forced trade on the Matu people, oppressed the Sadong Dayaks, and interfered at Lingga and Serikei, and had even proceeded so far as to assume the insignia of royalty by displaying a yellow (the royal colour) flag and unfurling a yellow umbrella. He was then, in November 1853, brought up in Court, publicly reprimanded, and made to disgorge his plunder. He submitted with outward tokens of goodwill, but he had been publicly disgraced, and this he did not forget. His feeling against the Government of the White Man became more intensely bitter.

Early in 1854, the Rajah and Captain Brooke, the Tuan Besar, went up the Batang Lupar river to visit the Tuan Muda at Lingga, and Brereton at Sekrang; Mr. Spenser St. John was then at Kuching. This latter says:—

One day, whilst sitting alone in my little cottage, the eldest son of the Temanggong, Abang Patah, came in to have a talk. He was one of the best of the Malay chiefs—frank, loyal, honest, brave as a lion. He subsequently lost his life gallantly defending the Rajah's Government.[227] I saw by his manner that he had something to communicate, so after answering a few leading questions he said, "It is no use beating about the bush, I must tell you what is going on." He then unfolded the particulars of a plot which the Patinggi Gapur had concocted to cut off the Europeans in Sarawak. The Patinggi had confided his plans to the other chiefs, but they had almost unanimously refused to aid him, and had determined to keep a watch over his proceedings, but they had not the moral courage to denounce him to the Government. At length Abang Patah said, "I have become alarmed. The Rajah and Captain Brooke are away together. The Patinggi is with them with all his armed followers, and in an unsuspecting moment all the British officers might be cut off at a blow." I promised, as he desired, to keep his communication a secret from all but the Rajah, to whom I instantly wrote, giving not only Patah's story, but other indications which had come to my knowledge. An express boat carried my letter to its destination. The Rajah read the letter, and, without a word, passed it to Captain Brooke. The latter, having also read it, said, "What do you think?" "It is all too true," answered the Rajah, to whom conviction came like an inspiration. They had noticed some very odd proceedings on the part of the Patinggi, but, having no suspicions, had not been able to interpret some of his armed movements, but now it was quite clear that he was trying to get the Europeans together to strike one treacherous blow. Nothing, however, was said or done publicly. The faithful were warned to watch well, and a few judicious inquiries brought the whole story out.

The Commission had been despatched to sit at Singapore, on the conduct of the Rajah. Gapur was well aware that the British Government was indisposed to support the Rajah, and that there existed a body of opinion in England distinctly and bitterly hostile to him, and certain to apologise for any insurrectionary movement made to depose him, even if it involved, as Gapur supposed, his being massacred along with his English officers.

Mr. St. John goes on to say that upon his return to Kuching the Rajah intended to bring the Patinggi to justice for this contemplated act of treachery; but this was not done immediately. Before publicly convicting and punishing the leading chief of the State, amongst whose relations the Rajah could count so many staunch friends, it was thought advisable to wait for some overt act which would afford clear and convincing proof to all of the Datu's treachery.

The Rajah had not long to wait. Towards the close of June he appointed chiefs over the various kampongs (districts) in Kuching, each to be responsible for the good order of his kampong, and with power to arrest evil-doers. These chiefs had been given their commissions publicly in Court; however, the Datu Patinggi promptly summoned them to his house, exacted the surrender of their commissions into his hands, and dismissed them with the remark that he was not going to allow everybody to be made a datu. This was open and public defiance, and the Rajah then determined to disgrace him publicly.

Measures were taken to prevent even a show of resistance being made. Though Gapur was head of the party that existed in favour of Bruni, and of a restoration to the old condition of affairs, yet in Kuching he had but few adherents upon whom he could safely rely, even amongst his own people; but Malays when forced into a corner often resort to desperate deeds of folly, and it was to guard against such an act that precautions were taken.

In a letter the Rajah describes both Gapur and what his proceedings were:—

As he got rich there was no keeping him straight. His abuse of power, his oppression of the people, his revival of ancient evils, his pretensions, his intrigues, and his free use of my name for purposes of his own, had been often checked but never abandoned, and ever recurring. Some time ago he was seriously warned, and made to disgorge some of his ill-gotten wealth; but this, instead of preventing him, only urged him forward, and he not only intrigued against the Government, but by threatening the better class of Sarawak people, thwarted our measures, and used language which was treasonable against every constituted authority.

I resolved, therefore, at once to degrade him from his office, so as to crush the seeds of discontent in the bud. I ordered a great public meeting of the country for an important business, but, excepting Captain Brooke, St. John, the Datu Bandar, Datu Temanggong, and a few others, no one in the country knew my object. The court was crowded, many hundreds being present. I gently explained the duty of the people towards the Government. I alluded to the past, the present happiness of all classes, and the crime committed by any one who failed in obedience to constituted authority, or desired to disturb the public peace. I pointed out to the elders of the Kampongs that, having received authority from the Government, they should not have yielded it to the Patinggi, but at the same time I acquitted them of all evil intention, and declared— which was strictly true—that I knew their attachment to the Government.

I then turned to the Patinggi, I reminded him of the past, the warnings he had received and neglected. I detailed the charges against him, and concluded by saying, "I accuse you before the people of treason, and I give you the option of publicly declaring your submission to the Government or of death." He submitted. I then said, "I do not seek your life, for you are the Bandar's brother,[228] and have many relatives my friends. I do not confiscate your property, for your wives and children have not shared your offence. For the safety of the Kingdom I order you to sit in your place in this court, whilst proper persons bring to the fort all the arms and ammunition which belong to you." He sat quiet. I requested his relatives to go and bring the guns and powder, and, after a couple of hours, the things were brought. I then shook hands with the culprit, told him what I had done was for the good of the people, and that he should hear further from me through the proper channel. He then returned to his house.

There was still a difficulty to be overcome, how to get rid of him. The Rajah bethought himself of proposing a pilgrimage to Mecca, and Gapur jumped at it. This would remove him from Sarawak for some time, and, before his return, it was hoped his influence would be broken, and his opportunities of doing mischief be removed, through his position being given to his brother-in-law, the Datu Bandar.[229] The Bandar's brother was made the Imaum, the head of the Muhammadan priesthood, and was added to the list of the Rajah's trusted councillors. He remained true and a mainstay to English influence among the Malays in subsequent difficult times.[230] As to Gapur, on his return in 1856 from Mecca, now a Haji, he was repudiated by his relations, who refused to be responsible for his conduct, so that he had to be banished to Malacca. We shall hear of him again, but for the moment must look at the proceedings of the Sherip Masahor, whose brother had married the daughter of Gapur.

Muka was then a town of considerable importance, at the mouth of the river of that name. It has since increased considerably, and is now as large as Bruni. Then, as now, it had a great trade in raw sago, which is shipped to Kuching, where it is converted into sago flour in the Chinese factories, in which form it passes to Singapore. Oya comes next in importance, then Bintulu, and then Matu and Bruit. These places supply more than half the world's consumption of sago. The trade in this had always been the principal one of Kuching until a few years ago, when pepper took the first place, but the sago trade is still increasing.

For years past numerous trading vessels from Kuching visited Muka to obtain this article of commerce, but in 1854 much difficulty had been felt in getting it, as at that time civil war was raging, and anarchy existed in Muka, so that trading vessels were debarred from entering the river, being liable to plunder by one party or the other.

The Pangiran Ersat had been placed there in authority by the Sultan, and he had oppressed the people incessantly. But beside him there was the Pangiran Matusin, his cousin, also of royal blood, who had been brought up among the Muka people, where he had many relations through his mother, who was of inferior class. A feud had long existed between these two Pangirans, both of whose houses were fortified. Ersat had expelled his cousin from Muka, but the latter had been allowed by the Sultan to return.

Matusin, though unprincipled himself,[231] could not countenance the extortions of the other, and he supported his own people against the injustice of his rival.

