CHAPTER V.

HISTORY OF THE DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF MEXICO, WRITTEN IN THE YEAR 1568, BY CAPTAIN BERNAL DIAZ DEL CASTILLO, ONE OF THE CONQUERORS.

INTRODUCTION.

Although the present chapter may not, at first sight, appear strictly conformable to the plan of this work, which professes to be a Collection of Voyages and Travels, it is, notwithstanding, very intimately connected with our plan, as every step of the conquerors, from their first landing on the coast of the Mexican empire, to the final completion of the conquest and reduction of the numerous dependent provinces, must be considered as discoveries of kingdoms, provinces, and people before utterly unknown. In our endeavours to convey a clear view of this important event to our readers, we have preferred the original narrative of Bernal Diaz, one of the companions of Cortes, who accompanied him during the whole of his memorable and arduous enterprise, _an eye-witness of every thing which he relates, and whose history, notwithstanding the coarseness of its style, has been always much esteemed for the simplicity_ and sincerity of the author, everywhere discoverable_[1]. Those who are desirous of critically investigating the subject, as a matter of history, will find abundant information in the History of Mexico by Clavigero, and in Robertson's History of America. In our edition of the present article we have largely availed ourselves of _The true History of the Conquest of Mexico by Bernal Diaz_, translated by Maurice Keating, Esq. and published in 1800; but which we have not servilely copied on the present occasion. This history is often rather minute on trivial circumstances, and somewhat tedious in its reprehensions of a work on the same subject by Francisco Lopez de Gomara; but as an original document, very little freedom has been assumed in lopping these redundancies. The whole has been carefully collated with the history of the same subject by Clavigero, and with the recent interesting work of Humbolt, so as to ascertain the proper orthography of the Mexican names of persons, places, and things, and to illustrate or correct circumstances and accounts of events, wherever that seemed necessary. Diaz commences his work with his own embarkation from Spain in 1514, and gives an account of the two previous expeditions of Hernandez de Cordova, and Juan de Grijalva, to the coast of New Spain, both already given in the preceding chapter, but which it would have been improper to have expunged in this edition of the original work of Diaz.

[1] Clavigero, History of Mexico, translated by C. Cullen, I. xiii.

PREFACE BY THE AUTHOR.

I, BERNAL DIAZ DEL CASTILLO, regidor of the loyal city of Guatemala, while composing this most true history of the conquest of Mexico, happened to see a work by Francisco Lopez de Gomara on the same subject, the elegance of which made me ashamed of the vulgarity of my own, and caused me to throw away my pen in despair. After having read it, however, I found it full of misrepresentations of the events, having exaggerated the number of natives which we killed in the different battles, in a manner so extraordinary as to be altogether unworthy of credit. Our force seldom much exceeded four hundred men, and even if we had found the multitudes he speaks of bound hand and foot, we had not been able to put so many to death. In fact we were often greatly at a loss to protect ourselves, and were daily reduced to pray to God for deliverance from the many perils which environed us on every side. Alaric and Atilla, those great conquerors, did not slay such numbers of their enemies as Gomara pretends we did in New Spain. He alleges that we burned many cities and temples, forgetting that any of us, the true conquerors, were still alive to contradict his assertions. He often magnifies the merit of one officer at the expence of another, and even speaks of the exploits of some captains who were not engaged in the expedition. He pretends that Cortes gave secret orders for the destruction of our ships; whereas this was done by the common consent of us all, that we might add the seamen to our small military force. He most unjustly depreciates the character of Juan de Grijalva, who was a very valiant commander. He omits the discovery of Yucutan by Hernandez de Cordova. He erroneously supposes Garay to have been actually in the expedition which he fitted out. His account of the defeat of Narvaez is sufficiently accurate; but that which he gives of the war of Tlascala is exceedingly erroneous. He treats the war in Mexico as a matter of little importance, though we there lost above 870 of our soldiers. He makes no mention of our loss during the memorable siege of that city, but treats of it as of a festival or a marriage pageant.

It is needless to enlarge on his numerous errors in this place. I shall therefore proceed to my own narrative, ever mindful that the beauty of historical composition is _truth_, and shall carefully relate the conquest of New Spain, recording the heroic services of us the true conquerors; who, though few in number, gained this rich country to his majesty through many dangers and infinite hardships, under the guidance of the brave and adventurous captain, HERNANDO CORTES; using in my work such ornament and embellishment of language as may seem proper to the occasion. For these great services, his majesty has often issued orders that we should be amply rewarded, but his orders have not hitherto been obeyed. My narrative will afford sufficient materials for future historians to celebrate the fame of our general, Cortes, and the merits of those brave conquerors by whom this great and holy enterprise was achieved. This is not a history of ancient nations, made up of vain reveries, and idle hearsays, but contains a true relation of events of which I was an actor and an eye-witness. Gomara received and wrote such accounts of these events as tended to enhance the fame and merit of Cortes exclusively, neglecting to make mention of our valiant captains and brave soldiers; and the whole tenor of his work shews his partiality to that family, by which he is patronized. By him also the doctor Illescas, and the bishop Paulus Jovius have been misled in the works which they have published. But in the course of this history, as a vigilant pilot proceeds cautiously among shoals and quicksands by the help of the line, so I, in my progress to the haven of truth, shall expose the errors and misrepresentations of Gomara: Yet if I were to point out every error he has committed, the chaff would much exceed the grain.

I have brought this history to a conclusion, in the loyal city of Guatimala, the residence of the royal audience, this 26th of February 1572.

SECTION I.

_Expedition of Hernandez de Cordova, in 1517_.

