Part II, being for British Colonies; and _Reports of the Laws of

Marriage and Divorce_, Parts I, II (London, 1894).

On the divorce problem see _An Essay on Marriage; or, the Lawfulness of Divorce_ (Philadelphia, 1788), presenting the principal arguments in its favor; Westbrook, _Marriage and Divorce_ (Philadelphia, 1883); _idem_, _The Clerical Combination to Influence Civil Legislation on Marriage and Divorce_ (Philadelphia, 1887); Fisher, _The Causes of the Increase of Divorce_ (Boston, 1883); Richard, _Marriage and Divorce_ (London, 1888); Robinson, "The Diagnostics of Divorce," in _Jour. of Soc. Science_, No. 14 (Boston and New York, 1881); Janes, "Divorce: Sociologically Considered," in _New Englander and Yale Review_, LIV (New Haven, 1891); Phillips, "The Divorce Question," in _International Review_, XI (New York, 1881); Savage, "Matrimony and the State," in _Forum_, X (New York, 1890); Adler, "The Ethics of Divorce," in _Ethical Record_, II, III (Philadelphia, 1889-90); Wright, "Marriage and Divorce," in _Christian Register_, LXX, 655-58 (Boston, 1891); Lecky, _Democracy and Liberty_, I, chap. vii (New York and London, 1896); and Bryce, "Marriage and Divorce," in his _Studies in Hist. and Jur._ (New York and London, 1901). The following are very conservative: David Hume, "Of Polygamy and Divorces," in his _Essays_, I (London, 1875); Little, "Marriage and Divorce: the Doctrine of the Church of England," in _Contemporary Review_, LXVIII (London, 1895); Hurd, "Scriptural Ground of Divorce," in the _New Englander and Yale Review_, XLV (New Haven, 1886); Phelps, "Divorce in the United States," in _Forum_, VIII (New York, 1889); Caverno, _Treatise on Divorce_ (Madison, 1899); Gladstone, symposium with Bradley and Dolph on "The Question of Divorce," in _North Am. Review_, CXLIX (New York, 1889); Greeley, "Marriage and Divorce: a Discussion with Robert Dale Owen," in _Recollections of a Busy Life_, 571 ff. (New York, 1869); _idem_, _Love, Marriage, and Divorce, and the Sovereignty of the Individual_ (New York, 1853), a discussion with James and Andrews; Convers, _Marriage and Divorce_ (Philadelphia, 1889), presenting the Catholic view; Dike, "Some Aspects of the Divorce Question," in _Princeton Review_, N. S., XIII (New York, 1884); and Woolsey, _Divorce and Divorce Legislation_ (2d ed., New York, 1882).

In Italy divorce is favored by Gioja, _Teoria civile e penale del divorzio_ (Milan, 1803); Mazzoleni, _La famiglia nei rapporti coll individuo e colla società_ (Milan, 1870); Bianchi, _Il divorzio_ (Pisa, 1879); Bernardo, _Il divorzio nella teoria e nella pratica_ (Palermo, 1875); Marescalchi, _Il divorzio e la instituzione sua in Italia_ (Rome, 1889); and opposed by Giudici, _Memoria sul divorzio_ (Milan, 1798); Rosmini, _Des lois civiles concernant le mariage des chrétiens_ (trans., Paris, 1853); Zamperini, _Il divorzio considerato nella teoria e nella pratica di D. di Bernardo_ (Verona, 1876); and Gabba, "The Introduction of Divorce in Italy," in _Am. Church Review_, XXXIII (New York, 1881). In France the rise of a sentiment favoring divorce may be traced in _Cri d'une honnête femme qui reclame le divorce_ (London, 1770); _Contrat conjugal_ (Paris, 1781; Neuchatel, 1783); Bouchotte, _Observations sur le divorce_ (Paris, 1790); Hennet, _Du divorce_ (Paris, 1792); Tissot, _Le mariage, la séparation, et le divorce_ (Paris, 1868), giving an account of the principal French and Italian writers; Naquet, _Le divorce_ (Paris, 1877); Bertillon, in the works above cited; Cavilly, _La séparation de corps et le divorce_ (Paris, 1882); Fiaux, _La femme, le mariage, et le divorce_ (Paris, 1880); and Dumas, _La question du divorce_ (Paris, 1879; 5th ed., 1880). Divorce is opposed by Madame Necker, _Réflexions sur le divorce_ (Paris, 1792; or Lausanne, 1794); Bonald, _Du divorce_ (Paris, 1801); Malleville, _Du divorce_ (Paris, 1801); Chrestien, _Dissertation historique_ (Paris, 1804); Hennequin, _Du divorce_ (Paris, 1832); Ozanam, "Du divorce," in his _Mélanges_, I (Paris, 1859); Daniel, _Le mariage chrétien et le Code Napoléon_ (Paris, 1870); Durrieux, _Du divorce_ (Paris, 1881); Vidieu, _Famille et divorce_ (Paris, 1879). This book was answered by Dumas in the work just cited; and he in turn was replied to by Féval, _Pas de divorce_ (11th ed., Paris, 1880); and Hornstein, _Le divorce_ (Paris, 1880). Kellen, _Was ist die Frau?_ (Leipzig, 1892) gives an account, with extracts, of Dumas's utterances on social questions.

Problems of the family are discussed by Allen, "The New England Family," _New Englander_, XLI (New Haven, 1882); Dike, _Perils to the Family_ (Auburndale, 1887); _idem_, _The Family in the History of Christianity_ (New York, 1886); _idem_, "Problems of the Family," in _Century_, XXXIX (New York, 1890); _idem_, "The Religious Problem of the Country Town," in _Andover Review_, II, III, IV (Boston, 1884-85); Mathews, "Christian Sociology: the Family," in _Amer. Jour. of Sociology_, I (Chicago, 1896); Blaikie, _The Family: Its Scriptural Ideal and its Modern Assailants_ (London, 1889); Mulford, _The Nation_, chap. xv (New York, 1871); Bushnell, "The Organic Unity of the Family," in his _Christian Nurture_ (New York, 1861); Potter, "The Message of Christ to the Family," in his _Message of Christ to Manhood_ (Boston, 1899); Peabody, "Teachings of Jesus Concerning the Family," in his _Jesus Christ and the Social Question_ (New York, 1900); Buckham, "The Relation of the Family to the State," in _International Review_, XIII (New York, 1882); Pearson, "Decline of the Family," in his _National Life and Character_ (London, 1893); answered by Muirhead, "Is the Family Declining?" in _Internat. Jour. of Ethics_, VII (Philadelphia, 1896); Commons, "The Family," chap. 10 of his "Sociological View of Sovereignty," in _Am. Jour. of Sociology_, V (Chicago, 1900); Stewart, _Disintegration of the Families of the Workingmen_ (Chicago, 1893); Salter, _The Future of the Family_ (Chicago, 1885); Devas, _Studies of Family Life_ (London and New York, 1886); Henderson, _Social Elements_ (New York, 1898); Small and Vincent, _Study of Society_ (New York, Cincinnati, and Chicago, 1894); Ward, _Dynamic Sociology_, I, chap, vii (New York, 1883); Thwing, _The Family_ (Boston, 1887); Planta, _Reconstruction der Familie_ (Chur, 1886); Hermann, _Die Familie vom Standpunkte der Gesammtwirthschaft_ (Berlin, 1889); Thiersch, _Ueber Christliches Familienleben_ (8th ed., Augsburg, 1889); Naumann, _Christenthum und die Familie_ (Berlin, 1892); Riehl, _Die Familie_ (11th ed., Stuttgart, 1897); Gasparin, _Die Familie_ (Gütersloh, 1870); Koenigswarter, _Hist. l'org. de la famille en France_ (Paris, 1851); Godelle, _Des principes fond. de la famille_ (Metz, 1869); Grevin, _L'égalité dans la famille_ (Douai, 1876); Bobbio, _Sulle origini e sul fond. della famiglia_ (Turin, 1891); Assirelli, _La famiglia e la società_ (Milan, 1887); Janet, _La famille_ (10th ed., Paris, 1877); Le Play, _L'organisation de la famille_ (4th ed., Tours and Paris, 1895); Durkheim, _Int. à la sociologie de la famille_ (Bordeaux, 1888); Bonjean, _Enfants révoltés et parents coupables_ (Paris, 1895); Baudrillart, _La famille et l'éducation en France_ (Paris, 1874); Morillot, _Condition des enfants nés hors mariage_ (Paris, 1865); Lallemand, _Hist. des enfants abandonnés_ (Paris, 1885); _idem_, _La question des enfants abandonnés_ (Paris, 1885); Milhaud, _Protection des enfants sans famille_ (Paris, 1896); Gaume, _Hist. de la société domestique_ (Paris, 1844), presenting the strong Catholic view; Pelletan, _La famille: la mère_ (Paris, n. d.). For Germany and England see Biographical Note XI.

Marriage problems are discussed by Giles, _Treatise on Marriage_ (London, 1771); Ryan, _Philosophy of Marriage_ (3d ed., London, 1839); Amat, _Treatise on Matrimony_ (San Francisco, 1864); Watkins, _Holy Matrimony_ (London, 1895); Potwin, "Should Marriage be Indissoluble?" in _New Englander and Yale Review_, LVI (New Haven, 1892); Malcome, _The Christian Rule of Marriage_ (Philadelphia, 1870); Pomeroy, _Ethics of Marriage_ (New York, 1889); Gray, _Husband and Wife_ (2d ed., Boston, 1886); Lea, _Christian Marriage_ (London, 1881); Harte, _Laws and Customs of Marriage_ (London, 1870); Quilter, _Is Marriage a Failure?_ (Chicago, 1889); Colfavru, _Du mariage ... en Angleterre et aux États-Unis_ (Paris, 1868); Carlier, _Le mariage aux États-Unis_ (Paris, 1860); Cook, "Marriage Celebration in the U.S.," and "Reform of the Marriage Celebration," both in _Atlantic_, LXI (Boston, 1888); Snyder, _The Geography of Marriage_ (2d ed., New York and London, 1889); Chavassé, _Traité de l'excellence du mariage_ (Paris, 1685); Gasparin, _Le mariage au point de vue chrétien_ (2d ed., Paris, 1844); Picot, _Le mariage_ (Paris, 1849); Cadet, _Le mariage en France_ (Paris, 1870); Acollas, _Trois leçons ... du mariage_ (Geneva and Berne, 1871); _idem_, _Le mariage_ (Paris, 1880); Sincholle, _Le mariage civil et le mariage religieux_ (Poitiers, 1876); Legrand, _Le mariage et les mœurs en France_ (Paris, 1879); Hayem, _Le mariage_ (Paris, 1872); Schoelcher, _La famille, la propriété, et le christianisme_ (Paris, 1875); Hippel, _Ueber die Ehe_ (4th ed., Frankfort and Leipzig, 1794); Volkmar, _Philosophie der Ehe_ (Halle, 1794); Krug, _Philosophie der Ehe_ (Reutlingen, 1801); Jörg and Tzschirner, _Die Ehe aus dem Gesichtspunkte der Natur, der Moral, und der Kirche_ (Leipzig, 1819); Stäudlin, _Geschichte der Vorstellungen und Lehren von der Ehe_ (Göttingen, 1826); Liebetrut, _Die Ehe nach ihrer Idee und nach ihrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung_ (Berlin, 1834); Marr, _Der Mensch und die Ehe_ (Leipzig, 1848); Hoffmann, _Die christliche Ehe_ (Berlin, 1860); Glock, _Die christliche Ehe und ihre modernen Gegner_ (Karlsruhe and Leipzig, 1881). Socialistic writers on the subject are Robert Owen, _Marriages of the Priesthood of the Old Immoral World_ (4th ed., Leeds, 1840); Robert Dale Owen, "Marriage and Placement," in _Free Inquirer_, May 28 (New York, 1831); Pearson, _Ethic of Free Thought_ (London, 1888); Besant, _Marriage; As It Was, As It Is, and As It Should Be_; Gronlund, _The Co-operative Commonwealth_ (3d ed., London, 1891); Morris and Bax, _Socialism_ (London and New York, 1893); Carpenter, _Love's Coming of Age_; Stürmer, _Moderner Eheschacher_ (Leipzig, 1894); Proudhon, _Amour et mariage_ (Brussels and Leipzig, n. d.); and Bebel, _Die Frau und der Sozialismus_ (31st ed., Stuttgart, 1900), whose book is discussed by Oettingen, _Zur Theorie und Praxis des Heiratens_ (Leipzig, n. d.). See also Oettingen's _Obligatorische und fakultative Civilehe nach den Ergebnissen der Moralstatistik_ (Leipzig, 1881); Coulon, _De la réforme du mariage_ (Paris, 1900); Kuhlenbeck, _Reform der Ehe_ (Leipzig, 1891); Ewart, _Die Emancipation in der Ehe_ (Hamburg and Leipzig, 1895); Vortmann, _Die Reform der Ehe_ (Zürich, 1894); Lacombe, _Le mariage libre_ (Paris, 1867); Löwenherz, _Prostitution oder Production, Eigentum oder Ehe_ (Neuwied, n. d.); especially the able and radical works of Caird, _The Morality of Marriage_ (London, 1897); Stetson, _Women and Economics_ (Boston, 1900); and Schreiner, "The Woman Question," in _Cosmopolitan_, XXVIII (Irvington, 1899); _idem_, "The Woman's Movement of Our Day," in _Harper's Bazar_, XXXVI (New York, 1902). Swedenborg's system is set forth in his _Conjugal Love and its Chaste Delights_ (new ed., London, 1862); it is summarized by Hayden, _Ten Chapters on Marriage_ (2d ed., Boston, 1863); and expounded by Mann, _Five Sermons on Marriage_ (New York, 1882).

On questions of heredity and selection consult Nisbet, _Marriage and Heredity_ (London, 1890); Laurent, _Mariages consanguins et dégénérescences_ (Paris, 1895); Féré, _La famille névropathique_ (Paris, 1894); Strahan, _Marriage and Disease_ (London, 1892); Reibmayr, _Die Ehe Tuberculoser_ (Leipzig and Vienna, 1894); Fournier, _Syphilis und Ehe_ (Berlin, 1881); Stanley, "Artificial Selection and the Marriage Problem," in _Monist_, II (Chicago, 1891); _idem_, "Our Civilization and the Marriage Problem," in _Arena_, II (Boston, 1890); criticised by Wallace, "Human Selection," in _Fortnightly Review_, XLVIII (London, 1890); Wertheimer, "Homiculture," in _Nineteenth Century_, XXIV (London, 1898); and especially Wood, _Some Controlling Ideals of the Family Life of the Future_ (New York, 1902).

Sex problems are treated by Clarke, _Sex in Education_ (Boston, 1873), who is criticised in the works of Brackett, Howe, and Greene; Geddes, _Evolution of Sex and Sex in Education_ (1899-1900); Maudsley, _Sex in Mind and Education_ (New York, 1884); Ames, _Sex in Industry_ (Boston, 1875); Lyttelton, _Training of the Young in the Laws of Sex_ (London and New York, 1900); Blackwell, _The Human Element in Sex_ (new ed., London, 1894); Brown, _Gunethics_ (New York and London, 1887); Trall, _Sexual Physiology and Hygiene_ (Glasgow and London, 1897); Gardner, _The Conjugal Relations_ (Glasgow and London, 1898); Walker, _Intermarriage_ (Birmingham, 1897); Heinzen, _The Rights of Women and the Sexual Relations_ (Chicago, 1898); Tait, _Magdalenism_ (2d ed., Edinburgh, 1842); Lecour, _La prostitution à Paris et à Londres, 1789-1877_ (Paris, 1882); Guyot, _La prostitution_ (Paris, 1882); Parents-Duchatelet, _De la prostitution dans la ville de Paris_ (Paris, 1837); Dühren, _Das Geschlechtsleben in England_ (Charlottenburg and Berlin, 1901-3); Klebs, _Verhältniss des männ. und weib. Geschlechts in der Natur_ (Jena, 1894); Herman, _Sexualismus und Aetiologie_ (Leipzig, 1899); Lindwurm, _Geschlechtsliebe_ (Leipzig, 1879); Debay, _Philosophie des Ehelebens_ (Berlin, 1895); Mantegazza, _Hygiene der Liebe_ (3d ed., n. p., n. d.); Nemmersdorf, _Der Kampf der Geschlechter_ (Leipzig, 1891); Daalen, _Die Ehe und die geschlecht. Stellung der Frau_ (Berlin, 1896); Gardener, "A Battle for Sound Morality, or the Hist. of Recent Age-of-Consent Legislation in the U. S.," in _Arena_, XIII, XIV (Boston, 1895); Flower, "Wellsprings of Immorality," _ibid._, XI, XII (Boston, 1894-95); _idem_, "Social Conditions as Feeders of Immorality," _ibid._, XII (Boston, 1895); _idem_, "Prostitution within the Marriage Bond," _ibid._, XIII (Boston, 1895); Pearson, "Socialism and Sex," in his _Ethic of Free Thought_ (London, 1888). Early German works of interest are _Der rechte Gebrauch und Missbrauch des Ehe-Bettes_ (Leipzig, 1734); being a translation of Defoe's _Use and Abuse of the Marriage Bed_ (London, 1727); Hencke, _Volles entdecktes Geheimniss der Natur_ (Braunschweig, 1786); Josephi, _Ueber die Ehe und physische Erziehung_ (Göttingen, 1788); Heydenreich, _Mann und Weib: ein Beytrag zur Philosophie über die Geschlechter_ (Leipzig, 1798); Butte, _Die Biotomie des Menschen_ (Bonn, 1829). See also the works of Stetson, Caird, Bebel, and Schreiner above mentioned.

In the text an account is given of the early literature of the movement for woman's emancipation in its relation to marriage. For further study may be consulted Stanton, Anthony, and Gage, _History of Woman Suffrage_ (New York and Rochester, 1881-87); Fawcett, Hirsch, _et al._, in Theodore Stanton's _Woman Question in Europe_ (New York, London, and Paris, 1884); Ostrogorski, _Rights of Women_ (London, 1893); Johnson, _Woman and the Republic_ (New York, 1897), strongly anti-suffrage; Legouvé, _Hist. morale des femmes_ (8th ed., Paris, n. d.); Cohn, _Die deutsche Frauenbewegung_ (Berlin, 1896), containing a select bibliography; Duboc, _Fünfzig Jahre Frauenfrage in Deutschland_; Sybel, _Ueber die Emancipation der Frauen_ (Bonn, 1870); Richter, _Das Recht der Frauen auf Arbeit_ (2d ed., Vienna, 1869); Büchner, _Ueber weibliche Berufsarten_ (Darmstadt, 1872); Morgenstern, _Frauenarbeit in Deutschland_ (Berlin, 1893); Hertzberg, _Der Beruf der Frau_ (Leipzig, 1892); Jastrow, _Das Recht der Frau_ (Berlin, 1897); Bridel, _Le droit des femmes_ (Paris, 1893); Günther (R.), _Weib und Sittlichkeit_ (Berlin, 1898); Günther (C.), _Das Recht der Frau auf Arbeit_ (Berlin, 1899); Mont, _Das Weib_ (2d ed., Leipzig, 1880); Gamble, _Evolution of Woman_ (New York, 1894); Bücher, _Die Frauenfrage in dem Mittelalter_ (Tübingen, 1882); and Mary Roberts Smith's able study of the "Statistics of College and Non-College Women," in _Pubs. of Am. Stat. Assoc._, VII (Boston, 1901). For further material see Bibliographical Notes IX, X, XI.]

I. THE FUNCTION OF LEGISLATION

In the United States, not less clearly than elsewhere in countries of western civilization, marriage and the family are emerging as purely social institutions. Liberated in large measure from the cloud of mediæval tradition, their problems are seen to be identical in kind with those which have everywhere concerned men and women from the infancy of the human race. Accordingly, the extension of the sphere of secular legislation practically to the entire province of these institutions is a phenomenon of surpassing interest. Consciously or unconsciously, it is a recognition of the fact that matrimonial forms and family types are the products of human experience, of human habits, and are therefore to be dealt with by society according to human needs. In this regard the Reformation marks the beginning of a social revolution. From the days of Luther, however concealed in theological garb or forced under theological sanctions, however opposed by reactionary dogma, public opinion has more and more decidedly recognized the right of the temporal lawmaker in this field. In the seventeenth century the New England Puritan gave the state, in its assemblies and in its courts, complete jurisdiction in questions of marriage and divorce, to the entire exclusion of the ecclesiastical authority. Even the Council of Trent, by adjusting the dogma regarding the minister of the sacrament, had already left to Catholic states the way open for the civil regulation of matrimony--a way, as already seen, on which France did not hesitate to enter.[591] Later the French Revolution wrested from the church judicial and legislative authority in matrimonial law and administration, and placed it in the hands of the state. In 1792, by a wise and tolerant enactment, civil marriage and civil registration were established; but at the same time the revolt against the old ecclesiastical régime led to the sanction of free divorce. Absolute dissolution of wedlock was then authorized at the mutual desire of both husband and wife, for incompatibility of temper on the petition of either spouse, and for seven other specified causes.[592] The natural result was a vast number of decrees.[593] Accordingly, in 1803 the Code Napoléon, while retaining civil marriage, adopted a more conservative policy regarding divorce. Incompatibility was no longer recognized; mutual consent was admitted under limitations; and the whole number of specified causes was reduced to five. The divorce law of 1803 was abrogated in 1816, and only restored in its essential features in 1884; but the liberal policy of France, as expressed in the Code Napoléon, has undoubtedly had a powerful influence in the extension of civil marriage and divorce throughout Europe, where, as in America, the modern statute-maker has recovered and passed beyond the point gained by the Roman imperial constitutions between Augustus and Justinian.

[591] See chap, viii, sec. i; and consult GLASSON, _Le mar. civil et le divorce_, 210 ff., 232-51.

[592] On the revolutionary legislation regarding marriage and divorce (1792-1816) see NAQUET, _Le divorce_ (Paris, 1877), 37-56, 153-353, containing extracts from the debates, text of the laws, reports, and other documents; _Archives parlementaires_, XXVI, 166-86, giving the report on the proposed civil marriage law; WRIGHT, _Report_, 1004-6, presenting summaries of the laws; CHAMPION, "La revolution et la réforme de l'état civil," _La révolution française_, June 14, 1887; COLFAVRU, "La question du divorce devant les législateurs de la révolution," _ibid._, March 14, 1884; KOENIGSWARTER, _Histoire de l'organisation de la famille en France_, 268 ff.; GLASSON, _Le mar. civil et le divorce_, 252-75; LEGRAND, _Le mariage et les mœurs en France_, 196-99; DURRIEUX, _Du divorce_, 99 ff.; FÉVAL, _Pas de divorce_, 74 ff.; FIAUX, _La femme, le mariage, et le divorce_, 25 ff.; VRAYE AND GODE, _Le divorce et la séparation du corps_, I, 7-26; BERTILLON, _Étude démographique du divorce_, 89 ff.; and in general LASAULX, _Uebereinstimmung der französischen Ehetrennungsgesetze mit Gotteswort_ (Koblenz and Hadamar, 1816).

A powerful influence on revolutionary opinion must have been exerted by the remarkable _Contrat conjugal_, published in 1781, again in 1783, and in German translation in 1784, which advocated civil marriage and free divorce, while attacking the ecclesiastical system of impediments and dispensations. The revolutionary ideas regarding divorce are also vigorously presented by HENNET, _Du divorce_ (3d ed., Paris, 1792); and by BOUCHOTTE, _Observations sur le divorce_ (Paris, 1790). On the other hand, the divorce law of 1792 is criticised and divorce opposed by MADAME NECKER, _Réflexions sur le divorce_ (Paris, 1792; Lausanne, 1794); as in _Du divorce_ (Paris, 1801), 1 ff., by BONALD, who opposed the law of 1803 and secured its repeal in 1816. See PÈRE DANIEL'S _Le mariage chrétien et le Code Napoléon_ (Paris, 1870); and for an examination of the literature of the period, TISSOT, _Le mariage, la séparation, et le divorce_, 174 ff., 180 ff., 196 ff., 211 ff., 222 ff.

[593] In Paris alone during the first twenty-seven months after the passage of the act 5,994 divorces were granted; while in 1797 the divorce decrees in that city actually outnumbered the marriages: GLASSON, _Le mar. civil et le divorce_, 261, 262. Accordingly, in 1798, the law was amended so as to make divorce for "incompatibility allowable only six months after final failure of attempts at reconciliation;" and this law also required all municipal authorities to proceed, and all teachers of public and private schools to take their pupils, "to the usual meeting places of the community every ten years in person and in state, there to make stern proclamation of the parties divorced during the previous decade, with the view of thus checking divorces."--WRIGHT, _Report_, 1005; NAQUET, _Le divorce_, 212-37, giving documents; BRUN, "Divorce Made Easy," _North Am. Rev._, CLVII (July, 1893), 12, 13; citing DUVAL, _Souvenirs thermidoriens_, I, 60, 61. See also the _Rapport_ (27 thermidor, an. V) of Portalis, who was the chief advocate of the amendment. In 1800, it is alleged, there were about 4,000 marriages and 700 divorces in Paris. To what extent the relative decrease was due to the change in the law can only be conjectured.

The right of society to deal freely with the whole province of marriage, divorce, and the family may be conceded. To determine the proper character and sphere of legislation is a very different matter. What is the quality of the existing laws under the interpretation given to them by the courts? Are they adequate to secure proper social control? What is the legitimate aim, and what are the needful limits of future legislation? Should the laws be uniform for the fifty-three states and territories; and, if so, how is uniformity to be attained? These are practical questions with whose solution it is high time that society should more earnestly concern itself.

_a_) _The statutes and the common-law marriage._--The defects in the matrimonial laws of the United States are many and grave; but perhaps the chief obstacle in the way of securing a proper social control is the general recognition of the validity of the so-called "common-law marriage." Almost everywhere the public celebration of wedlock is intended by the statute; and in nearly all the states a license or certificate is required before the solemnization may take place. Yet, according to the prevailing doctrine, as expressed in judicial decisions or in the statutes themselves, these provisions are interpreted as merely "directory," not "mandatory;" and marriage contracts made in total disregard of them, by words of mutual present consent, are sustained as valid, although the prescribed penalties may be enforced for violation of the written law. In short, the vicious mediæval distinction between validity and legality is retained as an element of common matrimonial law in the United States.[594]

[594] On this doctrine, with the leading cases, see KENT, _Commentaries_ (14th ed., Boston, 1896), II, secs. 87 ff., pp. 119 ff.; REEVE, _The Law of Husband and Wife_ ("Domestic Relations"), 250-58; GREENLEAF, _Law of Evidence_ (16th ed., Boston, 1899), II, secs. 460-64, pp. 441-47; and especially BISHOP, _Mar., Div., and Sep._, I, secs. 409 ff., pp. 176 ff.

The doctrine that an informal marriage _per verba de praesenti_ is valid unless expressly declared void by "words of nullity" in the statute is not an invention of the American courts. It is the doctrine maintained by the English judges previous to the decision in the case of the Queen _v._ Millis in 1844; and from the evidence already presented[595] it seems almost certain, if indeed it be not demonstrated, that it was the accepted doctrine in the English colonies. According to an able writer, the colonial statutory "system" entirely superseded the common law; and this system has been "destroyed" by a revolution, effected through the decisions of the American courts, "which has introduced into our law much of the insecurity, the irreverence, the license, of the Middle Ages," our common law today being "the canon law that existed prior to the Council of Trent."[596] No doubt our common-law marriage is thoroughly bad, involving social evils of the most dangerous character; and no doubt the colonial legislative system was a remarkable advance upon anything which had elsewhere appeared. But the common-law marriage was not introduced by the American judges; nor is it historically correct to say that in the English colonies it had been entirely supplanted by legislation, however admirable in its intent and quality that legislation may have been. For the colonial period, as elsewhere shown, the relation of the statutes governing marriage to the common law can only partially be determined from the court records. In the southern colonies the judicial history of the subject is almost a complete blank.[597] Other evidence, however, is available. Only during the thirty-five years between 1661 and 1696 does any statute of Virginia expressly declare a marriage void if not contracted according to its provisions. The new law of 1696, enacted in place of the statute of 1661/2, which was then repealed, declares that "many great and grievous mischeifes ... dayly doe arise by clandestine and secret marriages to the utter ruin of many heirs and heiresses;" and yet it is significant that the words of nullity contained in the earlier act are omitted. Indeed, by the terms of this law the validity of an irregular marriage thereafter contracted by a female between the ages of twelve and sixteen is clearly implied, although she is to be severely punished.[598] Dissenters had refused to marry according to the statute which they regarded as oppressive; and their resistance, perhaps with a feeling that the act of 1661/2 was itself invalid as being in conflict with the English common law, may have led to the omission of the words of nullity in all subsequent statutes of Virginia. After 1696 irregular marriages were probably regarded as valid, as they certainly were previous to 1661/2; for an act of 1642/3, while prescribing severe penalties for the secret marriage of indented servants, shows beyond question that such a contract, or one between a freeman and an indented maid servant, is looked upon as binding.[599] The facts are much the same for the other southern colonies. After 1692 the invalidating clause disappears from the statutes of Maryland. Only between 1766 and 1778, in North Carolina, is a marriage contracted without previous license expressly declared to be null and void; and it is enlightening that even during this short period of twelve years the penalty of invalidity is not extended to illegal celebration. It was mainly a device of the lawmaker to secure the governor in his revenue from the license fees. The South Carolina act of 1706 merely prescribes penalties for its violation; and, besides, its provisions relating to the celebration were entirely disregarded in the western country, where the various religious sects made use of civil forms or practiced their own peculiar rites. In both the Carolinas as well as in Georgia, since marriages illegally celebrated before unauthorized laymen or ministers seem to have been valid, there is little reason to doubt that clandestine and other informal contracts by present consent of the parties were likewise good; but regarding this point we have no positive information.[600]

[595] See chaps. xii-xv, inclusive.

[596] COOK, "The Marriage Celebration in the United States," _Atlantic_, LXI, 521. "But in the early part of this century there arose in the courts a discussion regarding the nature of our common law, and the relation of that law to our statute law in governing the celebration of marriage--a discussion which since then has constantly increased, and has gradually brought about a revolution unparalleled in the history of our subject."--_Ibid._

[597] Chap. xv, sec. ii; chap. xiii, sec. iv.

[598] Chap. xiii, sec. i.

[599] HENING, _Statutes_, I, 252, 253. See chap. xiii, sec. i.

[600] For these colonies see chap. xiii, secs, iii, iv.

The history of marriage in the middle and the New England colonies leads us to a similar result. From the facts brought to light in the Lauderdale Peerage case, backed by the testimony of Rev. John Rodgers in 1773, it is almost certainly established that the common-law marriage was valid in New York province, and that for eighty-four years preceding the Revolution no other law relating to the subject was in force.[601] In New England the formalities prescribed by the statutes were doubtless usually observed. Yet there were many clandestine and other irregular marriages, and in some instances we know that these were treated as valid.[602] Such was the case in the Plymouth jurisdiction, where "self-marriage" was punished only by a fine. In Massachusetts similar cases of "hand-fasting" and "self-gifta" appear. In one case, that of Governor Bellingham in 1641, the contract was not declared void by the court, although the grand jury had presented his excellency for his offense. Fifteen years later Joseph Hills, "being presented by the grand jury for marrying of himself contrary to the law of the colony," confessed his fault and was merely "admonished by the court."[603] Moreover, at no time during the colonial and provincial periods did the statutes of Massachusetts expressly declare marriages void for disregard of the celebration or other formalities prescribed;[604] and the same is true of the daughter-colony of Connecticut. By the Rhode Island acts of 1647 and 1665 the issue of a union not formed by the "due and orderly course of law" is pronounced illegitimate; but it is very suggestive that the words of nullity do not appear in any of the later statutes of that province. Occasionally in the colonies statutes were enacted to validate irregular marriages previously contracted. Such were the acts of Rhode Island, 1698; of North Carolina, 1766; and of Virginia, 1780. But it would clearly be rash to infer that the marriages concerned were in fact void without such special intervention. Notoriously this is but a speedy and simple way of quieting doubt as to the status of the children or their rights of property and inheritance. Whether a court would nullify the contracts in question is a different matter. On the whole, the evidence seems clearly to show that the colonial statutes sustained the same relation to the English common law as did the constitutions of the English church requiring the solemnization of wedlock before a clergyman. The colonial statute, like the ecclesiastical constitution, might determine the legal forms which must be observed to escape a penalty; but the common-law marriage was nevertheless valid unless expressly declared null and void in the act itself. Furthermore, it is by no means certain that the colonial assemblies were generally competent, even in this way, to set aside the common law.

[601] Chap. xiv, sec. i, _c_).

[602] Chap. xii, sec. vi.

[603] _MSS. Records of the County Court of Middlesex_ (Apr. 1, 1656), I, 80.

[604] See the case of Usher _v._ Troop (Throop), 1724-29, in which is raised the question as to whether the "constitutions and canons ecclesiastical of the Church of England" are binding in Massachusetts: _MSS. Records of the Superior Court of Judicature_, 1725-30, fol. 236. _Cf._ chap. xii, secs, i, ii.

After the beginning of independent national life the English common law as a whole in its various branches was retained as a part of the law of the land, unless superseded by constitutional or statutory legislation. It was therefore inevitable that the state and federal courts, as cases arose, should declare whether it had been so superseded. There could no longer be any question, as in the colonial period, regarding the competency of the legislator to define the conditions of a valid matrimonial contract. A brief history of the acceptance or rejection of the common-law marriage in the United States, whether by statute or by judicial decree, may now be presented.[605]

[605] COOK, "The Mar. Cel. in the U.S.," _Atlantic_, LXI, 520-32, has given a systematic account of the subject to the year 1888. To this article, and to his "Reform in the Celebration of Marriage," _ibid._, 680-90, I am indebted; as also to BENNETT, "Uniformity in Marriage and Divorce Laws," _Am. Law Register_, N. S., XXXV, 221-31. _Cf._ CONVERS, _Mar. and Divorce_, 15-119; STEWART, _Mar. and Divorce_, 78 ff.