On one occasion, as Matusin was returning home from the river mouth, he passed the abode of Ersat, when this latter, with his followers and relatives, mocked him from the platform in front of the long house, brandishing their spears and daring him to attack them. Matusin was filled with rage. Of all things that a Malay can least endure is insult. Seizing his arms, he rushed into the house, and, running amuck, cut down Ersat himself, and, in the promiscuous onslaught that followed, killed one of the Pangiran's daughters and wounded another. He then made his way forth, no one daring to oppose him, as he was a man of prodigious strength. On reaching his house, he strengthened the fortifications and prepared for an attack. In the course of a month, a large force had assembled in Muka to avenge the death of Pangiran Ersat, led by the Sherip Masahor, who had called out the Saribas Dayaks, under the jurisdiction of the Rajah of Sarawak, as well as the Kanowit Dayaks on the Rejang. They numbered more than a thousand, exclusive of Malays.

This host surrounded the fortified house of Matusin, and Masahor, in the name of the Rajah, called upon the former to surrender. He undertook, if Matusin and his followers would come forth, with all the women and children, and give themselves up, that their lives would not only be spared, but that thenceforth they should all dwell together in amity. It was agreed that this was to take place on the following morning. But during the night a member of Masahor's party managed to get into the house of Matusin to warn him that treachery was intended, and to urge him to escape. This Matusin did in the dark, attended by six men only; he fled up country, and made his way to Kuching, where he threw himself on the protection of the Rajah. Next day Sherip Masahor, with his ruffians, took most who remained in Matusin's house, and many of the relations of the Muka chiefs who had supported him, to the number of forty-five, chiefly women, massacred every one, and gave their heads to his Saribas and Kanowit followers. As soon as the news reached Kuching, the Tuan Muda was sent to Muka to inquire into matters. He says: "The scene where the murders took place was then fresh with the marks of the slaughtered wretches. Their torn clothes, the traces of blood and tracks of feet, were plainly visible on the ground. In pulling up through the Muka village, most of the houses were burnt down, and the graveyards pillaged by Dayaks." Melanaus adorn their dead with costly gold ornaments, which are buried with the bodies; this the Dayaks knew; to attain these and the heads of the dead were their object in desecrating the graves.

The people had lost their favourite leader and relative, Pangiran Matusin; besides relations they had lost their homes and property, burnt and pillaged by Masahor's followers on the ground that the owners had favoured the slayer of Pangiran Ersat, and they were well aware that they themselves were doomed, and all would most surely have been put to death but for the arrival of the Tuan Muda. And now the poor creatures surrounded him, and implored that an Englishman might be sent to govern the place, and deliver them from the tyranny of the Bruni officials. Having seen to the safety of Matusin's wife and children, who, with other surviving relations and followers, were sent to Kuching, the Tuan Muda returned to Sekrang. A fine was imposed on Sherip Masahor, and he was forced to release 100 captives, and was deposed from his governorship for having called out the Saribas under Sarawak rule for warlike purposes. He was in league with the piratical party in the Saribas, and not only supplied them with salt, which is an absolute necessity to a Dayak, and which it was now difficult to obtain on the Sarawak side, where the markets were closed to them, but also with ammunition, and in other ways encouraged them in their opposition to the Government. He left Serikei immediately, fearing further consequences.

A party of malcontent Saribas Dayaks had been induced by the Sherip to settle in the Serikei river, to be handy agents for the execution of his oppressive exactions, and the intrepid Penglima Seman was sent by the Rajah to drive them out. This he did very effectually, and destroyed their houses and stores. Shortly afterwards the Datu Temanggong and the Datu Imaum dispersed a flotilla of some forty Saribas bangkongs which they had met in the main river below Serikei.

The unsatisfactory condition of affairs in the Muka and adjacent districts led the Rajah to pay another visit to Bruni, and thither he sailed in June, 1855, after having despatched the Tuan Muda to Muka. He went up in his little gunboat, the _Jolly Bachelor_, alone, and with no retinue, no longer holding high offices under the Crown, "the castaway of his own country." But he was most cordially received, and entertained with due honours by the Sultan, by the Rajahs of both the hostile factions, and by the people. All saw in the Rajah the possible instrument to relieve them of the dissensions with which Bruni was troubled, and which now verged upon civil war. Of the opposing factions, which had existed ever since the days of Pangiran Usop, one party, and by far the most powerful, was led by the Pangiran Anak Hasim, the late Sultan's reputed son (who became Sultan in 1885), and this party was in opposition to the Sultan, who had lost the support of nearly all his people by becoming the tool of his cunning and grasping minister, Pangiran Makota. "Trade had become a monopoly and thus been extinguished; the exactions on the coast to the northward had produced dissatisfaction and rebellion; the unfortunate people of Limbang, which country is the granary of Bruni, was reduced to extremity, cruelly plundered by Makota and his sons, and attacked by the Kayans, sometimes at the instigation of Makota, sometimes on their own account; in short, what Sarawak was formerly, Bruni was now fast becoming; and when I pulled into the city in my little gunboat of thirty-five tons, four of the Kampongs had their guns loaded and pointed against each other." Such was the unhappy condition of the country as described by the Rajah.

The day after his coming the rival parties disarmed their fortifications. The Sultan and the Rajahs placed the government in his hands, with a request that he would endeavour to establish it on a proper and firm basis, and promised obedience to all his directions.

Makota was absent, having been ordered by the Sultan to Muka to look into matters there, which meant that he had been sent to plunder the people of that and the neighbouring districts, but, though it angered the Rajah, it rendered his task the easier.

Makota was now the sole minister, and the Rajah arranged that the old executive system should be restored so as to counterbalance his influence. The offices of the four ministers of State, or wazirs, established by the ninth Sultan Hasan, early in the seventeenth century, were revived; these were the Temanggong, the Bandahara, the di Gedong, and the Pemancha. Though of ancient origin, by the will of autocratic Sultans they had been in abeyance for many years, and their revival gave confidence to nobles and people alike. They were never allowed again to lapse.

Besides the above-mentioned functionaries, there are eight ministers of the second class, all nobles; and lastly, a council of twelve officers of state, chosen from among the leading people, the chiefs of the different divisions or parishes of the city. These chiefs being elected by the people renders this council representative.

Pangiran Anak Hasim became the Pangiran Temanggong. Though stern, he was popular, governed well and fairly, and encouraged trade. His only brother, the other doubtful son of Sultan Omar Ali, was made the Pamancha. Now that the Rajah had succeeded in reconciling the hostile factions, he trusted that the Pangiran Temanggong, with the assistance of the other wazirs, supported by his own pledge to uphold them, with force if necessary, against all disturbers of peace, would be able to preserve the Sultan from the evil influence of Makota; indeed the Sultan had a desire to act rightly, and his disposition was not altogether bad, but avariciousness was his failing, and the means by which his evil counsellors gained his ear.

The Rajah was pressed to take up his residence in Bruni, and, could he have done so, all might have gone well, but he could not hope that his present intervention would do more than postpone the downfall of the worn-out and vicious Government, for the elements of discord and decay were rife. And directly his back was turned the Sultan failed him. He set aside the advice of his wazirs, and, to gratify his greed, upheld Makota. He had promised that this man should be recalled from Muka, but, instead of doing so, gave him a free hand to deal with the wretched people as he pleased—to plunder for both himself and his master. The Rajah then determined himself "to manage Makota, and to leave the Sultan to rue his own folly"; the two factions in Bruni he trusted "would join together to resist oppression, or, at any rate, forbear with each other."

Early in 1856, the Tuan Muda went with a force from Kuching to erect a fort at Serikei, now deserted by Masahor, and half burnt down by the Dayaks. This was soon built, and an Englishman was placed in charge, who was shortly afterwards replaced by Mr. Fox. The Dayaks around were numerous and hostile. The Tuan Muda found that "in all directions around Serikei and Kanowit there were enemies." Some few came to trade, but refused to pay revenue or obey the orders of the officials. They lived in independence, and the two branches of Dayak employment were simply heads and salt. "As these two requirements could not be found in the same quarter, they in former times usually made peace with one petty Malay chief for the purpose of obtaining salt, while the heads were brought from some other petty Malay chief's village lying in another direction. By this means the Malays obtained a trade with Dayaks as well as a following."