I left Castille in the year 1514, along with Pedro Arias de Avila, then appointed to the government of Tierra Firma, and arrived with him at Nombre de Dios. A pestilence raged in the colony at our arrival, of which many of the soldiers died, and most of the survivors were invalids. De Avila gave his daughter in marriage to a gentleman named Vasco Nunez de Balboa, who had conquered that province; but becoming afterwards suspicious that Balboa intended to revolt, he caused him to be beheaded. As troubles were likely to take place in this colony, several of us who were men of good families, asked permission from Avila to go over to Cuba, which had been lately settled under the government of Diego Velasquez. He readily granted this request, as he had brought more soldiers from Spain than were needed in his province, which was already subdued. We went accordingly to Cuba, where we were kindly received by Velasquez, who promised to give us the first lands that fell vacant; but, after waiting three years, reckoning from the time of leaving Spain, and no settlements offering, an hundred and ten of us chose Francisco Hernandez de Cordova for our captain, a wealthy gentleman of Cuba, and determined to go on a voyage of discovery under his command. For this purpose, we bought two vessels of considerable burthen, and procured a bark on credit from Velasquez, who proposed as a condition, that we should make a descent on the islands called _Los Guanages_, between Cuba and Honduras, to seize a number of the inhabitants as slaves, in order by their sale to repay the expence of the bark: But when this proposal was made known to the soldiers, we unanimously refused, as it was unjust, and neither permitted by God nor the king to make slaves of freemen. Velasquez assented to the justice of our objections, and gave us all the assistance in his power in regard to provisions. We accordingly laid in a store of hogs at three crowns each, there being no oxen or sheep at that time in Cuba, and a quantity of _cassava_ bread, as flour was not to be had for biscuits. With these sorry provisions, and some trifling toys and ornaments to barter with the Indians, we assembled at a port named _Agaruco_, on the north side of Cuba, eight leagues from the town of St Christopher, the inhabitants of which removed two years afterwards to the Havanna. Our chief pilot was Antonio de Alaminos of Palos, and two others named Comacho de Triana, and Juan Alvarez. We got also a priest, named Alonso Gonzales to go with the expedition; and appointed a soldier named Bernardino Iniguez as _veedor_, to take care of his majesties rights in case of procuring any gold during the voyage.

Having provided ourselves in necessaries as well as we could, and recommended ourselves to God and the Holy Virgin, we sailed from the port of Agaruco on the 8th of February 1517. In twelve days we passed Cape St Antonio in the land of a tribe of savages called _Guanatareyes_, after which we sailed to the westwards at random, being entirely ignorant of the shallows, currents, or prevailing, winds in these seas. We were in most imminent danger during our voyage for two days and two nights in a violent storm; but the wind subsided, and in twenty-one days after leaving Cuba, we came to a coast which had never been before discovered. On nearing the shore, we saw a large town about two leagues inland, which we named Grand Cairo, as it exceeded any of the towns in Cuba. Our bark was sent forwards to examine the coast. Five canoes came off to us on the morning of the 4th March. These boats of the Indians resemble troughs, being hollowed out of a single trunk of a tree, and many of them are large enough to contain fifty men. We invited the people by signs to come on board, and above thirty of them came aboard Cordovas ship without shewing the smallest apprehension, where they were treated with such provisions as we had, and each of them received a string of green glass beads. Having examined the vessels with much admiration, they went to the shore, promising by signs to return next day with a greater number of canoes, in order to bring us all on shore. All these Indians had close cotton dresses, having a narrow cloth round their waists, being more decent than the natives of Cuba, where the women only use this piece of dress. Next day the same chief came off with twelve large canoes, inviting our captain to go on shore, repeating frequently _con-escotoch, con-escotoch_, which we understood to mean, _come to our town_, and from this circumstance we named the place _Punta de Cotoche_. We resolved to accept the invitation, but using the precaution to go in a body at one embarkation, as we saw many Indians on shore. We therefore hoisted out our own boats, and in them and the canoes and our own small bark, we proceeded to the land. After landing, we halted to consider what we should do, and as the cacique still urged us by signs to accompany him, we marched on in good order, fifteen of our men being armed with cross-bows and ten with muskets. As we were passing some thick woods, the cacique suddenly called aloud to a body of Indians which he had posted there in ambush, who immediately sallied out, pouring in a flight of arrows, by which fifteen of our soldiers were wounded. These Indians wore thick coats of quilted cotton, and besides their bows and arrows, were armed with lances, shields, and slings, and had their heads ornamented with feathers. After discharging their arrows they advanced to attack us with their lances; but our sharp swords, and the repeated discharges of our muskets and cross-bows, soon drove them to a distance, leaving fifteen of their men dead on the field. We took likewise two prisoners, who were afterwards baptized by the names of Julian and Melchior, and became useful as interpreters. On our return to the shore, we had the pleasure to find that Gonzales had taken care of the chests we had brought to land with articles for barter, as he had taken them off to the ships, with the assistance of two natives of Cuba. Near the place of the engagement, there were three buildings of stone and lime, in which were several idols of clay in strange unnatural postures, with diabolical countenances, and several wooden chests containing smaller idols, some vessels, three diadems, and several figures of birds and fish, all of inferior gold.