The leading case came before the supreme court of New York in 1809, when Chief Justice Kent accepted as binding a common-law marriage, declaring that no solemnization was requisite; that "a contract of marriage made _per verba de praesenti_ amounts to an actual marriage, and is as valid as if made in _facie ecclesiae_;" and that the existence of such a contract may be proved "from cohabitation, reputation, acknowledgment of the parties, acceptance in the family, and other circumstances from which a marriage may be inferred."[606] This decision determined the policy of New York for nearly a century, until the common-law marriage was at last superseded by the statute of 1901; and its influence upon the tribunals of other states has been increased through the sanction of its doctrine by the leading authorities upon matrimonial law.[607] The contract by mere present consent of the parties, regardless of the statutory requirements, has been widely accepted as valid in the group of southern and southwestern states and territories. It was so judicially accepted in South Carolina[608] at least as early as 1832; in Louisiana[609] in 1833; Georgia[610] in 1860; District of Columbia[611] in 1865; Alabama[612] in 1869; Arkansas[613] in 1872; Missouri[614] in 1877; and Florida[615] in 1880. By the earlier decisions of Tennessee a strict compliance with the statute was required, the court even declaring in 1829[616] that a marriage solemnized before a justice of the peace out of his own county was "absolutely null and void." This opinion was sustained by a decree of 1831; but later judgments favor the common-law agreement. Texas has had a similar experience. In 1883 and again in 1894 the common-law contract was repudiated, the court deciding that license and parental consent according to the statute were essential;[617] but more recently the highest tribunal has held the opposite view.[618] Among the states of the middle and western group Pennsylvania in 1814 was first to follow the New York precedent.[619] Ohio[620] came next in 1861; and Illinois[621] in 1873. By the law of Michigan, declares Judge Cooley decisively in 1875--in an opinion accepted as authority by the federal courts--a marriage may be good, although the statutory regulations have not been complied with. "Whatever the form of ceremony, or even if all ceremony was dispensed with, if the parties agreed presently to take each other for husband and wife, and from that time lived together professedly in that relation, proof of these facts would be sufficient to constitute proof" of a binding marriage; and "this," he adds, "has become the settled doctrine of the American courts."[622] This view has been accepted in Iowa[623] in 1876; Minnesota[624] in 1877; Wisconsin[625] in 1879; Indiana[626] in 1884; Kansas[627] in 1887; Nebraska[628] and Colorado[629] in 1893; Nevada[630] in 1896; and favored by the decisions of New Jersey[631] since 1824. Moreover, the Supreme Court of the United States has sanctioned the same doctrine. In Jewell _v._ Jewell,[632] considered in 1843, opinions on the question were evenly balanced, just as they were in the Queen _v._ Millis which came before the Lords during the next year; but in 1877, in the case of Meister _v._ Moore,[633] involving a marriage contracted under the law of Michigan, Justice Strong adopted "as authoritative" Judge Cooley's interpretation rendered two years before.

[606] In the case of Fenton _v._ Reed (1809), 4 JOHNS., 52; 4 _Am. D._, 244; EWELL, _Cases on Domestic Relations_, 397-99. Following are the essential facts in this celebrated case. In 1785 John Guest "left the state for foreign parts." During his absence, in 1792, his wife Elizabeth married Reed. Subsequently in the same year her first husband, Guest, returned to the state and there resided until his death in June, 1800. He professed to have no marital claim upon Elizabeth; so she lived with Reed as a wife continuously from 1792 until the latter's death in 1806. Was she the lawful wife of Reed from 1792 to 1800 during the lifetime of Guest? If not, was she, without the observance of any formalities, his lawful wife from 1800 to 1806 after Guest's demise? To the first question the court answered "no," holding that "the statute concerning bigamy does not render the second marriage legal, notwithstanding the former husband or wife may have been absent above five years, and not heard of. It only declares that the party who marries again in consequence of such absence ... , shall be exempted from the operation of the statute, and leaves the question of the validity of the second marriage just where it found it." To the second question the court answered "yes," as explained in the text. _Cf._ Starr _v._ Peck, 1 HILL, _N. Y._, 270.

[607] The doctrine of his own decision was formulated in 1826 by KENT in the first edition of his _Commentaries_. Ten years earlier, in 1816, it had been accepted by REEVE, former chief justice of Connecticut, in his treatise on the _Law of Husband and Wife_. It was followed in 1842 by GREENLEAF in his work on _Evidence_; and later by BISHOP in his well-known book on _Marriage and Divorce_. On the other hand, the younger PARSONS, the first edition of whose _Contracts_ appeared in 1853, is inclined to reject the Kent doctrine: see the 8th ed., II, 78 ff.; and compare COOK, "The Mar. Cel. in the U. S.," _Atlantic_, XLI, 521, 522.

[608] See Fryer _v._ Fryer (1832), RICHARDSON'S _Equity Cases_, 92 ff. _Cf._ the case of Vaigneur _v._ Kirk (1808), 2 _S. C. Equity Reports_, 640-46; and 10 MCCORD'S _Statutes_, 357, ed. note; _ibid._, II, 733, ed. note.

[609] Holmes _v._ Holmes (1833), 6 _La._, 463. In this state, under influence of French and Spanish law, the common-law contract appears always to have been regarded as valid.

[610] Askew _v._ Dupree (1860), 30 _Ga._, 173; _cf._ Clark _v._ Cassidy, 64 _Ga._, 662.

[611] Blackburn _v._ Crawfords (1865), 3 WALL., 175; Diggs _v._ Wormley (1893), 21 _D. C._, 477, 485; Jennings _v._ Webb (1896), 8 _App. D. C._, 43, 56. _Cf._ Green _v._ Norment (1886), 5 MACKEY, 80-92.

[612] In Campbell _v._ Gullatt (1869), 43 _Ala._, 57. But see the earlier decisions in S. _v._ Murphy (1844), 6 _Ala._, 765-72; 41 _Am. D._, 79; and Robertson _v._ S. (1868), 42 _Ala._, 509; being conflicting and indecisive as to whether the statute is merely "directory."

[613] Jones _v._ Jones (1872), 28 _Ark._, 19-26. According to S. _v._ Willis (1848), 9 _Ark._, 196-98, consent of the parent is not essential.

[614] Dyer _v._ Brannock (1877), 66 _Mo._, 391; 27 _Am. R._, 359. The license required by statute is not essential to a valid marriage: S. _v._ Bittick (1890), 103 _Mo._, 183.

[615] Daniel _v._ Sams (1880), 17 _Fla._, 487-97.

[616] In Bashaw _v._ S. (1829), 1 YERG., 177; affirmed in Grisham _v._ S. (1831), 2 YERG., 589; opposed in Andrews _v._ Page (1871), 3 HEISK., 653-71; and apparently questioned in Johnson _v._ Johnson (1860), 1 COLDW., 626.

[617] Dumas _v._ S. (1883), 14 _Tex. Cr. App._, 464-74; Tel. Co. _v._ Procter (1894), 6 _T. C. A._, 300, 303.

[618] Cumby _v._ Henderson (1894), 6 _T. C. A._, 519-23; 25 _S. W._, 673; Ingersol _v._ McWillie (1895), 9 _T. C. A._, 543, 553; 30 _S. W._, 56; Chapman _v._ Chapman (1897), 16 _T. C. A._, 384; and especially Railway Co. _v._ Cody (1899), 20 _T. C. A._, 520-24.

[619] Hantz _v._ Sealey (1814), 6 BINN., 405; also Rodebaugh _v._ Sanks (1833), 2 WATTS, 9-12; and Commonwealth _v._ Stump (1866), 53 _Pa._, 132-38.

[620] Carmichael _v._ S. (1861), 12 _Ohio_, 553-61.

[621] Port _v._ Port (1873), 70 _Ill._, 484; Bowman _v._ Bowman (1887), 24 _Ill. App._, 165-78.

[622] Hutchins _v._ Kimmel (1875), 31 _Mich._, 126-35; 18 _Am. R._, 164-69.

[623] Blanchard _v._ Lambert (1876), 43 _Iowa_, 228-32. Since 1851 the statutes of Iowa have clearly accepted the common-law marriage: _Code of Iowa_ (1851), secs. 1474, 1475; _ibid._ (1897), 1124.

[624] S. _v._ Worthington (1877), 23 _Minn._, 528.

[625] Williams _v._ Williams (1879), 46 _Wis._, 464-80; Spencer _v._ Pollock (1892), 83 _Wis._, 215-22.

[626] Teter _v._ Teter (1884), 101 _Ind._, 129; 51 _Am. R._, 742. In Roche _v._ Washington (1862), 19 _Ind._, 53, the opposite position is taken.

[627] S. _v._ Walker (1887), 36 _Kan._, 297; 59 _Am. R._, 556.

[628] Bailey _v._ S. (1893), 36 _Neb._, 808-14.

[629] Israel _v._ Arthur (1893), 18 _Col._, 158, 164; Taylor _v._ Taylor (1897), 10 _C. A._, 303, 304.

[630] S. _v._ Zichefield (1896), 23 _Nev._, 304-18.

[631] Wyckoff _v._ Boggs (1824), 2 HALST., 138-40; and especially Pearson _v._ Howey (1829), 6 HALST., 12, 18, 20.

[632] Jewell _v._ Jewell (1843), 1 HOWARD, 219-34.

[633] Meister _v._ Moore (1877), 96 _U. S._, 76-83.

On the other hand, in a number of states the courts have decided that the common-law marriage is entirely superseded by the statutes, even when these do not contain words of nullity, and sometimes when they are expressed in terms far less "mandatory" than in some instances where the opposite doctrine prevails.[634] In the words of a writer who believes the courts are historically and logically justified in this view, "they affirm that when from a comparative study of the whole course of legislation as well as of the terms of the various statutes, it is the plain intent to make conformity to any statutory formality indispensable to the constitution of marriage, such common law is _ipso facto_ repealed, and a marriage celebrated by mere consent, without this formality, has no validity whatever in law. One such indispensable formality, at least, they find in the intent of the statutes, namely, the presence at the celebration of an authorized third person."[635] First to take this position was Massachusetts in 1810, the year after Kent's opposite decision already cited, when Chief Justice Parsons, in an opinion which has been steadily sustained ever since, but which is not remarkable for historical knowledge, held that "when our ancestors left England, and ever since, it is well known that a lawful [valid?] marriage there must be celebrated before a clergyman in orders;" and hence in Massachusetts, although "not declared void by any statute," a "marriage merely the effect of a mutual engagement between the parties, or solemnized by any one not a justice of the peace or an ordained minister, is not a legal marriage, entitled to the incidents of a marriage duly solemnized."[636] Since 1848 the Massachusetts doctrine has been followed by Vermont.[637] In the same year it was adopted in New Hampshire;[638] but in the absence of more recent decisions the law of that state cannot be regarded as absolutely settled. It was favored in Maine[639] by a decision of 1841, although the informal contract was not then positively rejected by a direct decree. The courts of Connecticut are silent on the question; but the statute declares that all marriages "attempted to be solemnized by any other person" than those authorized by it "shall be void."[640]

[634] See BENNETT, "Uniformity in Mar. and Div. Laws," _Am. Law Register_, N. S., XXXV, 223 ff., who points out that the statutes of Alabama, Pennsylvania, and Missouri, where the common-law marriage is valid, are far more prohibitory than those of Massachusetts, Maryland, or West Virginia, where it is void. The statute of Alabama says positively that "no marriage shall be solemnized without a license issued by the judge of probate of the county where the female resides;" but a marriage so solemnized is nevertheless valid.

[635] COOK, "The Mar. Cel. in the U. S.," _Atlantic_, LXI, 523.

[636] Milford _v._ Worcester (1810), 7 _Mass._, 48-58. See also, to the same effect, Commonwealth _v._ Munson (1879), 127 _Mass._, 459-71; 34 _Am. R._, 411. In this case it is correctly held that Justice Bigelow's decision in Parton _v._ Hervey (1854), 1 GRAY, 119, that the statute is merely "directory," relates to banns and parental consent, and not to solemnization; for Milford _v._ Worcester is cited as authority.

[637] See the opinion of Judge Redfield in Northfield _v._ Plymouth (1848), 20 _Vt._, 582, holding that a common-law marriage could not be regarded as valid without "virtually repealing our statutes," thus reversing the doctrine of Newbury _v._ Brunswick (1829), 2 _Vt._ 151; 19 _Am. D._, 703; and consult especially Morrill _v._ Palmer (1895), 68 _Vt._, 1-23, holding "that what ... Kent calls the 'loose doctrine of the common law,' in relation to marriage, was never in force in this state."

[638] See the opinion of Chief Justice Gilchrist in Dumbarton _v._ Franklin (1848), 19 _N. H._, 257, rejecting as irrelevant Judge Woodbury's _obiter dictum_ in Londonderry _v._ Chester (1820), 2 _N. H._, 268-81, usually cited to sustain the common-law marriage; but this objection to it is scarcely valid.

[639] S. _v._ Hodskins (1841), 19 _Me._, 155-60; 36 _Am. D._, 743. _Cf._ Ligonia _v._ Buxton, 2 _Me._, 95. According to Hiram _v._ Pierce, 45 _Me._, 367, the statute of Maine, like that of Massachusetts, is only directory regarding parental consent in case of minors.

[640] _Gen. Stat. of Ct._ (1902), 1086. According to REEVE, _Law of Husband and Wife_, 252 ff.; followed by KENT, _Commentaries_, II, secs. 87 ff., the common-law marriage was formerly good in Connecticut.

Several states of the South have taken a similar stand. Maryland[641] and North Carolina[642] have thus repudiated the common-law agreement, a formal celebration being made essential to a valid marriage. The supreme court of West Virginia has gone farther, holding that not only solemnization, but also license and other prescribed formalities, are requisite. "Our statute," runs a decision of 1887, "has wholly superseded the common law, and in effect, if not in express terms, renders invalid all attempted marriages contracted in this state, which have not been solemnized in compliance with its provisions.... When the terms of the statute are such that they cannot be made effective, to the extent of giving each and all of them some reasonable operation, without interpreting the statutes as mandatory, then such interpretation should be given them."[643] In 1821 the common-law contract was judicially accepted in Kentucky;[644] but by the model statute of 1852--remarkable for clearness and terseness--a "marriage is prohibited and declared void when not solemnized or contracted in the presence of an authorized person or society."[645] Likewise in Mississippi until recently the informal agreement was held sufficient to constitute the parties husband and wife;[646] but since 1892 the statute renders a marriage invalid if contracted or solemnized without a previous license.[647] Moreover, in Porto Rico, by the code of 1902, the authorization and celebration of the contract "according to the forms and solemnities prescribed by law" are requisite for a valid marriage.[648] With these six southern and the four New England commonwealths must be classed five states of the middle and western division. Two of these--Oregon[649] since 1870 and Washington[650] since 1892--have proceeded by judicial decree; and three--California[651] in 1895, Utah[652] in 1898, and New York[653] in 1901--have superseded the common-law agreement by statutes containing the nullifying clause.

[641] The common-law marriage was sustained in Cheseldine _v._ Brewer (1739), 1 HAR. AND MCH., 152; overruled and the opposite doctrine supported in Denison _v._ Denison (1871), 35 _Md._, 361. In Jackson _v._ Jackson (1894), 80 _Md._, 176-96, it is held that the "fact that the marriage was performed by a clergyman may be inferred from the evidence." _Cf._ BISHOP, _Mar., Div., and Sep._, I, sec. 416, p. 179.

[642] S. _v._ Samuel (1836), 2 DEV. AND BAT., 177-85; followed in S. _v._ Patterson (1842), 2 IREDELL, _N. C._, 346-60; left undecided in S. _v._ Ta-cha-na-tah (1870), 64 _N. C._, 614. _Cf._ S. _v._ Robbins (1845), 6 IREDELL, _N. C._, 23-27, where apparently a celebration, but not a license, is held essential to a valid marriage (25); and especially S. _v._ Wilson (1897), 121 _N. C._, 657, where it is declared that a marriage "pretendedly celebrated before a person not authorized would be a nullity."

[643] Beverlin _v._ Beverlin (1887), 29 _W. Va._, 732-40.

[644] Dumaresly _v._ Fishly (1821), 3 A. K. MARSHALL, 368-77. See also Commonwealth _v._ Jackson, 11 BUSH., _Ky._, 679.

[645] _Acts_ (1850-51), 212-16 (law in force July 1, 1852); sustained in Estill _v._ Rogers (1866), 1 BUSH., _Ky._, 62; Stewart _v._ Munchandler, 2 BUSH., _Ky._, 278.

[646] Hargroves _v._ Thompson (1856), 31 _Miss._, 211; Dickerson _v._ Brown (1873), 49 _Miss._, 357; Floyd _v._ Calvert (1876), 53 _Miss._, 37; Rundle _v._ Pegram (1874), 49 _Miss._, 751.

[647] _Ann. Code of Miss._ (1892), 679.

[648] _Rev. Stat. and Codes of Porto Rico_ (1902), 805.

[649] Holmes _v._ Holmes (1870), 1 ABB., _Cir. Ct._ (U. S.), 525, declaring the statute regarding the solemnization of marriage mandatory.

[650] _In re_ McLaughlin's Estate (1892), 4 _Wash._, 570; 30 _Pac. R._, 651; _in re_ Wilbur's Estate (1894), 8 _Wash._, 35.

[651] It may require judicial interpretation to determine the law of California. Sec. 55 of the _Civil Code_, since the act of 1895, does not contain the _usual_ words of nullity; but sec. 68 declares that a marriage is not invalidated by violation of the provisions governing solemnization, license, authentication, and record "_by other than the parties themselves_." One or two of the superior court judges have already decided that the statutory formalities are mandatory.

[652] The _Rev. Stat. of Utah_ (1898) rendered marriage void when not celebrated before an authorized person. Before this date a common-law contract was binding: U.S. _v._ Simpson, 4 _Utah_, 227; 7 _Pac._, 257.

[653] See chap. xvi, sec. iii, _a_).

All the other states and territories have enacted laws governing the celebration and other preliminaries of marriage; but whether these laws are to be regarded as mandatory or merely directory has not yet been judicially determined. The courts are thus silent in Connecticut and Rhode Island,[654] of the New England group; in Arizona, Indian Territory, New Mexico, Oklahoma, and Virginia, of the southern and southwestern group; in Alaska, Delaware, Hawaii, Idaho, Montana, North Dakota, South Dakota, and Wyoming,[655] of the middle and western division. Of these Delaware, Virginia,[656] and Connecticut would probably reject the common-law doctrine, were the question brought to a judicial test; while it would almost certainly be accepted by the courts of the other twelve states and territories, should the statutes remain as they are. Indeed, in a number of the last-named states, notably in Idaho, Montana, and South Dakota, it is virtually sanctioned by the terms of the statutes themselves.

[654] In Peck _v._ Peck (1880), 12 _R. I._, 485-89, the court declined to decide whether a common-law contract is valid, there being no prohibitory language in the statute. _Cf._ also S. _v._ Boyle (1882), 13 _R. I._, 537; and Ben. Association _v._ Carpenter (1892), 17 _R. I._, 720. In Williams _v._ Herrick (1899), 21 _R. I._, 401-3, the court appears to favor the validity of a marriage without a formal ceremony, if begun with "matrimonial intent."

[655] According to Connors _v._ Connors (1895), 40 _Pac._, 966, a license is not essential in Wyoming.

[656] In Beverlin _v._ Beverlin, 29 _W. Va._, 736, the judge says, "I have been unable to find any case in which the courts of Virginia or this state have ever held that a common-law marriage was held valid;" and this, he adds, is "persuasive evidence" that it is not. In Colston _v._ Quander (1877), 1 _Va. Decisions_ (not officially reported), license is declared not essential; but in this case there was a formal celebration. On the probable position of the states which have not decided see COOK, _The Mar. Cel. in the U. S._, 525, 526.

It appears, then--to summarize the details presented in the foregoing discussion--that twenty-three states and territories have already sanctioned or favored the common-law marriage; while twelve others are soon likely to do so, unless the statutes shall be changed. On the contrary, eighteen commonwealths have repudiated or are inclined to repudiate the informal agreement. Six of these, it should be noted, have liberated themselves by statute; five--Mississippi, California, Utah, New York, and Porto Rico[657]--having done so within the last ten years. This is a fact of vast social importance. From it the reformer may gather new courage. In such legislation, in response to a better-educated popular sentiment, lies the hope of the future: to free American society from the manifold evils which lurk in the doctrine of the common-law marriage. It is, indeed, marvelous that a progressive people with respect to an institution which is the very basis of the social order should so long neglect the function of proper public control. For what, according to its nature, is the common-law marriage? Its possibilities for anarchy are realistically described by Chief Justice Folger, of New York, in 1880, when that state was still exposed to them. "A man and a woman," he declares, "who are competent to marry each other, without going before a minister or magistrate, without the presence of any person as a witness, with no previous public notice given, with no form or ceremony, civil or religious, and with no record or written evidence of the act kept, and merely by words of present contract between them, may take upon themselves the relation of husband and wife, and be bound to themselves, to the state, and to society."[658] Verily this is individualism absolutely unrestrained! It is the simple truth, as already suggested, that in principle the canon law as it existed in Catholic lands before the Council of Trent, and in England until the marriage act of 1753, with a possibility of all of its attendant scandals and hardships, still survives in the United States.[659] The apology of the Middle Ages was found in the sacramental dogma. Matrimony as such, under whatever conditions contracted, was too "holy" to be dissolved or effectively hindered for the ordinary prudential reasons which appeal to the statesman or legislator. Today there is doubtless a lingering tradition of the same false sentiment. Yet the common-law marriage is now supported on two principal grounds. The innocent offspring, we are told, ought not to suffer because the parents have neglected the formalities prescribed by a mere statute. Moreover, to declare an irregular, perhaps a clandestine, union void is to invade the most sacred right of the individual. There is urgent need that the American people should realize the fallacy of such arguments. Far better that the children of a delinquent minority should bear the stain of illegitimacy than that the welfare of the whole social body should be endangered. For the same reason the supposed right of the individual must yield to the higher claims of society. In no part of the whole range of human activity is there such imperative need of state interference and control as in the sphere of the matrimonial relations. In this field as in others we are beginning to see more clearly that the highest individual liberty can be secured only when it is subordinated to the highest social good. It is, however, not merely the public which suffers. "Our common-law marriage fails to protect not only the contracting parties, but also the families to which they belong. Indeed to protect the latter it makes not the least attempt, and in this respect it is far behind the law of Western Europe."[660] As a preliminary to a general reform of our marriage laws as a whole it is earnestly to be desired that every state or territory not already emancipated should enact a statute as clear and decisive as that of Kentucky, Utah, or New York, absolutely repudiating the common-law contract. It is only through legislation that this revolution can be effected. It is not the proper function of the courts to attempt it. It may be that those states which have superseded the common law through judicial interpretation of their statutes have done well. The end has perhaps justified the means. It is quite possible that in those cases it was the intent of the lawmaker to render the statute mandatory. Nevertheless he did not express his intent in the form which has itself become a part of the common law. Chief Justice Parsons and his followers may have been enforcing a "higher law;" but it was a "judge-made" law. History is on the side of Chief Justice Kent and the great number of jurists who have followed him. Moreover, it is evident from the trend of recent decisions that not much more can be expected from the courts. According to the overwhelming weight of juridical opinion, to go farther in this way would be to legislate consciously through the bench. Besides "bench-made" law is always _ex post facto_. The only practical course is to create or further develop a sound popular sentiment in favor of proper social control of the marital relation; and then to express that sentiment in statutes whose terms are mandatory beyond the possibility of evasion.

[657] Of course the statute of Porto Rico must be regarded as preventing, not abolishing, the common-law marriage.

[658] Quoted by COOK, "The Mar. Cel. in the U. S.," _Atlantic_, LXI, 526. On the frauds perpetrated under the guise of the common-law marriage see also the opinion of Judge Pryor of New York: quoted by RICHBERG, _Incongruities of the Divorce Laws_, 61, 62. "It is singular," said Chief Justice Gilchrist in 1848, "that the most important of all human contracts, on which the rights and duties of the whole community depend, requires less formality for its validity than the conveyance of an acre of land, a policy of insurance, or the agreements which the statute of frauds requires should be in writing."--Dumbarton _v._ Franklin, 19 _N. H._, 264, 265.

[659] Except, perhaps, in practically getting rid of the subtle doctrine of marriage _per verba de futuro cum copula_: see the decision in Starr _v._ Peck (1841), 1 HILL, _N. Y._, 270; EWELL, _Cases_, 403. _Cf._ Cheney _v._ Arnold (1857), 15 _N. Y._, 345; EWELL, 407-13; this being followed in Duncan _v._ Duncan, 10 _Ohio_, 181; but discarded in Port _v._ Port, 70 _Ill._, 484; and Peck _v._ Peck, 12 _R. I._, 484; 34 _Am. R._, 702. _Cf._ BISHOP, _Mar., Div., and Sep._, I, secs. 353-77, pp. 147-62; KENT, _Commentaries_, II, sec. 87 ff., pp. 119 ff.

[660] COOK, "The Mar. Cel. in the U. S.," _Atlantic_, LXI, 528.

_b_) _Resulting character of matrimonial legislation._--The absurd and demoralizing conflict between common-law validity and statutory legality ought first to be abolished, because in large measure it hinders, even frustrates, the effort to develop a thorough and uniform system of matrimonial administration in the United States. This once effected, there will remain plenty of hard work to do. If we consider the details of our legislation, as already analyzed in the sixteenth chapter, we perceive in nearly every department urgent need of reform, often of radical innovation. Almost everywhere there is a want of clearness, certainty, and simplicity; and this defect is all the more harmful because of the lack of uniformity among the different states. Diversity, even conflict, in every branch of state legislation is a burdensome incident of the federal system; and in no branch is the evil more formidable than in the field of marriage and divorce. As hereafter suggested, we need not despair of eventually overcoming it; but from the very nature of the case it may be many years before an effective remedy can generally be applied. In the meantime it is all the more necessary that the laws of each individual state should be made as clear, simple, and efficient as possible, and that every opportunity should be seized to prepare the way for a common matrimonial code for the whole country.

First of all, the statutes relating to the preliminaries of marriage ought to be overhauled. Already during the past century progress has been made. Within the last two decades in particular many reforms in matters of detail have been carried out in various states. Furthermore, in the broad features or outlines of the law throughout the country an approximation to a uniform system has been attained; and this fact may be of great significance when the task of securing absolutely the same law for all the states is earnestly taken in hand. Thus there is practical agreement among the states and territories in requiring a license from a local civil officer before a marriage may be legally celebrated. The dual system of banns or license survives only in Maryland, Georgia, Delaware, and Ohio. All the other states and territories, except Alaska, New Mexico, and South Carolina, where there is no statute governing the subject, with New York and New Jersey, where there is a substitute plan, have each adopted a system of civil license or certificate, the same in its purpose, though varying widely in the forms and procedure prescribed. This is a stride in the direction at once of simplicity and harmony; and besides, for its own sake, it is well to get rid of the ancient device of oral banns, which has proved as unsatisfactory in America as in the Old World. Again, we have developed substantially a common statutory law regarding the manner of entering into the marital relation. Everywhere, except in Maryland and West Virginia, where a religious ceremony is essential to a valid union, the optional civil or religions ceremony, at the pleasure of the persons contracting, is sanctioned by the law. As already seen, this dual system has its roots planted deeply in the history of two centuries. It is clearly entitled to be regarded as the American plan; although since 1836, with important modifications, it has also been accepted in the British Isles. It does not follow, however, that it is the ideal plan. It is too complex; and it is an obstacle in the way of developing the most efficient system of matrimonial administration. It is inconsistent with a proper social control. It will prevent the attainment of the "maximum of simplicity and the maximum of certainty" in matrimonial legislation. It is awkward, thoroughly illogical, to intrust the execution of that part of the law on which publicity and security so much depend to two different classes of persons: the one consisting of civil officers created and wholly under control of the state; the other in its origin, its personnel, and its character completely beyond such control, and only subject to administrative rules and restraints. With this system it will be very difficult to establish a proper standard of special fitness, of special knowledge, such as is highly needful to exact from public servants intrusted with functions of vast social importance. European peoples have reached a wiser solution of the problem in prescribing in all cases without exception, as the prerequisite of a valid marriage, the obligatory celebration before an authorized civil officer, leaving the wedded pair to decide, as wholly a private matter, whether a religious ceremony shall be added.

It is, however, highly probable that the optional system of celebration is too firmly grounded in popular sentiment to be soon discarded. The practical reformer must perforce content himself with striving to make it as effective as possible. At present the law is very lax in providing proper safeguards for the religious solemnization. In the first place, the qualified minister should be authorized to act only within the local district of his permanent residence, the limits thereof to be defined by statute. By the early laws of New England, as we have already seen, the clergyman's functions were carefully confined to his own town, district, or county; and similar requirements appear elsewhere in some of the older statutes. This wise policy has been gradually abandoned, so that now in no instance is there such a restriction. Only in a very few cases, as in Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Vermont, is authority conferred only upon ministers dwelling within the state. Apparently in the great majority of states and territories, although the statutes are often far from clear, all qualified ministers, residing anywhere in the United States, may act. Indeed, Louisiana is still more generous, granting full privilege to celebrate wedlock to any clergyman or priest "whether a citizen of the United States or not." Another useful lesson may be learned from the early laws. Proofs of ordination by the filing of credentials were often demanded. Some of the southern states went farther, exacting from the minister a bond for the faithful performance of his trust, in addition to credentials of ordination and good standing. Both these conditions are still enforced by the statutes of Kentucky,[661] Virginia, and West Virginia. Some other states have contented themselves with less severe requirements. Rhode Island has thus a careful system of local registration; in Maine and New Hampshire the clerical celebrant must secure a "commission" from the governor; in Minnesota, Wisconsin, Nevada, and Arkansas he must file his credentials with the proper county officer and receive a certificate; Ohio requires a license from the county judge of probate; a license from the proper authority is also demanded in Hawaii;[662] but in the majority of cases no such precautions are specified in the statutes. Here is need of reform. Under present social conditions, and considering the vast multiplication and subdivision of religious sects, the Virginia system is not too rigorous to justify its adoption throughout the land. Furthermore, the future lawmaker may perhaps get a suggestion from English legislation, which has had to deal with the same problem. The ministers of every religious sect are authorized to celebrate marriages according to its own rites; but, aside from Jews, Quakers, and the Church of England, otherwise provided for in the statute, they may do so only in a "registered building" and in the presence of the civil registrar of the district and two witnesses.

[661] _Kentucky Stat._ (1903), 843, 844.

[662] _Civil Laws of the Hawaiian Islands_ (1897), 700.

The laws regarding the civil ceremony are also seriously defective, if not in all respects equally lax. The magistrate in the exercise of his functions is not usually restricted to a local district sufficiently small to guarantee safe administration. In this regard the colonial and early state legislation was superior. At present in twenty-two states and territories the justice of the peace, or the corresponding local officer, is confined to his own county or district. Elsewhere he may act anywhere within the commonwealth; and this is almost universally the rule with the higher judges and officials who are granted the same authority. In no case, except in Virginia, and in Massachusetts under the act of 1899, is there any provision for the appointment of a person to celebrate wedlock for an area of less extent than the county. Nor are the persons to whom is confided this important social trust possessed of the needful qualifications. They are not selected because of special fitness. In no instance, unless in Virginia, does the law provide for the separate office of marriage celebrant. The duties of such a post are conferred, _ex officio_, in a haphazard fashion, upon a great variety of functionaries, who are either incompetent or else too busy with other matters to discharge them properly. As a rule, the justice of the peace is thus notoriously unfit; and there is something grotesque in giving authority to solemnize marriages to aldermen and police justices, as in New York; to speakers of the house and senate, as in Tennessee; or to the county supervisors, as in Mississippi. In this regard we have much to learn from European states, some of which have created special local officers for this branch of administration. Thus in France[663] all marriages are regularly celebrated before the mayor of the commune; in Germany,[664] before the registrar of the district in which one of the betrothed persons resides, or before some civil officer designated by him in writing; while in England the legal celebrant in case of civil procedure is also the district registrar, whose presence is likewise requisite at the religious ceremony when conducted according to the rites of the nonconformist sects. Massachusetts alone has taken a step in the right direction. The act of 1899, already summarized, not only provides that no justice of the peace--except when the holder of a specified clerical office--shall solemnize marriage unless specially designated therefor by the governor's certificate, but it also limits the number of justices who may be thus licensed. Touching another point in this connection the American lawmaker is at fault. Often there is no direct provision to secure evidence of the contract. Only nineteen of the fifty-three[665] states and territories expressly require the presence at the ceremony of even one witness; while in two or three other cases the statute appears to take their presence for granted.

[663] BODINGTON'S KELLY, _French Law of Marriage_, 12.

[664] By the law of 1875 marriages are thus celebrated before the local _Standesbeamten_: KOHLER, _Das Eherecht des bürg_. _Gesetzbuches_, 16, 17, 55 ff.

[665] Counting Hawaii which was not included in chap. xvi.

The license system is uncertain and complex in many of its features. To guard against the clandestine marriage of minors, an affidavit from either the bride or bridegroom ought to be made obligatory in all cases, instead of leaving its requirement to the discretion of the officer, as is now usually the practice where there is any provision at all regarding the matter. In several instances the age below which parental consent is required is still too low; and the laws of some states are entirely silent on the subject. Throughout the country the limit for each sex ought to coincide with the attainment of legal majority.[666] More care should be taken to prevent deception when consent of parent or guardian is produced in writing. At the very least, in harmony with the requirement of many states, the affidavit of one witness to the signature should always be made obligatory; and in every such case it might be well as a guaranty to exact a license bond.[667] There is a still graver fault in the license laws of nearly the whole country. Nowhere, except in Porto Rico, is there any adequate provision regarding notice or the filing and trial of objections to a proposed marriage. Maine and Wisconsin have each made a start in requiring the certificate or license to be procured five days before the celebration. No other state, except New Hampshire[668] and New Jersey in the case of non-residents, seems to have provided for such a delay; and in all cases apparently, except Porto Rico, the license is issued at the time the notice of intention to marry is filed.[669] All this is contrary to sound public policy. The notice of intention should be recorded for a reasonable period, say ten days, before issuance of the license; and during this term it should be officially posted, and also published in the newspapers--not merely concealed in the register or published at the discretion of the official, as is now the usual course. Objections might then be filed, and in case of need tried in a court clothed with proper jurisdiction, before the celebration were allowed to proceed. Under the existing state legislation it would be difficult, certainly awkward, to stop a proposed marriage on the ground of alleged legal impediments. To make an objection effective, it might be necessary either to "anticipate the notice" or to interrupt the nuptial ceremony.[670] There is also much confusion, and uncertainty regarding the place of obtaining the license and that of making return. In no instance is a definite term of residence for either the man or the woman prescribed; and this is a fruitful source of clandestine marriage.[671] A glance at the facts collected in the sixteenth chapter will show that in some states the license must be secured in the place of the bride's residence; in others, in that of the marriage; while in a third group it may be issued in the place where either dwells. Indeed, Pennsylvania, more liberal still, allows a choice among all three places. The same laxity exists regarding the place of return; and sometimes the place of return is not the same as that of issue. A reasonable term of residence ought always to be required; and, unless in cases of emergency, the license should be issued by, and return made to, the same official in the district where the woman dwells. Even the lack of uniformity in license fees is sometimes the cause of migration to neighboring districts for the sake of cheaper weddings.[672] Finally, a marriage entered into without license, just as without authorized celebration, should be declared null and void by the statute.