The imposition of a fine on Masahor and the erection of a fort at Serikei may have been regarded as an infringement of the rights of the Sultan. There existed, however, an understanding between the Sultan and the Rajah in respect to the Rejang, the main object of which was, so far as the former was concerned, that the sago districts should be protected from the ravages of the Rejang Dayaks. The Sultan Mumin, a poor, feeble creature, was totally incapable of keeping these unruly subjects of his in check, and the Rajah undertook to do it for him. It, of course, followed that the Rajah had authority over, and a right to punish, these people. Kanowit fort and then Serikei were erected to keep the Dayaks and Sherip Masahor in check. All that was done was done in the mutual interests of Bruni and Sarawak, and at the sole expense of the latter, for the Rejang in those days yielded no revenue.

The house of Ucalegon was in flames, and the fire would extend to Sarawak, unless it were extinguished by Sarawak hands, for their own protection.

Muka and Oya, where Pangiran Nipa had succeeded his father, Pangiran Ersat, in power, being still in a very distracted condition, and the Rajah, now being free of the troubles that had shaken the very foundations of his own Government, and which had unavoidably withdrawn his attention from these places, determined to make another effort to establish order there in the interests of the suffering population, and of the important trade between those places and Sarawak, which had now almost ceased. For this purpose he again proceeded to Bruni in September, 1857, and obtained full power to act at Muka, and authority to intervene was granted him. At Muka the Rajah called together into his presence the rival factions which had been murdering each other, and disturbing the trade for the last four years. There were four hundred persons present, including the Pangirans Matusin and Nipa, besides the chiefs of the country, whose relatives had been put to death by Sherip Masahor. The _chaps_[232]—the Sultan's mandates—were read, ordering peace, and authorising the Rajah to punish any breach of it. The Rajah then spoke to the people, pointing out the advantage of peace, and pledging himself to punish any persons who by their actions should disturb it. This visit of the Rajah was attended with good results, and Muka enjoyed rest for a brief period.

In October, the Rajah proceeded to England, leaving the government in the hands of the Tuan Besar; upon this visit, which was of necessity a prolonged one, owing to the complete breakdown of his health, we will touch later.

The month following the Rajah's departure, Pangiran Makota was violently removed from the scene of his life's iniquities. We have already recorded the manner of his well-merited death.[233] Of him the Rajah wrote, "A greater villain it would be impossible to conceive, with heart blacker, head more cunning, and passions more unrestrained. I say this deliberately of a dead man." A fitting epitaph.

In December, Mrs. Brooke died, and the Tuan Besar left for England early in 1859. Upon the Tuan Muda now fell the burden of the government at perhaps the most critical period in the history of the raj. Plot was heaped upon plot, and deceit and treachery faced him on all sides, but by his courage, untiring energy, and determination the State was successfully piloted through these grave troubles, its enemies dispersed, and confidence restored to a panic-stricken people.

Two years previously, Sherip Masahor and the Datu Patinggi Haji Gapur, now known as the Datu Haji, had been pardoned. The former had been allowed to return to Serikei, and the latter to live in retirement at Kuching. It was a mistaken and highly imprudent policy, for neither had forgotten his humiliation, and both commenced active intrigue against the Government; and the party of pangirans at Bruni, hostile to all reforms, were privy to these plots, of which the Sultan himself was aware, and at which he probably connived. Constant intercourse was being kept up between the Sultans of Bruni and Sambas, which could omen no good to Sarawak; and Bruni alone, now once more relapsed into its former evil condition, was without the means of open aggression.

In 1859, the Europeans in Sarawak were startled by a report of the wholesale massacre of Europeans, men, women, and children, at Banjermasin, succeeded by further reports that all white men were being killed in the other Dutch settlements, and that the same fate was to be meted out to those in Sarawak and Labuan.

In March, the Tuan Muda, owing to disquieting rumours having reached him, resolved upon making a tour to the different stations on the coast, and first visited the Rejang. At Serikei he was joined by Mr. Fox, and then proceeded to Kanowit, a hundred miles up the broad Rejang river. The village and fort together formed a picturesque piece of irregularity and dilapidation. Here were settled a few Malays, a gang of cut-throats who lived by swindling the Dayaks, and stood by the fort as their only means of security. Some few Chinese traders had ventured to settle in the place, but they were a mob of rapscallions. Above the village was the mouth of the Kanowit river, and on the opposite bank of this river was the large village of the Kanowit tribe, adherents of Sherip Masahor. The Kanowit, as well as the Poi and Ngmah, two branches of the main river above Kanowit, was inhabited by Sea-Dayaks from the Batang Lupar and Saribas, unfriendly to the Government. Mr. Steele had been in charge of Kanowit for eight years. It was a vastly solitary place for an Englishman during the north-east monsoon. For three or four months of the year no communication was to be had with Kuching, owing to the strong freshes and heavy seas on the coast; but Mr. Steele had grown so accustomed to the life that he would not have exchanged it for another. The fort had been often attempted both secretly and openly, people close around had been killed, and Mr. Steele had met with several narrow escapes. His fortmen were not of the best class, but they were of his own selection. The Tuan Muda felt uneasy about the place. "There was too smooth an appearance, without any substantial base." There were no reliable Malay chiefs; and he left Mr. Fox to support Mr. Steele.

On his return to Serikei, the Tuan Muda received letters from the Sarawak traders at Muka saying that it was useless their attempting to procure sago there, as the country was in commotion, war being carried on between Pangiran Matusin and Pangiran Nipa, and they entreated his support and aid; otherwise the trade must be stopped. Not only so, but the Sarawak flag had been fired on by a badly-disposed pangiran. This was an insult that could not be passed over, and the Tuan Muda at once proceeded to Muka in the _Jolly Bachelor_. As he passed Igan, the Sherip Masahor, who had a residence there also, pushed off and asked leave to join him. His object was not obvious, but he protested sincere friendship, and a desire to see trade re-established.

On reaching Muka it was found that the place was in a most disturbed state, and that everybody was armed. A demand was at once made that Pangiran Serail, who had fired on the Sarawak flag, should be fined, and to this the Pangiran Nipa consented.

Towards the close of the day, a message came from Pangiran Matusin begging me to proceed to his assistance as soon as possible, as that night there was some probability of Nipa's party taking his fortification, which was defended by twenty-six men only against about six hundred, who had built movable stockades all around, and were gradually closing on him each night, and were now within about fourteen yards of his house. We warped up and arrived late at night, and let go our anchor off Matusin's landing-place. It was the 27th night of the Mahomedan fast month, and the place being brilliantly illuminated, blazed out as strange a looking pile of fortifications and habitations as it has ever fallen to my lot to witness. Matusin came aboard and showed his gratitude more by manner than by words. He was thin and haggard, and said, "Tuan, I thought I should have been a dead man to-night, as they intended adding to the illumination by the blaze of my house, but I did not fear death, and would never have run away."

On the first appearance of light we were all up, and ready to proceed to work, in order to have the business over as soon as possible. Our gunboat's deck was crowded with armed men, and the bulwarks were closed in around by oars and logwood. The first step we took was to dislodge a floating battery, placed so as to guard Matusin's landing. After destroying this I sent a party to pull down the other stockades, numbering some twenty-five of all shapes and sizes. Pangiran Matusin's fort was being pulled down also, and before mid-day there was a clearance and change in the aspect of affairs.

Excuses were then made for the payment of the fine. The gunboat was promptly hauled up in front of Pangiran Nipa's house, "and the muzzle of our 6-pounder was looking upwards loaded and primed. It would have been close quarters if we had played with firearms, as we could jump from the deck to the banks." The Sherip Masahor was with the Tuan Muda, and professed the most ardent friendship and desire to assist. The fine was soon paid, and after seeing Pangiran Matusin safely on his way to Kuching the Tuan Muda left for Saribas.

Trade with Muka during the remaining months of the year was brisk; matters there settled down quietly; and Pangiran Nipa kept up a friendly correspondence with the Tuan Muda.

The Pangiran Serail, who had been fined, was an envoy of the Sultan Mumin; he returned to Bruni, gave a plausible account of his conduct, and loudly complained of the conduct of the Tuan Muda. The Sultan was irritated, and Mr. St. John, who was now British Consul-General at Bruni, heard only Serail's story, and considered the proceedings high-handed and reprehensible. He afterwards expressed his opinion that it was so to both the Tuan Muda and to the Rajah. Thereupon the latter ordered the fine to be paid over to the Sultan "as a peace offering."