Having reimbarked, we proceeded along shore as formerly, coasting to the west. After fifteen days sailing with great caution along an unknown coast, we got sight of a large town near an inlet or creek, which had the appearance of being the mouth of a river. We named this place St Lazarus, because discovered on the Sunday of that saint; and we determined to attempt procuring water at this place, being in much want, as our casks were bad, not having sufficient means to purchase proper vessels at Cuba. As the ebb-tide left an extensive shallow, we left our two large ships a league from shore, and went well armed in our bark and the boats, to a place from which the town was supplied with water; as so far as we could discover this country has no running streams. Just as we had filled our casks, about fifty Indians, dressed in cotton mantles, came towards us, who all appeared to be chiefs. They inquired by signs what we wanted; and we answered in the same manner, that we came for water, and were now returning to our ships. They then pointed to the eastwards, as if asking if we came from thence, frequently repeating the word _Castillano_. After this, they invited us to their town, to which we accordingly went, and came to some large and well-constructed temples, built of stone and lime, having the figures of idols and serpents painted on the walls. On entering one of these temples, we could plainly perceive the traces of fresh spilt blood on one of the altars. We saw likewise several strange idolatrous figures and symbolical paintings, altogether impressing us with horror and astonishment. All this while the natives behaved peaceably, but collected in great numbers, apparently from curiosity, yet we stood upon our guard, remembering how we had been treated at the former place. A body of the natives made their appearance, in very ragged dresses, each of whom carried a bundle of dry reeds, which they laid in a heap, and then retired. Soon afterwards came two bodies of warriors, dressed and armed like those at the former place, each headed by a chief or captain, who drew up at some distance from us. Immediately after this, ten priests rushed out from a neighbouring temple. These men wore loose robes of white cotton, having their long hair clotted with blood, and all matted and twisted together. They bore vessels in their hands containing fire and aromatics, with which they fumigated us, and made us to understand by signs, that they would put us to death if we did not quit their country before the fuel lying by us was consumed, which they now kindled and retired. The warriors who were drawn up opposite us, began to make a noise, beating their drums, sounding their horns, and whistling with great violence. Seeing these threatening preparations, we deemed it prudent to retreat to our boats, on board of which our water-casks had been already embarked, and returning to our ships we proceeded on our voyage.

We coasted along for six days, during which time we had a violent storm from the north, by which we were in great danger of being driven on shore. We suffered much also from want of water, owing to the insufficiency of our casks, and were often obliged to go on shore to sink wells for our daily supply. At the end of six days, we came opposite a town about a league from the shore, to which we determined to go, and came to anchor therefore as near as we could. The name of this town was _Pontonchon_, in which we could see several buildings of stone and lime, and it appeared to be surrounded with fields of maize. We landed, and having found a spring of water, we immediately began to fill our casks. While busied in this necessary employment, several large bodies of warriors approached us in silence. These men had their bodies covered to their knees with defensive armour of cotton; their faces were painted black, white, and red, and their heads were ornamented with plumes of feathers. Besides bows, arrows, and slings, they had shields and two-handed swords. These people addressed us in the same manner with those of Campechy, pointing to the east, and repeating _Castillano_, _Castillano_; to which we replied by signs that we came from the east, yet were much at a loss to know the intention of this inquiry, and whether to understand it favourable or otherwise. Meaning to remain on shore for the night, we formed ourselves in a compact body, with sentinels on every side, and consulted together as to our farther proceedings. We heard at this time a great noise among the Indians, which we suspected to threaten us with evil; and some of us proposed to embark, which was considered as too dangerous in the face of the enemy, while others were for making an immediate attack, on the old principle, that the assailant usually conquers; but the odds against us was at least 300 to one, and this council was rejected as too rash. Day at length broke, and gave us a view of our danger. Great bodies of warriors were seen advancing with their standards displayed to join those who had assembled on the preceding evening, and we soon found that we must exert our utmost efforts for our defence, putting our trust in the mercy of GOD to relieve us from our dangerous situation. The Indians surrounding us on every side, immediately attacked us hand to hand, and soon wounded ten of our men; but the execution made by our swords and fire-arms made them draw off to some distance, whence they plied their arrows to good effect. They continually called out, _al calachioni_, _al calachioni_, which we understood to mean, Aim at the captain, who was wounded by arrows in twelve different places. I also had three wounds, one of which in my left side, was very dangerous, and two of our men were carried off alive. Seeing all our exertions ineffectual, as the enemy continually received reinforcements, and above fifty of our number were already slain, Cordova gave orders to force our way through the enemy, which we effected in a compact body, the enemy keeping up a close pursuit, continually pouring in their arrows, and even attacking us with their spears. We at last reached our boats, which sunk in the hurry and pressure of our embarkation, and many of us had to endeavour to reach the bark, which came as near as possible to receive us, half wading and half swimming. In this last effort many of our soldiers were wounded, and it was with the utmost difficulty that any of us escaped. This disastrous action lasted half an hour, and on mustering our force after we got back to the ships, we found we had lost fifty-seven men. Our wounds soon became very painful, owing to the cold and the sea water, and we cursed Alaminos and his discoveries, who still persisted that this land was an island. We gave this bay the name of _de Mala Prelea_, or of the unlucky fight. One soldier only of those who escaped was unwounded, most of us having three or four wounds, and our captain twelve. Many of the sailors likewise were disabled; for which reason we set the smallest vessel on fire, distributing her crew to the others. Our greatest misfortune was that we had been forced to leave our casks behind, so that during the rest of the time we remained at sea we were reduced to inexpressible distress for want of water, our lips and tongues becoming full of cracks from intolerable thirst. Such are the cruel hardships attendant on voyages of discovery.