[666] In "Diagnostics of Divorce," _Jour. of Soc. Sci._ (Am. Assoc.), XIV, 136, PROFESSOR ROBERTSON takes the extreme view that "no person should be marriageable under the age of 21, and a marriage ceremony celebrated between persons either of whom is under age should be _ipso facto_ void."

[667] Neither in England nor anywhere in the United States is a marriage declared void for want of parental consent. The leading case on the point is Parton _v._ Hervey, 1 GRAY, 119. "Some years ago a young girl, only thirteen years of age, named Sarah Hervey, was enticed away from her widowed mother's house by a young fellow, named Parton, of bad character and dissolute habits, who by false representations as to the age of the girl, procured a marriage license, and persuaded a magistrate to formally marry them. She returned to the house of her mother who forbade the young man to see her. Upon his petition against the mother for writ of habeas corpus, the Supreme Court of the Commonwealth, after full consideration, ordered the young wife to be surrendered to the husband, and he bore her away in triumph.... The mother then brought suit against a confederate of the husband, who had aided in enticing away the girl and in practising the fraud upon the magistrate; but the mother again failed in her efforts to vindicate her rights to protect her daughter, since it distinctly appeared that the marriage was with the daughter's full and free consent."--Hervey _v._ Moseley (1856), 7 GRAY, 449; as summarized by BENNETT, "Uniformity in Mar. and Div. Laws," _Am. Law Register_, N. S., XXXV, 222.

[668] _Laws of N. H._ (1903), 79.

[669] Louisiana formerly had a law requiring notice of intention to be filed fifteen days before issue of license; but it appears to have been repealed. In Porto Rico the period of delay is ten days.

[670] As suggested by COOK, "The Mar. Cel. in the U. S.," _Atlantic_, LXI, 687.

[671] The laxity of the law in this respect, coupled with that of permitting the license to be issued without delay, is the most fruitful source of clandestine marriages. There are many so-called "Gretna Greens" in the United States. One is (or was) at Aberdeen, O.: WHITNEY, _Marriage and Divorce_, 43; another at Greenwich, Conn. Oct. 2, 1900, the San Francisco _Chronicle_ had the following telegram: "Greenwich's reputation as a Gretna Green and that of Judge Burns of Greenwich of the Borough court as one who marries all who come, appears to have extended to the Pacific Slope. On Saturday there arrived in town ---- ---- of Alameda, California, and ---- ---- of Los Angeles, California. They went to Judge Burns' office, arranged for the marriage ceremony, and then secured a marriage license from the town clerk.... Immediately after the ceremony" they "left town, maintaining the greatest secrecy as is the usual custom." Another wedding resort, for the benefit of Chicago, is the little town of St. Joseph, Mich., where in the four years, 1897-1900, 1,594 licenses are said to have been issued to persons residing outside the state, the ceremony being performed by ministers. In 1903 an attempt to adopt the Wisconsin plan, requiring an interval of five days between the issue of the license and the celebration, failed by a very few votes.

[672] Examples are given by DIKE, "Statistics of Marriage and Divorce," _Pol. Sci. Quart._, IV, 597.

During the last fifteen years considerable progress has been made in the state systems of registration; but in most cases the laws are still exceedingly lax; and too frequently they are badly executed, or remain a "dead letter" on the statute book.[673]

[673] On the faults of the registration laws see _ibid._, 594, 595.

The radical reform of the administrative division of our matrimonial laws on some such lines as those suggested will be a worthy task for the future legislator. As a necessary antecedent of more detailed action the official system should be entirely reconstructed. The simplest mechanism is likely to prove the best. Its elements are close at hand in the local constitution. Every county should be divided into districts, for each of which a registrar should be authorized to license, solemnize, and register all marriages civilly contracted therein;[674] and to license, register, and attend religious celebrations. His authority should be carefully restricted to the district and no other person should be permitted to share his functions. The district registrars should report at short intervals to the county registrar, who in turn should annually submit a summary of statistics to the registrar-general for the state, by whom the local registrars should be commissioned. If desirable for the sake of economy, especially in states of sparse population, the collection and registry of all vital statistics might be intrusted to the same series of officials.[675] The moral influence of the creation of a distinct system, such as that outlined, would itself be of great value. It would effectively accent the high relative importance to society of matrimonial law and of intelligent service in its administration.

[674] In his enlightening criticism of our matrimonial laws COOK, "The Mar. Cel. in the U. S.," _Atlantic_, LXI, 688, has suggested the division of the county into districts for the appointment of registrars.

[675] In England the registration of births and deaths in the district is intrusted to a separate registrar: Compare the details of the British system as presented in chap. x, sec. iii.

By the law of Massachusetts towns of more than 2,000 inhabitants may choose a separate registrar to record and license, but not to celebrate, marriages: see chap, xvi, sec. i, _c_).

Aside from its public features, just considered, the future matrimonial code of the United States will have to remedy numerous defects in the substance of the law. These may be seen by reference to the detailed examination elsewhere presented. In particular, it will be necessary to get rid of the appalling chaos of state regulations regarding void and voidable contracts. The absurd conflicts touching the forbidden degrees of relationship are a positive social menace. The most serious complications may arise. For instance, a man and a woman who may be legally wed in the place where they dwell might, should they move a mile across the state line and then marry, be guilty of incestuous union and their children become bastards. Surely it ought to be possible for an enlightened people to agree upon a common rule in a matter of such vital concern.[676]

[676] _Cf._ RICHBERG, _Incongruity of the Divorce Laws_, 65 ff.

In many of the states the laws governing the "age of consent"--that is, the age below which a person may not legally consent to carnal union[677]--are still very defective, although distinct progress has been made since 1885. In that year Mr. W. T. Stead's exposure of the frightful traffic in young girls then tolerated in London aroused the social conscience on both sides of the sea. The "old common law period of ten, sometimes twelve, years" was then "the basis of the age of consent legislation of most of the states, and also of the law of congress pertaining to rape in the District of Columbia and other territory under the immediate jurisdiction of the national government.... It was not until after the astounding revelations made by Mr. Stead ... that the age of consent laws in the United States began to attract attention.... Even then the age of consent in England was thirteen years. One outcome of Mr. Stead's shocking exposures was the speedy raising of the age by the British parliament from thirteen to sixteen years, Mr. Gladstone and others advocating eighteen." The New York Committee for the Prevention of State Regulation of Vice was already engaged in its long struggle to "thwart the periodical efforts[678] made to introduce in New York and other American cities the odious old-world system of licensed and state-regulated vice; but its members were quite unaware, until Mr. Stead's startling London revelations suggested the inquiry here, that, by the age of consent laws of New York and of most of the states, young girls of ten years were made legally capable of consenting to their own ruin, and that at that time in one state, Delaware, the age was at the shockingly low period of seven years! Bad as English law had been shown to be in its inadequate protection of girlhood our own legal position ... was found to be still worse. The New York committee, as soon as the facts were known, inaugurated a campaign of petitions to sundry state legislatures and to the congress of the United States, asking that the age be raised to at least eighteen years, and the work was also entered into earnestly and effectively by the Woman's Christian Temperance Unions and the White Cross societies."[679] Under the leadership of Helen H. Gardener, Frances E. Willard, and others, the women of the country conducted a veritable "crusade" of education against the existing state laws, which for zeal, ability, and effective method may well serve as a model for future united efforts in favor of social reforms. It was pointed out as a notorious fact "that brothels and vice-factories get their recruits from the ranks of childhood--from the ignorance which is unprotected by the law;" that "children's lives are thus wrecked, and the state is burdened with disease and vice and crime and insanity, which is transmitted and retransmitted until its proportions appall those who understand;" and that it is absurd to make the legal age for consent to a valid marriage higher than that for consent to prostitution. It was urged that the age of consent ought to be advanced to that of legal majority; that girls "have a right to legal protection of their persons, which is more imperative by far than is the protection which every state has recognized as a matter beyond controversy when applied to a girl's property or her ability to make contracts, deeds, and wills, or to her control of herself in any matters which are of importance to her as an individual, and to the state, because she is one of its citizens whose future welfare is a matter of moment to the commonwealth;" and that in respect to her person, as well as regarding property or marriage, she should be protected even against her own will.[680] As a result of the campaign of 1895 alone the age of consent was raised in no less than fifteen states and territories; and in the outset it was significantly pointed out that the "two states in which the age of legal protection for girlhood has been raised to eighteen years are states in which women vote--Wyoming, upon equal terms with men, and Kansas, in municipal elections."[681] A brief summary of the laws of the states and territories regarding the subject under consideration may now be presented.

[677] "Age of consent laws, in their usual acceptation, refer to the crime of rape, and designate the age at which a young girl may legally consent to carnal relations with the other sex. Statutes pertaining to rape provide, in varying phrase, for the punishment of 'whoever ravishes and carnally knows a female by force and against her will,' at any age; and also penalties for whoever unlawfully and carnally knows a female child, with or without consent, under a given age."--POWELL, in _Arena_, XI, 192.

[678] "In the New York senate, in 1890, a bill was introduced to lower the age of consent from sixteen to fourteen years. It was reported favorably by the senate judiciary committee, but vigorous protests against the proposed retrograde legislation were promptly sent to Albany by the friends of purity, and the disreputable scheme was defeated. It was understood to have originated with Rochester attorneys who sought thus to provide a way of escape for a client, a well-to-do debauchee guilty of despoiling a young girl under the legally protected age of sixteen." A similar attempt, in the house, in 1892, in the interest of the New York brothel-keepers, was barely defeated by calling for the yeas and nays. "In the Kansas senate, in 1889, a bill was introduced and passed to lower the age ... from eighteen to twelve years. The house was flooded with earnest protests, and its judiciary committee reported adversely the disgraceful senate bill."--POWELL, _loc. cit._, 194, 195.

[679] AARON M. POWELL, editor of the _Philanthropist_, in the _Arena_ (1895), XI, 192-94. The _Arena_ was the principal medium of publication for the reformers: see the symposium by POWELL, GARDENER, and others, "The Shame of America," _Arena_, XI, 192-215; the symposium by GARDENER, ROBINSON, and others, _ibid._, XIII, 209-25; the symposium by LEACH and CAMPBELL, _ibid._, XII, 282-88; SMITH, "Age of Consent in Canada," _ibid._, XIII, 81-91; and especially GARDENER, "A Battle for Sound Morality," _ibid._, XIII, 353-71; XIV, 1-32, 205-20, 401-19. _Cf._ FLOWER, "Wellsprings of Immorality," _ibid._, XII, 337-52.

[680] GARDENER, "A Battle for Sound Morality," _Arena_, XIII, 354, 355.

[681] POWELL, in _Arena_, XI, 195; _cf._ GARDENER, _ibid._, XIII, 358.

Encouraging progress has been made in New England, although, in comparison with some of the new commonwealths of the West, the facts are not very creditable. By the Rhode Island statute the age of consent is sixteen.[682] In New Hampshire it was raised from thirteen to sixteen in 1897;[683] in Vermont, from fourteen to sixteen in 1898;[684] and in Connecticut, from fourteen to sixteen in 1895, while in 1901 the maximum term of imprisonment for abusing a girl under sixteen was increased from three to thirty years.[685] The age limit was only ten in Maine until 1887. It was then raised to thirteen, and in 1889 to fourteen years.[686] In Massachusetts likewise the disgracefully low age of ten years for a girl was sanctioned by statute from 1852 until 1886, when thirteen was substituted. Two years later it was increased to fourteen; and by an act of 1893 an offense against a female under sixteen may be punished by imprisonment for life or for any shorter term of years.[687] The results are even less satisfactory in the southern and southwestern group of states. Florida now heads the list, but with a rather inadequate penalty, the age of consent being raised from sixteen to eighteen years in 1901.[688] Missouri in 1889 increased the age from twelve to fourteen, and in 1895 advanced it nominally to eighteen; but the provisions of the law are such as practically to leave the limit of protection at fourteen years.[689] Previous to 1895 in Arizona the age of consent was fourteen. In that year it was raised to eighteen; but unfortunately it was reduced to seventeen in 1899.[690] In Arkansas[691] it was raised from twelve to sixteen years in 1893; in Louisiana,[692] from twelve to sixteen in 1896; in the District of Columbia[693] and in Indian Territory[694] it has been sixteen since 1889; in Oklahoma[695] it was increased from fourteen to sixteen in 1895; in Maryland,[696] from ten to fourteen in 1890, and to sixteen in 1898; in Tennessee,[697] from ten to sixteen years and one day in 1893; but the statutes of the three states last named are so lax as really to leave the age of consent at twelve in Tennessee and at fourteen in Maryland and Oklahoma. Texas advanced the limit from ten to twelve in 1891, and to fifteen in 1895;[698] South Carolina,[699] from ten to fourteen, and Virginia,[700] from twelve to fourteen, in 1896; West Virginia,[701] from twelve to fourteen in 1901; North Carolina,[702] from ten to fourteen in 1895; Alabama,[703] from ten to fourteen in 1897; while fourteen is likewise the age in New Mexico[704] and possibly also in Georgia;[705] but because of vicious clauses in their statutes a girl is in fact only given effectual protection below the age of ten in Alabama and North Carolina, and by common law at the same age in Georgia. Twelve is the limit in Kentucky;[706] and Mississippi[707] still retains the shamefully low age of ten years.

[682] _Gen. Laws of R. I._ (1896), 999.

[683] _Laws of N. H._ (1897), 30, 31; _Pub. Stat._ (1900), 832.

[684] _Vermont Stat._ (1895), 877; _Acts and Resolves_ (1898), 90, 91.

[685] _Gen. Stat. of Conn._ (1887), 325; _Pub. Acts_ (1887), 669; _ibid._ (1895), 580; _ibid._ (1901), 1208; _Gen. Stat._ (1902), 350.

[686] _Rev. Stat. of Me._ (1884), 883; _Acts and Resolves_ (1887), 110; _ibid._ (1889), 170.

[687] _Mass. Acts and Resolves_ (1886), 270; _ibid._ (1888), 40; _ibid._ (1893), 1381; _Rev. Laws_ (1902), II, 1745.

[688] _Laws of Fla._ (1901), 111; penalty, not less than ten years' imprisonment, or a fine not exceeding $2,000, or both.

[689] Up to fourteen carnally knowing a girl is rape, punishable by death or imprisonment for not less than five years, at the discretion of the jury: _Rev. Stat._ (1899), I, 547. Between fourteen and eighteen, not only must the girl be "of previously chaste character"--which begs the whole question--but the penalty is ridiculously light: imprisonment in the penitentiary for two years; _or_ a fine of not less than $100 nor more than $500; _or_ confinement in the county jail not less than one month nor more than six months or both such fine and confinement: _Laws_ (1895), 149; also in _Rev. Stat._ (1899), I, 547. _Cf._ _Rev. Stat._ (1889), I, 850; GARDENER, in _Arena_, XIV, 31.

[690] _Laws of Arizona_ (1895), 48; _ibid._ (1899), 29; the same in _Rev. Stat._ (1901), 1226: penalty, imprisonment for life or for not less than five years.

[691] Act of April 1, 1893: _Digest_ (1894), 572: penalty, not less than five nor more than twenty-one years in prison. In Arkansas rape is punished by death, and, by exception, the execution is to be public; but this does not apply in case of conviction under the consent law.

[692] Act 115 (1896), 165; also in _Rev. Laws_ (1897), 196: "if any person over the age of 18 years shall have carnal knowledge of any unmarried female between the ages of 12 and 16 with her consent he shall be deemed guilty of felony," and be imprisoned with hard labor not exceeding five years.

[693] Act of Feb. 9, 1889: 1 _Supp. to U. S. Stat._, c. 120, p. 641; also _Code of D. C._ (1902), 170: penalty not less than five nor more than thirty years' imprisonment, or death when the jury so determines.

[694] Act of Feb. 9, 1889, applying to all territory in exclusive jurisdiction of the U. S.: 1 _Supp. to U. S. Stat._, c. 120, p. 641; _Ann. Stat. Ind. Ter._ (1899), 845: first offense, not more than fifteen years in prison; each later offense, not more than thirty years.

[695] When the girl is under fourteen the offense is rape punishable by not less than ten years in the territorial prison; between fourteen and sixteen the penalty is not less than five years' such imprisonment, if she be of "previous chaste and virtuous character": _cf._ _Stat. of Okla._ (1893), 467; and _Laws_ (1895), 104, 105.

[696] Up to fourteen for the girl the penalty is death or imprisonment for life or for any definite term from eighteen months to twenty-one years: _cf._ _Pub. Gen. Laws of Md._ (1888), I, 533, 534; with _Laws_ (1890), c. 410, p. 447. By the act of 1898, c. 218, abuse of a girl between fourteen and sixteen is only a misdemeanor punishable by not _more_ than two years in the house of correction _or_ by a fine not to _exceed_ $500: PRENTISS'S _Supp. to Code_ (1898), 195.

[697] In Tennessee the offense against a girl below twelve years of age is punishable, as in case of rape, by death or, if the jury please, by imprisonment for life or not less than ten years; from twelve to sixteen, it is a felony, with three to ten years in prison, if the child be of previous chaste character, and if she can bring witnesses to support her statements. The one day was added by way of a joke! See the interesting account of the passage of the act by DROMGOOLE, in _Arena_, XI, 209-12; and for the act consult _Laws_ (1893), c. 129, § 1, 273, 274; _Code_ (1896), 1593, 1594.

[698] _Laws of Tex._ (1891), 96; _ibid._ (1895), 79, 104: not less than two years in the penitentiary.

[699] _Acts of S. C._ (1896), 223: a felony; penalty, death or imprisonment for life, unless the jury recommends the offender to mercy, when the court shall reduce the punishment to imprisonment for a term not exceeding fourteen years.

[700] Act of March 3, 1896: _Acts_ (1895-96), 673: penalty, death or imprisonment from five to twenty-one years, as the jury may determine.

[701] _Acts of W. Va._ (1901), 218: penalty, death or imprisonment from seven to twenty years, as the jury may decide; but the penalty does not apply to a boy under fourteen ravishing a girl over twelve "with her free consent."

[702] By the _Code of N. C._ (1883), 444, the age is ten; raised to fourteen by _Pub. Laws_ (1895), 374; but the crime is only "punished by fine _or_ imprisonment at the discretion of the court, provided she has never previously had sexual intercourse with any male person."

[703] The _Code of Ala._ (1897), 460, punishes the abuse of a girl below fourteen, at the discretion of the jury, either by death or by not less than ten years in prison; but an act of 1897, also in the _Code_, punishes carnal knowledge of a female between ten and fourteen only by a fine of $50 to $500, and the offender "may be imprisoned in the county jail for six months." This provision appears to reduce the protection of a child above ten to little more than a pretense: _Acts_ (1897), 944.

[704] _Comp. Laws of N. M._ (1897), 344: penalty, five to ten years' imprisonment.

[705] For Georgia, in 1895, the age of consent was reported as fourteen, or any younger age if the jury finds that "by reason of her intelligence she knows good from evil": see GARDENER, in _Arena_, XIV, 415, 416; but I have not been able to find this provision in the present _Code_. The penalty for rape is death, unless the jury recommend to mercy, when it is one to twenty years' imprisonment at hard labor: _Code_ (1896), III, 36, 39. This penalty applies when the girl is under ten: 11 _Ga._, 227.

[706] _Ky. Stat._ (1899), 516: penalty, ten to twenty years in prison.

[707] _Ann. Code_ (1892), 372: penalty, death, unless the jury fix the punishment at life imprisonment. There is in Mississippi an abduction law to protect girls below sixteen: but the age-of-consent law stops at ten. _Cf._ GARDENER, _loc. cit._, 416.

The most enlightened legislation regarding the age of consent is found among the states of the middle and western group. Kansas[708] in 1887, and Wyoming[709] in 1890, set a good example by raising it to eighteen years. The same limit was adopted by Nebraska,[710] Colorado,[711] Idaho,[712] and New York[713] in 1895; by Utah[714] in 1896; by Washington[715] in 1897; and by North Dakota in 1903.[716] Until 1889 Delaware sanctioned the barbarous age of seven years. It was then advanced to fifteen, and in 1895 to eighteen, for both sexes; but the penalties prescribed by the statute are far too lenient to guarantee entire protection beyond the age of seven.[717] Next come ten states and districts in which the age is actually or nominally placed at sixteen years. Minnesota[718] in 1891, South Dakota[719] in 1893, Michigan,[720] Montana,[721] and Oregon[722] in 1895, Ohio[723] in 1896, and California[724] in 1897, each advanced to this limit from fourteen. Sixteen is also the age in Alaska.[725] But in 1902 Ohio took a backward step, so lowering the penalty for the offense as nearly to destroy the force of her law. Pennsylvania[726] and New Jersey[727] each raised the age from ten to sixteen in 1887; but in Pennsylvania the girl must prove previous good character, and in both states the penalties are too lax to secure adequate protection beyond the age of ten. Since 1896 the age of consent has been fifteen in Iowa.[728] In Illinois[729] since 1887, Nevada[730] since 1889, Indiana[731] since 1893, Wisconsin[732] since 1895, and in Porto Rico by the code of 1902,[733] it is fourteen; while in Hawaii it is but ten years.[734]

[708] _Laws of Kan._ (1887), c. 150, § 1: _Gen. Stat._ (1901), 437: penalty, five to twenty years in prison.

[709] Act of Dec. 18, 1890, amending an act of March 14, 1890, which fixed the age at fourteen: _Laws of Wyo._ (1890), 130: _ibid._ (1890-91), 85, 86; _Rev. Stat._ (1899), 1236; penalty, rape, with imprisonment "not less than one year or during life."

[710] Raised from fourteen: _Laws of Neb._ (1895), 314, 315; _Comp. Stat._ (1901), 1409: penalty three to twenty years in prison. But the value of the law is lessened by the provision that it shall not apply in case of a girl over fifteen if "previously unchaste."

[711] _Laws of Col._ (1895), 155: penalty, one to twenty years in prison; raised from sixteen to eighteen.

[712] Raised from ten to fourteen in 1893, and advanced to eighteen in 1895: penalty, imprisonment for life or not less than five years. Compare _Rev. Stat. of Idaho_ (1887), 733; _Laws_ (1893), 10, 11; _Laws_ (1895), 19; and _Penal Code_ (1901), 134, 139.

[713] Raised from sixteen: _Laws of N. Y._ (1895), c. 460; BIRDSEYE'S _Rev. Stat._ (1901), III, 3012: rape in second degree; penalty, not more than ten years in prison; rape in first degree, with not less than twenty years in prison, when an imbecile, etc.

[714] _Laws of Utah_ (1896), 87; _Rev. Stat._ (1898), 902, 877: felony, penalty, not more than five years in prison.

[715] From 1881 to 1897 the age in Washington was twelve: _cf._ _Laws_ (1897), 19; BALLINGER'S _Codes and Stat._ (1897), II, 1951, note. Present penalty, imprisonment for life or any term of years.

[716] Abuse of a female below eighteen is now made rape in the first degree: _Laws of N. D._ (1903), 200.

[717] _Laws of Del._ (1889), 951; _ibid._ (1895), 192; _Rev. Stat._ (1893), 924: when below seven, rape, with death penalty: when between seven and eighteen, misdemeanor, punished by not more than seven years in prison or a fine of not exceeding $1,000 or both, at the discretion of the court. _Cf._ GARDENER, in _Arena_, XIV, 411, 412.

[718] _Gen. Laws of Minn._ (1891), c. 90, § 1, p. 162; _Stat._ (1894), II, 1747: penalty, confinement in the state prison for life, when the girl is under ten; when between ten and fourteen, seven to thirty years; between fourteen and sixteen, one to seven years in state prison, or in county jail three months to one year.

[719] _Laws of S. D._ (1893), c. 138; _Ann. Stat._ (1901), II, 1916, 1917: rape in second degree; penalty, not less than five years in the state prison.

[720] _Pub. Acts of Mich._ (1895), 170: penalty, imprisonment for life or any term of years.

[721] _Codes and Stat. of Mont._ (1895), 1062, 1063: penalty, imprisonment for life or not less than five years.

[722] From 1864 to 1895 the age was fourteen: HILL'S _Codes_ (1892), I, 897; _Laws of Ore._ (1895), 67: penalty, three to twenty years in prison.

[723] Ohio raised the age from ten to fourteen in 1887, and advanced it to sixteen by the act of March 3, 1896: _Acts_ (1875), 93 (age made ten years); _ibid._ (1887), 65; _ibid._ (1896), 54: BATES'S _Ann. Stat._ (1897), II, 3144, 3145: rape if the boy is over eighteen; penalty, three to twenty years in prison; lowered by _Acts_ (1902), 344, to one to twenty years, "or 6 months in the county jail or workhouse at the discretion of the court, which is hereby authorized to hear testimony in mitigation or aggravation of sentence." _Cf._ BATES, _Ann. Rev. Stat._ (1903), III, 3307-8.

[724] Compare _Stat. and Amend. to Codes_ (1889), 223, and _ibid._ (1897), 201: penalty, not less than five years in prison.

[725] _Laws of Alaska_ (1900), 4.

[726] _Pub. Laws of Pa._ (1887), 128; PEPPER AND LEWIS, _Digest_ (1896), I, 1318, 1319: penalty, when the woman child is between ten and sixteen, fine not exceeding $1,000 and imprisonment not exceeding fifteen years, if she "was of good repute;" below ten, without this condition. Thus there is no sure protection beyond ten. No conviction when boy is under sixteen.

[727] _Laws of N. J._ (1887), 230; _Gen. Stat._ (1896), I, 1096: penalty, not exceeding $1,000, or imprisonment at hard labor not more than fifteen years, or both. There is also an abduction law to protect a female under fifteen: _Gen. Stat._ (1896), I, 1064. The age is ten in _Rev. Stat._ (1874), 148.

[728] Raised from thirteen; _Acts of Ia._ (1896), 71; _Ann. Code_ (1897), 1888: penalty, imprisonment for life or any term of years.

[729] _Laws of Ill._ (1887), 171; HURD'S _Rev. Stat._ (1901), 634: penalty, when male is above sixteen, imprisonment for life or not less than one year.

[730] Raised from twelve: _Stat. of Nev._ (1889), 74; _Comp. Laws_ (1900), 914, 915: rape when the boy is fifteen or more; penalty, imprisonment for life or not less than five years.

[731] Raised from twelve: _Acts of Ind._ (1893), 22; BURNS'S _Ann. Stat._ (1901), I, 790: penalty, one to twenty-one years in prison.

[732] Raised from twelve: _Laws of Wis._ (1895), c. 370, sec. 1; _Wis. Stat._ (1898), 2668: penalty, five to thirty-five years in prison.

[733] _Rev. Stat. and Codes of Porto Rico_ (1902), 532, 533: penalty, not less than five years in the penitentiary.

[734] _Penal Laws of Hawaiian Islands_ (1897), 73.

It appears, then, although in many cases the statutes are very imperfect, that of the fifty-three states and territories twelve have actually or nominally advanced the age of consent to eighteen; one to seventeen; twenty-two to sixteen; two to fifteen; thirteen to fourteen; while two still retain the low age of twelve and one that of ten years. It should everywhere be raised to eighteen or twenty-one--the age of legal majority for a woman in her business or political relations--by a statute as rigorous as that of Idaho or Kansas. A wide field for beneficent legislation therefore remains; and, although morality "can not be legislated into a people," it is precisely by wise measures of this character that the lawmaker can render powerful aid in the creation of an environment favorable to moral and social progress.

_c_) _Resulting character of divorce legislation._--What has just been said regarding the function of social legislation applies with special force to the laws relating to divorce. Here, as in the case of marriage, there is a wide sphere of useful activity for the lawmaker. He cannot, it is true, reach the root of the matter: the fundamental causes of divorce which are planted deeply in the imperfections of the social system--particularly in false sentiments regarding marriage and the family--and which, as will presently appear, can only be removed through more rational principles and methods of education. He can, however, by carefully drawn and uniform statutes render the external conditions--the legal environment--favorable for the operation of the proper remedy. In this sense it is possible to have "good divorce laws," just as we may have good charity laws, good laws for the check of contagious diseases, or good laws in any department of remedial social legislation.[735] So far as their ethical content is concerned, good divorce laws, like any other, will not lead, but must follow at some distance, the highest moral sentiment of the community. They should, however, follow as closely as practicable in order to secure the obedience of all. In this field it is highly essential that the laws should be simple, certain, and uniform. They should not from their very nature become a dead letter, or even an encouragement to domestic discord, by offering opportunity for evasion, collusion, or lax interpretation. Statutes which are not in good faith executed, like those of France under the old _régime_, are always a fruitful source of social disorder. They tend to destroy the reverence for law itself. In this respect the divorce laws of many of the states are still defective, although decided progress has been made during the last twenty years. Within this period the foundation of what may some time become a common and effective divorce code for the whole Union has slowly been laid. Little by little, as the detailed discussion already presented in the seventeenth chapter reveals, more stringent provisions for notice have been made, longer terms of previous residence for the plaintiff required, and more satisfactory conditions of remarriage after the decree prescribed; while some of the "omnibus" clauses in the list of statutory causes have been repealed. Much of the best of this work has been accomplished, it is but just to record, through the activity of the National Divorce Reform League and its successor, the National League for the Protection of the Family, under the able guidance of its alert and zealous corresponding secretary, Rev. Samuel Dike, of Auburndale.[736] By this league was suggested the compilation of the elaborate report of Hon. Carroll D. Wright, commissioner of labor, published in 1889; and this has had a powerful influence for good, providing the body of facts needful for the wise direction of legal reform. But in many ways in various states lax legislation is still a demoralizing social factor. Thus, until the statute of 1902 has perhaps put a stop to the traffic, Rhode Island was a favorite resort of persons from New York who were able to escape the marital bond through the institution of "fake suits" for nonsupport. Reno, Nev., has continued to be the Mecca of newly divorced people from California and elsewhere, seeking to evade their own laws by flight to a place where there are no legal obstacles to immediate remarriage.[737] Greenwich, Conn., sustains a similar relation to New York. Sioux Falls, S. D.--to produce one more from the many examples which might be mentioned--appears still to have a flourishing "divorce colony;" yet it may be true, as strongly urged, that the laws of this state, though liberal, are honestly and strictly interpreted.[738] Nor must it be inferred in such cases that those who seek relief in a foreign jurisdiction are for that reason unworthy people. There are sometimes wrongs committed under shelter of the marriage bond so monstrous as to warrant any legal means of gaining relief. Indeed, the evil of clandestine divorce in the United States has been much exaggerated. "A vital question connected with divorce," declares Commissioner Wright in 1891, "relates to the real or supposed migration of parties from one state to another for the purpose of seeking divorce. The popular idea is that a great deal of migration takes place for the purpose named. This idea is dispelled in some degree by the statistics that are available upon this point, and getting at the truth as nearly as possible, it is found that but little less than 20 per cent, of all the couples in the country were divorced in other states than those in which they were married. But the ordinary migration of parties for legitimate purposes, especially from the older to the newer states, which in 1870 showed that 23+ per cent. of the native born population, and for 1880 22+ per cent. of such population were living in states other than the ones in which they were born, would apparently reduce the percentage of persons migrating for the purpose of divorce to a point even less than that stated."[739] In fact, for the reason assigned by Mr. Wright, it seems highly probable that the number of such persons must be placed at considerably less than 10 per cent. of the whole number of persons divorced in the United States.[740] Accordingly, it has been inferred that uniformity of law throughout the country would do little to lower the divorce rate. "The establishment of uniform laws," concludes Mr. Dike, "is not the central point of the problem."[741] Furthermore, there is another important fact bearing on the evil of clandestine divorce. In a number of cases arising in various states the courts have declared null and void decrees secured in jurisdictions where the plaintiffs were not _bona fide_ residents, even when they had dwelt in such jurisdictions for the statutory term prescribed as a condition for obtaining a divorce.[742]

[735] "When the question is asked, 'What is the best divorce law?' the only answer can be, 'There is no good divorce law.' There are some faults in human nature which always have existed and apparently always will exist; and there is no satisfactory method of dealing with them."--BRYCE, _Studies in Hist. and Jurisprudence_, 853. This assertion would apply equally well to the whole body of laws dealing with questions arising in human conduct or social relations. It is misleading, and instead of helping to a solution tends to befog the issue.

[736] See the _Reports_ of the league and the numerous papers of MR. DIKE mentioned in the fourth division of the "Bibliographical Index."

[737] The evils which may result from conflicts of this kind in the divorce laws are discussed in a lively way by RICHBERG, _Incongruity of the Divorce Laws_, 69, 70. But the California act of 1903, if constitutional, may check the abuse: see pp. 150, 151, above.

[738] See REALF, "The Sioux Falls Divorce Colony and Some Noted Colonists," _Arena_, IV, Nov., 1891, 696-703, and compare the remarks of DIKE, in _Rep. of Nat. Div. Ref. League_ (1891), 12, who has taken pains to correct the exaggerated accounts of the newspapers; those of HARE, _Marriage and Divorce_, 16 ff.; and see the articles of A. R. KIMBALL and R. OGDEN mentioned in Part IV of the Bibliographical Index.

[739] Extract from an address delivered by HON. CARROLL D. WRIGHT before the fourteenth National Conference of the Unitarian Society, Saratoga, N. Y., 1891: in _Arena_, V, 143; printed entire in the _Christian Register_, Oct. 8, 1891; based on the statistics collected in his _Report_, 193-206. Commenting on the passage quoted the editor of the _Arena_ says (142):

"Another charge made against our divorce laws is that, not being uniform, certain states are being overrun with persons of loose moral character, who seek release from marriage ties. Those who make this charge seem to overlook the fact that persons of loose moral character would not be liable to go to the trouble of leaving their home and state in order to gratify guilty passions. But those who find the marriage tie too galling for endurance and yet who wish to be law-abiding citizens presumably, will take advantage of liberal, enlightened, and humane laws, framed with a view to increase the happiness of the people rather than made in such a way as to foster immorality and enforced prostitution."

[740] According to the method of determining the amount of interstate migration for the purpose of securing divorce suggested by WILLCOX, "A Study in Vital Statistics," _Pol. Sci. Quart._, VIII, 90-92.

[741] DIKE, "Statistics of Marriage and Divorce," _Pol. Sci. Quart._, IV, 608-12.

[742] See Streitwolf _v._ Streitwolf (1900), _Opinions of U. S. Supreme Court_, No. 13, p. 553, involving a decree of divorce granted in North Dakota to a resident of New Jersey; Bell _v._ Bell (1900), _ibid._, 551, voiding a similar judgment secured in Pennsylvania by a resident of New York; and S. _v._ Armington (1878), 25 _Minn._, 29-39, in which a divorce granted in Utah to a resident of Minnesota in 1876 was declared void for want of jurisdiction. Similar decisions, involving the notorious fraudulent divorces obtained in Utah before the change of the law in 1878, "have been reached in criminal trials in New York, Indiana, and Iowa, and in civil suits in Massachusetts, Kansas, and Tennessee"--the earliest in 1877: WILLCOX, "A Study in Vital Statistics," _Pol. Sci. Quart._, VIII, 86 n. 1.