Sir Spenser St. John, in his _Life of Rajah Brooke_, speaks of the interference in Muka in 1858 and 1859 as unjustifiable, but we have already shown that the Rajah had received full authority from the Sultan to act in Muka, and what was done was entirely in the cause of peace and order, though Sir Spenser does not question the motives.

In the following June, when on a visit to Sekrang, the startling news was brought to the Tuan Muda that Steele and Fox had been killed, and that Kanowit was in the hands of enemies and murderers. It was the first stroke of a foul conspiracy, which had as its objects the extermination of all the Europeans and the overthrow of the Government. But it had been struck too soon. The aim of the conspirators, "deep and subtle as men or devils could be," was to strike simultaneous blows in Kuching and the out-stations, and this premature action of Sherip Masahor's party before the Datu Haji Gapur, Bandar Kasim, and other conspirators were prepared to act led to the original scheme being broken up into disconnected action. This to some extent lessened the difficulties with which the Tuan Muda found himself confronted. As yet he could but conjecture as to the compass of the conspiracy, and could only suspect the conspirators, but he was on his guard, and he prepared for the worst.

A few words may be said here with regard to the situation generally, and the attitude of the population. From Muka, the Sherip Masahor, the friend and connection of Pangiran Nipa, could look for strong support. In the Rejang he had on his side the Kanowits, the Banyoks, and the Segalangs, the last a hot-headed and treacherous people, who had always been the Sherip's most active partisans, and were afterwards his only sympathists; upon the Dayaks it was naturally thought he could count, but, as regards those of the Kanowit, events proved this to be a mistake; amongst the Melanaus of the delta he had a strong following at Igan, Matu, and Bruit, but not at the other villages; and the Malays of Serikei feared and obeyed him, though from their chiefs downwards they hated him. The Kalaka Malays, under a bad leader, were very doubtful. Those in Saribas were held in check by the Dayaks, who had been converted by the Tuan Muda from stout enemies into staunch friends; the Sea-Dayaks generally were as true as steel to their white chief, though some were led astray. The Sekrang Malays were faithful, but the Lingga Malays had allowed themselves to be awed by letters that had been sent them by the conspirators, calling upon them to assist in killing the English or to expect the consequences. Though they received these letters they made no response to the overtures, and were at heart with the Government. Sadong, where there had been no English officer for some time, was, under the Bandar Kasim, a hotbed of anarchy, and here were the Datu Haji's principal adherents, as also were the Land-Dayaks of Lundu.

In Kuching and its neighbourhood the Malays were as usual loyal, from their Datus, the Bandar, Imaum (whose sister the Datu Haji had married) and the old fighting Temanggong downwards. Here the Datu Haji had a small clique only, but men's minds were becoming disturbed by the baneful rumours that were being sedulously spread about of the impending downfall of the Government. It was brought home to their minds, and insisted on, that the Rajah had forfeited the confidence of the British Government, which was prepared to leave him to his fate. No more men-of-war had been sent to Sarawak, and no help had been offered the Rajah for the suppression of the Chinese insurrection; all this exercised a bad influence on some who wavered, though at heart loyal, and it discouraged the faint-hearted, just as it encouraged hopes in the disaffected Malay chiefs and the Sherips that they might recover their lost supremacy. Any signal reverse to the Government, or any indecision shown by it, would have produced the gravest consequences, which must have resulted, however the issue went, in the ruin of the country. The crisis was critical, and without a strong man at the helm, disaster would have followed—a leader to counterbalance the influence of the conspirators—a leader for the loyal to rally around and to inspire the timid, was wanted, and was at hand.

Upon receiving news of the disaster at Kanowit, after having despatched an express to Mr. Watson in Saribas to be strictly on his guard, the Tuan Muda at once proceeded to Kuching. There an assembly of all the chiefs and head men was held, and to them, with a sword in front of him, he declared his stern resolution that there should be no haven for the murderers of his officers and friends. Before he left Kuching, Abang Ali, of Serikei,[234] had arrived direct from Kanowit; he reported the whole place to be burnt down and deserted, and that the murderers had left; and he was able to give a full account of the tragedy.

One afternoon, as Mr. Fox was superintending the digging of a ditch, and Mr. Steele was walking about inside the fort, both unarmed, they were attacked, Steele by two men, Abi and Talip, whom he had known and trusted, though their previous characters had been extremely bad. Talip drew his sword and struck at Steele, but the latter, being an active man, seized the weapon, whereupon Abi cut him down, killing him immediately.

At the same moment a party of Kanowits, led by their chiefs, Sawing and Sakalai, rushed out of a Chinaman's house, in which they had been concealed, and killed Mr. Fox. Sawing and Sakalai struck the first blows, followed by many others, for his body was terribly mutilated, as was also that of Steele. They then proceeded to rifle the fort, the garrison offering no resistance, except at the commencement, when the sentry fired and killed one of the murderers.

After a stay of a few days in Kuching, organising his party, the Tuan Muda proceeded with the _Sarawak Cross_[235] and _Jolly Bachelor_ to the Rejang river. At Rejang he learnt from Abang Ali that Tani, the chief of the Banyoks, who, to cover his tracks, was the first to report the murders to the Tuan Muda at Sekrang, though not actively participating, had been a principal speaker inciting to the murders. He learnt further that Penglima Abi and Talip, two of the actual assassins, had gone straight to Sherip Masahor, had apprised him of their deed, and had told him the country was now his own. The Sherip promptly killed Abi, but Talip escaped and went to Bruni, where he complained that the Sherip wanted to kill him to prevent him from telling the white men that it was his (the Sherip's) order that Fox and Steele should be put to death. Other conspirators on arriving at Serikei were also put to death by the Sherip.

Abang Ali was at once despatched to Serikei in a fast boat, the Tuan Muda following in the schooner _Sarawak Cross_. He was to put to death all those at Serikei who were proved to have been guilty of complicity in the murder of Fox and Steele. He found that the Malays who had been accessories, under the Penglima Abi, had decamped and fortified themselves in a creek, there he attacked and slew them; the few who had remained were seized and krissed.[236]

Tani was caught and executed, though he protested his innocence, and on being conveyed to death declared solemnly, "I am not guilty, before long the true culprits will be discovered." It is perhaps to be regretted that his life was not spared on condition of revealing the prime movers of the plot. The case was most carefully investigated by the Tuan Muda before sentence was passed, and the words he employed on his way to execution showed that he had a knowledge of the conspiracy.

Mr. St. John more than hints that Tani was innocent. But at the time he was not in Sarawak, but at Bruni, and did not again visit the Rejang. There the justness of the execution of Tani has never been questioned, even by his son, Buju, who succeeded him, and he was always spoken of as one of the most active instigators of the murders. The Malays who were in charge of the fort were also put to death for surrendering it without a shred of resistance to the assassins, and allowing it to be plundered of arms and ammunition, and everything it contained, and to be set on fire. It was complicity, and not cowardice; and poor Steele had been unwise in his selection of fortmen.

The Tuan Muda had brought the Datu Haji Gapur along with him,[237] not deeming it prudent to leave him in Kuching unwatched, and now at Serikei the Sherip Masahor came on board, and expressed his earnest desire to accompany him up the river, and assist in the pursuit of the assassins who had fled. He was urgent that his own armed men should surround the Tuan Muda and act as bodyguard, but the offer was prudently declined.

This man was deeply suspected, but I could not find a clue, or a tittle of evidence through which he might be brought to trial. I thought all in this large river were more or less implicated, but we could not put all to death, though conspiracy was rife. Some were originators and instigators, some again the active workers; others merely dupes, and some again only listeners, but none talebearers. So my course was to meet the Sherip in a friendly manner without a shadow of suspicion on my brow, and as he sat on one chair, I sat on another within a foot of him. He had his sword, I had mine; both had equally sharpened edges.

There were also present on deck a guard of armed blunderbuss men, and the redoubtable old Subu,[238]

although I beckoned him away, he would take up his seat close to me, with his gigantic sword at his waist. We sat and talked cordially on various topics, and he (the Sherip) particularly recommended every precaution, as he said he feared badly-disposed men were about. So after an hour of this hollow friendship we separated, he going on shore again. What would he not have given for my head!

The executions previously done by Masahor had been to get rid of awkward witnesses to his having been an instigator of the crime.

Something had already been done, but much more yet remained. My wish was to punish those immediately implicated, before touching the instigators. I could only get at the former by the assistance of the latter.