After three days sail, observing a creek which we hoped might lead to fresh water, fifteen sailors and three soldiers went on shore to examine it; but the only water they could find was salt, and some which they got from pits which they sunk on the shore was not drinkable even in our distressed situation. This was called _Alligators Creek_, as it contained a great number of these animals. The prevailing winds at this time were from the north and north-east, which increased to a storm, in which we were near perishing. When it subsided, we determined on returning to the Havanna; but, by the advice of Alaminos, we made in the first place for the coast of Florida, which by his charts, and the observations he had made of our voyage, was 70 leagues distant. He was well acquainted with this navigation, as he had been there ten or twelve years before[1] with Juan Ponce de Leon, and steering across the gulf, we came to that country in four days sail. Our first object was to obtain a supply of water; for our captain was sinking daily under the distress of his wounds and intolerable thirst, and we were all in much need of that indispensable necessary of life. Twenty of us, among whom I was one, went on shore with the casks as soon as possible, being warned by Alaminos to be on our guard against a sudden attack from the natives, who had fallen upon him by surprise when formerly on that coast. We accordingly posted a guard in an open place near the shore, and set about digging some pits, in which we had the satisfaction to find excellent water. We remained about an hour washing our linens and bathing our wounds, which delay enabled the Indians to attack us, one of our centinels giving us the alarm only a few moments before they appeared. The Indians, who were tall, athletic men, dressed in the skins of beasts, immediately let fly a shower of arrows, by which six of us were wounded, and myself among the rest. We soon beat them off, however, when they went to the assistance of another party who had come round in some canoes, and were dragging away our boat, after wounding Alaminos and four sailors. We followed them as quickly as possible, wading up to our middles in the sea, and rescued the boat, after killing twenty-two of the Indians, and making prisoners of three who were only slightly wounded, yet died afterwards during our voyage to Cuba.

After the natives were driven away, we inquired of the soldier who gave us the alarm of the enemy, what had become of his comrade? He reported, that a short time before he came to us, his companion went to the water side to cut down a palmito, and soon afterwards, hearing him cry out, being as he supposed in the hands of the enemy, he ran towards us and gave the alarm. The soldier thus amissing, named Berrio, was the only person who escaped from Pontonchan unwounded. We went to seek for him, and found the palmito he had begun to cut, around which the ground was much trodden, but no trace of blood, from which we concluded he had been carried away alive. Having sought him in vain for an hour, we returned on board with the water, to the infinite joy of our companions, who were quite beside themselves on its arrival. One man leapt into the boat immediately on its getting along-side, and never ceased drinking till he died. We next proceeded to a certain low island called _los Baxos de los Martyres_, where our commanders ship struck on a sunken rock, and took in so much water that she was near sinking; indeed we greatly feared that our utmost exertions at the pump could not bring her into port. When two of our sailors, who were from the Levant, were called upon to aid in pumping, they calmly replied _facetelo vos_, or Do it yourselves, when we were almost exhausted by fatigue, and the ship on the very point of going down. We compelled them, however, to fall to, and by the blessing of GOD we got safe to the harbour then called _Puerto de Carenas_, where the city of Havanna has been since built. Our captain went immediately to his estate near _Spiritu Santo_, where he died in ten days, and three soldiers died of their wounds at the Havanna, and the rest dispersed to their different homes or avocations.

Immediately after our arrival, an express was sent to Velasquez the governor of Cuba, informing him that we had discovered a country having houses of stone and lime, where the inhabitants were decently clothed, cultivating maize, and possessing gold; and the fame of our discovery was soon spread through the island, by the soldiers and mariners who had returned from the expedition. On producing the figures and idols which we had brought over, it was believed that they had been brought to that country by a _Jewish_ colony, flying after the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus and Vespasian[2]. The name of _Yucutan_, which that country we discovered acquired at this time, was occasioned by the following mistake. _Yuca_ in the language of the country is the name of the plant used in the islands for bread, there named _cazabi_, and _tale_ in the same language signifies the heap of earth on which it is planted. When the two prisoners whom we brought from thence were shewn this plant in Cuba, they immediately recognized it, saying _Yucu-tal_, which was supposed to signify their country, and has ever since been applied by the Spaniards to that part of America, but pronounced _Yucutan_. They alleged likewise that their country produced gold, or at least they were so understood, but this has since been found not to be the case. All that we soldiers got by this discovery, was to come back poor and wounded, and thankful that we had saved our lives, having lost seventy out of our small number during the expedition. Diego Velasquez wrote an account to his patron, the bishop of Burgos, of all the particulars of this discovery, and the expences he had incurred, by which he obtained fame and credit from his majesty; but nothing was said in favour of us poor soldiers, who had expended our property, and risked our lives in the expedition.

As soon as our wounds were healed, I and two other soldiers, desiring to go to the town of Trinidad, agreed for our passage with an inhabitant of the Havanna, who was going there in a canoe to sell a cargo of cotton, for which he was to be paid ten crowns in gold. We accordingly embarked with him, and after coasting along for eleven days, we were driven on shore in a violent gale of wind, near an Indian town named _Canarreon_, the canoe being dashed to pieces, while we reached the shore with much difficulty naked, bruised, and wounded. We were forced to adopt the clothing of our first parents, and tied sandals to our feet made of bark which we cut from the trees with sharp stones, fixing them on by means of the tough flexible roots of a plant called _bejucos_. Travelling in this sorry plight, we came in two days to the village of _Yaguarrama_, where _Fray Bartholome de las Casas_ was then parish priest, who was afterwards bishop of _Chiapa_. I went next day to the town of _Chipiona_, belonging to Alonso de Avila, where I got myself decently clothed at the house of a friend named Antonio de Medina. I then continued my journey to St Jago, where the governor, Velasquez, was preparing to fit out another expedition of discovery. Being my relation, as well as governor, I went to wait upon him, when he asked if I was willing to undertake another expedition to Yucutan. I answered, that it ought rather to be called the land of wounds and disasters. He replied, he knew that we suffered much in the last voyage, but such was often the fate of those who sought fame and honour by new discoveries, and that he would take care to inform the king of our services, that we might be rewarded according to our merits. "And now," said he, "my son, if you will try your fortune once more, I will place you in a station where you may reap honour."

[1] The present voyage of Cordova was in 1517: that of Ponce de Leon in 1512, only five years before.--E.