To some extent the evil of lax administration of the divorce laws is exaggerated by popular opinion. In the main the courts are careful and conscientious in the trial of suits. According to the report of Commissioner Wright, in seventy counties scattered over twelve states but 67.8 per cent. of the petitions for divorce were granted. From this fact it is inferred that "judges exercise a reasonable care before issuing a decree." For the counties investigated "it is certain that in about 30 per cent. of the cases of petition a decree has been denied. The number of cases involved is sufficiently large and the localities sufficiently different to lead one to the conclusion that the same state of affairs exists throughout the country, and that our courts, instead of being careless in the matter of granting decrees, weigh well the causes alleged, and do not grant decrees unless the allegations of the libellants are fairly sustained."[743] Still, under the laws as they exist there is plenty of opportunity for abuse, even when the court is cautious. The service of notice on the absent defendant through the mails or through publication in the newspapers, allowed in many states, and the fact that only in a few instances is there any provision requiring the prosecuting attorney to resist an undefended libel, afford occasions for fraud.[744] Some of the usual statutory causes of divorce, under the refinement of judicial interpretation, seem virtually to invite divorce.[745] This is to some extent true of "nonsupport," "wilful absence," "desertion," and "gross neglect of duty;" while "cruelty" has become almost an "omnibus clause." Under plea of "constructive cruelty" or "mental anguish" the grievances admitted as valid grounds for dissolution of wedlock are often trivial or even absurd, although it is likely that they are sometimes put forward as a shield or substitute for graver wrongs which the plaintiff is reluctant to disclose.[746] The general introduction of the decree _nisi_, giving opportunity for reflection, might prove a wholesome correction of the almost necessarily liberal policy of the courts in such cases. Divorce suits are sometimes too hastily disposed of by the judges because of the pressure of other litigation. The creation of a limited number of special divorce courts in each of the states might prove a remedy, if care were taken not to so increase the cost of actions as virtually to discriminate against the poor.

[743] WRIGHT, _Report_, 162-64. In the whole country, during the years 1867-86, 328,716 decrees were granted, representing probably 484,683 petitions.

[744] In forty-five counties in twelve states, for the period 1867-86, notice was served by publication in 9,944 cases; in 17,040 cases personal service was made; and in 2,681 cases no evidence on the point was obtainable: WRIGHT, _Report_, 201, 202.

[745] For a good discussion of the scope of various statutory grounds of divorce, with the defenses, as actually interpreted by the courts, see WHITNEY, _Marriage and Divorce_, 108-56; and compare BISHOP, _Mar., Div., and Sep._, I, 610 ff., II, 1 ff.; STEWART, _Law of Mar. and Div._, 203 ff.; LLOYD, _Law of Div._, 147 ff., 180 ff.; CONVERS, _Mar. and Divorce_, 180 ff.

[746] The ninety-nine illustrations of the allegations of the plaintiff presented in WRIGHT'S _Report_, 172-78, constitute very interesting reading. Some of them are quoted by BRYCE, _Studies in Hist. and Jurisp._, 835, 836. The frauds arising in the procedure are forcibly described by JUDGE JAMESON, "Divorce," _North Am. Rev._, CXXXVI, 323, 324; and the conflicts in laws by PHILLIPS, "Divorce Question," _Internat. Rev._, XI, 139-52.

The appearance of the government report in 1889 revealed for the first time something like the real facts regarding divorce in the United States. In the entire country during the period of twenty years (1867-86) covered by the report, 328,716 petitions for full or partial divorce were granted. From 9,937 decrees in 1867, the number rose to 11,586 in 1871, 14,800 in 1876, 20,762 in 1881, and to 25,535 in 1886, showing an increase in twenty years of 157 per cent., while there was a gain in population of but 60 per cent. during the same period. Comparing the last year with the first, only four states in the Union--Delaware, Connecticut, Maine, and Vermont--show a decrease in the divorce rate; while, more fairly, comparing the fourth quinquennium with the first, only the three states last named show such a "decrease in their divorce movement."[747] Of the whole number of divorces during the twenty years, 112,540 were granted to the husband and 216,176 to the wife. Among the principal causes, at each stage of the wedded life, only for adultery were more decrees granted on the husband's petition than on the wife's.[748] "As regards the ratio of divorces to marriages, six states report marriages fully enough for a trustworthy comparison. Of these, Connecticut has for the entire period a divorce to 11.32 marriages and for the worst year, 1875, one to 8.81; Rhode Island gives one to 11.11 for the period and one to 9.36 in 1884, closely approaching that for the preceding years; Vermont one to 16.96 for the period and at its worst, in 1871, one to 13; Massachusetts gives one to 31.28 for the period, its worst being one to 22.54 in 1878; Ohio averages one to 20.65, with an almost unvarying progress downward to one to 15.16 in 1886;" and in the District of Columbia the rate for the period is 31.28, while at the best it is 74.65 in 1868 and at the worst 20.82 in 1877. "In some other states where marriages are less fully reported, the ratios are as follows: Illinois one to 14.76 for the period, while Cook county gives one to 13.6; Michigan one to 12.92; Minnesota one to 30.05; New Hampshire one to 9.74 (its lowest, one to 7.6 in 1880, being evidently due to very imperfect returns of marriages); New Jersey shows one to 49.39; Kansas one to 17.42; Wisconsin one to 21.07; and Delaware one to 36.99. These last, it should be noted, are some of them for shorter periods than twenty years."[749] This method of comparing the number of divorces granted with the number of marriages celebrated is not very satisfactory. "It is vicious in this, that the marriages celebrated each year cannot be compared scientifically with the divorces drawn from the whole volume of marriages celebrated in the past thirty or forty years, many of which even took place in foreign countries."[750] The commissioner has therefore adopted another method of comparison, not entirely free from error, based on the estimated number of existing married couples. From this it appears that in 1870, for the entire country, there were 664 married couples to one divorce granted, while in 1880 the number of such couples to one decree had fallen to 481.[751] Estimated another way, on the basis of the eleventh census, in 1867 there were 173 divorces to 100,000 couples and 250 in 1886.[752]

[747] WRIGHT, _Report_, 139-42.

[748] According to the table by classified causes: WRIGHT, _Report_, 181-83. However, the relative number of divorces granted on the wife's petition varies greatly among the states: from 39.3 per cent. in North Carolina to 77.9 in Nevada: compare the table in WILLCOX, _The Divorce Problem_, 34-37.

[749] DIKE, "Statistics of Marriage and Divorce," _Pol. Sci. Quart._, IV, 607, summarizing the tables and figures in WRIGHT, _Report_, 135-39.

[750] WRIGHT, _Report_, 137.

[751] _Ibid._, 147-49.

[752] WILLCOX, _The Divorce Problem_ (2d ed.), 16-19, and Appendix.

The divorce rate in the United States is higher than in any other country for which statistics are collected and published, with the single exception of Japan,[753] being lowest in the southeastern and highest in the western and southwestern states.[754] As in Europe the divorce rate is higher and the marriage rate lower in the cities than in the country.[755] Again, while the marriage rate per capita of population is steadily descending, the divorce rate is on the average rising, although the "North Atlantic group of states, from Maine to Pennsylvania inclusive, shows no increase" in the twenty years, the growth of divorce just keeping pace "with the population."[756] For some of the western states the more recent statistics are sufficiently startling. "Divorces in Ohio increased from 2,270 in 1889 to 3,217 in 1899, and the ratio to marriages has become 1 to 10.9. There were 2,418 divorces in Michigan in the year 1900, or 1 to 9.6 marriages. Here about two-thirds of the applications are granted. In some states three-fourths of the suits are successful. In Michigan the statistics show that nearly all the divorces are granted to residents of the state. Indiana shows a remarkable change for the worse. Almost a generation ago Indiana was notoriously bad. Then the laws were improved and her divorce rate was no worse than that of some states in the east; but for some unexplained reason divorces of late have increased rapidly. In 1899 there were granted no less than 4,031 divorces, and 4,699 in the year 1900. In the last year the ratio of divorces to marriages of the same year became 1 to 5.7 for the entire state," and 1 to 3.8 in the county of Marion containing Indianapolis.[757] In Europe likewise the marriage rate is decreasing and the divorce rate increasing, each in some countries with even greater rapidity than on the average in the United States. Moreover, the growth of divorce in recent years is a remarkable phenomenon in Catholic as well as Protestant lands. Thus in the entire German Empire divorces rose from 5,342 in 1882 to 6,677 in 1891, the population during the same decade rising from 45,719,000 to 49,767,000. In Holland there were together 271 divorces and separations in 1883 and 474 in 1892, the population at the same time advancing from 4,225,065 to 4,669,576. During the same ten years divorces in Sweden rose from 218 to 316, the population being 4,603,595 at the beginning and 4,806,865 at the end of the period. In this decade, the population making but slight advance, the aggregate number of divorces and separations in Switzerland decreased from 1,013 to 953. In France for each 1,000 marriages celebrated 14 divorces were decreed in 1885 and 24 in 1891, the population showing a very small increase. For the decennium beginning in 1884 and closing in 1893 the number of divorces decreed in Belgium mounted from 221 to 497, while the population grew from 5,784,958 to 6,262,272. During the same period in Greece the number rose from 88 to 103. In Bavaria--like Greece or Belgium a Catholic state--there is also a rapid growth of divorce, the number of decrees advancing from 218 in 1882 to 308 in 1891, thus giving a rate of one divorce for 24,490 of the population at the commencement as compared with 18,279 at the close of the decade.[758] "In England divorces rose from 127 in 1860 to 390 in 1887, an increase much more rapid than that of population or of marriages. Judicial separations rose between the same years from 11 to 50. In Scotland divorces which in 1867 numbered 32 had, in 1886, grown to 96, a still more rapid rise, as it covers only twenty instead of twenty-seven years. It is worth noting that in England it is usually the husband who petitions for a divorce, and almost always the wife who seeks a judicial separation."[759]

[753] According to WILLCOX, "A Study in Vital Statistics," _Pol. Sci. Quart._, VIII, 78, the "number of persons divorced (not the number of divorces) to every 100,000 of the population" is as follows for various countries, the date being 1886 unless otherwise stated: Ireland, 0.28; Italy (1885), 3.75; England and Wales, 3.79; Canada, 4.81; Australia (including New Zealand and Tasmania), 11.14; German Empire, 25.97; France, 32.51; Switzerland, 64.49; United States, 88.71; Japan, 608.45. "In the year 1886," he adds, "there were in Japan 315,311 marriages and 117,964 divorces, more than one divorce to every three marriages and more than four and a half times as many divorces as there were in the United States, although the population of Japan was only about two-thirds as great."

[754] WILLCOX, _op. cit._, 92-96.

[755] WRIGHT, _Report_, 158-63: WILLCOX, _op. cit._, 74, 75; BERTILLON, _Étude démographique du divorce_, 54-57; and _Statistik der Ehescheidungen der Stadt Berlin_, vi, vii, showing that for each 10,000 married persons living in Berlin in 1867 29.85 divorces were granted, while in 1894 the rate had risen to 37.93.

[756] WILLCOX, _op. cit._, 73 ff., 93 ff. _Cf._ WRIGHT, _Report_, 145, 146. Within this group the New England states show a small decrease in the divorce rate; "while in New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania as a whole it has slightly increased, the two offsetting each other."

[757] DIKE, in _Rep. of Nat. League for Protection of the Family_ (1901), 6, 11. But in 1902, for the state, the ratio was 1 divorce to 7.6 marriages; _ibid._ (1903), 10.

In 1896 the number of marriages celebrated to one divorce granted was 19.2 in Massachusetts, 15.7 in Vermont, 14.9 in Connecticut, 9.2 in Rhode Island, and only 8.3 in Maine. In 1901 the ratio in Rhode Island had fallen to 8.2; while it had risen in Connecticut to 15.8 and in Massachusetts to 20.2: _Registration Report_ (Me., 1896), 91; _ibid._ (Vt., 1896), 96; DIKE in _Report_ (1901), 11. In 1902 the number of marriages to one divorce was sixteen in Massachusetts; 8.4 in Rhode Island; 10 in Vermont; and only about six in Maine; while in 1901 it was 8.3 in New Hampshire: DIKE, _op. cit._ (1903), 9, 10.

[758] For these facts see the parliamentary _Return of the Number of Divorces in Foreign Countries_ (Part I, being Misc. No. 4, 1895), 3-5, 8, 9, 10, 12, 15, 16. See also BERTILLON, _Étude démographique du divorce_, 58 ff., 74 ff.; the table in _Statistik der Ehescheidungen der Stadt Berlin_, vi, vii, giving figures (1867-94) for German and other lands as well as for the city; OETTINGEN, _Die Moralstatistik_, 134-62, _passim_; RUBIN AND WESTERGAARD, _Statistik der Ehen_ (relating chiefly to Denmark and particularly to Copenhagen); CADET, _Le mariage en France_ (containing many statistical tables for marriage and divorce); NAQUET, _Le divorce_ (giving two tables for marriage and divorce, 1840-74); WOOLSEY, _Divorce and Divorce Legislation_, 181-93; MUIRHEAD, "Is the Family Declining?" _Internat. Jour. of Eth._, Oct., 1896, 33 ff.; MAYO-SMITH, _Statistics and Sociology_, 101 ff., 124; WRIGHT, _Report_, 981 ff.; and the mass of marriage statistics in CAUDERLIER, _Les lois de la population et leur application à la Belgique_.

[759] BRYCE, _Studies in Hist. and Jurisp._, 841.

It has long been observed that in Europe the marriage rate falls in hard times and rises again on the return of prosperity. "According to all experience," declares Mill, "a great increase invariably takes place in the number of marriages in seasons of cheap food and full employment."[760] The middle and upper classes, says Fawcett, "do not often marry unless they have reasonable prospect of being able to bring up a family in a state of social comfort.... But the laborers, who form the majority of the population, are but slightly influenced by such cautious foresight. Even a trifling temporary improvement in their material prosperity acts as a powerful impulse to induce them to marry; for it is a demonstrated statistical fact that the number of marriages invariably increases with the decline in the price of bread."[761] Farr and Bodio reach the same conclusion.[762] Ogle on the other hand, while agreeing entirely with these writers as to the favoring influence of prosperity and the depressing effect of hard times on the number of marriages, finds in England, so far as the price of bread alone is concerned, that the reverse is true, more marriages there taking place among the laboring class when bread is dear. In this case, he urges, the higher cost of bread may itself be an incident of increased industrial activity, depending in part on the rise of freight charges on imported wheat. So he concludes that "the marriage rate rises and falls with the amount of industrial employment, which in its turn is determined by the briskness of trade, as measured by the values of exports, which also rise and fall concomitantly, and produce by their effect upon freights a simultaneous rise or fall in the price of wheat."[763] The researches of Oettingen, Bertillon, and especially those of Cauderlier, have also disclosed a general variation in the marriage rate corresponding with the rise or fall in the price of the necessaries of life.[764] War in particular has a powerful influence in lowering the marriage rate, while on the restoration of peace the loss may be largely or entirely recovered. "In 1864 Denmark was at war with Prussia, and its marriage rate fell from 15.0 to 11.13" for each 1,000 inhabitants, "the lowest point it has ever yet reached, but in the next year, the war being over, rose to 17.8, and was higher than it has ever been again. In 1866 Austria was at war with Prussia, and, while the Prussian rate fell from 18.2 to 15.6, the Austrian rate fell from 15.5 to 13.0, but on the cessation of hostilities rose in 1867 to 19.3, a higher level than in any earlier year."[765] According to Willcox,[766] the same rule appears to hold good in the United States. In Massachusetts for the period 1850-90 the marriage rate was low in the years of industrial depression and during the Civil War. Furthermore, the same writer has for the first time demonstrated that the average divorce rate for the whole country is affected in the same way, sinking in hard times and rising again on the restoration of business. Represented graphically, the curve for the Massachusetts marriages and the curve for United States divorces (1867-86), with slight exceptions, "uniformly ascend and descend together and reach their maxima and minima in the same years. Depressions in trade have had a tendency to decrease divorces as well as marriages;" whereas in England, while the marriage rate falls the divorce rate rises in hard times. But in that country divorce is notoriously very expensive and hence mainly a luxury for the rich. So it is concluded that "this difference between the effect of hard times in England and in the United States, together with the very rapid increase of divorce among the southern negroes, and the fact that only about one wife in six of those obtaining divorces receives any alimony, are among the indications that divorce has become very frequent and perhaps most frequent among our lower middle classes, and has reached for weal or woe a lower stratum than perhaps anywhere in Europe."[767]

[760] MILL, _Prin. of Pol. Econ._ (Boston, 1848), I, 413.

[761] FAWCETT, _Manual of Pol. Econ._ (4th ed., London, 1874), 143.

[762] BODIO, _Del Movimento della populazione in Italia e in altri stati d'Europa_ (1876), 136, 137; FARR, _Vital Statistics_, 68-75; and _idem_, in _Report of the Registrar General_: quoted by OGLE, "On Marriage Rates," etc., _Jour. of the Royal Statistical Society_, LIII, 254 ff. _Cf._ NEWSHOLME, _Vital Statistics_, 45, 46.

[763] OGLE, _op. cit._, 256-63. CAUDERLIER, _Les lois de la population_, 71-74, 113, 114, has also shown in the case of England that foreign commercial relations must be considered in determining the condition of material well-being.

[764] OETTINGEN, _Die Moralstatistik_, 89-94, and authorities there cited; BERTILLON, _Annales de démographie internationale_, I, 24; CAUDERLIER, _op. cit._, 61-78, 102 ff., giving statistics for Germany, Belgium, England, and France. _Cf._ MAYO-SMITH, _Statistics and Sociology_, 100, 101.

[765] OGLE, _op. cit._, 255; _cf._ OETTINGEN, _op. cit._, 93, 94.

[766] WILLCOX, "A Study in Vital Statistics," _Pol. Sci. Quart._, VIII, 76, 77. _Cf._ _idem_, "The Marriage Rate in Michigan," _Pub. Am. Stat. Assoc._, IV, 7; and CRUM, "The Marriage Rate in Massachusetts," _ibid._, 328, 329.

[767] WILLCOX, _loc. cit._, 76, 77, 79-82. On the increase of divorce among the southern negroes see _idem_, _The Divorce Problem_, 21-23, 29-32.

Whether the number of divorces is directly influenced by legislation is a question which has given rise to decided difference of opinion. Bertillon, writing in 1883 in favor of the new divorce law of France then under consideration, took the position that statutes extending the number of causes of divorce or relaxing the procedure in divorce suits have little influence "upon the increase in the number of decrees."[768] Yet, for obvious reasons, he predicted that the first, though not the lasting, result of a change in the law allowing absolute divorce instead of mere separation would be the opposite of this conclusion. Such, in fact, was the case. In 1883 there were 3,010 separations; while, after the new code took effect, 4,478 divorces and separations were granted in 1884, 6,245 in 1885, and 6,211 in the following year.[769] Only a part of this can be accounted for by the change in law, for there had been a rapid increase during the preceding fifty years.[770] For the United States this point has been examined by Professor Willcox, and his results go to show that the difference in the divorce rate existing among the states cannot very largely be accounted for by the difference in the number of grounds of petition sanctioned by the respective statutes. Thus in 1880 New York admitted one cause, New Jersey two causes, and Pennsylvania four; yet on the average in that year for each 100,000 married couples New York was granting 81 divorces, New Jersey 68, and Pennsylvania 111.[771] "This means that more divorces for adultery are granted in New York, relatively to population, than for adultery and desertion in New Jersey, and almost as many as for adultery, desertion, cruelty, and imprisonment in Pennsylvania. Assume the number of married couples in the three states in 1875 to be a mean between the estimates for 1870 and 1880, and compare with this mean the total number of divorces for adultery in the three states for the twenty years. Pennsylvania had annually 16 such divorces to 100,000 couples, New Jersey had 26, and New York 78. Judging from the court records, one would say that adultery was about three times as frequent in New York as in New Jersey, and about five times as frequent as in Pennsylvania. No such inference is warranted. The true conclusion is that limiting the causes increases the number of divorces in those which remain, but without materially affecting the total number. A certain proportion of the married couples in the three states desired divorce, and was willing to offer the evidence required in order to obtain the decree. The number of causes, then, seems to have affected the grounds urged for divorce, but in no large degree the total number."[772] It is possible that this conclusion is somewhat too emphatic. The problem is very complex, and it is hard to make allowance for all its conditions. For example, it should not be forgotten that New Jersey has but one tribunal, the court of chancery, authorized to grant divorce, whereas New York has many; and if states sanctioning a wider range of causes were selected for comparison, the result might be changed, though scarcely to any wide extent.

[768] BERTILLON, _op. cit._, 20-28, 88-102; WRIGHT, _Report_, 150.

[769] See table in WRIGHT, _Report_, 145.

[770] See the table in BOTTET, _La famille_, 47 ff. His figures do not agree with those quoted from WRIGHT'S _Report_: According to his table, 3,010 separations were granted in 1883; 3,790 separations and divorces in 1884; 4,640 in 1885; 6,270 in 1886; 7,983 in 1887; and 7,430 in 1888. Compare KELLER, "Divorces in France," _Procds. of the Am. Stat. Assoc._, I, 469 ff., who summarizes TURQUAN, _Résultats statistiques de cinq années de divorce_. See also "Divorce: from a French Point of View," _North Am. Rev._, CLV, 721-30, by NAQUET, author of the law of 1884; and the vigorous criticism of BRUN, "Divorce Made Easy," _ibid._, CLVII, 11-17. In 1897, 7,460 divorces were decreed; while in 1900 there were only 7,157; DIKE, _Rep. of the Nat. League for Protection of the Family_ (1903), 11.

[771] WILLCOX, _The Divorce Problem_, 37, 38.

[772] _Ibid._ (2d ed.), 45, 46; WRIGHT, _Report_, 148, 169.

Commissioner Wright has attempted to discover the general influence of legislation by examining every change in the laws during twenty years in connection with the divorce statistics. Often a sudden increase, and occasionally a slight decrease, in the rate is observed without any alteration in the statutes. In fourteen instances, however, he believes it "quite apparent that the lines of statistics are curved in accordance with laws enacted just previous to the curves."[773] The changes effected by these laws are of many kinds, including the addition and repeal of causes and various alterations in the procedure, some of them complex. But under careful scrutiny in some instances the statistics reveal no certain causal relation between the change in the divorce rate and the antecedent change in the statute. Indeed, in the light of Professor Willcox's detailed criticism of the figures, four of Mr. Wright's test cases must be rejected, so far as evidence afforded by the statistics is concerned;[774] four or five others show considerable influence of legislation; while in the rest that influence is slight, temporary, or questionable.[775] Contrary to the popular opinion, restrictions upon the remarriage of divorced persons would not affect in a large degree the divorce rate, although only foreign statistics are available to test the point. These show that within the first two or three years after dissolution of marriage divorced men are not much more inclined to remarry than are widowers, while during the same period a considerably greater number of divorced women than widows renew the nuptial ties.[776] With an increasing rate, which does not advance uniformly, it is perhaps impossible to measure exactly the effects of lax or restrictive legislation. The divorce movement is dependent upon social forces which lie far beyond the reach of the statute-maker. Yet it seems almost certain that there is a margin, very important though narrow, within which he may wisely exert a restraining influence. Good laws may, at any rate, check hasty impulse and force individuals to take proper time for reflection. They may also by securing publicity prevent manifold injustice in the granting of decrees.

[773] WRIGHT, _Report_, 150 ff.

[774] Including the repeal in 1878 of the celebrated Connecticut "omnibus clause" introduced in 1849. On the alleged influence of this clause see DIKE, "Facts as to Divorce in New England," in _Christ and Modern Thought_, 197-202; _idem_, "Some Aspects of the Divorce Problem," _Princeton Review_, March, 1884, 170, 171; and especially LOOMIS, "Divorce Legislation in Conn.," _New Englander_, XXV, 436 ff., 441, 442, giving a table of Connecticut divorces by counties, 1849-65; and ALLEN, "Divorce in New England," _North Am. Rev._, CXXX, 547 ff., giving statistics for the period 1860-78.

[775] For example, Massachusetts created four new causes of divorce in 1870; and in 1873 reduced the time of desertion necessary to constitute a ground of divorce from five to three years. Divorces increased from 337 in 1872 to 611 in 1874. A part of this gain was probably due to the change in law, although in all the entire group of north Atlantic states there was at the same time a large increase which cannot be thus accounted for. The lax law of residence in Utah previous to 1878, and the reduction of the term of desertion from two years to one by the Dakota legislature in 1881, were each responsible for an increase in the divorce rate: compare WRIGHT, _Report_, 152 ff., 156, 203 ff.; WILLCOX, _A Study in Vital Statistics_, 85-90; _idem_, _The Divorce Problem_, 41-61; with the criticism of DIKE, "Legislation and Divorce," _New York Eve. Post_, July 2, 1891.

[776] See BERTILLON, _Note pour l'étude statistique du divorce_, 464 ff., 471-73, giving Berlin statistics for 1878 which show that divorced men remarry within the first three years at about the same rate as widowers, while divorced women remarry more rapidly than widows. The results obtained from Swiss statistics are nearly the same: see the table in BERTILLON, "Du sort des divorcés," _Jour. de la société de statistique de Paris_, June, 1884; reproduced by WILLCOX, _The Divorce Problem_, 27. On the other hand, OETTINGEN, _Die Moralstatistik_, 153-62, on the basis of statistics for Saxony (1834-49) and the Netherlands (1850-54), shows a strong tendency to remarry on the part of divorced persons of either sex, as compared with widows and widowers, the divorced women remarrying much more frequently than the men. DIKE, _Rep. of the Nat. Div. Ref. League_ (1891), 18, gives some facts for Connecticut. In 1889, 286 divorced persons were married, "135 men and 151 women, which is a little above one-third of the number divorced in the year. In 1890 there were 477 divorces granted, or 954 individuals divorced: and there were 350 divorced persons"--143 men and 207 women--"who married again." To be of much value these figures should be compared with the number of marriages of widowers and widows for the same period.

After all, in this fact do we not catch a glimpse of the proper sphere of divorce legislation? Divorce is a remedy and not the disease. It is not a virtue in a divorce law, as appears to be often assumed, to restrict the application of the remedy at all hazards, regardless of the sufferings of the social body. If it were always the essential purpose of a good law to diminish directly the number of _bona fide_ divorces, the more rational course would be to imitate South Carolina and prohibit divorce entirely. Divorce is not immoral. It is quite probable, on the contrary, that drastic, like negligent, legislation is sometimes immoral. It is not necessarily a merit, and it may be a grave social wrong, to reduce the legal causes for a decree to the one "scriptural" ground. The most enlightened judgment of the age heartily approves of the policy of some states in extending the causes so as to include intoxication from the habitual use of strong drinks or narcotics as being equally destructive of connubial happiness and family well-being. Indeed, considering the needs of each particular society, the promotion of happiness is the only safe criterion to guide the lawmaker in either widening or narrowing the door of escape from the marriage bond. The divorce movement is a portentous and almost universal incident of modern civilization. Doubtless it signifies underlying social evils vast and perilous. Yet to the student of history it is perfectly clear that this is but a part of the mighty movement for social liberation which has been gaining in volume and strength ever since the Reformation. According to the sixteenth-century reformer, divorce is the "medicine" for the disease of marriage. It is so today in a sense more real than Smith or Bullinger ever dreamed of; for the principal fountain of divorce is bad matrimonial laws and bad marriages. Certain it is that one rises from a detailed study of American legislation with the conviction that, faulty as are our divorce laws, our marriage laws are far worse; while our apathy, our carelessness and levity, regarding the safeguards of the matrimonial institution are well-nigh incredible. Indeed, there has been a great deal of misdirected and hasty criticism of American divorce legislation. Even thoughtful scholars sometimes indulge in the traditional arraignment. The laws of the American states produced since 1789, declares Bryce, present "the largest and the strangest, and perhaps the saddest, body of legislative experiments in the sphere of family law which free self-governing communities have ever tried."[777] Such sweeping assertions are in many ways misleading and fail to advance the solution of the divorce problem. There is, of course, in the aggregate a "large" body of statutes; for each of the fifty-three commonwealths, on this subject as on all others, has a separate code; but the harm resulting either from the bulk or the perplexity of the laws, while needing a remedy, is not so serious as is commonly assumed. More and more in their essential features the divorce laws of the states are duplicating each other; and there is already ground for hope that in reasonable time they may attain to practical uniformity. Furthermore, it may well be questioned whether the complexity or the conflict in the American codes is so pronounced as in the numerous systems of divorce law maintained in the states of the German Empire until the enactment of the imperial code of 1900. In some cases in German lands the law was obscure and well-nigh past finding out. Prussia alone had three different systems; and Bavaria was in the same plight.[778] If American legislation is on the average more liberal in extending the enumerated grounds of divorce, it would surely be rash to assume that it is the "sadder" on that account. The question is: Has American social liberalism, in this regard as in so many other respects, increased the sum of human happiness? Besides, "laxity" in this connection is not exclusively a feature of American legislation. It may be reasonably doubted whether any "omnibus clause" in the country gives wider discretion to the court than the fourth of the five causes sanctioned by the new uniform law of Germany, allowing divorce when "either spouse has been guilty of grave violation of the obligations based on the marriage or of so deeply disturbing the marital relation through dishonorable or immoral behavior that the continuance of the marriage cannot be expected from the other."[779] Even broader provisions formerly existed in the codes of some of the separate German states, and may still be found elsewhere in Europe.

[777] BRYCE, _Studies in Hist. and Jur._, 830.

[778] See WRIGHT, _Report_, 1030, 1033 ff.

[779] "Wenn der andere Ehegatte durch schwere Verletzung der durch die Ehe begründeten Pflichten oder durch ehrloses oder unsittliches Verhalten eine so tiefe Zerrüttung des ehelichen Verhältnisses verschuldet hat, dass dem Ehegatten die Fortsetzung der Ehe nicht zugemuthet werden kann."--_Reichsgesetzbuch_, Tit. 7, § 1568. For discussion see KOHLER, _Das Eherecht des bürg, Gesetzbuchs_, 42-46.

But the statistics seem to show that the law is conservatively administered. The number of divorces is decreasing. "For the years 1891-95, inclusive, the annual average was 7,258. In 1896 there were 8,601; in 1897 there were 9,005; in 1898 there were 9,143; and in 1899 they had become 9,563. But under the new law in 1900 they dropped to 8,934, and in 1901 they were 8,037."--DIKE, _Report_ (1903), 8, 9, on the authority of the Chief of the Statistical Bureau of Berlin.

The other grounds of divorce allowed by the imperial statute are adultery, attempt on the life of either spouse by the other, malicious desertion, and insanity (Geisteskrankheit) of three years' standing. Divorce for malicious desertion is decreed only after a preliminary suit for the re-establishment of marital relations and a year's delay to allow the deserter to return to conjugal duty: _Reichsgesetzbuch_, Tit. 7, § 1567.

The achievement of a wisely conceived and carefully drafted uniform law for the entire country, would be of great advantage, although it might not directly cause a very great decrease in the average divorce rate, and certainly would not produce the same rate for the individual states.[780] How may such a uniform law be secured? The method of procuring the enactment of a federal law under a constitutional amendment--once much in favor[781]--has for the present been almost abandoned by active workers. Instead, it is preferred, through the state commissions on uniform legislation, to urge the adoption of a model statute by the separate commonwealths. These commissions, now thirty-five in number, have prepared a bill for a law governing divorce procedure; and its temperate and practical provisions ought to gain its general adoption.[782] All this is well; but it is still more needful to strive for a common marriage law. In the end it may be found necessary, under a constitutional amendment, to appeal to the federal power. What service could a national legislature render more beneficent than the creation of a code embracing every division of the intricate law of marriage and divorce? Aside from its educational value as a moral force, such a code in material ways would prove a powerful guaranty of social order and stability.

[780] The uniform divorce law for the Swiss cantons, which went into effect in 1876, has not tended to produce a uniform rate. In 1885, for instance, Appenzell, Outer Rhodes, "has forty-nine times as much divorce as Unterwalden o. d. W., while with all the divergences of law in this country the differences of rate are much less."--WILLCOX, _The Divorce Problem_, 59, giving a table of the decrees granted in the twenty-six cantons, 1876-85; compiled from _Die Bewegung der Bevölkerung in der Schweiz im Jahre 1885_ (Beilage I).

[781] DIKE, "Uniform Marriage and Divorce Laws," _Arena_, II, 399-408, gives a valuable discussion of the two methods of procedure. See also BENNETT, "National Divorce Legislation," _Forum_, II, 429-38; STEWART, "Our Mar. and Div. Laws," _Pop. Sci. Monthly_, XXIII, 232, 233; and JAMESON, "Divorce," _North Am. Rev._, CXXXVI, 325, all favoring a constitutional amendment; also NORTH, "Uniform Mar. and Div. Laws," _ibid._, CXLIV, 429-31; LLOYD, _Law of Divorce_, 269 ff.; JOHNSON, _Remarks upon Uniformity of State Legislation_; SNYDER, _Problem of Uniform Legislation_, 3 ff., favoring state action. In his _Geography of Marriage_, 182 ff., SNYDER favors concert of action among the states and a prohibitory amendment restricting or defining the maximum number of causes for divorce which a state might sanction. See also the articles by STANWOOD AND STANTON mentioned in the Bibliographical Index, IV; and consult the _Reports of the Conferences of the State Boards of Commissioners for Promoting Uniformity of Legislation in the U. S._

[782] See _Reports of the Nat. League for the Protection of the Family_ (1900), 7; (1901), 8.

In the meantime it is essential to fix the attention upon causes rather than effects. For the wise reformer, who would elevate and protect the family, the center of the problem is marriage and not divorce.

II. THE FUNCTION OF EDUCATION

It is needful in the outset, as already suggested, frankly to accept marriage and the family as social institutions whose problems must be studied in connection with the actual conditions of modern social life. It is vain to appeal to ideals born of old and very different conditions. The guiding light will come, not from authority, but from a rational understanding of the existing facts. Small progress can be expected while leaning upon tradition. The appeal to theological criteria is, no doubt, matter of conscience on the part of many earnest men. Nevertheless the vast literature which seeks to solve social questions through the juggling with ancient texts seems in reality to be largely a monument of wasted energy. Much of it is sterile, or but serves to retard progress or to befog the issue. Witness the perennial discussion of the "scriptural" grounds of divorce, or of the Levitical sanction or condemnation of marriage with a deceased wife's sister! Witness the vapid homilies and treatises on the wedded life! There is, in truth, urgent need that the moral leaders of men should preach actual instead of conventional social righteousness. It is high time that the family and its related institutions should be as freely and openly and unsparingly subjected to scientific examination as are the facts of modern political or industrial life.