I felt apprehensive that I should have difficulties with my own people after they had witnessed such severe proceedings, but was determined to carry out my original resolve, and permit nothing to shake me. I felt, while in this state, no more fear of danger or death than of washing my hands in the morning. A man with arms constantly about him, and death staring him in the face, soon loses the sensation of what people improperly style nervousness. An express boat was despatched to Kanowit for the remains of our late friends, and they were buried at Serikei near the fort.[239]

The Tuan Muda lingered at Serikei as long as he could, waiting for the Sekrang force, but as there were no signs of its coming he pushed on to Kanowit, "where there was nothing to be seen but black desolation. The poles and some fragments of the old houses were left, but nothing else. The place looked as if it had been blighted by evil spirits."

Here he was informed that the Kanowits and others under Sawing and Sakalai, two of the principals in the raid on Kanowit, had retired up the Kabah, a branch stream of the Rejang a short distance above, and had strongly fortified themselves there. Hundreds of Dayaks from the Kanowit river now came and placed themselves at the Tuan Muda's disposal, but they were his quondam enemies, and were but doubtful friends. To test their professions of loyalty the Tuan Muda ordered them to proceed to attack the enemy's fortification, and should they fail to take it they were to surround it, so as to prevent the enemy decamping, and to await his arrival. In the morning they left to execute this order.

Two days the Tuan Muda waited for his Sekrang reinforcements, whilst the Malays were busy erecting a new fort, and then a young Dayak chief from the advance party arrived with the information that they had failed in their attack on the stockades, and had lost some killed and many wounded, but they had obeyed the Tuan Muda's instructions, and had taken up positions out of range all round the enemy's position—they begged that he would speedily come to their assistance. They thus proved that their hearts were well inclined; and these were the people that the Tuan Muda had so severely punished three years previously.

Accordingly early next morning, the Tuan Muda, without waiting for the reinforcements, started up-stream in the _Jolly Bachelor_ with a small party, and joined the Dayak force, which he now felt that he might trust. The Dayaks willingly took one of the 6-pounders and the ammunition out of the gunboat, and, leaving her in charge of the Datu Temanggong, the Tuan Muda marched inland, with a bodyguard of only forty Malays, and these, though otherwise trustworthy, not the best kind of warriors. With the exception of Penglima Seman and Abang Ali he had no reliable leaders.

The enemy's position was reached at 1 P.M., and it looked an ugly place to take. The Dayaks had built huts around, and they now numbered some three thousand. A stockade was erected 300 yards from the fortification, the gun mounted, and a summons sent to surrender Sawing, Sakalai, and others deeply compromised in the murder of Steele and Fox. This was refused, and the gun opened fire, which was returned, but the rebels' shot went high and told amongst the Dayaks in the rear. After forty-five rounds had been fired darkness set in. The chief, Sawing, had been heard giving directions right and left. He had previously sent a message to the Tuan Muda to say that he awaited his arrival and would slaughter all his followers—the Malays—for he did not regard the Dayaks as his enemies. And he had reason for this, for these Dayaks had before been hand-in-glove with the Sherip; but they had turned, and that at a time when an opportunity offered of possible retaliation for the punishment formerly inflicted upon them.

In the dusk of the evening a few of our party spoke to the enemy, who had suffered much from our shot, and were, they said, willing to come to terms. It was now an impossibility, as our force of Dayaks would be uncontrollable, and I would never receive them except to hang them all, _minus_ the women and children. I did not trust much to their hollow words, so despatched a party to bring up more ammunition in the morning. The night closed in quiet and tranquil. Next morning, my wish was to interfere so as to save the women and children, if possible, and I despatched a messenger within speaking distance of the house, to demand the Government arms and goods that had been taken from the Kanowit fort. After some time a few dollars and old muskets were given up; then I sent to tell the women and children to leave. They replied that they were afraid of the Dayaks. So, after giving them a certain time, and knowing that then further delay was useless, I ordered Abang Ali to advance and take the house if he could. The fellows rushed on, yelling terribly. I kept our small Malay force together in the stockade with Penglima Seman, as a panic might arise among them, and the besieged become desperate, and charge us; so the gun was ready with grape and canister to be discharged at a moment's notice.

After a furious attack, the stockade was entered, and there was desperate fighting within between those defending it and those entering by climbing the poles that sustained it. Then fire was applied, and both ends of the building kindled and began to blaze furiously.

Now came the horror of war indeed. Some were burnt, some killed, some taken prisoners, and some few escaped. So ended that fortification. Its roof fell with a crash, leaving only its smoking embers to tell where it had stood. Our Dayaks were mad with excitement, flying about with heads; many with frightful wounds, some even mortal.

Unhappily the leading murderers escaped; they succeeded in cutting their way through the attacking force. The Tuan Muda's party suffered heavily, and about thirty-five Dayaks were killed by poisoned arrows. The puncture shows no larger than if it had been made by a pin. Drowsiness ensues, and death follows in half an hour. One of the Malays, who was thus wounded, was saved by being given a glass of brandy, and being kept to his feet, walking, in spite of his entreaties to be allowed to lie down and sleep. Sakalai's wife and some of the women were saved, and were sent to their friends.

After remaining some time at Kanowit to establish confidence among the Dayaks, and to set a guard in the new fort, of which Abang Ali was placed in charge, the Tuan Muda returned to Kuching, stopping on his way at Serikei, when again Sherip Masahor dissembled, and received him with marked respect and attention; he subsequently learnt that this visit was near being his last to any one on earth. At Kuching the Tuan Muda was welcomed by his countrymen, the Malays and Chinese, with every honour; what he had effected had gladdened the hearts of all, but the troubles were not at an end.

The rumours we have mentioned of the massacre of Europeans in Dutch Borneo had caused extreme disquiet amongst the natives generally, and the murders of Steele and Fox led them to believe that the fate wherewith all Europeans were threatened was to overtake those in Sarawak as well, and that the Bruni Rajahs were about to resume possession of the country. Reports calculated to disturb the minds of the people were diligently spread, and one, which came from Bruni, was that the Queen of England was so incensed against the Rajah that she had ordered his execution, and that his life was spared only by the intervention of the Sultan.

A deep and intricate plot had been formed, the active principals in Sarawak being the Sherip Masahor, the Datu Haji, and the Bandar Kasim, and trustworthy intelligence was subsequently received that they were being backed up by the Bruni Government, or rather the dominant party there, by whom an agent had been despatched along the coast to extort goods from the natives, and to communicate with the Sherip, to whom a kris was presented with which the white men in Sarawak were to be put to death. There was unity of action, moreover, between the conspirators and their friends in Western or Netherlands Borneo, and of this the Dutch were aware. They had early intelligence of the plotting, and warned the Sarawak Government. But the precipitate action at Kanowit and the subsequent proceedings of the Tuan Muda had for a time hindered the conspirators, and rendered it necessary for them to dissemble, even to the extent of sacrificing some of their own supporters, which served a double purpose—to throw off suspicion from themselves, and to silence dangerous tongues. But within a short time they were again active, though lack of concerted action, as in the case of so many other conspiracies designed to act simultaneously at various points, led to failure, through too great precipitation of some of the plotters.

The Datu Haji was the first to commence. He had remained at Serikei when the Tuan Muda left that place on his return from Kanowit, and his object in accompanying the Tuan Muda there was, while professing loyalty, to deliberate with the Sherip. On his return to Kuching he proceeded to Lundu, and there incited the Land-Dayaks to insurrection, telling them that 2000 white men had already been killed, and the rest were to be cut off immediately; he further threatened the Dayaks that if they did not become Muhammadans they would share the same fate. This story he had told also to Dayaks in the neighbourhood of Kuching. A subtle plan was formed to march overland on the town, and in the dead of night quietly to fire some houses and then fall on the English, who would be certain to turn out to help to extinguish the fires, and so would fall easy victims.