[2] Nothing can be more ridiculous than this fancy of the Americans being descended from the Jews: Without stopping to controvert this absurd opinion, it need only be noticed that the Jews, at least after their return from captivity, have uniformly rejected the use of images, even under the severest persecutions; except perhaps in Spain, where the modern Jews are said to worship the Catholic idols with much apparent devotion, to avoid the terrors of the Inquisition.--E.

SECTION II.

_Expedition of Juan de Grijalva in 1518_.

Encouraged by the accounts of the new discoveries which had been made in the last expedition, Velasquez fitted out a new armament of four ships; two of which had been on the former voyage, and the other two he now purchased. This expedition was to be commanded in chief by his relation Juan de Grijalva, under whom Pedro de Alvarado, Francisco de Montejo, and Alonso de Avila were captains, all persons of known bravery, and proprietors of estates in these islands. For this equipment, each captain provided sailors and provisions, and the governor furnished ships, arms, and other necessaries. The accounts which had been circulated of the riches of the country, especially from the information of Melchior the native, soon collected a number of unprovided adventurers from the different islands, so that 240 _companions_ speedily engaged for the expedition, among whom I resolved to try my fortune once more. We each deposited a certain stipulated sum, to provide various necessary articles for the voyage, and for our use when in the field. The orders given on the occasion by Velasquez to Grijalva were, to bring back as much gold and silver as he could procure, and in regard to colonization or settlements, he left him to act according to circumstances as he might think best. We had the same pilots as on the former voyage, with a fourth, whose name I do not remember; Penalosa was our _veedor_, and Juan Diaz our chaplain. The port of Matanzas was chosen as the most convenient rendezvous, as the colonists had many plantations and flocks of swine in that neighbourhood.

All our preparations being made, we set sail on the 5th of April 1518, after hearing mass with great devotion, and in ten days doubled the point of _Guaniguanico_, which the pilots call Cape St Antonio. In eight days more we came in sight of the island of _Cozumel_, the currents forcing us farther down than we had been in our former voyage. On sight of our ships, the natives fled from a town on the island, but our people found two old men concealed in a field of maize who were unable to follow the rest. Our interpreters, Julianillo and Melchiorejo, whom we had made prisoners in the former voyage, understood the language of these people, as the island of Cozumel is only four leagues from their country. Grijalva treated these people well, after which he gave them some presents and dismissed them, being in hopes to induce the natives of the town to return. Some time afterwards, an Indian woman of a good person and handsome countenance joined us, who spoke the language of Jamaica, which is the same with that spoken in Cuba. She told us that she had left Jamaica two years before in a canoe, with her husband and nine other men, intending to fish at certain islands; but the currents had driven them to this place, where the natives sacrificed her husband and all her other companions. Expecting that this woman might prevail on the natives to return to the town, Grijalva sent her away for that purpose, allowing two days for her return, but she came back next day, saying that none of them could be prevailed upon to come. At this place, named _Santa Cruz_, we found a great deal of honey in hives, several kinds of vegetables, such as boniatos and potatoes, and many hogs of the country, having their navel on their backs. There are two smaller towns on this island, which we did not visit, being unwilling to lose time. Following the course of Cordova, we arrived in eight days at _Champoton_[1], where we cast anchor a league from the shore, on account of the water being very shoal at low ebbs. We disembarked with half of our soldiers close to the town, and the natives remembering their former success against us, attacked us immediately with much military parade. From our former experience, we took care to be well prepared on this occasion, and accordingly had our boats armed with falconets[2]. Half of our men were wounded before we could reach the shore: But having formed on the beach, and being reinforced by a second disembarkation, we soon defeated them, on which they fled to the marshes; yet we lost three of our men, our captain receiving three arrows, and having two of his teeth knocked out. On entering the town after the defeat of the natives, we found it entirely deserted, the inhabitants having likewise removed all their effects. We took three prisoners, whom we endeavoured to reconcile by kind usage, and sent them with a message to bring back their countrymen; but they never returned, and we suspected our interpreters of dealing treacherously so as to counteract our wishes. The field in which we fought with these Indians was very stony, and swarmed prodigiously with locusts, and these animals sprung up in such numbers during the action, striking us in the face, that we hardly knew when to raise our shields in our defence, or whether it was locusts or arrows which flew about us, they were so mixed together.

After staying four days in _Champoton_, we pursued our voyage to what appeared the entrance of a large river; but Alaminos insisted that it was the termination of a large island, on which account this inlet was called _Boca de Terminos_. Grijalva went on shore with several officers and a party of soldiers, to examine the bay and the adjacent country, where they found several temples containing idols of clay and wood, some like women, and others like serpents. As the country was quite uninhabited, and we found many horns of deer at the temples, it was concluded they had been built for the accommodation of hunters, when they frequented this part of the country, which abounded in deer and rabbits. We killed ten of the former, and many rabbits, by means of a dog we had with us, which we left behind us by accident when we reimbarked; but we found him afterwards on the shore, fat and sleek, when we returned on the expedition with Cortes. Continuing along the coast to the westwards from _Boca de Terminos_, we arrived in three days at another inlet called the river of _Tabasco_, from a cacique in the neighbourhood, but which we named Rio de Grijalva, in honour of our captain. Finding this inlet shallow, we entered with the vessels of lightest draught of water, in which and our boats we embarked our whole force; as from seeing numbers of armed Indians in canoes, we concluded there was a populous town or district hard by, especially as we found nets with fish in the track by which we entered. On approaching the shore, we heard the noise of felling trees, which we concluded to be preparations for defence, and we learnt afterwards that the natives were acquainted with our transactions at Pontonchan. We landed at a point about half a league from the town, close by a grove of palm trees, to which place the natives advanced against us in martial order in about fifty canoes, all painted and prepared for battle. We fortunately addressed them by means of our interpreters, declaring that our intentions were pacific, and invited their chiefs to a conference. On this about thirty Indians landed, who were presented with beads of coloured glass, and our captain made the interpreters explain to them, that we came from a distant country, being the servants of a great prince, to whom he advised them to become subjects, and besides, that he expected they would give us a supply of provisions in return for our beads. Two these men, one a priest and another a chief, made answer that they would willingly barter with us and give us provisions, but that they had a sovereign of their own, and advised us not to repeat the unseasonable demand of submission to our prince, lest they should attack us as had been done at Pontonchan, having two _xiquipils_ of warriors of 8000 men each: Yet, though confident in their superior force, they had come to treat with us amicably, and would report our proposal to their chiefs, after which they would bring their decision, and inform us whether it was to be peace or war between us. Grijalva embraced them in token of peace, and gave them several strings of beads, requesting them to bring a speedy answer, which they promised, and soon did, assuring us in name of their chiefs, of peace and concord; in token of which thirty Indians came soon afterwards, loaded with broiled fish, fowls, fruit, bread made of maize, and vessels with lighted coals to fumigate us with certain perfumes. They then spread a mat on the ground, which they covered with a mantle, on which they laid some golden toys made in form of birds and lizards, and three strings of gold beads, desiring us to accept these presents in a friendly manner, being all the gold they could collect, which did not exceed the value of 200 crowns. They added that there was abundance of gold to be had farther west, repeating several times _Mexico_ and _Culua_, words which we did not then understand. We were well satisfied with this proof that the country produced gold; and we hastened to quit our present anchorage, as a gale from the north was likely to happen, and might have proved fatal to the expedition.