From the infancy of the human race, we have already seen, the monogamic family has been the _prevailing_ type. There have been, it is true, many variations, many aberrations, from this type under diverse conditions, religious, economic, or social. Under changing influences the interrelations of the members of the group--of husband and wife, of parent and child--and their relations individually and collectively to the state, have varied from age to age or from people to people. There have been wife-capture, wife-purchase and the _patria potestas_. But in essential character--at first for biological, later for ethical or spiritual reasons--the general tendency has always been toward a higher, more clearly differentiated type of the single pairing family. Moreover, setting aside all question of special priestly sanctions, the healthiest social sentiment has more and more demanded that the "pairing" should be lasting. Whether of Jew or gentile, the highest ideal of marriage has become that of a lifelong partnership. Are these tendencies to remain unbroken? Is the stream of evolution to proceed, gaining in purity and strength? Are marriage and the family doomed; or are they capable of adaptation, of reform and development, so as to satisfy the higher material and ethical requirements of the advancing generations? Seemingly they are now menaced by serious dangers. Some of them have their origin in the new conditions of a society which is undergoing a swift transition, a mighty transformation, industrially, intellectually, and spiritually; while others, perhaps the more imminent, are incident to the institutions themselves as they have been shaped or warped by bad laws and false sentiments. Apparently, if there is to be salvation, it must come through the vitalizing, regenerative power of a more efficient moral, physical, and social training of the young. The home and the family must enter into the educational curriculum. Before an adequate sociological program can be devised the facts must be squarely faced and honestly studied. In the sphere of domestic institutions, even more imperatively than in that of politics or economics, there is need of light and publicity.

The family, it is alleged, is in danger of disintegration through the tendency to individualism which in many ways is so striking a characteristic of the age.[783] Within the family itself there are, indeed, signs that a rapid transition from status to contract is taking place in a way which Maine scarcely contemplated; for he appears to have imagined that precisely in this sphere the process was already virtually complete. The bonds of paternal authority are becoming looser and looser. In America in particular young men and even young women earlier than elsewhere tend to cut their parental moorings and to embark in independent business careers. So also more and more clearly the wife is showing a determination to escape entirely from _manu viri_--still sustained by the relics of mediæval law and sentiment--and to become in reality as well as in name an equal partner under the nuptial contract. The state also has intervened to abridge the parental authority. Minor children are no longer looked upon as the absolute property of the father. For the purpose of education, society removes them for a considerable part of the period of nonage from home and immediate parental control; and, on the other hand, it forbids their employment in mines, factories, or other injurious vocations during their tender years. Under child-saving laws they may even be removed from home, when they are cruelly treated or exposed to vicious influences, and placed under the protection of the state. Thus, little by little, to use the phrase of a thoughtful writer, the original "coercive" powers of the family under the patriarchal _régime_ have been "extracted" and appropriated by society. In the education of the young the family retains the lesser part. "The state has here interfered in the private ordering of the household by taking the child from its parents for one-third of its waking hours, and has introduced order and system into the training of children, together with the assertion of rights on their part. The family becomes therefore less a coercive institution, where the children serve their parents, and more a spiritual and psychic association of parent and child based on persuasion. A more searching interference on the part of the state, together with a new set of governmental organizations for its enforcement, is found in the boards of children's guardians, the societies for the prevention of cruelty to children, orphans' asylums, state public schools, with their investigating and placing-out agents, empowered under supervision of the courts to take children away from parents and to place them in new homes. A large part of the unlimited coercion of the _patria potestas_ is here extracted from the family and annexed to the peculiar coercive institution where it is guided by notions of children's rights, and all families are thereby toned up to a stronger emphasis on persuasion as the justification of their continuance."[784] Here we catch a glimpse of the direction of future evolution in the family. At the same time it appears that the disintegration of paternal and marital coercive power is not a serious menace to the family. It has cleared the way for a higher and nobler spiritual domestic life. The real danger is that the family and the home will surrender an undue share of their duty and privilege to participate in the culture and training of the young. This function for the good of society may be vastly developed, though mainly on new lines bearing directly on the nature of marriage and the family. Of this function some further mention will presently be made.

[783] PEABODY, "The Teaching of Jesus Concerning the Family," in his _Jesus Christ and the Social Question_, 129 ff.; DIKE, "Problems of the Family," _Century_, XXXIX, 392, 393; _idem_, _Some Aspects of the Divorce Question_, 177 ff.; _idem_, _Perils of the Family_; MULFORD, _The Nation_, 276-83; BUSHNELL, "The Organic Unity of the Family," in his _Christian Nurture_, 90-122; HENDERSON, _Social Elements_, 71 ff.; ALLEN, "Divorces in New England," _North Am. Rev._, CXXX, 559 ff.; POTTER, "The Message of Christ to the Family," in his _Message of Christ to Manhood_; SALTER, _The Future of the Family_; MATHEWS, "The Family," _Am. Journal of Sociology_, I, 457-72; PEARSON, "The Decline of the Family," in his _National Life and Character_, 227 ff.; and the reply of MUIRHEAD, "Is the Family Declining?" _Int. Jour, of Ethics_, Oct., 1896, 33 ff.; ROSS, _Social Control_, 405, 433. The ablest appreciation of the value of individualism is that of MILL, _On Liberty_ (2d ed.), 100 ff.

[784] COMMONS, "The Family," in his "Sociological View of Sovereignty," in _Am. Jour. of Sociology_, V, 683 ff., 688, 689. On the future of the family compare SPENCER, _Principles of Sociology_, I, 737 ff., 788; LETOURNEAU, _L'évolution du mariage_, 444 ff.; PEARSON, "The Decline of the Family," in his _National Life and Character_, 255, 256; MUIRHEAD, "Is the Family Declining?" _Int. Jour. of Ethics_, Oct., 1896, 53-55; TILLIER, _Le mariage_, 283 ff., 316.

More threatening to the solidarity of the family is believed to be the individualistic tendencies arising in existing urban and economic life.[785] With the rise of corporate and associated industry comes a weakening of the intimacy of home ties. Through the division of labor the "family hearth-stone" is fast becoming a mere temporary meeting-place of individual wage-earners. The congestion of population in cities is forcing into being new and lower modes of life. The tenement and the "sweating system" are destructive of the home. Neither the lodging-house, the "flat," nor the "apartment" affords an ideal environment for domestic joys. In the vast hives of Paris, London, or New York even families of the relatively well-to-do have small opportunity to flourish--for self-culture and self-enjoyment. To the children of the slum the street is a perilous nursery. For them squalor, disease, and sordid vice have supplanted the traditional blessings of the family sanctuary. The cramped, artificial, and transient associations of the boarding-house are a wretched substitute for the privacy of the separate household.[786] For very many men club life has stronger allurements than the connubial partnership. Prostitution advances with alarming speed. For the poor, sometimes for the rich, the great city has many interests and many places more attractive than the home circle. The love of selfish indulgence and the spirit of commercial greed, not less than grinding penury, restrain men and women from wedlock. Yet the urban environment has also the opposite effect. In the crowded, heterogeneous, and shifting population of the great towns marriages are often lightly made and as lightly dissolved. Indeed, the remarkable mobility of the American people, the habit of frequent migration, under the powerful incentives of industrial enterprise, gold-hunting, or other adventure, and under favor of the marvelously developed means of swift transportation, will account in no small degree for the laxity of matrimonial and family ties in the United States. May not one gather courage even from this untoward circumstance? Assuredly the present thus clearly appears to be an age of transition to a more stable condition of social life. Furthermore, the perils to the family of the kind under review need not be fatal. They are inherent mainly in economic institutions which may be scientifically studied and intelligently brought into harmony with the requirements of the social order. Already in great municipal centers, through improved facilities for rapid transit, the evils resulting from dense population are being somewhat ameliorated. Of a truth, every penny's reduction in street-railway fares means for the family of small means a better chance for pure air, sound health, and a separate home in the suburbs. The dispersion of the city over a broader area at once cheapens and raises the standard of living. Every hour's reduction in the period of daily toil potentially gives more leisure for building, adorning, and enjoying the home.

[785] _Cf._ PEABODY, _Jesus Christ and the Social Question_, 162-79; MUIRHEAD, _Is the Family Declining?_ 35.

[786] In the great centers of Germany, we are assured, the family of the blood-kindred has yielded to the family composed of kindred and strangers. For lack of space in the closely packed districts people are forced to live almost in common: GÖHRE, _Drei Monate Fabrikarbeiter_, 12 ff., 37 ff. _Cf._ BEBEL, _Die Frau und der Sozialismus_, 123, 124; and RADE, _Die sittlich-religiöse Gedankenwelt unserer Industriearbeiter_, 117 ff.; STEWART, _Disintegration of the Families of the Workingmen_; HENDERSON, _Social Elements_, 73.

To the socialist the monogamic family in its present form is decidedly a failure. "To those who would substitute common ownership for industrial liberty, the institution of the family presents one of the most persistent obstacles. Domestic unity is inconsistent with the absolute social unity vested in the state."[787] The larger social body must be composed of individual members, free and equal; and it will not tolerate within itself a smaller body with special group-interests of its own, much less with any vestige of coercive authority over its constituent parts. There must be no _imperium in imperio_. Writers like Engels[788] seek consolation and support in Bachofen's theory of a universal stage of mother-right before the monogamic family with the institution of private property had brought domestic slavery into the world. They "hold that the monogamic family is a relic of decaying civilization. All ideas on which it rests, the subordination and dependence of women, the ownership of children, the belief in the sacredness of marriage as a divine institution, above all respect for the individual ownership of property and the rights of inheritance as permanent elements in our social organization--have been undermined. The foundations are sapped and the superstructure is ready to topple in."[789]

[787] PEABODY, _op. cit._, 140.

[788] See ENGELS, _Der Ursprung der Familie_, 4 ff.; and his follower, BEBEL, _Die Frau und der Sozialismus_, 1 ff., 93 ff.

[789] MUIRHEAD, _Is the Family Declining?_ 37.

Woman in particular has been the devoted victim of the greed of individual possession upon which the monogamic family rests. "Far back in history," according to Edward Carpenter, "at a time when in the early societies the thought of inequality had hardly arisen, it would appear that the female, in her own way--as sole authenticator of birth and parentage, as guardian of the household, as inventress of agriculture and the peaceful arts, as priestess and prophetess or sharer in the councils of the tribe--was as powerful as man in his, and sometimes even more so. But from thence down to today what centuries of repression, of slavehood, of dumbness, of obscurity have been her lot!"[790]

[790] CARPENTER, _Love's Coming of Age_; quoted from MUIRHEAD, _op. cit._, 37. The views of various socialists regarding woman and marriage are criticised by HERTZBERG, _Der Beruf der Frau_, 43-57.

Under socialism, declare Morris and Bax, marriage and the family will be affected "firstly in economics and secondly in ethics. The present marriage system is based on the general supposition of economic dependence of the woman on the man, and the consequent necessity of his making provision for her." In the new social order this degrading condition must disappear. "Property in children would cease to exist, and every infant that came into the world would be born into full citizenship, and would enjoy all its advantages, whatever the conduct of its parents might be. Thus a new development of the family would take place, on the basis, not of a predominant life-long business arrangement, to be formally and nominally held to, irrespective of circumstances, but on mutual inclination and affection, an association terminable at the will of either party." Thus a higher morality would be sanctioned. There would be no "vestige of reprobation for dissolving one tie and forming another."[791]

[791] MORRIS AND BAX, _Socialism: Its Growth and Outcome_, 299, 300.

A similar demand for liberty is made by Laurence Gronlund. Economically "the coming commonwealth" will place woman "on an equal footing with man." But she will be "equal," not "alike;" for in the new society the sexes will no longer be free industrial competitors, but each will have its special vocation. Physiological differences will not be ignored. "Woman will become a functionary, she will have suitable employment given her, and be rewarded according to results, just the same as men." Like men she will have suffrage, not as a right or a privilege, but as a trust. "The new order will necessarily, by the mere working of its economic principles, considerably modify" the marriage relation; and "is that relation such an ideal one now, that it would be a sacrilege to touch it? Is marriage not now, at bottom, an establishment for the support of woman? Is not maintenance the price which the husband pays for the appendage to himself? And because the supply generally exceeds the demand--that is, the effective demand--has woman not often to accept the offer of the first man who seems able to perform this pecuniary obligation?" If it be objected that this is taking "rather a commercial view" of the "holy" relation, is not, "as a matter of fact, marriage regarded by altogether too many as a commercial institution? Do not, in fact, the total of young women form a matrimonial market, regulated by demand and supply?" "Now the Co-operative Commonwealth will dissipate this horror," enabling every healthy adult man and woman to find a mate. Thus, contrary to false charges, socialists are not trying to destroy the family: "they want to enable every man and woman to form a happy family!" Modern democracy revolts against the patriarchal constitution of the family, upon whose model all feudal and ancient societies were organized. In the "very nature of things family-supremacy will be absolutely incompatible with an interdependent, a solidaric, commonwealth; for in such a state the first object of education must be to establish in the minds of the children an indissoluble association between their individual happiness and the good of all."[792]

[792] GRONLUND, _The Co-operative Commonwealth_, 193-206.

The manifold social evils which take their rise directly or indirectly in marriage as it is--be the actual causes what they may--have always justly aroused the unsparing criticism of socialistic writers. Thus to Robert Owen--whose pure life was unreservedly and courageously devoted to the social good, as he understood it--marriage was a member of his "trinity of causes of crime and immorality among mankind."[793] With almost the fanatical zeal of an apostle of a new religion, he railed at the "single" family.[794] He proclaimed the glad tidings of the swift approach of the new moral order. Then "the imaginative laws of the marriages of the priesthood must be among the first to be abolished, by reason of their extended injurious influence upon human nature, poisoning all the sources of the most valuable qualities which Nature has given to infant man. These marriages have dried up the fountain of truth in human nature; they perpetually insinuate that man can love and hate at his pleasure, and that to be virtuous he must live according to the dictates of the laws and ceremonies devised by the priesthood, that he must hate according to the same dictation, and that if he does not thus love and hate, he is vicious, and he will be eternally punished in another world," while on earth he will suffer from the human laws and by the public opinion which priests have inspired.[795] Under the new moral order all this will be changed. Marriages will be more lasting than now. "Every individual will be trained and educated, to have all his powers cultivated in the most superior manner known; cultivated too under a new combination of external objects, purposely formed, to bring into constant exercise the best and most lovely qualities only of human nature." Wealth for all will be "produced in superfluity." Therefore all will be "equal in their education and condition," and without any distinction except as to age. "There will be then no motive or inducement for any parties to unite, except from pure affection arising from the most unreserved knowledge of each other's character.... There will be no artificial obstacles in the way of permanent happy unions of the sexes; for ... the affections will receive every aid which can be devised to induce them to be permanent;" and the wedded pair "will be placed as far as possible in the condition of lovers during their lives." In "some partial instances," however, happiness might not even thus be secured. In such event, "without any severance of friendship between the parties, a separation may be made, the least injurious to them and the most beneficial to the interests of society."[796] In fine, Robert Owen's book, although often vague in expression and violent in tone, contains in its statements, and still more in its suggestions, practically the whole program of later socialistic writings on the subject of marriage and the family, except the argument based on historical evolution.[797]

[793] OWEN, _Marriages of the Priesthood of the Old Immoral World_, 54: "I resume the subject of marriage because it is the source of more demoralization, crime, and misery, than any other single cause, with the exception of religion and private property; and these three together form the great trinity of causes of crime and immorality among mankind." For examples of the bitter denunciations which Owen's doctrines naturally provoked see the tract of BRINDLEY, _The Marriage System of Socialism_ (Chester, 1840); and that of BOWES, _The 'Social Beasts'_ (Liverpool, 1840).

[794] For examples see _Marriages of the Priesthood_, 41, 43, 44, 81.

[795] OWEN, _op. cit._, 81.

[796] _Ibid._, 86, 87, giving an extract from his six lectures delivered at Manchester in 1837.

[797] Owen's book was written in 1835, just before the passage of the new civil-marriage law; and the violence of its tone may in part have been provoked by the injustice and intolerance sanctioned by the Hardwicke act of 1753, at that time in force. In 1840 he declared, as regards the _form_ of marriage, that the law of 1836 had "exactly" met his "ideas and wishes;" and that all which he then desired was "to see another law enacted, by which _Divorces_, under wise arrangements, and on principles of common sense, may be obtained equally for rich and poor."--_Op. cit._, 90. He himself outlines marriage and divorce laws which possess some excellent features: _ibid._, 88-90.

Robert Dale Owen followed in his father's footsteps. He finds even the Haytian institution of "placement"--an informal union made and dissolved at the pleasure of the contracting persons--far superior in its morality and its stability to the sacramental marriage which exists by its side.[798]

[798] ROBERT DALE OWEN, "Marriage and Placement," _Free Inquirer_, May 28, 1831; and his letter to Thomas Whittemore, editor of the Boston _Trumpet_, May, 1831; both quoted by BESANT, _Marriage_, 23, 24, 26, 27. The _Free Inquirer_ was founded in New York city by Robert Dale Owen and Frances Wright in 1829: JOHNSON, _Woman and the Republic_, 121.

August Bebel, in his able book on _Woman and Socialism_, draws a powerful indictment of matrimonial relations under the existing order. To this source, in his view, may be traced the prevalence of sexual crimes and the most dangerous tendencies now threatening the integrity of society. Infanticide, abortion, and prostitution; the decline in the birth and marriage rates; the increase in the number of divorces; the subjection of woman--all these, he says, are due mainly to the influence of the present "coercive marriage." This is so because that "marriage is an institution bound up in the closest way with the existing social order and with it must stand or fall." Coercive marriage is the creature of economic conditions, the "normal marriage" of the present bourgeois society; and with that society it is already in process of disruption. "Since all these unnatural conditions, being especially harmful to woman, are grounded in the nature of the bourgeois society and are growing with its duration, that society is proving itself incapable of remedying the evil and of emancipating woman. Another social order is therefore needful for this purpose." In the new state, economically and socially, woman will be entirely independent. She will no longer be the subject of authority and of exploitation; but, free and equal by man's side she will become "mistress of her own destiny."[799]

[799] BEBEL, _Die Frau und der Sozialismus_, 93 ff., 175, 176, 427 ff., 431; or the same in WALTHER'S translation, 43 ff., 229 ff. Compare KARL PEARSON'S discussion of "Socialism and Sex" in his _Ethic of Free Thought_, 427-46; and CAIRD, _Morality of Marriage_, 123-27.

Whatever may be thought of the remedy suggested by socialistic writers, whether or not our only hope lies in the co-operative commonwealth, it is certain that they have rendered an important public service. They have earnestly studied and set forth the actual facts. With unsparing hand they have laid bare the flaws in our domestic institutions as they really exist. They have clearly proved that the problems of marriage and the family can be solved only by grasping their relations to the economic system. They have shown that progress lies along the line of the complete emancipation of woman and the absolute equality of the sexes in marriage. In accomplishing all this they have in effect done much to arouse in the popular mind a loftier ideal of wedded life.

The liberation of woman in every one of its aspects profoundly involves the destiny of the family. It signifies in all the larger activities of life the relative individualization of one-half of human kind. This means, of course, a weakening of the solidarity of the family group, so far as its cohesion is dependent on the remnants of mediæval marital authority. Will the ultimate dissolution of the family thus become the price of equality and freedom? Or rather, is it not almost certain that in the more salubrious air of freedom and equality there is being evolved a higher type of the family, knit together by ties--sexual, moral, and spiritual--far more tenacious than those fostered by the régime of subjection? How remarkable, in England as well as in America, is the revolution already accomplished! Few facts in social history are more instructive than the change which has taken place in the tone of the literature dealing with woman and her relations to marriage and the family. In the eighteenth century and until far down into the nineteenth it is for the most part utterly frivolous or sentimental. Vapid satire abounds. Erotic or facetious verse at the expense of the "fair sex" or "wedded love" finds ready popular response. Even in what is meant for earnest discussion woman is treated as a helpless being, to be petted, cajoled, or corrected, not too harshly, by her superior lord; or else she is edified with endless lectures on the sacred duty of guarding her virtue--a fact which throws a lurid and unintentional light on the moral standards of the age. Imagine an _Essay on Old Maids_,[800] tediously spun out in three volumes; or a book like Eliza Haywood's _Female Spectator_,[801] which, although in four volumes, had already reached its seventh edition in 1771.

[800] _A Philosophical, Historical, and Moral Essay on Old Maids, by a Friend of the Sisterhood_ (London, 1785). Some of the gleanings from history in the second and third volumes are not entirely devoid of permanent interest.

[801] HAYWOOD, _The Female Spectator_ (7th ed., London, 1771). This is a fairly representative compilation of gossip and literary anecdote regarding woman, but without a trace of sociological perception.

For examples of the lighter productions referred to see _An Essay on Marriage, in a cautionary Epistle to a Young Gentleman, wherein the Artifices and Foibles of the Fair_, etc. (London, 1750); _The Deportment of a Married Life: Laid down in a Series of Letters ... to a Young Lady ... lately Married_ (2d ed., London, 1798; 3d ed., 1821); _Boone_, _The Marriage Looking-Glass: written as a Manual for the Married and a Beacon to the Single_ (London, 1848); GUTHRIE, _Wedded Love_ (London, 1859), a volume of sentimental verse. Some of them have a pious or theological tone: _The Advantages and Disadvantages of the Married State ... under the Similitude of a Dream_ (5th ed., London, 1760); _Conjugal Love and Duty_ (4th ed., Dublin and London, 1758); _Reflections on Celibacy and Marriage, in Four Letters to a Friend_ (London, 1771); SANDEMAN, _The Honour of Marriage opposed to all Impurities_ (London, 1777); BEAN, _The Christian Minister's Affectionate Advice to a New Married Couple_ (4th ed., London, 1809). Others contain valuable passages, while vividly reflecting the contemporary view regarding woman's inferior position: "Philogamus," _The Present State of Matrimony_ (London, 1739); _The Art of Governing a Wife; with Rules for Batchelors_ (London, 1747).

Nevertheless, the beginning of an efficient agitation for woman's rights was then made. As early as 1696 appeared Mary Astell's vigorous _Defense of the Female Sex_, further developing views which she had expressed two years earlier.[802] The next year Defoe, advocating an "academy for women," made a strong plea for the equal education of the sexes.[803] A singularly clear and incisive exposure of the _Hardships of the English Laws in relation to Wives_ was published in 1735. The writer, apparently a woman, while protesting that her adversaries for want of arguments resort to "points of wit, smart jests, and all-confounding laughter," presents many striking proofs from judicial annals and elsewhere to show that in England the "estate of wives is more disadvantageous than slavery itself;" that they "may be made prisoners for life at the discretion of their domestick governors;" and that they "have no property, neither in their own persons, children, or fortunes."[804] In 1739 an anonymous writer, signing herself "Sophia," produced a forceful _Vindication of the natural Right of the Fair-Sex to a perfect Equality of Power, Dignity, and Esteem with the Men_, in which, appealing to "rectified reason," she urged that difference in sex relates to the "propagation of human nature," whereas in "soul there is no sex," and diversity must therefore come from education and environment.[805] Mary Wollstonecraft's better known and much more elaborate _Vindication of the Rights of Woman_,[806] published in 1792, was therefore not without helpful predecessors. But it is immensely superior to them in its literary power and its intellectual grasp. The fearless, direct, and unaffected way in which the subject is handled, especially the questions of sex and education, discloses the dawn of a new era of discussion. More clearly than ever before the liberation of woman appears as a sociological problem of the greatest moment to mankind. True, much space is devoted to combating objections which may now seem trivial; but to the average mind of Mary Wollstonecraft's day they were by no means trivial, and they had to be cleared away before the full light could come in.

[802] ASTELL, _An Essay in Defense of the Female Sex_ (London, 1696; 3d ed., 1697). _Cf._ her _Serious Proposal to the Ladies_ (London, 1694; 3d ed., 1697); and her _Reflections upon Marriage_ (London, 1700; 4th ed., 1730).

[803] DEFOE, _An Essay upon Projects_ (London, 1697).

[804] _The Hardships of the English Laws in relation to Wives_ (London, 1735), 4 ff.

[805] "SOPHIA," _Woman not Inferior to Man; or, A short and modest Vindication of the natural Right of the Fair-Sex to a perfect Equality of Power, Dignity, and Esteem with the Men_ (London, 1739; 2d ed., 1740). This tract was answered by a "GENTLEMAN," _Man Superior to Woman; or, a Vindication of Man's Natural Right of Sovereign Authority over the Woman_ (London, 1739), insisting that woman was not created at all, but is "a sort of after-produced being" who must not "presume to call in question the great duty of vassalage" to man, under penalty of the withdrawal of his heart from her power. To this "SOPHIA" rejoined in _Woman's Superior Excellence over Man_ (London, 1740).

[806] A new edition of this book, with an introduction by MRS. FAWCETT, appeared in London in 1890. _Cf._ PENNELL, "A Century of Women's Rights," _Fort. Rev._, XLVIII, 408 ff.; RAUSCHENBUSCH-CLOUGH, _A Study of Mary Wollstonecraft and the Rights of Woman_; OSTROGORSKI, _The Rights of Women_, 40; RICHTER, _Mary Wollstonecraft die Verfechterin der "Rechte der Frau."_

The foundations were thus laid upon which, chiefly during the last half-century,[807] a vast literary superstructure--controversial, historical, and scientific--has been erected; a many-sided literature worthily embodying the thought of a great transitional stage in social progress. The opponents of woman's liberation have been forced to choose new weapons. Satire and mockery are no longer in vogue. Both sides are very much in earnest. The tone of present discussion is nothing if not serious. Moreover, while the battle for sexual equality in the family and in the state is very far from being yet fought out, the ultimate victory seems already assured.

[807] In Germany DOROTHEA CHRISTINE ERXLEBEN, in her _Gründliche Untersuchung der Ursachen, die das weibliche Geschlecht vom Studium abhalten_ (Berlin, 1742); _Vernünftige Gedanken vom Studiren des schönen Geschlechts_ (Frankfort and Leipzig, 1749); and HIPPEL, _Bürgerliche Verbesserung der Weiber_ (Berlin, 1792); followed by his _Nachlass über weibliche Bildung_ (Berlin, 1801), were already beginning the agitation for woman's liberation. A remarkably clear and incisive essay in defense of woman, entitled _De l'égalité des deux sexes_, appeared in Paris in 1673. CONDORCET, _Lettres d'un bourgeois de New Haven à un citoyen de Virginie_ (1787) compressed into a few sentences the basic arguments for the movement. In the same year appeared MARY WOLLSTONECRAFT'S _Thoughts on the Education of Daughters_, a forerunner of her _Vindication_ five years later. During the next fifty years a few earnest champions of woman's freedom came forward. First was MARY ANNE RADCLIFFE, _Female Advocate, or an attempt to recover the Rights of Women from Male Usurpation_ (London, 1799); followed by HANNAH MATHER CROCKER, _Observations on the Real Rights of Women_ (Boston, 1818); WILLIAM THOMPSON AND MRS. WHEELER, _Appeal ... of Women_ (London, 1825), a book written in reply to a statement in JAMES MILL'S article on _Government_, and possibly influencing John Stuart Mill's later thoughts on the subject; SARAH M. GRIMKE, _Letters on Equality of the Sexes_ (Boston, 1838); LADY SYDNEY MORGAN, _Woman and her Master_ (London, 1840); MRS. ELLIS, _Woman's Rights and Duties_ (London, 1840). The movement took organic form in 1848, when the first convention was held at Seneca Falls, New York. This was followed in 1850 by conventions in Ohio and Massachusetts. In 1851 MRS. JOHN STUART MILL'S powerful article in the July number of the _Westminster Review_ on the "Enfranchisement of Women" supplied the agitation with a definite program. See FAWCETT, _The Woman Question in Europe_, 273, note; STANTON, ANTHONY, AND GAGE, _Hist. of Woman Suffrage_, I, 70 ff.; OSTROGORSKI, _Rights of Women_, 54 ff.; JOHNSON, _Woman and the Republic_, 39 ff.; WADE, _Women, Past and Present_, 247.

It would, indeed, be very strange if some incidental harm should not result from the veritable revolution in the condition of American women which little more than a generation has produced. This is the inevitable penalty which social progress has always to pay. Yet in the present case the transitional loss to the family or to the larger social body is exceedingly slight compared even with the immediate gain. This is especially true of woman's new intellectual life with all its manifold activities. It matters not whether she is showing herself mentally man's equal. If any justification of her new rôle were needed it might suffice to affirm that she has precisely the same right as man to free and unhampered self-development in whatever direction and in whatever manner she herself shall find most conducive to her happiness. But it is amply justified by its social results. It cannot be seriously doubted that woman's admission to equal privilege of higher education is enabling her better to share with man in doing the world's work. Besides, in spite of the vain imaginings of misogynistic philosophers,[808] the problem of special sexual function in its relation to mental capacity is being settled in woman's favor. "Science," declares Lourbet, in completing his valuable survey, "is incapable of demonstrating the 'irremediable' mental inferiority of woman.... The pretended antagonism between mental power and sexual power, which does not withstand rigorous analysis, appears definitively to be destroyed by experience, by the tangible facts which incessantly strike the eye."[809] Herbert Spencer reaches the conclusion that "were liberties to be adjusted to abilities, the adjustment, even could we make it, would have to be made irrespective of sex."[810]

[808] According to HARTMANN, _The Sexes Compared_, 3, 6 ff., there is between man and woman a fundamental and irremovable distinction: The woman rules sexually and therefore "we must, by way of compensation, uphold the legal superiority of man." In establishing sexual equality the progress of culture receives a severe blow. More wonderful is the teaching of SCHOPENHAUER. "Women," he says, "are directly adapted to act as the nurses and educators of our childhood, for the simple reason that they themselves are childish, foolish, and short-sighted--in a word are big children all their lives, something intermediate between the child and the man, who is a man in the strict sense of the word."--_On Women_: in DIRCKS'S _Essays of Schopenhauer_, 65; or his _Sämmtliche Werke_, III, 649 ff.

[809] LOURBET, _La femme devant la science contemporaine_, 157, 161. See especially BEBEL, _Die Frau und der Sozialismus_, 233 ff.

[810] SPENCER, _Justice_, 186. For an elaborate discussion of woman's mental capacity see MILL, _Subjection of Women_, 91-146.

It is singular what acute anxiety is felt by adherents of the old régime[811] lest woman's new intellectual life should prove disastrous to her physical constitution, unmindful of the fact that even now for the majority of married women the burdens of the orthodox "natural sphere" are far more harmful. The tables are decidedly turned by a radical writer who with truth declares that "evidence is rapidly accumulating which makes it almost impossible to deny that the feminine constitution has been disastrously injured during the long ages of patriarchal rule, and that this beloved 'sphere' of woman, where she was thought so safe and happy, has, in fact, been a very seed-bed of disease and misery and wrong;" that "through these ages of overstrain of every kind--physical, emotional, nervous--one set of faculties being in perpetual activity while the others lay dormant, woman has fallen into a state that is more or less ailing and diseased; that upon her shoulders has been laid the penalty of the injustice and selfishness of men."[812] Even if the participation of woman in the mental activities and the public vocations which men have hitherto monopolized should prove harmful to her, has she not a right to discover the fact by experience? "I consider it presumptuous," said John Stuart Mill in the outset of the organized emancipation movement, "in anyone to pretend to decide what women are or are not, can or cannot be by natural constitution. They have always hitherto been kept, as far as regards spontaneous development, in so unnatural a state that their nature cannot but have been greatly distorted and disguised, and no one can safely pronounce that if woman's nature were left to choose its direction as freely as men's, and if no artificial bent were attempted to be given to it except that required by the conditions of human society, and given to both sexes alike, there would be any material difference, or perhaps any difference at all, in the character and capacities which would unfold themselves."[813]

[811] For example, see DR. STRAHAN, "The Struggle of the Sexes: its Effect upon the Race," _Humanitarian_, III (Nov., 1893), 349-57; replying to an article entitled "Sex Bias" in the same journal for July of that year; EDSON, "Women of Today," _North Am. Rev._, CLVII, 440-51; who is criticised by ICHENHAEUSER, _Die Ausnahmestellung Deutschlands in Sachen des Frauenstudiums_, 8 ff.; an article entitled "'Woman's Rights' Question Considered from a Biological Point of View," _Quart. Jour. of Sci._, XV, 469-84; which is effectually disposed of by WARD, "Our Better Halves," _Forum_, VI, 266-75. Ward is attacked by ALLEN, "Woman's Place in Nature," _Forum_, VII, 258-63. ROMANES, "Mental Differences of Men and Women," in _Pop. Sci. Monthly_, XXXI, 383-401, takes a conservative or intermediate position. A liberal view is held by BROOKS, "The Condition of Women Zoölogically," _ibid._, XV, 145 ff., 347 ff.; and by WHITE, "Woman's Place in Nature," _ibid._, VI, 292-301.

[812] CAIRD, _Morality of Marriage_, 13, 174, 175.

[813] Quoted by CAIRD, _op. cit._, 14. For a trenchant discussion of this point compare MILL, _Subjection of Women_, 38-52, 111 ff., _passim._

It is vain for "scientific optimism" to seek in "nature" a justification for woman's sexual subjection. "Independently ... of its false facts and false premises, this pretended scientific defense of the undue inequality of the sexes in man is fundamentally unsound in resting upon a thoroughly false assumption, which is only the more pernicious because widely prevalent. It assumes that whatever exists in nature must be the best possible state.... The only practical use to which we put science is to _improve upon nature_, to control all classes of forces, social forces included, to the end of bettering the conditions under which we inhabit the earth. This is true civilization, and all of it."[814]

[814] WARD, _Dynamic Sociology_, I, 662.