The old Datu Temanggong was the first to warn the Tuan Muda. He went to him, and, after taking the precaution of ordering all his followers out of the room, told him to take care of himself, and not to ride and walk about unarmed. He further observed that many suspicious reports were flying about. The chiefs were at once assembled, and were unanimous in recommending that the English officers should wear arms. "Why do we wear arms?" they said, "because we cannot trust our neighbours." The Datu Imaum added that he, being a haji, was not supposed to wear a sword, and opening his robe showed a hidden kris, sharp as a razor. The Tuan Muda was aware that it was useless asking them at this stage to give their authority for these suspicions; he knew they were not yet prepared openly to go further than to warn him to be on his guard—what had come to their ears would be told him privately, and in due course of time. Natives are extremely reticent and cautious at such times. The datus did not wish to warn foes as well as friends, and were on their guard against unsuspected spies and babbling tongues. The warning was rightly regarded, and the Tuan Muda and his officers prepared to meet the dangers that were brewing.

A few days later the Datu Haji's plot was revealed to the Tuan Muda, and he acted with promptitude. "I assembled the chiefs, and acquainted them that I should turn him out of the country immediately he returned, and should prepare at once in case any opposition was shown." The chiefs seemed satisfied, and said they were powerless with such an old and morose man, and recommended me to use my own judgment in dealing with him, engaging to assist me. Guns were loaded, and gunboats fenced in, but everything was done quietly and without bustle. A guard was placed in Government House, and the apertures were barred to prevent sudden rushes. The day after the culprit returned and was informed that he had to leave the country. Friendly people were mustered from neighbouring rivers, and were lounging about in groups, ready at a moment's notice. All wore arms and work was suspended. Next morning came, and the Sarawak chiefs assembled the Nakodas (merchants) and population in the Native Court.[240] The Bandar addressed them in these curt words: "I follow the Sarawak Government; there is business to be done. All those who are disposed to follow and assist me, hold up their hands." They all responded favourably, and he then made known, "The Government banishes Datu Haji and Nakoda Dulah,[241] as they are considered too dangerous to live amongst us." Some of his relatives conveyed the news to him, and told the Haji he had to leave the next day; an allowance would be granted to him by the Government. Resistance was useless on his part. So terminated this affair. He had been condemned in open court and by his own connections, the Bandar and the Imaum. Although he had no, or very little, influence in Kuching, he had in the country, for he was hand-in-glove with the malcontents amongst the Saribas and Sadong Malays, and was the cause of the revolt in the Sadong, due to his connection the Bandar Kasim. He was at once sent to Singapore, not, however, to remain there for long; and he shortly afterwards got himself into further and more serious trouble. He had failed, but he knew others would shortly be active, and he trusted to them to retrieve his failure, and so prepared to join them directly they moved. Bayang, the principal chief of the Dayaks, who had joined him, was imprisoned.

The discovery of this conspiracy, the murders of Steele and Fox, and the knowledge that other plots were certainly brewing naturally created great alarm amongst the English residents. No one felt safe, for none knew the actual extent of these plots, or could distinguish between friend and foe. The Government Officers were discouraged, for they felt that the confidence created by long years of labour, anxiety, and kindly intercourse between themselves and the natives was fast vanishing. Some of the piratical Dayaks, who were being slowly but surely weaned from their evil ways and induced to trade and plant, led astray by cunningly devised reports, retired again to their fastnesses in the interior and defied the Government; and it was feared that this disaffection might spread.[242] Sir Spenser St. John writes:—

The gentlemen, to a man, stuck to their posts with firmness,[243] the second class lost all courage; while the Bishop and some of the missionaries left, the former taking home news that it was a Mahomedan plot, with the Datu Imaum (the rival Mahomedan Bishop) at the head of it—whereas the Datu Imaum showed himself, as ever, the true and faithful friend of the English[244]—

and, we may add, true and faithful he remained for nearly fifty years afterwards.[245]

The year of anxiety and careful watching closed without any further outbreaks, but early in 1860 came the final episode, which ended in the complete dispersion of conspiracies and conspirators.

This was a mad and badly-concerted effort to carry through the disorganised plot. It was a plot not only to overthrow the Sarawak Government and murder all the English, but to massacre the Dutch in Western Borneo as well. By industriously spreading false reports, Sherip Masahor prepared the way for a rising of the natives against their English and Dutch rulers, knowing that if successful at one point it would become general. He was well aware how easy it would be to impose upon the ignorant and sheepish people along the coast, and his bold project was to despatch thither a specious and clever Bruni rogue, a runaway of rank from Bruni, named Tunjang, who was to personate the Pangiran Temanggong, the Prime Minister of Bruni, and no less a personage than the late Sultan's son, and the heir to the throne, who had now come from Bruni to exterminate all Europeans. He was to join the Bandar Kasim at Sadong, and advance up that river, raising the people to revolt during his progress, and to follow him. He was to cross over into Netherlands Borneo, where he would find many disaffected against their rulers ready to rally around him, and then proceed down the Kapuas and attack Pontianak, whither the Datu Haji was to proceed from Singapore to organise a second branch of the conspiracy, and to be ready to assist him from within when he appeared off that place. They were then to return and attack Kuching from the interior, whilst the Sherip made a simultaneous attack from the sea.

The relation of events which followed we take from the Tuan Muda's narrative[246] and from official records.

Early in January, Pangiran Matusin brought the Tuan Muda a letter sent him by the impostor, Tunjang, purporting to be from the Pangiran Temanggong, ordering him to proceed to Sadong and there to join this prince, who was waiting for a numerous force, which was to number many thousands. The Pangiran, the bearers of the letter had told him, was exacting and authoritative, and his orders were being readily obeyed by the people. Matusin supposed that the Temanggong had really come. The letter was a clever forgery executed by the Sherip together with others, which were subsequently sent to the datus and chiefs calling upon them to assist in exterminating all Europeans. The Tuan Muda saw in this a dangerous plot, and the hand of an impostor, and this was the view taken by the members of council. At once strong parties were despatched to cut off the evil-doer, whoever he was, and who, false as he might be, was capable of doing incalculable harm amongst the simple-minded people up-country, and had therefore to be dealt with promptly.

Rightly conjecturing that he might be making for the Kapuas, the Tuan Muda despatched one party under Mr. Hay to the head of the Sadong by the Sarawak river to prevent this, and an express was sent by Sherip Matusain to warn the Dutch officials. Though Mr. Hay pressed on, he was too late to intercept this pseudo prince, who had crossed the border, two days before he arrived, at the head of a strong following of Malays and Dayaks. In regal style this _prince_ was borne in a litter, as became one of his exalted rank, and he now styled himself Sultan. Everywhere he was treated with marked respect. Men gladly enrolled themselves in his service, and accorded him the large contributions in goods and slaves that he exacted. It was arranged that the chiefs over the border—of Landak, Sanggau, and Pontianak—were to rise along with their people under his command against the Dutch; and, indeed, it is probable that many might have done so, for at Sanggau he was received with salutes and all honours. But the rôle of a prince was to be speedily changed for the more fitting one of a malefactor in chains. The Dutch acted promptly, and one fine morning he found the place invested by troops, and the house in which he was staying surrounded. Some of his supporters appear to have flown to his aid, for one pangiran was killed and another wounded—these were genuine pangirans. The impostor surrendered, was placed in irons, and conveyed to prison in Batavia; here he was soon joined by the Datu Haji in the same unhappy plight. The latter had gone to Pontianak to carry out the part assigned to him, and had unwittingly run into a trap, for on landing he was immediately arrested. His departure from Singapore was known to Mr. Grant, who was then at that place, and reported by him to the Dutch Consul there, who immediately telegraphed the news to Batavia.

The countries Tunjang had passed through were in a most unsettled state, and the minds of the people were over-filled with false reports. Some of the head men were prepared to live, and, if needs be, die in support of the mock Temanggong. Sadong was in revolt, and the Bandar Kasim had sent an open defiance to Kuching. It was now known that Sherip Masahor was, and had been from the first, the leading spirit of the conspiracy, and Tunjang had confessed as much to the Dutch.[247]

Little suspecting the fate that had overtaken his fellow-conspirator and trusty agent, and deeming that the time had come for him to perform his part—the third branch of the conspiracy—Masahor moved on Kuching with a well-selected mob of his particular desperadoes. But the Tuan Muda was warned of his approach. The chiefs "earnestly breathed their anxieties about this individual, saying, 'Do what you think best for the safety of the country, we are ready to follow you.' All our guns were loaded and we never moved without being armed, which gave our friends great confidence, and the doubtful ones considerable fear." The Sherip was warned that he would be looked upon as an enemy and fired upon if he entered Sarawak territory, but this warning, if received in time, was unheeded. The Tuan Muda now started with a sufficient force to bring the Sadong people to their senses, but he had not proceeded far down the river before he encountered the Sherip advancing towards Kuching with two large prahus crowded with men. The Sherip was brought up and ordered to turn his boats and follow the Tuan Muda's flotilla, and this order he dared not disobey. The Tuan Muda had no time to deal with him then, unless it had been done summarily, which would have entailed unnecessary loss of life, so Masahor was escorted out of the river, and bidden return to his own country: he was warned not to follow into the Sadong.