Two days sail from Tabasco, we arrived opposite to a town called _Aguayaluco_, which we named _la Rambla_, where we observed many of the inhabitants armed with shields of tortoise-shell, which the soldiers believed to have been gold, from being polished and shining in the sun. We came next to the mouth of the river Farole, which we named St Antonio. Whence we continued our course by the mouth of the great river _Coatzacualco_, observing a distant range of high mountains covered with perpetual snow, and others nearer the sea, which we named the ridge of St Martin, as being first noticed by a soldier of that name. At this time Alvarado discovered a river called _Papaloapan_ by the natives, which was afterwards called the river of Alvarado, into which he entered, and procured some fish from the inhabitants of a town named _Tlacotalpan_. Grijalva was much offended by the conduct of Alvarado on this occasion, as we had to wait three days for his return; and gave pointed orders that no ship should separate in future from the squadron without orders, lest any unforeseen misfortune should happen that could not be remedied by assistance from the rest. From thence, after the return of Alvarado, we proceeded to a river which we named _Vanderas_, because some white banners were waved by a number of Indians on the shore, as a signal of invitation for us to land.

It is now universally known that the city of Mexico is as large as Venice, and is built in like manner in the water, and also that it is the capital of a large empire, containing many extensive provinces, then ruled over by a powerful monarch named Montezuma[3], whose thirst for conquest led him to extend the boundaries of the empire in every direction. Having received intelligence of our first appearance on this coast under Cordova, and of the battle at _Champoton_; that our force was very small, and that our object was to procure gold in exchange for articles which we had along with us, all of which circumstances had been faithfully communicated to him by means of paintings transmitted to his residence by expresses; he issued orders, on receiving notice of our second arrival on his coast, to procure our green glass beads in exchange for gold, as they set great value on these baubles, not knowing they were artificial; and he likewise directed his officers to make minute inquiries as to our persons and intentions. We have likewise been told that he was greatly influenced in regard to us, by an old tradition or prophesy, by which it was said that men were to come from the rising sun who were to acquire the dominion of his country. It was in compliance with these orders, that the officers of Montezuma were now on the coast, and had made signs inviting us to come on shore. Induced by the signals, Grijalva sent a party to land, under the charge of Montejo, the weather being unusually favourable for the purpose. On landing, we found the governor of the province attended by many natives, having with them a quantity of provisions, such as fowls, bread, pines, sapotes, and other fruit. They were reclining on mats under the shade of some trees, and made signs for us to sit down by them, and as on former occasions, perfumed us with fragrant gums. On this occasion our whole intercourse was by signs, as our interpreters from _Cotoche_ in Yucutan, did not understand the Mexican language. Our friendly reception being reported to Grijalva, he immediately landed with all the rest of the soldiers, and on his rank being made known to the Indians, he was treated with extraordinary respect, which he returned with much politeness, ordering beads and cut glass to be distributed among them, and expressing a desire to obtain gold in return. On this occasion he procured gold in various articles of workmanship, to the value of 15,000 crowns. On this occasion, also, he made a formal act of possession of these territories for his majesty, under the governor of Cuba; and, having distributed some European shirts among the principal natives, we all returned on board. We were accompanied by one of the natives, who was baptized by the name of Francisco, whom I saw settled and married at the town of Santa Fe, after the conquest of Mexico.

After remaining six days at this place, we proceeded along the coast, passing a low island about three leagues from the main which we named _Isla blanca_, or the White Island. About a league and a half farther on, we came to a larger island, where Grijalva landed with a party of soldiers. On this island there were two well constructed buildings of stone and lime, having each steps to ascend to the top, on each of which there was an altar placed before certain hideous idols, where were also the bodies of five miserable persons who had been sacrificed the night before, having their hearts cut out, their limbs separated from their bodies, and their blood sprinkled on the walls and altars. We named this _Isla de los Sacrificios_, or Sacrifice Island. We landed on the coast opposite to this island, where we built huts for ourselves and remained for some days, expecting the natives to trade with us for gold. Many of them came to visit us, but they brought very little of that metal, and seemed very shy and timid, on which account we reimbarked and continued our voyage.