The fear that the education of woman, in connection with her growing economic independence, will prove harmful to society through her refusal of matrimony or maternity appears equally groundless. According to Dike, "the demand for her enfranchisement, either as a right or on the ground of expediency, grows out of this way of treating her as an individual whose relations to society are less a matter of condition and more of personal choice. And this principle is carried into a sphere entirely her own. A partial loss of capacity for maternity has, it is said, already befallen American women; and the voluntary refusal of its responsibilities is the lament of the physician and the moralist."[815] It is true that the birth-rate is falling.[816] So far as this depends upon male sensuality, a prevalent cause of sterility; upon selfish love of ease and luxury--of which men even more than women are guilty; or upon the disastrous influence of the present extremes of wealth and poverty--of which women as well as men are the victims--it is a serious evil which may well cause us anxiety; but so far as it is the result of the desire for fewer but better-born children--for which, let us hope, the advancing culture of woman may in part be responsible--it is in fact a positive social good.[817] It is true also that, while fewer and fewer marriages in proportion to the population are taking place, men as well as women are marrying later and later in life.[818] Here again, for the reasons just mentioned, the results are both good and bad. Certain it is that early marriages and excessive child-bearing have been the twin causes of much injury to the human race. "To the superficial observer," declares a writer very conservative as to the effects of woman's emancipation, "it may appear that every marriage must enrich the state, and that early marriages must lessen the amount of sexual immorality, but inquiry will prove conclusively how fallacious are those views. Early marriages certainly tend to the production of large families, but then a family, to be a source of wealth to the state, must at least be self-supporting, which is exactly what the feeble, degenerate children of the great mass of our early marriages are not. They are brought forth ill-developed and unhealthy; their immature, improvident parents are unable to either feed or educate them as they ought to be fed and educated; hence, instead of being a source of wealth to the state, they prove a serious drain upon her resources. A large percentage of these miserable children succumb during infancy, but a great number drag out a pitiful existence, only to become inmates of our workhouses and infirmaries, our asylums and prisons, and, after being supported at the public expense for a longer or shorter period, to die prematurely, leaving the state poorer than they found it and no better. It is indeed a small percentage of the children of the immature that ever become robust useful, self-supporting citizens."[819]

[815] DIKE, "Some Aspects of the Divorce Question," _Princeton Rev._, March, 1884, 180. Compare ALLEN, "The New England Family," _New Englander_, March, 1882, 146 ff.; CREPAZ, _Die Gefahren der Frauen-Emancipation_, 24 ff.

[816] KUCZYNSKI, "Fecundity of the Native and Foreign Born Pop. of Mass.," _Quart. Jour. of Economics_, XVI, 1-36; CRUM, "The Birth-Rate in Mass.," _ibid._, XI, 248-65; DUMONT, "Essai sur le natalité en Mass.," _Jour. de la soc. stat. de Paris_, XXXVIII (1897), 332-53, 385-95; XXXIX (1898), 64-99; MOLINARI, "Decline of the French Population," _Jour. of the Royal Stat. Soc._, LIII, 183-97; MAYO-SMITH, _Statistics and Sociology_, 67 ff.; USSHER, _Neo-Malthusianism_, 137-64; EDSON, "Women of Today," _North Am. Rev._, CLVII, 446 ff.

[817] Sometime, it is to be hoped, society may seriously take in hand the problem of restraining the propagation of criminals, dependents, and the other unfit: see WARNER, _American Charities_, 132, 133.

[818] WILLCOX, "A Study of Vital Statistics," in _Pol. Sci. Quart._, VIII, 76, 77; OGLE, "On Marriage-Rates and Marriage-Ages," _Jour. of the Royal Stat. Soc._, LIII, 272 ff.; KUCZYNSKI, "Fecundity of the Native and Foreign Born Pop. in Mass.," _Quart. Jour. of Economics_, XVI, 1-36; MAYO-SMITH, _Statistics and Sociology_, 103 ff., 124; CRUM, "The Marriage Rate in Mass.," _Pub. of Am. Stat. Assoc._, IV, 331 ff.; WALLACE, "Human Selection," _Fort. Rev._, XLVIII, 335 ff.

[819] STRAHAN, _Marriage and Disease_, 245 ff., giving statistics. _Cf._ EDSON, "The Evils of Early Marriages," _North Am. Rev._, CLVIII, 230-34; USSHER, _Neo-Malthusianism_, 213 ff.; WALLACE, "Human Selection," _Fort. Rev._, XLVIII, 333 ff.; LEGOUVÉ, _Hist. morale des femmes_, 74-84.

It is not marriage or maternity which educated women are shunning; but they are declining to view marriage as their sole vocation or to become merely child-bearing animals. Let us not worry about the destiny of college women.[820] It is simply wrong wedlock which they are avoiding. They have, suggests Muirhead, a careful regard for the "kind" of marriage. They are determined to have only "the genuine article." They "look in marriage not only for the old fashioned 'union of hearts,' but for the union of heart and head in some serious interest which will survive the mere attractions of sex and form a solid bond of union even in the absence of others which, like the birth of children, depend on fortune." So "far from being hostile" to the family, "they are only preparing the way for a purer and more beneficent form of family life." The "maternal instinct is happily not confined to the uneducated."[821] The rise of a more refined sentiment of love has become at once a check and an incentive to marriage.[822][820] See especially the excellent paper of MARY ROBERTS SMITH, "Statistics of College and Non-College Women," _Pub. of the Am. Stat. Assoc._, VII, 1-26, whose conclusions support the view taken in the text; and SIDGWICK, _Health Statistics of Women Students of Cambridge and Oxford and Their Sisters_ (Cambridge, 1890), who reaches similar general results. _Cf._ THWING, "What Becomes of College Women?" _North Am. Rev._, CLXI, 546-53, taking a very favorable view of the influence of higher education on woman in her domestic relations; and SHINN, "The Marriage Rate of College Women," _Century_, L, 946-48. Consult also the articles of F. M. ABBOTT, C. S. ANGSTMAN, G. E. GARDNER, and F. FRANKLIN mentioned in the Bibliographical Index, IV; and read CLARA E. COLLET'S "Prospects of Marriage for Women," _Nineteenth Century_, XXXI, 537-52.

[821] MUIRHEAD, "Is the Family Declining?" _Int. Jour. of Ethics_, Oct., 1896, 47-50.

[822] There are many reasons why all persons do not marry. Among these is a loftier ideal of love. "Persons often live single a whole life-time because they are unable to obtain the only one in the world for whom they can ever experience a throb of pure passion.... We see then that this more diffused and elevated form of love becomes at once the greatest incentive and the greatest barrier to marriage. It differs wholly from the localized passion in being _selective_. While it is less selfish, it must be called out by, and exclusively directed toward, one definite object. From this circumstance it may be called the _objective_ form of love."--WARD, _Dynamic Sociology_, I, 626.

Long ago Mrs. John Stuart Mill explained how essential are knowledge and equality to render woman the real companion of man in the struggle for existence; how the subjection and ignorance of the wife degrade not only her own character, but that of the husband as well. "There is hardly any situation more unfavorable to the maintenance of elevation of character, or force of intellect, than to live in the society, and seek by preference the sympathy, of inferiors in mental endowments."[823]

[823] MRS. MILL, "Enfranchisement of Women," _Westminster Review_, July 1851; or _Dissertations and Discussions_, III, 117, 118. "While far from being expedient, we are firmly convinced, that the division of mankind into castes, one born to rule over the other, is in this case, as in all cases, an unqualified mischief; a source of perversion and demoralization, both to the favored class and to those at whose expense they are favored; producing none of the good which it is the custom to ascribe to it, and forming a bar, almost insuperable while it lasts, to any really vital improvement, either in the character or in the social condition of the human race."--_Ibid._, 101. _Cf._ MR. MILL'S masterly discussion of the relative effects of equality and inequality in marriage, in _Subjection of Women_, 53-90, 146 ff.

If woman's even partnership with man in the nurture of the family and in facing the exigencies of external life depends mainly on equal education, never was such education more urgently required than at the present hour. Social and industrial problems are constantly demanding higher and higher mental training for their solution. The same is true of the problem of the family. It is very largely a question of reform and development in home education. Clearly, then, husband and wife have great need of intelligent sympathy and counsel in the discharge of their joint, yet partially differentiated, tasks. Hence, it should be the high function of public education to promote this healthy companionship in social duty. Furthermore, American experience appears to show that it can best do so by training young men and women together. Indeed, in this regard the sociological value of coeducation is very important. Theoretically it seems reasonable to assume that those who are to work together in later life may gain some advantage by spending the years of study side by side. The practical result of coeducation in the western states, where it has been given the freest opportunity, appears to demonstrate that such is actually the case. The majority of those who have had extended experience, after making all due allowance for special difficulties to be surmounted, are emphatic in their opinion that mentally and morally both sexes are the gainers by it, as compared with training in separate institutions.[824] It is true that eventually marriages very often result from such associations. That is precisely the gist of the matter. Are not the conditions entirely favorable to the fostering of happy unions? Under what better auspices can attachments be formed than when young men and women are learning to gauge each other's character through the varied social and intellectual rivalries of the years of scholastic life?

[824] "Yet coeducation wisely managed is almost indispensable to the training of noble men and women; for education in its broadest sense takes account of all the influences that go to form character. It is not wholly intellectual, but is moral and social, and can best be carried forward, under a proper _régime_, where young men and women are educated and trained together."--LIVERMORE, _What Shall We Do with Our Daughters?_ 44 ff. _Cf._ KUHNOW, _Frauenbildung und Frauenberuf_, 7 ff.; and especially WOLLSTONECRAFT, _Vindication of the Rights of Woman_, 361 ff., 381-413.

Educational equality, however, is but one aspect of the movement for woman's liberation. There are other factors of the ideal partnership of the sexes in the uplifting of society. Intellectual emancipation is proceeding, and necessarily must proceed, hand in hand with political and economic emancipation. The three movements are in large measure blended and interdependent. The participation of woman in the new vocations--industrial, artistic, professional, or administrative--implies a great advance in mental training. It means a distinct unfoldment of faculties and character. "No sociological change equal in importance to this clearly marked improvement of an entire sex has ever taken place in one century."[825] It is a revolution in which one-half of the human race is becoming an equal factor with the other in intellectual and economic production. At last woman is gaining a share in the social consciousness; she is entering into the social organization as a new and regenerative force. Doubtless, in the process of readjusting new functions and conditions to the old some temporary harm may ensue. Yet happily the alarm is subsiding lest by her entrance on the new vocations woman should permanently wreck her physical constitution, refuse to marry, or cause industrial disaster through over-competition.[826] With far greater justice a century ago it was complained that the "intrusion of men-traders" into woman's work was driving her to destitution and thus fostering the "social evil."[827] The callings into which women are charged with "intruding" were, many of them, women's callings before they were men's.

[825] STETSON, _Women and Economics_, 151. On the woman labor question see the very enlightening discussion of OLIVE SCHREINER, "The Woman's Movement of Our Day," _Harper's Bazar_, XXXVI (1902), 3-8, 103-7, 222-27; and her "Woman Question," _Cosmopolitan_, XXVIII (1899-1900), 45-54, 182-92, emphasizing the danger of woman's "sex-parasitism," through her economic dependence. Compare GÜNTHER, _Das Recht der Frau auf Arbeit_, 6 ff.

[826] The hardships which women as well as men endure under the present industrial conditions have little connection with their economic emancipation. "What some call a woman's movement for industrial liberty is not quite what it is claimed to be. It is largely an incident in the movement of property, which is seeking its own ends, caring very little for either sex or age. In order to find an easier place under the common industrial yoke that rests upon the neck of every individual, women seek more and more employments. But it is not so much womanhood as it is property that is the real impelling cause."--DIKE, "Problems of the Family," _Century_, XXXIX, 392. _Cf._ LEGOUVÉ, _Hist. morale des femmes_, 366-90; GRAFFENRIED, "The Condition of Wage-Earning Women," _Forum_, XV, 68 ff.; EDSON, "American Life and Physical Deterioration," _North Am. Rev._, CLVII, 440 ff., referring to the alleged evil effects of woman's new activities; DILKE, "Industrial Position of Women," _Fort. Rev._, LIV, 499 ff., discussing the condition of factory workers; PHILLIPPS, "The Working Lady in London," _ibid._, LII, 193 ff.; BREMNER, "The Financial Dependence of Women," _North Am. Rev._, CLVIII, 382 ff., protesting against regarding the economic "dependence of the wife as degradation;" and COLLET, "Official Statistics on the Employment of Women," _Jour. of the Stat. Soc._, LXI, 216-60. MRS. MILL, "Enfranchisement of Women," _Dissertation_, III, 109 ff., effectually disposes of the objection based on the alleged effects of woman's industrial competition with men. _Cf._ the elaborate discussion of BEBEL, _Die Frau und der Sozialismus_, 202 ff.

[827] MARY ANNE RADCLIFFE, _The Female Advocate_ (London, 1799). A petition of women to Louis XVI. in 1789 prays "that men may not ply the trades belonging to women, whether dressmaking, embroidery, or haberdashery. Let them leave us, at least the needle and the spindle, and we will engage not to wield the compass or the square."--OSTROGORSKI, _The Rights of Women_, 26, 27; following LEFAURE, _Le socialisme pendant la révolution_, 122.

It is within the family itself that the growing economic independence of woman is producing the highest sociological results. Under the old domestic régime on both sides of the sea the woman who married entered legally, potentially, upon a life of financial bondage. In the theory of the common law the wife, with her children, her goods, and the fruits of her toil, was the sole property of the husband. Only in 1886 did the mother in England gain legal capacity for the partial custody of her offspring;[828] and in but few of the American states has she been placed on equal footing with the father in this regard.[829] Even now the "husband in England can claim damage from the man who has ruined his family life, but the woman can claim none from the rival who has supplanted her."[830] In both England and the United States notable progress has already been made in equalizing the property rights of the sexes; but the process is yet far from complete. The prevailing conception of marriage as a status in which the wife is "supported" by the husband is degrading in its influence on the woman's character. It tends to deaden her moral perceptions and to paralyze her mental powers. Girls are trained, or they are forced by poverty, to look upon wedlock as an economic vocation, as a means of getting a living. The result is that under the old order marriage tends to become a species of purchase-contract in which the woman barters her sex-capital to the man in exchange for a life-support. The man--not the woman as originally--has become the chooser in sex-selection. In the family, therefore, the sex-motive has become excessively pronounced, thrusting into the background higher social and spiritual ideals.[831] The liberation movement thus means in a high degree the socialization of one-half of the human race. Woman declines longer to be restricted to the dwarfing environment of sexual seclusion; and demands the means and the privilege of engaging in the larger activities of self-conscious society.[832]

[828] By the Custody of Infants Act, 1886: see the discussion of CAIRD, _Morality of Marriage_, 49, 55 ff.

[829] BISHOP, _Marriage, Div., and Sep._, II, 452 ff.

[830] PEARSON, "The Decline of the Family," in his _National Life and Character_, 240, 234, 235. In many of the American states the wife may bring action against the seducer of her husband: BISHOP, _Mar., Div., and Sep._, I, 568.

[831] This fact is seized upon in one of the most powerful books produced in recent sociological discussion. According to Mrs. Stetson "we are the only animal species in which the female depends on the male for food, the only animal species in which the sex-relation is also an economic relation. With us an entire sex lives in a relation of economic dependence upon the other sex." The wife may toil unceasingly; but the labor which she "performs in the household is given as a part of her functional duty, not as employment." She is therefore not her husband's "business partner;" for as an intended equivalent for what she gets she contributes neither labor nor capital nor experience nor even motherhood. She contributes her sex-attractions. Sex-distinctions are therefore excessively developed; and the "sexuo-economic relation" becomes inevitable. "By the economic dependence of the human female upon the male, the balance of forces is altered. Natural selection no longer checks the action of sexual selection, but coöperates with it;" for "man, in supporting woman, has become her economic environment." Under "sexual selection the human creature is of course modified to its mate, as with all creatures. When the mate becomes also the master, when economic necessity is added to sex-attraction, we have the two great evolutionary forces acting together to the same end; namely, to develop sex-distinction in the human female. For, in her position of economic dependence in the sexual relation, sex-distinction is with her not only a means of attracting a mate, as with all creatures, but a means of getting a livelihood, as is the case with no other creature under heaven. Because of the economic dependence of the human female on her mate she is modified to sex to an excessive degree. This excessive modification she transmits to her children; and so is steadily implanted in the human constitution the morbid tendency to excess in this relation, which has acted so universally upon us in all ages, in spite of our best efforts to restrain it." While in man the immediate dominating force of sexual passion may be more conspicuous, in woman it holds more universal sway. "For the man has other powers and faculties in full use, whereby to break loose from the force of this; and the woman, specially modified to sex and denied racial activity, pours her whole life into love." Useful to the race as was this evolution originally, its influence for good has long since reached its limit. Excessive sex-energy has threatened to "destroy both individual and race." Hence woman is declining longer to be confined to her highly specialized sexual function and is demanding an equal place in the social organization. She is gaining a social consciousness: STETSON, _Women and Economics_, 5, 12 ff., 37 ff., 48, 122-45. _Cf._ SCHREINER, "The Woman Question," _Cosmopolitan_, XXVIII, 183 ff., on "sex-parasitism."

[832] _Cf._ STETSON, _op. cit._, 156 ff. "The woman's club movement is one of the most important sociological phenomena of the century--indeed, of all centuries--marking as it does the first timid steps toward social organization of these so long unsocialized members of our race;" for "social life is absolutely conditioned upon organization."--_Ibid._, 164. On woman's clubs see CROLY, _Hist. of the Woman's Club Movement in America_; HENROTIN, _Attitude of Women's Clubs Toward Social Economics_; LIVERMORE, _North Am. Rev._, CL, 115; ANSTRUTHER, _Nineteenth Century_, XLV, 598-611; and a symposium in _Arena_, VI, 362-88. The financial dependence of the wife is discussed by COOKE, "Real Rights of Women," _North Am. Rev._, CXLIX, 353, 354; and by IVES, "Domestic Purse Strings," _Forum_, X, 106-14, showing the hardships and temptations of wives dependent upon the husband for current supplies of money.

We are thus confronted by still another phase of the emancipation movement--the divorce problem. In this problem woman has a peculiar interest. The wife more frequently than the husband is seeking in divorce a release from marital ills; for in her case it often involves an escape from sexual slavery. The divorce movement, therefore, is in part an expression of woman's growing independence. In this instance as in others it does not, of course, follow that the individualistic tendency is vicious. Nowhere in the field of social ethics, perhaps, is there more confusion of thought than in dealing with the divorce question. Divorce is not favored by anyone for its own sake. Probably in every healthy society the ideal of right marriage is a lifelong union. But what if it is not right, if the marriage is a failure? Is there no relief? Here a sharp difference of opinion has arisen. Some persons look upon divorce as an evil in itself; others as a "remedy" for, or a "symptom" of, social disease. The one class regard it as a cause; the other as an effect. To the Roman Catholic, and to those who believe with him, divorce is a sin, the sanction of "successive polygamy,"[833] of "polygamy on the instalment plan."[834] At the other extreme are those who, like Milton and Humboldt,[835] would allow marriage to be dissolved freely by mutual consent, or even at the desire of either spouse. Nay, there are earnest souls, shocked by the intolerable hardships which wives may suffer under the marital yoke, who, pending a reform in the marriage law, would, like the Quakers of earlier days, ignore the present statutory requirements and resort to private contract.[836] According to the prevailing opinion, however, as expressed in modern legislation, divorce should be allowed, with more or less freedom, under careful state regulation. Whatever degree of liberty may be just or expedient in a more advanced state of moral development, it is felt that now a reasonable conservatism is the safer course. Yet divorce is sanctioned by the state as an individual right; and there may be occasions when the exercise of the right becomes a social duty. The right is, of course, capable of serious abuse. Loose divorce laws may even invite crime. Nevertheless, it is fallacious to represent the institution of divorce as in itself a menace to social morality. It is not helpful to allege, as is often done, that with the increase of divorce certain crimes wax more frequent, thus insinuating the effect for the cause. It is just as illogical to assume that the prevalence of divorce in the United States is a proof of moral decadence as compared with other countries in which divorce is prohibited or more restricted. To forbid the use of a remedy does not prove that there is no disease. Is there any good reason for believing that what Tocqueville said fifty years ago is not true today? "Assuredly," he declares, "America is the country in the world where the marriage tie is most respected and where the highest and justest idea of conjugal happiness has been conceived."[837] It is remarkable, says Lecky, "that this great facility of divorce should exist in a country which has long been conspicuous for its high standard of sexual morality and for its deep sense of the sanctity of marriage."[838] Bryce passes a similar judgment: "So far as my own information goes, the practical level of sexual morality is at least as high in the United States as in any part of northern or western Europe (except possibly among the Roman Catholic peasantry of Ireland)." There "seems no ground for concluding that the increase of divorce in America necessarily points to a decline in the standard of domestic morality, except perhaps in a small section of the wealthy class, though it must be admitted that if this increase should continue, it may tend to induce such a decline."[839] Even more emphatic is Commissioner Wright. After eloquently describing the relatively high place which woman has reached in our land, he continues: "I do not believe that divorce is a menace to the purity and sacredness of the family; but I do believe that it is a menace to the infernal brutality, of whatever name, and be it crude or refined, which at times makes a hell of the holiest human relations. I believe the divorce movement finds its impetus outside of laws, outside of our institutions, outside of our theology; that it finds its impetus in the rebellion of the human heart against that slavery which binds in the cruelest bonds of the cruelest prostitution human beings who have, by their foolishness, by their want of wisdom, or by the intervention of friends, missed the divine purpose, as well as the civil purpose of marriage. I believe the result will be an enhanced purity, a sublimer sacredness, a more beautiful embodiment of Lamartine's trinity,--the trinity of the father, the mother, and the child"--to preserve which "in all its sacredness, society must take the bitter medicine labelled 'Divorce.'"[840]

[833] According to CARDINAL GIBBONS there are "two species of polygamy--simultaneous and successive": "Is Divorce Wrong?" in _North Am. Rev._, CXLIX, 520.

[834] The epigram of Father Yorke, of San Francisco.

[835] WILHELM V. HUMBOLDT, _Sphere and Duties of Government_: cited by MILL, _On Liberty_, 185, 186.

[836] For examples see SEWELL, in _Westminster Review_, CXLV, 182 ff., suggesting a form of private contract; and BESANT, _Marriage_, 19, 20, who asks: "Why should not we take a leaf out of the Quakers' book, and substitute for the present legal forms of marriage a simple declaration publicly made?... but as soon as the laws are moralized, and wives are regarded as self-possessing human beings, instead of as property, then the declaration may, with advantage, seek the sanction of the law." She mentions the well-known cases of Mary Wollstonecraft, her daughter and Shelley, Richard Carlile, and that of George Henry Lewes and George Eliot. Mrs. Caird would not go so far. The state, she concludes, hes no right to interfere in the marriage contract. "How can it withdraw its interference without causing social confusion? The answer seems plain. By a gradual widening of the limitations within which individuals might be allowed to draw up their private contracts, until, finally, moral standards had risen sufficiently high to enable the state to cease from interfering in private concerns altogether."--_The Morality of Marriage_, 126. DONISTHORPE, "The Future of Marriage," _Fort. Rev._, LI, 263, recommends a system of free private contract for one year, renewable at the pleasure of the parties. He is criticised by MALMSBURY, _ibid._, 272-82. _Cf._ also "Marriage and Free Thought," _ibid._, L, 275 ff.

[837] TOCQUEVILLE, _La démocratie en Amérique_, II, 215.

[838] LECKY, _Dem. and Liberty_, II, 208.

[839] BRYCE, _Studies in Hist. and Jur._, 850.

[840] WRIGHT, in _Arena_, V, 141, 143. See also his _Practical Sociology_, 170 ff.; and compare the article of SAVAGE, "Matrimony and the State," _Forum_, X, 117 ff.; that of JANES, "Divorce Sociologically Considered," _New Englander_, May, 1891, 395-402; and that of ADLER, "The Ethics of Divorce," in _Ethical Record_, II, 200-209; III, 1-7.

This brings us to the root of the matter: the need of a loftier popular ideal of the marriage relation. "An ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure." While bad legislation and a low standard of social ethics continue to throw recklessly wide the door which opens to wedlock, there must of necessity be a broad way out. How ignorantly, with what utter levity,[841] are marriages often contracted; how many thousands of parents fail to give their children any serious warning against yielding to transient impulse in choosing a mate; how few have received any real training with respect to the duties and responsibilities of conjugal life! What proper check is society placing upon the marriage of the unfit? Is there any boy or girl so immature if only the legal age of consent has been reached; is there any "delinquent" so dangerous through inherited tendencies to disease or crime; is there any worn out debauchee, who cannot somewhere find a magistrate or a priest to tie the "sacred" knot? It is a very low moral sentiment which tolerates modern wife-purchase or husband-purchase for bread, title, or social position. "As our laws stare us in the face," exclaims an eloquent writer, "there is no man so drunken, so immoral, so brutal, so cruel, that he may not take to himself the purest, the most refined, the most sensitive of women to wife, if he can get her. There is no woman so paltry, so petty, so vain, so inane, so enfeebled in body and mind by corsets or chloral, flirtation, or worse, that she may not become the wife of an intellectual, honorable man, and the mother of his doomed children. There is no pauper who may not wed a pauper and beget paupers to the end of his story. There is no felon returned from his prison, or loose upon society uncondemned, who may not make a base play at wedlock, and perpetuate his diseased soul and body in those of his descendants, without restraint. There is no member of what we call our 'respectable' classes who may not, if he choose, make a mock of the awful name of marriage, in sacrilege to which we are so used that we scarcely lift an eyelid to suppress surprise or aversion at the sickening variety of the offence."[842]

[841] The following newspaper paragraph relating to a notorious wedding resort in Michigan illustrates the shocking frivolity with which the most important of human relations is sometimes treated: "It is estimated that fully 20,000 people will visit this city tomorrow to attend the third annual Maccabees' county picnic.... It is thought tomorrow will prove to be the greatest day in the history of St. Joseph as the Gretna Green of Chicago.... Fully forty-four bridal couples will arrive from Chicago to take advantage of being married free, as is offered by the Maccabees in a part of their program. The parties with matrimonial intentions, upon calling at Marriage Temple, will be furnished by County Clerk Needham with their license and a handsome marriage certificate, free of charge, provided they consent to be married in public from the verandah of the hotels. Any clergyman in the city, upon request ... , will officiate. Hundreds of excursionists from Indiana will come for the express purpose of witnessing the ceremonies." On this point read the interesting article of DENDY, "Marriage in East London," _Cont. Rev._, LXV, 427-32.

[842] ELIZABETH STUART PHELPS, "Women's Views of Divorce," _North Am. Rev._, CL, 130, 131.

It is vain to conceal from ourselves the fact that here is a real menace to society. Marriages thus formed are almost sure to be miserable failures from the start. It is the simple truth, as earnest writers have insisted, that often under such conditions the nuptial ceremony is but a legal sanction of "prostitution within the marriage bond," whose fruit is wrecked motherhood and the feeble, base-born children of unbridled lust. The command to "be fruitful and multiply," under the selfish and thoughtless interpretation which has been given it, has become a heavy curse to womanhood and a peril to the human race.[843] On the face of it, is it not grotesque to call such unions holy or to demand that they shall be indissoluble? What chance is there under such circumstances for a happy family life or for worthy home-building? In sanctioning divorce the welfare of the children may well cause the state anxiety; but are there not thousands of so-called "homes" from whose corrupting and blighting shadow the sooner a child escapes the better for both it and society?

[843] _Cf._ FLOWER, "Prostitution Within the Marriage Bond," _Arena_, XIII, 59-73; _idem_, "Wellsprings of Immorality," _ibid._, XI, 56-70; HEINZEN, _The Rights of Women and the Sexual Relations_, 44 ff.; STETSON, _Women and Economics_, 63 ff.; CAIRD, _Morality of Marriage_, 73-91, 134 ff., discussing the influence of the Reformation upon sensuality; KARL PEARSON, "Socialism and Sex," in his _Ethic of Free Thought_, 427-46, on the alleged evil influence of Luther on the sex-relations; BEBEL, _Die Frau und der Sozialismus_, 93 ff., taking the opposite view as to Luther, and considering the causes of the decline in the birth and marriage rates.

The traditional opinion is represented by NAUMANN, _Christenthum und Familie_, 21, 22, who believes in getting children at all hazards, relying on God to take care of them: "Es gibt auch Christen," he says, "welche sich vor Entfaltung des vollen Gottessegens in den Ehen fürchten, ganz als ob es nicht wahr wäre: was unser Gott erschaffen hat, das will er auch erhalten. In unsern Augen ist es Glaubensschwäche, wenn ein christliches Volk sich vor dem Gottessegen reicher, blühender Kinderschaaren fürchtet." On the same side see HARTMANN, _The Sexes Compared_, 28 ff.; POMEROY, _The Ethics of Marriage_, 45 ff., 94 ff. For an antidote read the able discussion of the diminishing need of child-bearing under modern conditions, by OLIVE SCHREINER, "The Woman Question," _Cosmopolitan_, XXVIII, 51 ff.; and LADY SOMERSET, "The Welcome Child," _Arena_, XII, 42-49; criticised by USSHER, _Neo-Malthusianism_, 101 ff., 201. _Cf._ WRIGHT, _Practical Sociology_, 68 ff.; BERTHEAU, _Lois de la population_, 299 ff., 342 ff.

How shall the needed reform be accomplished? The raising of ideals is a slow process. It will not come through the statute-maker, though he can do something to provide a legal environment favorable for the change. It must come through an earnest and persistent educational effort which shall fundamentally grapple with the whole group of problems which concern the related, though distinct, institutions of marriage, the home, and the family. In this work every grade in the educational structure, from the university to the kindergarten and the home circle, must have its appropriate share. Already a few of our higher institutions have made a worthy beginning. Departments of physical culture, economics, history, and sociology are providing instruction of real value. But the movement should become universal; and the curriculum should be broadened and deepened. The actual concrete problems must be dealt with frankly and without flinching. To gain the right perspective it is highly important that a thorough historical basis should be laid through the study of ethnology, comparative religion, and the evolution of cultural, economic, and matrimonial institutions. Moreover, the elements of such a training in domestic sociology should find a place in the public school program. If need be, a little more arithmetic or a little more Latin may be sacrificed. Where now, except perhaps in an indirect or perfunctory way, does the school boy or girl get any practical suggestion as to home-building, the right social relations of parent and child, much less regarding marriage and the fundamental questions of the sexual life? In this field the home, as the complement or coadjutor of the school and the state, has a precious opportunity. Indeed, our inspiring hope lies in the fact that, in spite of unfavorable conditions, many homes, presided over by enlightened parents, are discharging worthily, if not yet ideally, the high function of social training. Here father, mother, and child are equal members of the "trinity." Here it is held as binding an obligation and as joyous a privilege for the parents to honor their children as for the children to honor their parents. Of a truth, is there anything on earth more beautiful and inspiring than the real companionship of parent and child; than a home life in which the characters of the young are molded and their faculties drawn out by free and frank discussion with their elders; where mutual love is based on mutual respect? But what shall be said of the opposite picture--of the countless families in which mother and child still cower before the paternal despot; where authority and not reason prevails; where, as in the good old colonial days, the child is harshly thrust into the background and his insistent individualism is insulted and repressed? Before the home can become a healthful school for social education, parents must themselves be trained; they must become aware of their real place in the social order.

In the future educational program sex questions must hold an honorable place. Progress in this direction may be slow, because of the false shame, the prurient delicacy, now widely prevalent touching everything connected with the sexual life. Nor is it a light matter to brave orthodox sentiment in this regard. It is not always safe for the teacher, even in institutions deeming themselves modern, to deal frankly with the organic facts which are of vital concern to the human race. The folly of parents in leaving their children in ignorance of the laws of sex is notorious. Yet how much safer than ignorance is knowledge as a shield for innocence. The daughter will face the vicissitudes of life more securely if she has been told of the destiny that awaits her as wife and mother; if she has been warned of the snares with which lust has beset the path of womanhood. The son is likely to live a nobler life if he has learned to repudiate the dual standard of sexual morality which a spurious philosophy has set up; if he understands that "instincts" may be safely controlled; if he has been warned that selfish excesses within or without the marriage bond must be dearly paid for by the coming generations. Indeed, it is of the greatest moment to society that the young should be trained in the general laws of heredity. Everywhere men and women are marrying in utter contempt of the warnings of science. Domestic animals are literally better bred than human beings. Through ignorance and defiance of the rules of health, we are destroying our physical constitutions. Under the plea of "romantic love" we blindly yield to sexual attractions in choosing our mates, selfishly ignoring the welfare of the race. Is there not a higher ideal of conjugal choice? Experience shows that in wedlock natural and sexual selection should play a smaller and artificial selection a larger rôle.[844] The safety of the social body requires that a check be put upon the propagation of the unfit. Here the state has a function to perform. In the future much more than now, let us hope, the marriage of persons mentally delinquent or tainted by hereditary disease or crime will be legally restrained. Yet law can do relatively little. A reform of this kind must of necessity depend mainly upon a better educated popular sentiment; upon a higher altruism which shall be capable of present sacrifice for the permanent good of the race. "When human beings and families rationally subordinate their own interests as perfectly to the welfare of future generations as do animals under the control of instinct the world will have a more enduring type of family life than exists at present. This can only be accomplished by the development of controlling ideals which are supported not only by reason and intelligence but by ethical impulse and religious motive. This larger altruism which protects the permanent interests of the future against the more temporary values of the present must be of the heart as much as of the head.... In the mating of men and women, money, social position, worldly expediency, the conventional and fictitious values so influential in these days, will count for much less, while organic health and efficiency, character, unselfish devotion to high ideals, to the great world interests will count for far more. In this obedience to ideals so farsighted, romantic love will not be lost in any way, as some seem to fear. Men and women will not choose one another in cold blood simply because intelligence and reason point the way, but human sentiment and every romantic quality will be enhanced when permanent and future interests are furthered by a saner and finer human choice."[845]

[844] For a radical discussion of this topic, see STANLEY, "Artificial Selection and the Marriage Problem," _Monist_, II, 51 ff.; _idem_, "Our Civilization and the Marriage Problem," _Arena_, II, 94-100. He is criticised by WALLACE, "Human Selection," _Fort. Rev._, XLVIII, 325 ff. An extreme position is taken by GRANT ALLEN, "The Girl of the Future," _Universal Rev._, May, 1890; and "Plain Words on the Woman Question," _Fort. Rev._, Oct., 1889. _Cf._ WERTHEIMER, "Homiculture," _Nineteenth Century_, XXIV, 390-92.

[845] See DR. THOMAS D. WOOD'S able paper, _Some Controlling Ideals of the Family Life of the Future_, 27.