The Government station in the Sadong is at Semunjan, about twenty miles up the river. The Malays of this place were well-disposed. On the Tuan Muda's arrival early next night he was immediately warned that the Sherip's sole intention in going to Kuching was to put all the white men to death, and that he intended to strike at him first,[248] and a little later came news that the Sherip was anchored in the river just below. With enemies before him this rendered the situation critical, for the force with him was not large. He resolved to deal with the Sherip at once; "he is the enemy to strike, the rest are mere trifles," was the opinion of the chiefs with him.

No time was lost. The _Jolly Bachelor_ and the prahus at once silently dropped down the river, and took up positions around the Sherip's large prahus; fearing the culprit might escape during the night, the sampans, or canoes, attached to his prahus were at once taken away.

The Tuan Muda had only Muhammadan Malays with him; to them the person of a Sherip, a descendant of the Prophet, was sacred, and to have him seized and put in irons was simply impossible. At dawn he called upon those who did not court destruction to leave the Sherip's prahus, which several did, and then he opened fire with round shot; so as to spare life, grapeshot was not used. The Sherip's vessel was struck about the water-mark, and soon began to fill, when a breeze springing up, he cut his cables and drifted ashore, escaping into the jungle with a few followers. The Tuan Muda's men were reluctant to follow him; some thought the Sherip invulnerable, others that he had the power of damping powder and blunting weapons from a distance, and the search for him was but half-hearted. Three times the Tuan Muda had raised his rifle and covered the Sherip as he climbed the bank, but spared him. It is a pity he was merciful, for wandering down the banks of the river the Sherip and his followers came across a boat from which two Malays had landed. The boat they seized, and in it escaped to Muka—the Malays they wantonly murdered to cover their tracks. Among other articles found in his prahu was the Sherip's long execution kris; his bringing this was significant.

Then the Tuan Muda returned up the river. At Semunjan he learnt that the Bandar Kasim had incited the Malays there to rush the fort whilst he, the Tuan Muda, was engaged with the Sherip, but they had declined to have anything to do with him. On arriving at Gadong, then the principal Malay settlement, the Tuan Muda found that the Bandar Kasim and his rebellious clique had decamped over the border. He assembled the now thoroughly cowed people, and told them they had all been imposed upon by a man, passing himself off as a Bruni Rajah, and that he did not blame the lower class people. As Bandar Kasim had disavowed and challenged the Government the whole of his property was confiscated, and all his slaves were liberated. The people were assured by the Tuan Muda that he had no intention of taking steps to punish their misconduct, though he plainly told them they should have known better, and he begged them to be more careful in future. They loudly upbraided their chiefs for having misled them, and one man angrily turning to the people, exclaimed, "You are all a parcel of babies, only fit to crawl, instead of standing upright." He spoke the truth, but these poor ignorant creatures had not yet learnt to stand upright. The words of their chiefs were still law to them, and years of oppression had taught them to submit without murmur to the rule of the great over their lives and property. But the spell was broken. Their chiefs had fled before the Tuan Muda, and the greatest Sherip in the land had been utterly routed. The agent of the Bruni Government, whose presence on the coast has been mentioned, on hearing that the Sherip had been fired upon, left his large prahu and fled in fear to Bruni in a small boat, declaring that he believed the heavens would collapse next. Shortly afterwards the Bandar Kasim arrived at Kuching with his whole family, and delivered himself up to the mercy of the Government.

The Tuan Muda then proceeded to Sekrang, and there received a letter from the Malay chief of Serikei, Abang Ali, urging him to come to their assistance, as Sherip Masahor had returned, and was again oppressing the people. At once the Tuan Muda collected a flying force of 150 large bangkongs, manned by his faithful Dayaks. Serikei was found to be deserted, and the Sherip had fled to Igan. His fine house was burnt down. After ascertaining that Kanowit was safe in the keeping of the people there, the Tuan Muda proceeded to Igan, the Sherip's actual stronghold, which was reported to be strongly fortified. This place with the district around was his own particular property, and was the centre of his followers, but he had no heart to face the Tuan Muda again, and fled to Muka. Igan was looted and burnt. Much of the Sherip's property was seized, including many long brass guns, or native cannon, of handsome design, which had been heirlooms in his family for generations, and some of these now adorn the Court House in Kuching.

The expulsion of Sherip Masahor completed the discomfiture of the conspirators and their adherents, and brought their conspiracies to an end. Though lacking unison and proper disposition these had menaced extreme danger. But the crisis past left the Government more firmly established than ever. The Sherips, the Bruni nobles, and the disaffected Sarawak chiefs now realised that their power to do harm and to mislead the people was for ever broken. Dispelled was all existing doubt as to the power of the Government to endure without extraneous assistance; and dispelled from the minds of the people was the myth of the might of the Sultan and his nobles. Confidence was established in many who were at heart in sympathy with a Government which brought them justice and security, but who, doubting its stability as a bulwark against the oppression of their chiefs, had been prepared again to resign themselves to their power.

The repression by the Tuan Muda of this last effort of the supporters of extortion and misrule inaugurated an epoch of peace and freedom for all time. He had acted with vigour, and without delay. His resourcefulness and influence over the people enabled him to tide over a most difficult time with but poor material, and under the most trying circumstances. "I will not praise you, for words fall flat and cold, but you have saved Sarawak, and all owe you a deep debt of gratitude," were the words in which his uncle and chief conveyed his deserved appreciation of the services that had been rendered by him; and he won for himself the entire trust of the people of all classes, a trust that remains unimpaired to this day.

Indifference to the fate of Sarawak had been openly expressed by the British Government; consequently no helping hand had been proffered, though the troubles with which the State was beset were well known. Even the presence of a man-of-war, though she lent no active support, would have exercised great moral effect. "Sarawak has been encouraged and betrayed,"[249] in mournful anger wrote the Rajah, "England has betrayed us beyond _all doubt_, and in the time of urgent peril cares nothing whether we perish or survive."

In April, Captain Brooke, the Tuan Besar, returned to Sarawak and resumed his duties as head of the Government. His brother's arrival released the Tuan Muda from his duties at the capital, and left him free to devote his time to the more active work yet to be done in the provinces, where his presence was needed to reassure the people; and there were still the refractory Dayaks of the Serikei and Nyalong to be subjected, and Rentap to be smoked out of his lair.

Tunjang's fate is not recorded. The Dutch offered to deliver him up for punishment, but it was left to them to deal with him, and no doubt they dealt severely. The Datu Haji died at Malacca, and Bandar Kasim in Kuching. The confiscation of his property was deemed sufficient punishment, but he was not permitted to return to Sadong. The last phase of Sherip Masahor is recorded in the next chapter.

We will now briefly follow the Rajah's movements in England, whither he had gone mainly for a rest, which was, however, denied him. To add to the mental worries caused by intense desire to safeguard the future of his adopted country, he was visited by a grave bodily affliction.

His reception by Court and by Ministers was more cordial than on his previous visit to England, and he was publicly entertained at Liverpool and Manchester, but shortly afterwards he was struck down by a stroke of paralysis. Though some months passed before he recovered his bodily strength, the vigour of his mind remained unimpaired.