When we arrived at that part of the coast which is opposite the island of _St Juan de Ulua_, where _Vera Cruz_ now stands, we lodged ourselves in huts on the sand hills, having discovered good anchorage at this place, defended from the north winds. Grijalva, with about thirty of us, went over to examine the island, where we found a temple containing a large and hideous image of a god called _Tezcatepuca_[4]. We found at this place four Indian priests in long black mantles, like Dominicans, who had that day sacrificed two boys, offering up their hearts to that accursed idol. They offered to perfume us with their incense pots, but we were completely disgusted at the horrible cruelty of their sacrifices, and rejected their proferred compliment with horror. Our interpreter, who seemed a person of intelligence, being questioned as to the reason of immolating these human victims, said that it was done by order of the Indians of _Culva_ or _Culchua_[5], by which he meant the Mexicans. As he pronounced the word _Ulua_, we named the island _St Juan de Ulua_, which it still bears; partly in compliment to Juan de Grijalva, and partly because this happened to be St John's Day. We remained seven days at this place, terribly distressed by mosquitos, during which time we procured an inconsiderable quantity of gold from the natives. Being now quite satisfied that the land we were on was part of the continent, our wounded men declining in their health, our number being too small for attempting to establish a colony, and our bread growing bad; it was determined to send Alvarado to Cuba for a reinforcement, as Grijalva was exceedingly desirous of making a settlement on the coast, always shewing himself a most valiant officer, quite contrary to what might be supposed from the aspersions thrown upon his character and conduct by Gomara. In consequence of this determination, Alvarado was sent to Cuba with an account of all our proceedings, and in the mean time we determined to extend our discoveries as far as possible.

From the time that our expedition left Cuba, Velasquez was always exceeding anxious about our success, and at length became so uneasy that he sent a vessel in search of us, commanded by a gallant officer named Christopher de Oli; who, after sailing for some time in our track, had his ship so much injured in a storm, that he was under the necessity of returning to Cuba without being able to procure any intelligence respecting us. This disappointment added greatly to the anxiety of Velasquez, from which he was relieved by the arrival of Alvarado. The display of gold which he produced astonished the governor and all who saw it; and Alvarado was feasted and honoured above measure, as the bearer of such agreeable tidings. The fame of the new and wealthy country which we had discovered was soon spread abroad and blazoned among the islands, and even reached to Castile.

After the departure of Alvarado, we continued our progress of discovery along the coast, and passing the mountains of Tusta and Tuspa, we approached the province of Panuco, which is full of populous towns three or four leagues from the coast. Farther on, we arrived at the River of Canoes, so named from the following incident. While at anchor off its mouth, ten canoes full of Indians made a sudden attack on our smallest ship, which Alonzo de Avila commanded, and cut her cable for the purpose of carrying her off, although the people in that ship made a very gallant defence. But on receiving assistance from the other ships, the enemy was beat off with considerable loss. Proceeding farther along the coast, we came to a very bold cape, which our pilot believed we were unable to weather, on account of a violent adverse current. It was then determined in a council of the officers to return to the island of Cuba, though Grijalva earnestly wished to have established a colony in some eligible situation of the coast which we had explored. But in this proposal he was opposed by the majority, on account of the lateness of the season, the scarcity of provisions, and the hardships we had already undergone. We therefore began our voyage back to Cuba, in which we made rapid progress, as we were much assisted by the current; but had to stop at the river _Tonala_, on purpose to repair one of our ships, which struck the ground three times in going over the bar at the mouth of that river. While we remained here, the natives came to us in a very friendly manner, bringing bread, fish, and fruit, for which we gave them beads and cut glass. On our desire of procuring gold being made known in the neighbouring country, the inhabitants of _Guacacualco_ and other places brought us all they had.

The Indians in this part of the country were all in use to carry small hatchets of very bright copper, with highly painted handles, intended both for ornament and defence. These were mistaken by us for gold, and we were consequently eager to purchase them, so that in the course of three days we procured about six hundred of them in exchange for green beads. One of our seamen having procured seven of these, thought he had made his fortune. While at this place, a soldier named Bartholomew Pardo, happened to go into a temple on the top of a hill, where he found in a chest some coronets and collars of gold, along with two idols. He secreted the gold for his own use, but gave the idols to Grijalva; who afterwards learnt the circumstances of the gold, which he ordered Pardo to surrender, but gave it back to the poor man, only reserving the fifth for the king, the whole not exceeding the value of eighty crowns. Being much infested with mosquitos, I used to sleep while here in a temple to avoid these intolerable insects, near which I sowed seven or eight seeds of oranges which I had brought from Cuba. These happened to grow, and being noticed as uncommon plants by the priests of this temple, they took care of them, being the first that ever grew in New Spain. As after the conquest, this province was understood to offer great advantages for settlements, many of the principal conquerors chose it for their residence. I was one of the number; and on my arrival, I went in search of the produce of my seeds, and finding the young orange trees in a flourishing state, I had them transplanted, and they throve amazingly well. After our ship was repaired, we set sail for Cuba, leaving the natives very well satisfied with our behaviour, and arrived safe in forty-five days. Velasquez was much pleased with the gold, which amounted to the value of 20,000 crowns; but we were much laughed at on producing our six hundred copper axes to be assayed. On the whole, Velasquez was well satisfied with the conduct of this expedition; though he appeared at first displeased with Grijalva, owing to the unjust aspersions which were thrown upon him by Avila and Montejo.

After receiving a full account of our voyage, Velasquez sent over his chaplain, Benito Martinez, to make a report of these discoveries to the court of Spain, with letters for Fonseca bishop of Burgos his patron, and to the licentiate Juan Zapata, and the secretary Lope Conchillos, both of whom were employed in conducting the affairs of the West Indies. Velasquez had secured a powerful interest with all these three, by assigning them rich districts in the island of Cuba, thus forwarding his own advantage at the expence of the crown. Martinez was instructed to solicit a commission, authorizing Velasquez to procure gold from the new discovered country, or to make conquests and settlements, as he might see fit; and in this he so effectually succeeded, that he brought back a commission for Velasquez as _adelantado_ of the island of Cuba, so well pleased was the court with his conduct in regard to the discoveries, and the proofs which he had transmitted of the wealth of those countries which he had discovered.