There is then no need to despair of the future. It is vain to turn back the hand on the dial. The problem of individual liberty has become the problem of social liberty. Individualization for the sake of socialization must continue its beneficent work. There must be growth, constant readjustment. Marriage will in truth be holy if it rests on the free trothplight of equals whose love is deep enough to embrace a rational regard for the rights of posterity. The home will not have less sanctity when through it flows the stream of the larger human life. The family will, indeed, survive; but it will be a family of a higher type. Its evolution is not yet complete. Coercive ties will still further yield to voluntary spiritual ties; for individual liberty appears to be the essential condition of social progress.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX

Apparently no successful attempt has ever been made to prepare a complete and systematic bibliography of matrimonial institutions. Indeed, to do so would be a formidable undertaking; but that such a book would be of vast service to social history no one can doubt. Useful lists of authorities, however, are appended to the works of various writers, notably to Lubbock's _Origin of Civilization_; Starcke's _Primitive Family_; Chamberlain's _Child and Childhood_; Lehr's _Le mariage_; and especially Westermarck's _Human Marriage_. For marriage with kindred, including the deceased wife's sister, there is a good, though not exhaustive, bibliography by A. H. Huth in the _Report of the First Annual Meeting of the Index Society_ (London, 1879), 25-47; greatly enlarged in his _Marriage of Near Kin_ (2d ed., London, 1887), 394-465. Ethbin Heinrich Costa's _Bibliographie der deutschen Rechtsgeschichte_ (Braunschweig, 1858) is helpful, particularly for the earlier monographic literature. For supplementary materials, especially the curiosities of the subject, consult Hugo Hayn's _Bibliotheca Germanorum erotica: Verzeichniss der gesammten deutschen erotischen Literatur mit Einschluss der Uebersetzungen, nebst Angabe der fremden Originale_ (2d ed., Leipzig, 1885); the same writer's _Bibliotheca Germanorum nuptialis_ (Cologne, 1890); and the well-known _Bibliographie des ouvrages relatifs à l'amour, aux femmes, au mariage_, etc. (3d ed., 6 vols., San Remo, London, Nice, and Turin, 1871-73). Legal works on marriage and related institutions are included in Martin Lipenius's _Bibliotheca realis juridica omnium materiarum, rerum, et titulorum, in universo universi juris ambitu occurrentium, post F. G. Struvii et G. A. Jenichenii curas emendata ... et locupletata_ (2 vols., folio, Leipzig, 1757); but of much more service for the present purpose is the great work of J. F. von Schulte, _Die Geschichte der Quellen und Literatur des canonischen Rechts von Gratian bis auf die Gegenwart_ (3 vols., bound in 4, Stuttgart, 1875-80). Many recent publications are entered in George K. Fortescue's _Subject Index of the Modern Works Added to the Library of the British Museum in the Years 1880-1895_ (3 vols., London, 1886-97); while Poole's _Index_ contains the titles of more than 1,200 articles on various phases of the subject, including woman in her family relations.

For topical analysis of the literature presented in this Bibliographical Index consult the critical and descriptive notes at the heads of the respective chapters.

I. EARLY HISTORY OF MATRIMONIAL INSTITUTIONS

Abercromby, John. "Marriage Customs of the Mordvins." _Folklore_, I, 417-62. London, 1890.

Achelis, A. "Die Geschlechtsgenossenschaft und die Entwickelung der Ehe." _Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin_, XXV, Heft 4. Berlin, 1890.

Achelis, T. "Die Entwicklung der Ehe." _Beiträge zur Volks- und Völkerkunde_, II. Berlin, 1893.

"The Historical Development of the Family." _Open Court_, II, 806, 807. Chicago, 1888-89.

Adam, Lucien. Du parler des hommes et du parler des femmes dans la langue caraibe. Paris, 1879.

Adams, Henry. Historical Essays, New York, 1891.

Alabaster, Ernest. Notes and Commentaries on Chinese Criminal Law. London, 1899.

_American Anthropologist._ 11 vols. Washington, 1888-98.

_American Antiquarian._ 20 vols. Chicago, 1879-98.

American Association for the Advancement of Science. _Proceedings._ 47 vols. Philadelphia, Cambridge, and Salem, 1849-98.

Amram, D. W. "Divorces on Condition [Hebrew]." _Green Bag_, III, 381-83. Boston, 1891.

"Chapters from the Ancient Jewish Law: Divorce." _Ibid._, IV, 36 ff., 493 ff. Boston, 1892.

The Jewish Law of Divorce. Philadelphia, 1896.

Anchieta, Padre José d'. "Informacão dos casamentos dos Indios do Brazil." _Revista trimensal de historia e geographia_, VIII (1846), 254-62. Rio de Janeiro, 1867.

_Annales de l'Institut international de sociologie._ Publiées sous la direction de René Worms. II, "Travaux du second congrès, septembre-octobre 1895." Paris, 1896.

_Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland_, _Journal of_. 26 vols. London, 1872-97.

Araki, Toratoro. Japanisches Ehoschliessungsrecht: eine historisch-kritische Studie. Inaugural-Dissertation. Göttingen, 1893.

Atkinson, J. J. Primal Law. London, New York, and Bombay, 1903.

Avery, J. "Polyandry in India and Thibet." _American Antiquarian and Oriental Journal_, IV, 48-53.

"The Races of the Indo-Pacific Oceans: Polynesians." _American Antiquarian_, VI, 361-69. Chicago, 1884.

Ayrer, Georg Heinrich. De jure connubiorum apud Romanos quam sub divini numinis tutela, etc. Göttingen, 1736.

Backer, Louis de. Le droit de la femme dans l'antiquité: son devoir au moyen âge. A. Claudin, éditeur. Paris, 1880.

Bachofen, J. J. Das Mutterrecht: eine Untersuchung über die Gynaikokratie der alten Welt nach ihrer religiösen und rechtlichen Natur. Stuttgart, 1861.

Die Sage von Tanaquil. Heidelberg, 1870.

Antiquarische Briefe. Strassburg, 1886.

Bader, Clarisse. La femme dans l'Inde antique: études morales et littéraires. 2d ed. Paris, 1867.

La femme biblique, son influence religieuse, sa vie morale et sociale. New ed., revised and corrected. Paris, 1873.

La femme grecque: étude de la vie antique. 2 vols. 2d ed. Paris, 1873.

La femme romaine: étude de la vie antique. 2d ed. Paris, 1877.

Baegert, Jacob. "An Account of the Aboriginal Inhabitants of the Californian Peninsula." Trans. by Charles Rau. _Report of the Smithsonian Institution_ for 1864, 378-99. Washington, 1865.

Bagehot, Walter. Physics and Politics. London, 1872.

Ball, B. W. "The Rights of Women in Ancient Athens." _Atlantic Monthly_, XXVII, 273-86. Boston, 1871.

Bandelier, A. P. "On the Social Organization and Mode of Government of the Ancient Mexicans." _Report of the Peabody Museum_, II, 557-699. Cambridge, 1880.

Bardesan (_ca._ 250 A. D.). Book of the Laws of Countries. (Identical with his De Fato.) Trans. in William Cureton's Spicilegium syriacum. London, 1855.

Baring-Gould, S. "Marriage." In his Germany, Present and Past, 96-126. New York, n. d.

Baron, J. "Das Heirathen in alten und neuen Gesetzen." In R. Virchow and I. von Holtzendorff's _Sammlung gemeinverständlicher wissenschaftlicher Vorträge_. Berlin, 1874.

Barthélemy, Anatole de. "Le droit du seigneur." _Revue des questions historiques_, I, 95-123. Paris, 1866.

Bastian, A. "Ueber die Eheverhältnisse." _ZFE._, VI.

"Matriarchat und Patriarchat." _Ibid._, _Verhandlungen_, 331-41. Berlin, 1886.

Bastian, A. Die Rechtsverhältnisse bei verschiedenen Völkern der Erde. Berlin, 1872.

Baway, Ahamadu. "The Marriage Customs of the Moors of Ceylon." _Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society_, Ceylon Branch, X, 219-33. Colombo, 1888.

Beauchamp, W. M. "Permanence of Early Iroquois Clans and Sachemships." _Proceedings of the American Association for the Advancement of Science_, XXXIV, 381-92. Salem, 1886.

"Aboriginal Communal Life in America." _American Antiquarian_, IX, 343-50. Chicago, 1887.

Beckwith, Paul. "Notes on Customs of the Dakotahs." _Report of the Smithsonian Institution_ for 1886, Part I, 245-57. Washington, 1889.

Bergel, J. Die Eheverhältnisse der alten Juden im Vergleiche mit den griechischen und römischen. Leipzig, 1881.

Bernhöft, F. Staat und Recht der römischen Königszeit im Verhältniss zu verwandten Rechten. Stuttgart, 1882.

Verwandtschaftsnamen und Eheformen der nordamerikanischen Volksstämme. Rostock, 1888.

"Ueber die Grundlagen der Rechtsentwicklung bei den indogermanischen Völkern." _ZVR._, II. Stuttgart, 1880.

"Das Gesetz von Gortyn." _Ibid._, VI. Stuttgart, 1886.

"Zur Geschichte des europäischen Familienrechts." _Ibid._, VIII. Stuttgart, 1888.

"Die Principien des europäischen Familienrechts." _Ibid._, IX. Stuttgart, 1891.

"Altindische Familienorganisation." _Ibid._, IX. Stuttgart, 1891.

"Ehe und Erbrecht der griechischen Heroenzeit." _Ibid._, XI. Stuttgart, 1895.

Bertholon, M. "Les formes de la famille chez les premiers habitants de l'Afrique du nord d'après les écrivains de l'antiquité et des coutumes modernes." _Archives de l'anthropologie criminelle_, VIII (1893), 581-614.

"Bibliophile" (pseud.). Les nuits d'épreuve des villageoises allemandes avant le mariage. Brussels, 1877.

Billington, Mary Frances. Women in India. London, 1895.

Blumentritt, Ferdinand. Versuch einer Ethnographie der Philippinen. Gotha, 1882.

Boaz, Franz. "The Social Organization and the Secret Societies of the Kwakiutl Indians: Based on the Personal Observations and the Notes Made by Mr. George Hunt." _Report of the Smithsonian Institution_ for 1895, 311-738, _Report of the U.S. National Museum_. Washington, 1897.

Bogišić, V. De la forme dite "Inokosna" de la famille rurale chez les Serbes et les Croates. Paris, 1884.

Botsford, G. W. "The Athenian Constitution." _Cornell University Studies in Classical Philology_, IV. Boston, 1893.

Bourdin, Albert. De la condition de la mère en droit romain et en droit français. Paris, 1881.

Brehm, A. C. Thierleben. 10 vols. 3d ed. Leipzig and Vienna, 1891.

Brinton, D. S. "Religions of Primitive Peoples." _American Lectures on the History of Religion._ 2d series. New York and London, 1897.

Brissonius, Barnabe. De ritu nuptiarum. Paris, 1564.

De jure connubiorum. Paris, 1564. (Published and bound with the preceding.)

Brooks, W. K. The Law of Heredity. 2d ed. Baltimore and New York, 1883.

Brouardel, P. L'infanticide. Paris, 1897.

Buch, Max. Die Wotjäken, eine ethnologische Studie. From _Acta societatis scientiarum Fennicae_, XII. Helsingfors, 1882.

Buchner, Max. Kamerun. Leipzig, 1887.

Burnell, A. C., and Hopkins, E. W. The Ordinances of Manu. London, 1891.

Carr, Lucien. The Social and Political Position of Women among the Huron-Iroquois Tribes. From the _XVI. Report of the Peabody Museum_. Cambridge, 1883.

Cassel, Paulus. Gesammelte Schriften. I. Berlin, 1893.

Catlin, George. Indian Tribes. 2 vols. London, 1857.

Chamberlain, Alexander Francis. The Child and Childhood in Folk-Thought. New York, 1896.

Chamblain, L. J. De la puissance paternelle chez les Romains: dissertation présentée à la faculté de droit de Paris. Paris, 1829.

Chaplin, J. "The Position of Women among the Ancient Romans." _Baptist Review_, III, 466 ff.

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"Zum japanischen Recht." _Ibid._

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---- The Play of Animals. Trans. by Eliz. L. Baldwin. New York, 1898.

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------ "Ueber die Systematik des indischen Rechts." _ZVR._, I. Stuttgart, 1878.

------ "Die juristischen Abschnitte aus dem Gesetzbuch des Manu." _Ibid._, III, IV. Stuttgart, 1882-83.

Jörs, Paul. Die Ehegesetze des Augustus. Marburg, 1894.

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------ Aus China: Skizzen und Bilder. I. Leipzig, [1877].

Kautsky, Carl. "Die Entstehung der Ehe und Familie." _Kosmos_, XII. Stuttgart, 1882.

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------ Man: Past and Present. Cambridge, 1899.

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Koehne, K. "Das Recht der Kalmücken." _ZVR._, IX. Stuttgart, 1891.

Kohler, J. "Rechtshistorische und rechtsvergleichende Forschungen." (Part III, on "Indisches Ehe- und Familienrecht.") _Ibid._, III. Stuttgart, 1882.

------ "Studien über Frauengemeinschaft, Frauenraub und Frauenkauf." _Ibid._, V. Stuttgart, 1884.

------ "Studien über zwei babylonische Rechtsurkunden aus der Zeit Nabonids." _Ibid._, V. Stuttgart, 1884.

------ "Die Ionsage und Vaterrecht." _Ibid._, V. Stuttgart, 1884.

------ "Studien über künstliche Verwandtschaft." _Ibid._, V. Stuttgart, 1884.

------ "Aus dem chinesischen Civilrecht." _Ibid._, VI. Stuttgart, 1886.

------ "Das Recht der Birmanen." _Ibid._, VI. Stuttgart, 1886.

------ "Das Recht der Chins." _Ibid._, VI. Stuttgart, 1886.

------ "Die Ehe mit und ohne Mundium." _Ibid._, VI. Stuttgart, 1886.

------ "Ueber das Recht der Australneger." _Ibid._, VII. Stuttgart, 1887.

------ "Ueber das Recht der Papuas auf Neu Guinea." _Ibid._, VII. Stuttgart, 1887.

------ "Das Recht der Armenier." _Ibid._, VII. Stuttgart, 1887.

------ "Ueber das vorislamitische Recht der Araber." _Ibid._, VIII. Stuttgart, 1888.

------ "Studien aus dem japanischen Recht." _Ibid._, X. Stuttgart, 1892.

------ "Das Recht der Azteken." _Ibid._, XI. Stuttgart, 1895.

------ "Ueber das Negerrecht, namentlich in Kamerun." _Ibid._, XI. Stuttgart, 1895.

------ Zur Urgeschichte der Ehe: Totemismus, Gruppenehe, Mutterrecht. Separat-Abdruck aus _ibid._, XII. Stuttgart, 1897.

Kohler, J. "Rechte der deutschen Schutzgebiete." _Ibid._, XIV, 294-319, 321-94, 409-55. Stuttgart, 1900.

------ "Rechtsverhältnisse auf dem ostindischen Archipel und den westlichen Karolinen," _ibid._, VI. "Aus dem Praxis des buddhistischen Rechts in Birma," _ibid._, VI. "Die Gewohnheitsrechte des Pendschabs," _ibid._, VII. "Ueber das Recht der Goajiroindianer," _ibid._, VII. "Indische Gewohnheitsrechte," _ibid._, VIII. "Ueber die Gewohnheitsrechte von Bengalen," _ibid._, IX. "Die Gewohnheitsrechte der Provinz Bombay," _ibid._, X. "Gewohnheitsrechte der indischen Nordwestprovinzen mit Einschluss von Audh," _ibid._, XI.

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------ Gesetz und Gewohnheit im Kaukass. (Russian text.) Moskow, 1890.

------ "Matrimonial Customs and Usages of the Russian People, and the Light They Throw on the Evolution of Marriage." In his Modern Customs and Ancient Laws of Russia. London, 1891.

------ "Marriage among Early Slavs." _Folk-Lore_, I, 463-80. London, 1890.

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------ "Das Mundschaftsrecht des Mannes über die Ehefrau bei den Südslaven." _Mittheilungen der anthropologischen Gesellschaft_, XV, 101-10. Vienna, 1885.

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Kulischer, M. "Die geschlechtliche Zuchtwahl bei den Menschen in der Urzeit." _ZFE._, VIII. Stuttgart, 1888.

------ "Intercommunale Ehe durch Raub und Kauf." _Ibid._, X.

------ "Die communale 'Zeitehe' und ihre Ueberreste." _Archiv für Anthropologie_, XI, 215-29. Braunschweig, 1879.

Kuntze, Johannes Emil. Excurse über römisches Recht. 2d ed. Leipzig, 1880.

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------ Die Ehe des Propheten Hosea. Dorpat, 1859.

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------ Social Origins. (Published with Atkinson's Primal Law.) London, New York, and Bombay, 1903.

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------ Alt-arisches Jus Gentium. Jena, 1889.

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------ "L'évolution du mariage et de la famille." Vol. VI of _Bibliothèque anthropologique_. Paris, 1888.

------ "The Evolution of Marriage and of the Family." _Contemporary Science_ series. New York, n. d.

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------ "The Roman Matron and the Roman Lady." _Ibid._, XLVIII, 237-58. London, 1887.

Lippert, Julius. Die Geschichte der Familie. Stuttgart, 1884.

------ Kulturgeschichte der Menschheit in ihrer organischen Aufbau. 2 vols. Stuttgart, 1886-87.

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------ "On the Development of Relationships." _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, I, 1-29. London, 1872.

------ The Origin of Civilization and the Primitive Condition of Man. 5th ed. New York, 1889.

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Wessely, Karl. "Ein griechischer Heiratscontract vom Jahre 136 n. Chr." _Xenia Austriaca_, I, 59-77. Vienna, 1893.

Westermarck, Edward. The History of Human Marriage. London and New York, 1891; 2d ed., practically unchanged, 1894.

"A Reply to Starcke's 'Westermarck on Marriage,'" _International Journal of Ethics_, IV, 94-101. Philadelphia, 1893. (See Starcke.)

Wilken, G. A. Das Matriarchat (das Mutterrecht) bei den alten Arabern. Leipzig, 1884. ā Willoughby, C. "Indians of the Quinaielt Agency, Washington Territory." _Report of the Smithsonian Institution_ for 1886, Part I, 267-82. Washington, 1889.

Winternitz, M. "On a Comparative Study of Indo-European Customs, with Special Reference to the Marriage Customs." _Transactions of the International Folk-Lore Congress._ London, 1891.

"Das altindische Hochzeitsrituell nach dem Apastāmbiya-Gṛihyasūtra, und einigen anderen verwandten Werken." _Denkschriften der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften_, philologisch-historische Classe, XL, 1-113. Vienna, 1892.

Wlislocki, H. von. "Die Stamm- und Familienverhältnisse der transsilvanischen Zeltzigeuner." _Globus_, LIII, 183 ff. Braunschweig, 1888.

Wood, Edward J. The Wedding Day in All Ages and Countries. New York, 1869.

Wundt, Wilhelm. Vorlesungen über die Menschen- und Thierseele. Hamburg and Leipzig, 1892.

_ZFE._ = _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie._ Berlin, 1869 ff.

_ZVR._ = _Zeitschrift für vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft._ Ed. by Bernhöft, Cohn, and Kohler. 14 vols. Stuttgart, 1878-1900.

Zimmer, Heinrich. Altindisches Leben. Berlin, 1879.

Zmigrodzki, Michael von. Die Mutter bei den Völkern des arischen Stammes. Munich, 1886.

Zöller, Hugo. Forschungsreisen in der deutschen Kolonie Kamerun. Berlin and Stuttgart, 1886.

II. MATRIMONIAL INSTITUTIONS IN ENGLAND AND UNDER GERMANIC AND CANON LAW

Abbot, Archbishop George. The Case of Impotency as debated in England in that remarkable tryal, _An._ 1613. between Robert, Earl of Essex, and the Lady Frances Howard. 2 vols. (bound in one). London, 1715. (Vol II. is a collection of similar cases by the editor.)

Acidalius, Valens. Disputatio nova contra mulieres, qua probatur eas homines non esse. 1695. (See Gediccus.)

Agrippa, Henry Cornelius. De nobilitate & praecellentia foeminei sexus, libellus, cum orationibus epistolis, etc. [Coloniae], 1567. 1st ed., Coloniae, 1532. (There is an English translation by Henry Care, London, 1670.)

De sacramento matrimonij declamatio. (Published with the preceding.)

Sermo de vita monastica. (Published with the preceding.)

Alethaeus, Theophilus (Johann Lyser). Discursus politicus de polygamia. 2d ed. Freiburg, 1676. (See Warmund.)

Polygamia triumphatrix, id est discursus politicus de polygamia. Cum notis Athanasii Vincenti [Johann Lyser]. Londini Scanorum, 1682.

Allen, T. Paynter (compiler). Opinions of the Hebrew and Greek Professors of the European Universities on the Spiritual Aspect of the Question Regarding the Legalization of Marriage with a Deceased Wife's Sister. London, 1882.

Alleyne, John. The Legal Degrees of Marriage Stated and Considered. 2d ed., corrected and enlarged. With an Appendix containing letters from several divines and others. London, 1774; 2d ed., 1775.

Altenrath, Siegmund. Zur Beurtheilung und Würdigung Martin Luthers. Frankfort, 1889.

Amalfi, Gaetano. Come si sposano in Tegiano; uso populare. Naples, 1888.

Amira, Karl von. Erbenfolge und Verwandtschafts-Gliederung nach den altniederdeutschen Rechten. Munich, 1874.

Amys, J. De matrimonio. Zutphaniae, 1741.

Ancona, Alessandro d'. Usi nuziali dei contadini della Romagna. Pisa, 1878.

Andreae, Karl. Ueber den Einfluss des Irrtums auf die Gültigkeit der Ehe nach katholischem und protestantischem Kirchenrecht. Göttingen, 1893.

Andrews, W. History of the Dunmow Flitch of Bacon Custom. London, 1877.

Arcuarius, Daphnaeus (Laurentius Beger). Kurtze ... Betrachtung des in der Natur- und göttlichen Recht begründeten heiligen Ehestandes. [Heidelberg?], 1679.

Armytage, George John (compiler). "Allegations for Marriage Licences Issued by the Vicar-General of the Archbishop of Canterbury, 1660-1679." _Publications of the Harleian Society_, XXXIII, XXXIV. London, 1892.

Asgill, John. A Question upon Divorce. London, 1717.

Ashton, J. Social Life in the Reign of Queen Anne. 2 vols. London, 1882.

The Fleet: Its River, Prison, and Marriages. London, 1889.

Ashworth, Philip. Das Witthum (Dower) im englischen Recht. Frankfort a. M., 1899.

Astell, Mary. A Serious Proposal to the Ladies by a Lover of Their Sex. London, 1694; 3d ed., 2 vols., 1697.

An Essay in Defence of the Female Sex. London, 1696(?); 3d ed., 1697.

Some Reflections upon Marriage. London, 1700; 3d ed., 1706; 4th ed., 1730.

Atherley, E. G. A Practical Treatise of the Laws of Marriage and Other Family Settlements. London, 1813.

Attkins, W. A. Law of Marriage: The Speech of his Grace the Archbishop of Canterbury, in the House of Lords, Feb. 25, 1851, on the Marriages in Affinity Bill, Examined by the Word of God and Common Sense. With an Appendix containing his Grace's speech. Salford, 1851.

Ayrer, Georg Heinrich. De jure connubiorum apud veteres Germanos. 2 parts. Göttingen, 1738.

Baker, Charles E. Husband and Wife, and Married Women's Property Act of 1882. New ed. London, [1882].

Barazetti, Caesar. Das Eherecht mit Ausschluss des ehelichen Vermögensrechts nach dem Code Napoléon und dem badischen Landrecht. Hanover, 1895.

Das Eltern- und Kindesrecht nach dem Code Napoléon und dem badischen Landrecht. Hanover, 1896.

Barrett-Lennard, Thomas. The Position in Law of Woman ... at Common Law as Modified by ... Equity and by Recent Legislation [in England]. London, 1883.

Barrington, D. Observations upon the Statutes, chiefly the more ancient from Magna Charta to the Twenty-first of James the First, c. XXVII. 2d ed., 4to. London, 1766; 3d ed., 1769; 5th ed., 1796.

"Barrister, A." Divorce a vinculo matrimonii, in connection with Holy Scripture. London, 1857.

Baumgart, Bernhard. De concubinatu, a Christo et apostolis prohibito. _Praes._, J. J. Breithaupt. Halle, 1713.

Beal, W. An Analysis of Palmer's Origines Liturgicae. Cambridge, 1850.

Beames, John. A Translation of Glanville. London, 1812.

Beard, J. R. Notes on Lord John Russell's Marriage Bill. London, 1834.

Beauchet, Ludovic. Étude historique sur le forme du mariage. _Nouvelle Revue Historique_, 1882, 351-93, 631-83. Paris, 1882.

Étude historique sur les formes de la célébration du mariage dans l'ancien droit français. Paris, 1883.

Formation et dissolution du mariage dans le droit islandais du moyen-âge. Paris, 1887.

Beck, J. J. De conjugalis debiti praestantione, von Leistung der ehelichen Pflicht. N. p., 1706.

Beckman, Johannes Philippus. Specimen juridicum inaugurale de connubiis protestantium cum catholicis secundum leges germanicas. Lugduni Batavorum, 1777.

Behrend, J. Fr. Lex salica. Berlin. 1874.

Belleau, Eusèbe. Des empêchements dirimants de mariage. Lévis, 1889.

Bendeleben, H. De diverso sponsalium et matrimonii iure. _Praes._, J. H. Boehmer. Halle, 1718, 1738.

Benemann, J. C. De natura matrimonii. _Praes._, J. S. Stryck. Halle, 1708.

Bennecke, Hans. Die strafrechtliche Lehre vom Ehebruch. I, "Das römische, canonische, und das deutsche Recht bis zur Mitte des XV. Jahrhunderts." Marburg, 1884.

Bérenger-Feraud, L. J. B. "Mariage et progéniture." In his Superstitions et survivances étudiées au point de vue de leur origine et de leurs transformations, II, 175-234. Paris, 1896.

Berg, G. D. Ueber die Verbindlichkeit der kanonischen Ehehindernisse in Betreff der Ehen der Evangelischen: Eine kirchenrechtliche Abhandlimg. Breslau, 1836.

Berger, F. L. De praescriptione sponsaliorum. Wittenberg, 1724.

Bernhöft, F. Frauenleben in der Vorzeit. Wismar, 1893.

Bertin, Ernest. Les mariages dans l'ancienne société française. Paris, 1879.

Bessel [Landgerichts-Präsident zu Saarbrücken]. Ueber die gemischten Ehen in kirchlicher und legislativer Hinsicht. Frankfort a. M., 1839.

Besserer, Carl. Versuch einer systematischen Entwickelung des Rechtsverhältnisses der beyden Geschlechter. Part I. Giessen, 1800.

Beust, Joachim. Tractatus de sponsalibus et matrimoniis ad praxim forensem accommodatus. Wittenberg, 1586.

Beza, Theodore. Tractatio de polygamia. Geneva, 1568.

Tractatio de repudiis et divortiis. Geneva, 1569.

Bidembach, Felix. De causis matrimonialibus tractatus. Frankfort, 1608.

Biener, F. A. "Beiträge zu der Geschichte der Civilehe." _Zeitschrift für deutsches Recht und Rechtswissenschaft_, XX, 119-47. Tübingen, 1861.

Bierling, E. R. "Kleine Beiträge zur Lehre über Eheschliessung und Trauung." ZKR., XVI, 288-316. Freiburg and Tübingen, 1881.

Bigelow, M. M. Placita Anglo-Normannica: Law Cases from William I. to Richard I. Boston, 1881.

Binder, Matthäus Joseph. Praktisches Handbuch des katholischen Eherechtes. 4th enlarged ed., by Joseph Scheicher. Freiburg, 1891.

Bingham, J. Origines Ecclesiasticae; or, The Antiquities of the Christian Church, and Other Works. 9 vols. London, 1840 ff.

Bingham, J. Foote. The Christian Marriage Ceremony: Its History, Significance, and Curiosities. New York, 1871.

Binney, T. The Men of Glasgow and the Women of Scotland: Reason for Differing from the Rev. Dr. Symington's View on the Levitical Marriage Law. London, n. d.

Binterim, A. J. An matrimonio mixto, cujus ante conjunctionem cautiones sunt pollicitae ecclesiasticae, parochus catholicus (salva conscientia) benedicere possit etiam tunc, quando nupturientes modo coram ministro protestantico matrimonialiter contraxerunt? Düsseldorf, 1847.

Blackstone, William. Commentaries on the Laws of England. By Sharswood. 2 vols. Philadelphia, 1869.

Blount, C. "To justifie the marrying of two sisters, the one after the other." In his Miscellaneous Works, 137-53. N. p., 1695.

Blumstengel, K. G. Die Trauung in evangelischem Deutschland nach Recht und Ritus. Weimar, 1879.

Boeli, F. A. De conjugio nec non consanguinitatis et affinitatis gradibus. Helmstadt, 1699.

Böhmer, J. H. De matrimonio coacto. _Resp._, B. F. Reichenbach. Presented 1717; published, Halle, 1735.

Böhmer, G. L. De copulae sacerdotalis a deposito clerico furtim impetratae injusto favore. Göttingen, 1745.

Böhmer, G. W. Ueber die Ehegesetze im Zeitalter Karl des Grossen und seiner nächsten Regierungsnachfolger. Göttingen, 1826; Register, Göttingen, 1827.

Bohn, The Standard Library Cyclopaedia of Political, Constitutional, and Forensic Knowledge. 4 vols. London, 1860. (Cited as Bohn, Political Cyclopaedia.)

Born, J. F. De bannis nuptialibus. Leipzig, 1716.

Bouvet, Francisque. De la confession et du célibat des prêtres ou la politique du Pape. Paris, 1845.

Brace, Charles Loring. Gesta Christi; or, A History of Humane Progress under Christianity. 3d ed. New York, 1883.

Bracton, H. de. De legibus et consuetudinibus Angliae. Ed. by Twiss in "Rolls Series." 6 vols. London, 1878-83.

Bracton's Note Book. A collection of cases decided in the king's courts during the reign of Henry the Third, annotated by a lawyer of that time, seemingly by Henry Bratton. Ed. by F. W. Maitland. 3 vols. London, 1887.

Brand, J. Popular Antiquities. Ed. by Ellis. New ed. 3 vols. London, 1873-77.

Bräunig, Karl Ferdinand. Das Recht der Ehescheidung auf Grund der Schrift und Geschichte. Zwickau, 1861.

Breitenbach, G. Chr. Dissertatio de matrimonio allophylorum, sive personarum diversae religionis. Giessen, 1740.

Brentano, Franz. Zur eherechtlichen Frage in Österreich: Krasnopolski's Rettungsversuch einer verlorenen Sache. Berlin, 1896.

Brenz, Johann. Wie yn Ehesachen ... zu handeln (1530). In Sarcerius's collections.

Brereton, William. "Travels in Holland, 1634-35." _Chetham Society Publications_, I.

Brett, Thomas. Commentaries on the Present Laws of England. 2d ed. 2 vols. London, 1891.

Briefe über die Civilehe: den Liberalen Oesterreichs gewidmet: "Keine Halbheit." Vienna, 1869.

Bright, J. E. A Treatise on the Law of Husband and Wife, as Respects Property. 2 vols. New York, 1849.

Bright, W. Chapters on Early English Church History. Oxford, 1888.

Britton. The French Text with an English Translation, Introduction, and Notes, by F. M. Nichol. 2 vols. Oxford, 1865.

Brougham, H. "Speech on the Scotch Marriage and Divorce Bill, Sept. 3, 1835." In his Speeches, III, 457-71. London, 1838.

"Discourse on the Law of Marriage, Divorce, and Legitimacy (1835)." _Ibid._, III, 429-56. London, 1838.

Brouwer, Henry. De jure connubiorum apud Batavos recepto, Libri duo. In quibus jura naturae, divinum, civile, canonicum, prout de nuptiis agunt, referuntur, expenduntur, explicantur. Amsterdam, 1665.

Browne, G. F. The Marriage of Divorced Persons in Church. London, 1896.

Browning, Ernst. An Exposition of the Laws of Marriage and Divorce ... in the Court for Divorce and Matrimonial Causes. London, 1872.

Browning, W. E. The Practice and Procedure of the Court for Divorce and Matrimonial Causes. London, 1862.

Bruckner, Hieronymus. Decisiones juris matrimonialis. Gotha, 1724.

Brunner, H. Das anglonormannische Erbfolgesystem. Leipzig, 1869.

Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte. 2 vols. Leipzig, 1887; 2d ed., 1892.

"Die fränkisch-romanische Dos." _Berliner Sitzungsberichte_, XXIV, 545 ff. Berlin, 1894.

Bucer, Martin. De regno Christi servatoris nostri libri II: Ad Eduardum VI. Angliae regem scripti. Basel, 1557.

Argumenti Buceri pro et contra. Original-Manuscript Bucers, "die Gründe für und gegen die Doppelehe des Landgrafen Philipp des Grossmüthigen de anno 1539," veröffentlicht durch v. L. Cassel, 1878.

Buchen, Adam Colbius von. Christliche Predigten über das Buch Tobie | Darinnen | als in einem lustigen Ehespiegel | ... fast alles | was vom heyligen Ehestandt und der Haushaltung zu wissen von nöten | ganz kurtz | doch gründlich | erkläret wirdt. Frankfort, 1592.

Bücher, Carl. Die Frauenfrage im Mittelalter. Tübingen, 1882.

Buchka, G. "Die Bedeutung der kirchlichen Trauung im geltenden Rechte." _ZKR._, XVII. Freiburg and Tübingen, 1882.

Das mecklenburgische Ehescheidungsrecht in seinem Verhältniss zur protestantischen Eherechtswissenschaft, und zur Judikatur des Reichsgerichts. Wismar, 1885.

Bucksisch, F. G. De apostolis uxoratis. Die Apostel unseres Herrn Jesu Christi haben alle, ausgenommen Johannes und Paulus, Weiber gehabt. _Praes._, J. A. Schmid. Wittenberg, 1734.

Buckstaff, Florence G. "Married Women's Property in Anglo-Saxon and Anglo-Norman Law." _Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science_, IV. Philadelphia, 1893.

Buddeus, Johann Karl. "Ehebruch." In Ersch and Gruber's Encyclopädie. I. Sect., T. 31, 394-403. Leipzig, 1838.

Buddeus, Johann Karl. Richter, Aemilius Ludwig, and others. "Ehe." _Ibid._, I. Sect., T. 31, 280 ff., 309 ff. Leipzig, 1838.

Bugenhagen, Johann. De conjugio episcoporum et diaconorum ad venerandum doctorem Wolfgangum Reissenbusch. Wittenberg, 1525.

Von Ehebruch und Weglaufen (1539). In Sarcerius's collections.

[Bullinger, Heinrich]. The Christen | State of matrimonye | The orygenall of holy wedlok: whan | where, how, and of whom it was instituted & | ordeyned: what it is: how it ought to proceade: what be the occasions, frute and commodities | thereof. Contrary wise, how shamefull & hor | rible a thinge whordome & aduoutry is: How | one oughte also to chose hym a mete and conue | nient spouse to kepe and increase the mutuall | loue, trouth and dewtie of wedloke: and | how married folkes shulde bring up | their children in the feare | of god | Translated by Myles Couerdale | [1541]. There were a 12mo edition and also an 8vo edition in 1543.