In his efforts to obtain protection he was backed by many influential friends, and by public bodies. The Birmingham Chamber of Commerce memorialised the Government to restore the protection afforded to Sarawak up to 1851, and a large and influential deputation, representing the mercantile interests of Liverpool, Manchester, Glasgow, and, to some extent, London, with several members of Parliament, waited upon Lord Derby with the same object. Lord Derby's refusal was severely commented upon by the _Times_, and it occasioned a difference in the Cabinet. The subject would again have been entertained, had not the Government shortly afterwards gone out on their Reform Bill.[250]

The Rajah was left with but little hope. He felt that the Government of both parties desired to be rid of Sarawak, and that the country was indifferent; moreover he was fully assured that Sarawak could not stand alone. England failing, Holland was tried, but "Holland," he writes, "declares openly that there is an understanding the country shall fall to them after my death." Then France was tried; and the protection of France, the Rajah was of opinion, could have been gained had the Tuan Besar been whole-hearted in the negotiations. But the Tuan Besar did not share the Rajah's opinion that Sarawak could not maintain its independence unsupported, and disliked the idea of handing the country over to a Foreign Power, and in this he was supported by the Tuan Muda. The Rajah wisely gave way to what has since proved to be the better judgment of his nephews, and he wrote to the Tuan Muda, "as my views for Sarawak are at an end, and as we are now to run the risk, with a rational prospect of success, to sustain the Government I will loyally and cheerfully work to falsify my own convictions. Time brings changes, and may work upon the British Government. But it was a fatal mistake to let slip an opportunity of safety, recognition, and permanency,[251] and to allow an English prejudice to interfere with Sarawak. However, it is past, and the juncture requires union, and united we will cheerily work,"—and time was very shortly to work on the British Government in favour of Sarawak.

But pecuniary failure was also staring Sarawak in the face. The Borneo Company, Limited, suffering under severe losses consequent on the Chinese insurrection and the continued disturbed state of the country, were losing heart; they considered it advisable to withdraw from Sarawak, and such a step on their part would have been fatal to the investment of further British capital in the country. In the next place, the Rajah was being pressed for repayment of a large sum of money, which, for the purposes of the Government, he had found it necessary to borrow after the ruin caused by the Chinese insurrection. But "the Borneo Company persevered, and has long since reaped the benefit of so doing,"[252] and a kind and ever staunch friend, Miss (afterwards Baroness) Burdett-Coutts, relieved him of his pressing debt by a loan free of interest. She further advanced the money to purchase a steamer, a very urgent need, and the Rajah bought a little vessel which he named the _Rainbow_—"the emblem of hope," and never was a rainbow after a storm more welcome. Of her the Tuan Muda wrote that "she was welcomed as a god-send of no ordinary description, whereby communication could be quickly carried on and outposts relieved or reinforced within a short time. She was the small piece of iron and machinery which could carry Sarawak's flag, and raise the name of the Government in the minds of the people along the coast."

A testimonial to the Rajah had also been raised by public subscription "as a simple, earnest, and affectionate testimony of friends to a noble character and disinterested services—services which, instead of enriching, had left their author broken by illness and weariness of heart, with threatening poverty."[253] With a portion of this fund he purchased Burrator, a small estate in the parish of Sheepstor, on the fringe of Dartmoor, in Devon. It was then very much out of the world, having no station nearer than Plymouth, some miles off, and the intervening roads were steep, narrow, and bad. The situation is singularly picturesque; a moorland village, with a church of granite under the bold tor that gives its name to the place. Its wildness and seclusion charmed him, and there he settled in June, 1859, "trusting to live in retirement, in peace; but there is no peace for me with Sarawak in such a state," for the news of the Malay conspiracies caused him further distress of mind, and he resolved to return to Sarawak.

Footnote 224:

In addition to their other duties in the capital. See list of titles, p. xi.

Footnote 225:

See chap. iii. p. 77, for particulars of these Datus.

Footnote 226:

The Datu Patinggi Abdul Rahman was the rightful Malay chief of the Rejang, and the Sultan's representative. Sherip Masahor had originally settled at Igan, which place, with the surrounding district, belonged to him. At Serikei he was an interloper. He usurped authority wherever he could do so, and the Sultan, whose power in the Rejang was but a shadow, was constrained to put up with the Sherip's pretensions.

Footnote 227:

This is incorrect. On more than one occasion he greatly distinguished himself fighting for the Government, especially at the time of the Chinese insurrection, but he died a natural death.

Footnote 228:

An error—he was the Bandar's brother-in-law.

Footnote 229:

He did not change his title. There has been no Datu Patinggi since.

Footnote 230:

Haji Bua Hasan, who afterwards became Datu Bandar (_vide_ Chap. III. p. 77). It was not until 1860 that he was raised to the rank of Datu under the title of the Datu Imaum.

Footnote 231:

His was a turbulent nature; a useful man in the time of trouble, but apt to be troublesome in the time of peace. He had some fine qualities, being brave and staunch, but even his best friend could not have called him honest. A well-built muscular man, never ruffled, and utterly impervious to fear, but somewhat cold-blooded—he was covered with the marks of old wounds. When Muka fort was built, he was appointed to be native Magistrate under the Resident, but he was removed in 1868, being unprincipled, dishonest, and unjust (to quote the present Rajah). He was invaluable in dealing with the turbulent Dayaks in the upper waters of the Rejang, as they absolutely feared him, but he could not keep his hands clean, and had to be removed from Baleh in 1876, when he was pensioned and placed out of harm's way at a little village near Santubong. He was a staunch supporter of Government and a hard fighter in helping to maintain it; he died some twenty years ago.

Footnote 232:

Chap (Hindustâni) meaning a seal. Hence a firman, edict, licence, grant.

Footnote 233:

See Chap. III. p. 87.

Footnote 234:

A young man then, and one of the well disposed Malay chiefs of Serikei. He shortly afterwards became the principal native officer in the Rejang, a position which he held until his death in 1874. He earned the fullest confidence of the Government, and the respect not only of his own people, but of the Dayaks, Kayans, and other tribes.

Footnote 235:

A schooner belonging to the S.P.G. Mission.

Footnote 236:

The national method of execution.

Footnote 237:

From a letter from the Tuan Muda to his uncle, giving an account of these events, it is, however, evident that Haji Gapur had wheedled himself into the Tuan Muda's good graces, and had to a large extent regained his confidence. The Haji begged to be with him, and was taken.

Footnote 238:

A Singapore Malay, better known as Inchi Subu. He was one of the Malay sailors engaged by the Rajah to serve on the _Royalist_ when he first arrived at Singapore. He was remarkable for his size and strength. He became personal orderly to the late Rajah; and afterwards to the present Rajah, and was also the executioner. A brave and trustworthy man, he was generally popular with Europeans as well as natives. He died some years ago.

Footnote 239:

Afterwards re-interred in the Kuching cemetery.

Footnote 240:

A Court set apart for the settlement of Probate and Divorce cases and other civil suits arising amongst Muhammadans, and which are settled in accordance with Muhammadan law. Presided over by the Datus.

Footnote 241:

A relation of the Datu Haji. He had been very active inciting the people of Lundu to revolt.

Footnote 242:

It must be borne in mind that Rentap was still at Sadok defying the Government.

Footnote 243:

Messrs. Watson and Cruickshank at Saribas, and Mr. Grant at Belidah. In Kuching Messrs. Crookshank, R. Hay (who had joined in May 1857), and Alderson, a son of Baron Alderson, who served for a short time only.

Footnote 244:

_Life of Sir James Brooke._

Footnote 245:

He was better known in later days as the Datu Bandar.

Footnote 246:

_Ten Years in Sarawak._

Footnote 247:

The Sultan of Bruni affirmed to Consul-General St. John that the Sherip was responsible for the murder of Steele and Fox.

Footnote 248:

A pension of 300 reals per mensem had been offered to any one taking the Tuan Muda's head; the danger attached to such an undertaking was evidently duly appreciated.

Footnote 249:

"Sarawak became virtually a protected State. Her ruler was appointed a public officer of the Crown, and such unequivocal countenance and support were given as to assure the natives, and to induce British subjects to embark their lives and fortunes in the country."—The Rajah to the Secretary of State for the Colonies. Nevertheless protection and support were withheld.

The Governor of Singapore sent the H.E.I.C.'s steamer, _Hooghly_, in November 1859, to safeguard British interests, but there was no need of her services then, and she left almost immediately.

Footnote 250:

From Miss Jacobs, _The Raja of Sarawak_.

Footnote 251:

Referring to the protection of France.

Footnote 252:

Miss Jacobs, _op. cit._ For a special account of this Company see Chap. XVI.

Footnote 253:

Sir Thomas Fairbairn, Bart.