------ Der christlich Ehestand. Zürich, 1579.

Bulwer, Edward (compiler). The Parish Registers of St. Martin-cum-Gregory in the City of York. I and II, 1539-1734: Part IV. York, 1895.

Bunny, Edmund. Of Divorce for Advlterie, and Marrying again: that there is no sufficient warrant so to do. Oxford, 1610.

Burckhardus, Adolph Carl. Dissertatio de poenis secundarum nuptiarum. Marburg, 1717.

Burn, J. S. History of the Fleet Marriages. 2d ed. London, 1834.

------ Registrum ecclesiae parochialis. The History of Parish Registers in England. 2d ed. London, 1862.

Burn, Richard. The Ecclesiastical Law. 4 vols. London, 1842.

Burnet, Gilbert. History of the Divorce of Henry VIII. and Katherine of Aragon. 1690?

------ The History of the Reformation of the Church of England. New ed. 2 vols. London, 1850.

Butler, Charles. On the Marriage of Cousin Germans. Oxford, 1619. (For the Latin edition see Florens.)

Buxtorf, Johann (the younger). Dissertatio de sponsalibus et divortiis. Basel, 1652.

Calixtus, Georg. De conjugio clericorum tractatus. Frankfort, 1653.

Campbell, J. Lives of the Lord Chancellors and Keepers of the Great Seal. 4th ed. 10 vols. London, 1856-57.

Cardwell, E. Documentary Annals of the Reformed Church of England, 1546-1716. Oxford, 1839; the same, 2 vols., 1844.

Carpzov, F. B. Circa nuptiis personarum diversae religionis. _Praes._, J. G. Krausius. Wittenberg, 1735.

Carrance, Évariste. Le mariage chez nos pères. Récits et légendes. Bordeaux and Paris, 1872.

Cavilly, Georges de. La séparation de corps et le divorce à l'usage des gens du monde et la manière de s'en servir. Manuel des époux mal assortis. Paris, 1882.

Celibacy. Recherches philosophiques et historiques sur le célibat. Geneva, 1781.

------ Reflections on Communities of Women and Monastic Institutes. Taunton, 1815.

------ Letters on the Constrained Celibacy of the Clergy of the Church of Rome. London, 1816.

------ Aufruf an das aufgeklärte Europa zur Aufhebung des Cölibatgesetzes von einem Priester Ungarns. Ofen, 1848.

------ Du mariage et du célibat. Par un chrétien. Paris, 1863.

------ Der Cölibat in seiner Entstehung, seinen Gründen und Folgen. Eine Zeitfrage für das bevorstehende Concil. Von einem katholischen Geistlichen. Munich, 1869.

Cetty, H. Die altelsässische Familie. From the French. Freiburg, 1891.

Chester, Joseph Lemuel (general editor). "Allegations for Marriage Licences Issued from the Faculty Office of the Archbishop of Canterbury at London, 1543-1869." Ed. by G. J. Armytage. _Publications of the Harleian Society_, XXIV. London, 1886.

------ (general editor). "Allegations for Marriage Licences Issued by the Bishop of London, 1520-1828." Ed. by G. J. Armytage. _Ibid._, XXV, XXVI. London, 1887.

------ (general editor). "Allegations for Marriages Issued by the Dean and Chapter of Westminster, 1558-1699"; also, for Those Issued by the Vicar-General of the Archbishop of Canterbury, 1660-1679. Ed. by G. J. Armytage. _Ibid._, XXIII. London, 1886.

------ (general editor). London Marriage Licences, 1521-1869. Ed. by Joseph Foster. London, 1887.

Chronicles of the Divorce Court. Part I, April, 1861. London, n. d.

Chronicles of Breaches of Promise. London, n. d.

Cigoi, Aloys. Die Unauflösbarkeit der christlichen Ehe und die Ehescheidung nach Schrift und Tradition. Paderborn, 1895.

Civilehe und Kirchenzucht. Von einem sächsischen Geistlichen. Meissen, [1875].

Clark, C., and Finnelly, W. (compilers). Reports of Cases Decided in the House of Lords, X (containing The Queen _v._ Millis). London, 1845.

Cleveland, Arthur Rackham. Woman under the English Law: from the landing of the Saxons to the Present Time. London, 1896.

Cobbett, W. (compiler). The Parliamentary History of England from the Norman Conquest to the Year 1803. 36 vols. London, 1806-20.

Coke, Sir Edward. Reports. 6 vols. London, 1826.

Colenso, J. W. A Letter upon the proper Treatment of Cases of Polygamy as found already existing in converts from heathenism. Cambridge and London, 1862.

Common Prayer, the Book of, printed by Whitchurch, March, 1549, commonly called the First Book of Edward VI. Black Letter. Folio. London, 1844.

Common Prayer, the Book of, printed by Whitchurch, commonly called the Second Book of Edward VI. Black Letter. Folio. London, 1844.

Concubinage and polygamy disprov'd: or the divine institution of marriage betwixt one man, and one woman only, asserted. In answer to a book, writ by John Butler. London, 1698.

Concubinage. De licitu concubinatu opponenda. Freistadt, 1714.

Considerations on the Causes of the present Stagnation of Matrimony. London, 1772.

Considerations on the Bill for preventing Clandestine Marriages. London, 1753.

Cook, John T. (editor). Reports of Cases Decided by the English Courts, with Notes and References to Kindred Cases and Authorities. XXXVII (containing the Lauderdale Peerage Case). Albany, 1887.

Cookson, James. Thoughts on Polygamy ... with ... Examination of 26 Geo. II., ch. 33, commonly called the Marriage Act. Including remarks on Thelyphthora and its Scheme. Winchester, 1782.

Copleston and Whately. Opinions of the late Dr. Copleston ... and Archbishop Whately in favor of legalizing marriage with a deceased wife's sister. London, 1857.

Costanus, Antonius Gubertus. De sponsalibus, matrimoniis et dotibus commentarius. Marpurgi, 1597.

[Courtin, A. de]. A Treatise of jealousie, or Means to preserve Peace in Marriage. From the French. London, 1684. (The original appeared at Paris, 1674.)

Coverdale, Miles. (See Bullinger.)

Cowper, Joseph M. (editor). The Booke of Regester of the Parish of St. Peter in Canterbury for Christinges Weddinges and Buryalls, 1560-1800. Canterbury, 1888.

Cri d'une honnête femme qui réclame le divorce, conformément aux loix de la primitive Église, à l'usage actuel du royaume catholique de Pologne, etc. London, 1770.

Crim. Con. Actions and Trials and other Legal Proceedings relating to Marriage before the passing of the present divorce act. London, n. d.

Croke, Alexander. A Report of the Case of Horner against Liddiard, upon the question of what consent is necessary to the marriage of illegitimate minors (Consistorial Court of London, 1799) ... with an Introductory Essay upon ... the laws relating to illegitimate children. London, 1800.

Croly, George. The Divine Origin, Appointment, and Obligation of Marriage. London, 1836.

------ Marriage with the sister of a deceased Wife. Injurious to morals, and unauthorized by Holy Scriptures. London, 1849.

Crowder, G. A. Letters of several distinguished members of the Bench of Bishops on ... marriage with a deceased wife's sister. 2d ed. London, 1846.

Culmann, F. W. Morganatische Ehe und Ursprung des Feudalwesens. Strassburg, 1880.

Cumming, C. F. Gordon. In the Hebrides. New ed. London, 1886.

Curiöse Rechts-Sache, von Trennung einer durch der Eltern Zwang vollenzogenen Ehe. Frankfort and Leipzig, 1727.

Dahn Felix. Bausteine. Gesammelte kleine Schriften. 6 vols. Berlin, 1879-84.

------ "Das Weib im altgermanischen Recht und Leben." In _Sammlung gemeinnütziger Vorträge_, No. 7. Prague, n. d.

Daniel, E. The Prayer Book; Its History, Language, and Contents. London, [1877].

Davies, J. L. "Marriage with a Deceased Wife's Sister." In his Social Questions from the Point of View of Christian Theology, 309-26. London, 1885.

Dedekind, Adolf. Das protestantische Ehescheidungsrecht und Verwandtes. Braunschweig, 1872.

[Defoe, Daniel]. A Treatise concerning the Use and Abuse of the Marriage Bed. London, 1727.

------ Religious Courtship: being historical discourses on the necessity of marrying religious wives only. London, 1729.

------ Der rechte Gebrauch des Ehe-Bettes, etc. 2d ed. Leipzig, 1734.

[Delany, Patrick]. Reflections upon Polygamy and the Encouragement given to that Practice in the Scriptures of the Old Testament. By Phileleutherus Dubliniensis. London, 1737.

Delphinus, Hieronymus. Eunuchi Conjugium. Die Capaunen-Heyrath. Hoc est scripta et judicia varia de conjugio inter eunuchum et virginem juvenculam. Halle, 1697.

Denham, J. F. Marriage with a deceased wife's sister not forbidden by the Law of Nature; not dissuaded by Expediency; not prohibited by the Scriptures. London, 1847.

Denton, W. England in the Fifteenth Century. London, 1888.

Desminis, Demosthenes D. Die Eheschenkung nach römischem und insbesondere byzantinischem Recht. Athens, 1897.

Dezert, G. Desdevises du. Les unions irrégulières en Navarre sous le régime du Fuero Général. Caen, 1892.

Didon, P. Indissolubilité et divorce. Conférences de Saint-Philippe du Roule. 4th ed. Paris, 1880. Also a German translation. Regensburg, 1893.

Dieckhoff, A. W. Die kirchliche Trauung, ihre Geschichte im Zusammenhange mit der Entwickelung des Eheschliessungsrechts und ihr Verhältniss zur Civilehe. Rostock, 1878.

------ Civilehe und kirchliche Trauung. Das Gegensatzverhältniss zwischen beiden dargelegt. Rostock, 1880.

Dietrick, Hans C. Evangelisches Ehescheidungsrecht nach den Bestimmungen der deutschen Kirchenordnungen des 16. Jahrhunderts. Erlangen, 1892.

"Divorce." _Law Review_, I. London, 1845.

Divorce. Essay upon Divorcement writ for the good of both sexes. London, 1715.

------ Treatise concerning Adultery and Divorce. London, 1700.

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------ "Divorce. Evidence before the Select Committee of the House of Lords, appointed to consider Lord Brougham's Bill, presented in 1844, to amend the jurisdiction of Committee of the Privy Council." Reprinted, _ibid._, XL. Folio. London, 1853.

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------ "Beiträge zur Geschichte des Desertionsprocesses nach evangelischem Kirchenrecht." _ZKR._, II. Berlin, 1862.

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------ The Mirror of Justices. Ed. for the Selden Society by W. J. Whittaker. With an Introduction by F. W. Maitland. London, 1895.

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------ The Marriage of Near Kin. 2d ed. London, 1887.

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------ (editor). Middlesex County Records. 3 vols. Published by the Middlesex County Record Society. London, n. d.

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------ Sequel of the Argument against immediately repealing the laws which treat the nuptial bond as indissoluble. Oxford and London, 1857.

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------ Democracy and Liberty. 2 vols. New York, 1896.

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------ Bücher und Schriften des theuren seligen Mans Gottes Doct. Mart. Lutheri. 8 vols., folio. Jena, 1564 (I), 1555 (II), 1560 (III), 1556 (IV), 1561 (V), 1561 (VI), 1562 (VII), 1580 (VIII).

------ Colloquia oder Tischreden. Folio. Frankfort, 1571.

------ "Vom heyligen Ehestandt und Oeconomia oder Haushaltung." In Tischreden, cap. 36, folios 349_b_-374_a_.

------ "Sermon vom Ehelichen Stande." In Bücher und Schriften, I (1564), folios 169_b_-172_a_.

------ "Predigten über das erste Buch Mose." _Ibid._, IV (1556), folios 2_a_-247_b_.

------ "Von Ehesachen." _Ibid._, V (1561), folios 237_a_-257_b_.

------ Kleinere Schriften, II. "Von Ehe- und Klostersachen." Zwölf Stücke. Ausgabe der Bücherfreunde. Bielefeld and Leipzig, 1877.

------ See Strampff, Froböse, and Niess.

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------ Tracts Issued by the. 2 vols. London, 1889.

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------ The Opinions of a Layman on the Method ... of some Modern Divines. New York, 1827.

------ Supplement to reasons assigned by an elder of the free church for declining to sign a petition to Parliament against a bill for legalizing. Glasgow, Edinburgh, and London, 1854.

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------ Zum Kirchenrecht des Reformationsjahrhunderts. Drei Abhandlungen. Hanover, 1891.

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------ Num sponsis, ante solennemine ecclesiae copulationem et benedictionem, concumbentibus, publica poenitentia iuste imponatur? 6th reprint. Wittenberg, 1728.

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------ Nationaler und historischer Standpunkt zur Beurtheilung des Verhältnisses zwischen Staats-Regierungen und dem römischen Stuhle in Beziehung auf gemischte Ehen, etc. Cologne, 1839.

------ Entwurf des Gesetzes über gemischte Ehen. Mit den betreffenden Bestimmungen einheimischer und fremder Gesetze. Gedrucktes Manuscript. Berlin, 1839.

------ Die gemischten Ehen in der Erzdiöcese Freiburg. Nach den Aktenstücken dargestellt. Zugleich ein Beitrag zur Beleuchtung der katholischen Zustände in Baden. Regensburg, 1846.

------ Der Streit über gemischte Ehen und das Kirchenhoheitsrecht im Grossherzogthum Baden. Karlsruhe, 1847.

------ Beleuchtung und actenmässige Ergänzung der Karlsruher Schrift: "Der Streit über gemischte Ehen und das Kirchenhoheitsrecht im Grossherzogthum Baden." Schaffhausen, 1847.

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Szlávik, M. "Zur Frage der Civilehe in Ungarn." _ZKR._, 3d series, IV, 190-203. Freiburg and Leipzig, 1894.

Tancred. Summa de matrimonio. Ed. by Agathon Wunderlich Göttingen, 1841.

Tarducci, F. "Usi nuziali." _Rasegna Emiliana_, I, 148-62. Modena, 1888.

Tebbs, H. V. Essay on the "Scripture Doctrines of Adultery and Divorce." London, 1822.

Theiner, A. (editor). Acta genuina SS. Œcumenici Concilii Tridentini sub Paulo III. Julio III. et Pio IV. PP. MM. ab Angelo Massarello Episcopo Thelesino ejusdem concilii secretario conscripta. Folio, 2 vols. Zagabrae Croatiae, [1874].

Theiner, T. A. and A. Die Einführung der erzwungenen Ehelosigkeit bei den christlichen Geistlichen und ihre Folge. Bearbeitet von Fr. Nippold. 3d ed., 3 vols. Barmen, [1891-98].

Thiersch, H. W. J. Das Verbot der Ehe innerhalb der nahen Verwandtschaft und der heiligen Schrift. 1869.

Thomasius, Christian. De concubinatu. _Resp._, E. J. Kiechel. Halle, 1713.

------ De crimine bigamiae. Vom Laster der zwiefachen Ehe. Leipzig and Halle, 1721.

------ Tractatio de validitate coniugii, invitis parentibus contracti et per benedictionem sacerdotis depositi consummati, oder: Von der Gültigkeit der Ehe, welche wider der Eltern Willen geschlossen und durch Einsegnung eines abgesetzten Predigers vollzogen worden. Halle and Leipzig, 1722.

Thorpe, B. Ancient Laws and Institutes of England. Record Commission. Folio, London, 1840.

Thrupp, John. The Anglo-Saxon Home: A History of the Domestic Institutions and Customs of England from the Fifth to the Eleventh Century. London, 1862.

Thwing, C. F. and C. F. B. The Family: An Historical and Social Study. Boston, 1887.

Towers, John. Polygamy Unscriptural; or two Dialogues between Philalethes and Monogamus, in which some of the principal errors of the Rev. Mr. M--D--N's Thelyphthora are detected. London, 1780.

Traill, H. D. (editor). Social England. 6 vols. New York and London, 1898.

Tschornio, A. W. De poena concubitus à personis per divortium solutis commissi. _Praes._, F. L. Stoltze. Leipzig, 1736.

Tunstall, J. A. Vindication of the Power of States to prohibit Clandestine Marriages ... in answer to ... Dr. Stebbing's Dissertation. 1755.

Turner, J. A. Discourse on Fornication, with an appendix concerning Concubinage. London, 1698.

Turner, J. Horsefall (editor). The Non-Conformist Register of Baptisms, Marriages, and Deaths compiled by the Rev. Oliver Heywood and T. Dickenson, 1644-1702, 1702-1752. Brighouse, 1881.

Turner, Sharon. History of the Manners, Landed Property ... of the Anglo-Saxons. London, 1805.

Unitarian Marriage Bill, A Letter to the ... Earl of Liverpool, on the; in which is considered the expediency, as well as the justice, of redressing the grievance complained of by dissenters. London, 1827.

Vacarius, Magister. "Summa de matrimonio." Ed. by F. W. Maitland. _Law Quarterly Review_, XIII. London, 1897.

Vaux, J. E. "Marriage Customs." In his Church Folklore, 90-118. London, 1894.

Vazeille, M. F. A. Traité du mariage, de la puissance maritale, et de la puissance paternelle. 2 vols. Paris, 1825.

Velthuysen, L. V. Tractatus de naturali pudore et dignitate hominis in quo agitur, de incestu, etc. Trajecti ad Rhenum, 1686.

Vives [Vivus], J. L. Opera. 2 vols. Folio. Basel, 1555.

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------ "Die Erziehung der Christin. Seiner aller-gnädigsten Herrin, Katharina von Spanien, Königin von England, u. s. w., gewidmet." In his Ausgewählte pädagogische Schriften. Uebersetzt und mit Einleitung und Anmerkungen versehen von Dr. Rudolph Heine. Bd. XVI of Richter's Pädagogische Bibliothek. Leipzig, n. d.

Voigt, Moritz. Ueber das Vadimonium. Leipzig, 1881.

Vogt, P. J. (editor). Kirchen- und Eherecht der Katholiken und Evangelischen in den preussischen Staaten. 2 Theile. Breslau, 1856.

Voisin, A. Contribution à l'histoire des mariages entre consanguins. Paris, 1863.

Vorthusianus, Leonhardus Jacobus. Von Vneinigkeit der Concilien der Priester Ehe, etc. Leipzig, 1546.

Wachsmuth, J. N. Dissertatio de exceptione sponsaliorum clandestinorum ab ipso contrahente opposita. _Praes._, C. A. Tittel. Jena, 1754.

Wachter, Ferdinand. "Frauen." In Ersch und Gruber's Encyclopädie, Sect. I., T. 48, pp. 324 ff. Leipzig, 1848.

Wächter, Carl Georg von. Abhandlungen aus dem Strafrecht. I, Entführung und Nothzucht, 1. Abschnitt, "Aelteres Recht." Leipzig, 1835.

Wackernagel, W. "Familienrecht und Familienleben der Germanen." _Taschenbuch für Geschichte und Alterthum in Süddeutschland_, 257 ff. Freiburg, 1846.

Wagner, J. G. De divortio, et convictus conjugalis separatione, Vulgo: Von der Ehescheidung zu Tisch und Bett. Halle, 1723.

Wagner, T. Siebenfältiger Ehehalten = Teuffel | Das ist: Ein Ernsthaffte Sermon | von vberhandnemmender Bossheit der Ehehalten vnd Dienstbotten jetziger Zeit. Ulm, 1651.

Waitz, Georg. Deutsche Verfassungsgeschichte. 8 vols. Kiel, 1865-78.

------ "Über die Bedeutung des Mundium im deutschen Recht." _Sitzungsberichte der königlichen preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1886_, No. XIX. Berlin, 1886.

Walpole, Horace. Memoirs of the Reign of George the Second. 3 vols. Ed. by the late Lord Holland. London, 1847.

------ Letters. Ed. by Cunningham. 9 vols. London, 1880.

Walpole, Spencer. A History of England. 6 vols. London, 1890.

Walter, F. Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte. 2d ed. 2 vols. Bonn, 1875.

------ Corpus juris germanici antiqui. 3 vols. Berlin, 1824.

Walton, Frederick Parker. Scotch Marriages, Regular and Irregular. Edinburgh, 1893.

------ A Handbook of Husband and Wife According to the Law of Scotland. Edinburgh, 1893.

Warmund, Gottlieb [Johann Lyser?]. Gewissenhafte Gedancken vom Ehestande. Freiburg, 1679. (After six introductory pages, this is apparently a reprint of the German edition of Lyser's book (Freiburg, 1675) under title of "Gespräch zwischen Polygamo und Monogamo." "Gottlieb Warmund" is probably Johann Lyser, although this is the usual pseudonym of Gottlieb Hosemann.)

Warnkoenig, L. A., and Stein, L. Französische Staats- und Rechtsgeschichte. 3 vols. Basel, 1875.

Wasserschleben, F. W. H. Die Bussordnungen der abendländischen Kirche, nebst einer rechtsgeschichtlicher Einleitung. Halle, 1851.

Wasserschleben, F. W. H. Das Prinzip der Successionsordnung nach deutschem insbesondere sächsischem Rechte. Gotha, 1860.

------ Die germanische Verwandtschaftsberechnung und das Prinzip der Erbfolge nach deutschem insbesondere sächsischem Rechte. Giessen, 1864.

------ Das Ehescheidungsrecht kraft landesherrlicher Machtvollkommenheit. Giessen, 1877.

------ Das Ehescheidungsrecht kraft landesherrlicher Machtvollkommenheit. Zweiter Beitrag. Berlin, 1880.

Waters, Henry Fitz Gilbert. Genealogical Gleanings in England. Extracts from marriage licenses granted by the bishop of London, 1598-1639. From _Historical Collections of the Essex Institute_, XXVIII. Salem, 1892.

Waters, R. E. Chester. Parish Registers in England. Their History and Contents. New ed. London, 1883.

Waterworth, J. The Canons and Decrees of the Sacred Œcumenical Council of Trent. New York, 1848.

Watkins, O. D. Holy Matrimony: A Treatise on the Divine Laws of Marriage. London, 1895.

Weber, H. F. De vera inter sponsalia de praesenti et nuptias differentia. Parchimi, 1825.

Wege, A. De odio secundarum nuptiarum. _Praes._, P. Müller. 3d ed. Wittenberg, 1737.

Weickhmann, Joachim. Apologie Anderer Thiel | oder, abgenöthigte Rettung der göttlichen Warheit: dass Gott in seinem Wort die vielweibige Ehe verbothen; Als auch [III. Theil] seiner beleidigten Unschuld | wider ... Willenbergen |... in Deutscher Sprache verfertiget | Auf Veranlassung einer Deutschen von J. A. L. entworffenen Schrifft. Leipzig, 1717.

Weinhold, Karl. Altnordisches Leben. Berlin, 1856.

Die deutschen Frauen in dem Mittelalter. 2d ed. 2 vols. Vienna, 1882.

"Reipus und Achasius." Haupt's _Zeitschrift_, VII, 539.

Weinrich, Dr. von. "Die Reichsgesetzgebung und das materielle Ehescheidungsrecht." _ZKR._, XX, 297-333. Freiburg, 1885.

Werner, J. G. De pactis dotalibus, sub formula: Hut bey Schleyer und Schleyer bey Hut conspectis. Submitted, 1714; published, Wittenberg, 1742.

Weydmann, L. Luther, ein Charakter- und Spiegelbild für unsere Zeit. Hamburg and Gotha, 1850.

Weyhe-Eimke, Arnold Freiherr von. Die Rechtmässigen Ehen des hohen Adels des Heiligen Römischen Reiches deutscher Nation. Prague, 1895.

Wharton, J. J. S. An Exposition of the Laws Relating to the Women of England. London, 1853.

Whately, Richard. Extract from a Letter on the Marriage Laws addressed ... to the late Bishop of Norwich (Dr. Hinds). Dublin, 1851.

Whispers for the Ear of the Author of Thelyphthora. London, 1781.

Whitforde, Richard. A Werke for housholders, or for them yt | haue the gydynge or gouernaunce of any | company. Gadred & set forth by a professed | brother of Syon Richarde Whitforde and | newly corrected & prynted agayne w^t an ad | dicion of policy for hous holdynge, set forth | also by the same brother. | [2d ed., London, 1537; 1st ed., 1530.]

Wilda, W. E. Das Strafrecht der Germanen. Halle, 1842.

Wildvogel, Ch. De jure thalami. Vom Rechte dē[=s] Ehebettes. N. p., 1757.

Wilisch, Fr. G. Dissertatio de arrha a sponsae heredibus restituenda: Von Erstattung des Mahlschatzes nach der Braut Tode. _Praes._, C. L. Crellius. Wittenberg, 1753.

Wilkins, David. Concilia Magnae Britanniae et Hiberniae, 446-1717. 4 vols. London, 1736-37.

Wilks, S. C. Present Law of Banns a Railroad to Marriage. London, 1864.

Willenberg, S. F. De matrimonio imparium, Von ungleicher Ehe. Defensa a D. F. Hoheiselius. Halle, 1727.

Commentatio de matrimonio conscientiae, Gallis mariage de conscience. Jena, 1741.

Windheim, Augustus Dorothea von (translator). Des Herrn Premontvals Monogamie. 3 Theile. Nuremberg, 1753.

Wing, John. The Crowne Conjugall, or the Spouse Royall, a discovery of the True Honour and Happines of Christian Matrimony, published for their consolation who are married, and their encouragement who are not, intending the benefit of both. Middleburgh, 1620.

Wittmann, G. M. Katholische Grundsätze über die Ehen welche zwischen Katholiken und Protestanten geschlossen werden. Aus dem Lateinischen übersetzt von einem Katholischen Geistlichen. Stadtamhof, 1831.

Wolff, Martin. "Zur Geschichte der Witwenehe im alt deutschen Recht." _Mittheilungen des Instituts für österreichische Geschichte_, 369-88.

[Wolseley, Sir C. W., and Barlow, Bishop Thomas]. The Case of Divorce and Re-Marriage thereupon discussed. By a Reverend Prelate of the Church of England and a private Gentleman. Occasioned by the late act of Parliament for the Divorce of the Lord Rosse. London, 1673.

Women. The Laws respecting women, as they regard their natural Rights, or their Connections and Conduct. London, 1777.

Womens Rights, the Lavves Resolutions of. See Lavves Resolutions.

Wordsworth, C., Bishop of Lincoln. "On Marriage with a Deceased Wife's Sister." In his Miscellanies, III, 237-56. London, 1889.

------ "On Marriage and Divorce." In his Miscellanies, III, 202-36. London, 1889.

Wright, T. A. History of Domestic Manners and Sentiments in England during the Middle Ages. London, 1862.

Wunderlich, H. D. De separatione à thoro et mensa. _Praes._, D. D. Hasentien. Jena, 1774.

Young, Ernest. "The Anglo-Saxon Family Law." In Essays in Anglo-Saxon Law. Boston, 1876.

Zeidler, Melchior. De polygamia ut & de matrimonio cum defunctae uxoris sorore disquisitio. Ed. Wartmann. Helmstadt, 1698.

_ZKG._ = _Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte_, 1876-98. 18 vols. Gotha, 1877-98.

_ZKR._ = _Zeitschrift für Kirchenrecht._ Herausgegeben von R. Dove und E. Friedberg. 29 vols. Berlin, Tübingen, and Freiburg, 1861-97.

Zetzkius, Jacob. Dissertatio juridica de matrimonio ad morganaticam contracto, vulgo: Von Vermählung zur linken Hand. Regiomonti, 1692.

Zhishman, Jos. Das Eherecht der orientalischen Kirche. Vienna, 1864.

Zimmermann, D. B. Der Priester-Cölibat und seine Bedeutung für Kirche und Gesellschaft. Kempten, 1899.

Zimmermann, F. "Ueber die Gerichtsbarkeit in Ehesachen der Katholiken im Grossherzogthume Hessen." _ZKR._, VII. Tübingen, 1867.

Zoepfl, Heinrich. De tutela mulierum Germanica. Heidelberg, 1828.

------ Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte. 4th ed. 3 vols. Braunschweig, 1871-72.

Zum = Bach, C. A. [Landgerichtsrath]. Ueber die Ehen zwischen Katholiken und Protestanten. Historische Beiträge und Bemerkungen. Cologne, 1820.

III. MATRIMONIAL INSTITUTIONS IN THE UNITED STATES

A. MANUSCRIPTS

In the office of the Clerk of Courts, Middlesex County, Mass.:

Files of the County Court for Middlesex County, 1655-91.

Records of the County Court for Middlesex County, 1649-86. 4 vols. Vol. II (1664-70) missing.

Records of the Court of General Sessions of the Peace for Middlesex County, 1692-1822. 9 vols., folio. Vol. I contains court records for the period October, 1686, to March, 1688/89.

In the office of the Clerk of the Supreme Judicial Court for the County of Suffolk, Mass.:

Early Court Files of Suffolk, 1629-1800. A collection of files of colonial and provincial courts, of the Superior Court of Judicature held in the several counties, and of the Supreme Judicial Court. Several hundred volumes for the colonial and provincial periods.

Records of the Court of General Sessions of the Peace for the County of Suffolk, 1702-32. 4 vols., folio; and a volume of fragments, 1738-80.

Minute Books of the Court of General Sessions for the County of Suffolk, 1743-73. Fragments. 5 vols., folio.

Records of the Superior Court of Judicature, Court of Assizes and General Goal Delivery in the Province of Massachusetts Bay, 1692-1780. 33 vols., folio. Vol. II also contains records of various courts, 1686-87.

Records of the Governor and Council, or of the Council, relating to Divorces, 1760-86. 1 vol., folio, marked "Divorce."

In the Boston Athenæum:

Records of the County Court of Suffolk County, October, 1671, to April, 1680.

In the New York State Library, Albany:

New York Colonial Manuscripts: Dutch, 1630-64; English, 1664-1776.

Marriage License Bonds, for the Provincial Period. _Ca._ 40 vols.

B. BOOKS AND ARTICLES

Adams, Charles Francis. Some Phases of Sexual Morality and Church Discipline in Colonial New England. Reprinted from _Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society_, June, 1891. Cambridge, 1891.

Three Episodes of Massachusetts History. 2 vols. Boston, 1893.

Adams, Marion. Courtship and Marriage in Colonial New England. A Thesis in the History Department, Stanford University, 1897.

Albany, Annals of. Joel Munsell, compiler. 10 vols. Albany, 1850-59.

Albany, Collections on the History of, from its Discovery to the Present Time, with Notices of its Public Institutions and Biographical Sketches of Citizens Deceased. Joel Munsell, compiler. 4 vols. Albany, 1865-71.

Andrews, Andrela Lilian. Studies in Sewall's Diary. A Thesis in the History Department, Stanford University, 1897.

Andros Tracts. A Collection of Pamphlets and Official Papers, issued during the period between the overthrow of the Andros Government and the establishment of the Second Charter of Massachusetts. _Publications of the Prince Society._ 3 vols. Boston, 1868-74.

Applegarth, A. C. "Quakers in Pennsylvania." _Johns Hopkins University Studies_, X. Baltimore, 1892.

Arnold, S. G. History of the State of Rhode Island. 2 vols. New York, 1874.

Atwater, E. E. A History of the Colony of New Haven. New Haven, 1881.

Bacon, Leonard. The Genesis of the New England Churches. New York, 1874.

Bailey, Frederick W. Early Connecticut Marriages as Found on Ancient Church Records Prior to 1800. New Haven, [1896].

Early Massachusetts Marriages Prior to 1800 as Found on the Official Records of Worcester County. First Book. New Haven, [1897].

Bailey, Sarah Loring. Historical Sketches of Andover, Massachusetts. Boston, 1880.

Ballard, E. A. (editor). The Act Relating to Marriage Licenses, etc., in Pennsylvania. 2d ed. Philadelphia, 1885.

Bancroft, George. History of the United States of America. 6 vols. New York, 1886.

Bancroft, H. H. The Native Races of the Pacific States. 5 vols. New York, 1875-82.

Bartlett, Jonathan. Remarks on the Question, Is it lawful to marry the sister of a deceased wife? Bridgeport, 1814.

Belknap, Jeremy. The History of New Hampshire. Dover, 1812.

"Queries respecting the Slavery and Emancipation of Negroes in Massachusetts, proposed by the Hon. Judge Tucker of Virginia, and answered by the Rev. Dr. Belknap (1795)." 1 _Massachusetts Historical Collections_, IV, 191-211. Reprinted, Boston, 1835.

Bishop, J. P. New Commentaries on Marriage, Divorce, and Separation. 2 vols. Chicago, 1891.

Bliss, W. R. Colonial Times on Buzzard's Bay. Boston, 1888.

Side Glimpses from the Colonial Meeting-House. Boston, 1896.

Booth, Mary L. History of the City of New York from its Earliest Settlement to the Present Time. New York, 1859.

Boston, Town Records of, 1634-1777. 7 vols. In 2d, 7th, 8th, 12th, 14th, 16th, and 18th _Reports of the Boston Record Commission_. Boston, 1876-1900.

Bradford, William. History of Plymouth Plantation. Boston, 1856.

Brigham, William (editor). The Compact with the Charter and Laws of New Plymouth, etc. Boston, 1836.

Brodhead, J. R. History of the State of New York. 2 vols. New York, 1853-71.

Brooks, H. M. The Olden Time Series. The Days of the Spinning-Wheel in New England. Boston, 1886.

Browne, William Hand. "Maryland. The History of a Palatinate." In American Commonwealths. 4th ed. Boston, 1888.

Browne, W. Hardcastle. A Digest of Statutes, Decisions, and Cases throughout the United States upon the Subjects of Divorce and Alimony. Philadelphia, 1872.

A Commentary on the Law of Divorce and Alimony. Philadelphia, 1890.

Bruce, P. A. Economic History of Virginia in the Seventeenth Century. 2 vols. New York and London, 1896.

Buford, H. M. The Rights of Property of Married Women under the Laws of Kentucky. Read before the Lexington Bar Association. Cincinnati, 1871.

Burnaby, Andrew. Travels through the Middle Settlements in North America in the Years 1759-60. London, 1798.

Butler, J. D. "British Convicts Shipped to American Colonies." _American Historical Review_, II. New York, 1897.

Campbell, Douglas. The Puritan in Holland, England, and America. 2 vols. New York, 1892.

Carlier, Auguste. Le mariage aux États-Unis. Paris, 1860.

Histoire du peuple américain. 2 vols. Paris, 1864.

Marriage in the United States. Trans. by B. Joy Jeffries. Boston, 1867.

Carroll, B. R. Historical Collections of South Carolina. 2 vols. New York, 1836.

Chalmers, George. Political Annals of the Present United Colonies.