[1] This seems the place named Pontonchan in the former voyage.--E.

[2] These were probably swivel guns mounted on the bows of their boats.--E.

[3] According to Clavigero, I. 240, the proper name of this Mexican sovereign was Moteuczoma.--E.

[4] Named Tezcatlipoca by Clavigero, and said to be the god of providence, the soul of the world, and the creator of all things.--E.

[5] By Clavigero called _Acolhua_, the name given by all the distant inhabitants of the empire to the people of the Vale of Mexico, or Anahuac.--E.

SECTION III.

_Commencement of the Expedition of Hernando Cortes for the Conquest of Mexico, in 1518_.

Anxious to prosecute the advantages derivable from the discoveries made by Grijalva, Velasquez used the utmost efforts in providing a new and more powerful armament. For this purpose, he collected ten ships at the port of St Jago, four of which had been on the former expedition, and supplied them with such provisions as could be procured in that place, intending to complete their equipment at the Havanna. Velasquez was greatly at a loss in his choice of a commander for the new expedition, and several were recommended to him for this purpose. Among these was Vasco Procalla, a gentleman of high rank, and related to the Conde de Feria; but the governor was afraid to trust a person of his bold character, lest he might revolt, as had been already done by several dependent leaders of expeditions. In this state of uncertainty, several relations of the governor were talked of as candidates for the office, such as Augustin Vermudez, Antonio Velasquez Borrego, and Bernardino Velasquez, but of their chances, or the reasons of their rejection, we were not informed. All the soldiers, however, were disposed to have Grijalva for their chief. While matters were in this state of uncertainty, Andres de Duero, who was secretary to the governor, and Amador de Lares, the royal _contador_ in Cuba, entered into a private agreement with Hernando Cortes to recommend him to Velasquez for the command of the intended expedition. Cortes was a respectable gentleman of good birth, a native of Medelin in Estremadura, the son of Martin Cortes de Monroy, by Catalina Pizarro de Altamirano, who were both _hidalgos_ of the best families in the province, though poor, and had acquired a considerable property in the island of Cuba, where he had been twice raised to the office of alcalde. He had lately married Donna Catalina Suarez de Pacheco, the daughter of Diego Suares de Pacheco of Merida, by Maria de Mercaida of Biscay; through which marriage he had experienced much trouble, having been frequently confined by order of Velasquez. The two officers before mentioned, who enjoyed the intimate confidence of the governor, made an agreement with Cortes to procure the appointment for him, for which they were to receive an equal division of the treasure procured from the expedition out of his share, as the commission was intended to extend no farther than the procurement of gold by barter, without any power of settlement or colonization. For this purpose they took every opportunity of praising Cortes to Velasquez, and vouching for his fidelity, so that they at length succeeded in procuring the appointment for him; and as it belonged to the secretary to draw it out in due form, we may be sure that its conditions were sufficiently favourable.

On this appointment being communicated to the public, it gave satisfaction to some, but greatly displeased others, who used every endeavour to communicate their dissatisfaction to the governor, particularly by the following device: When the governor was going on a Sunday to mass, accompanied by the most respectable people of the town and neighbourhood, he placed Cortes on his right hand, on purpose to shew respect to the person he had chosen for an expedition of such high importance. There was at this time one Cervantes at St Jago, a kind of buffoon, generally called mad Cervantes, who used to assume great liberty of speech under pretence of idiocy. This man ran before the governor all the road to church, shouting out many absurdities, saying among others, "Huzza for my master Don Diego, who will soon lose his fleet, and huzza for his new captain;" besides many similar expressions, all having a tendency to awaken suspicion in Velasquez. Andrew de Duero, who was present, beat him and ordered him to be silent, but he persisted so much the more, saying, "I will dismiss my old master, and follow the fortune of Cortes." This man was certainly hired by the relations of Velasquez, who wished the appointment for some of themselves, that they might instil jealousy into the mind of the governor, but all to no purpose; yet all that was now uttered under the semblance of folly, turned out true in the end.

Immediately on receiving his commission, Cortes used the utmost activity in preparing for the expedition; and though already much embarrassed with debts, through his own extravagance and the expensive dress and establishment of his wife, he procured the advance of 4000 crowns in money and as much in goods, on the security of his estate, from Jeronymo Tria and Pedro de Xeres, two merchants, who considered him as rising in the world, and a favourite of fortune. He now dressed and appeared in greater state than formerly, wearing a plume of feathers and a gold medal in his cap, and erected a standard of velvet embroidered with gold before his house, embellished with the royal arms and a cross, and with a Latin motto to this effect: "_Brothers, follow the cross in faith; for under its guidance we shall conquer_."

Though Benito Martinez had not yet returned from Castile with the royal commission, it was proclaimed by sound of trumpet and beat of drum, that all who entered for the present expedition should have their share in what gold might be procured, and should have ample grants of land as soon as the intended conquest was effected. In consequence of these promises, and by the influence of Cortes, volunteers quickly offered themselves from every quarter. So great was the enthusiasm to engage in the expedition, that people were everywhere eager to sell their lands to enable them to purchase horses and arms. In every quarter people were seen busy in preparing quilted-cotton armour, making bread, and salting pork for sea stores. Above 300 volunteers assembled at St Jago, among whom I was, and several of the principal persons belonging to the family of the governor entered into our fraternity; among these were Diego de Ordas, his first major domo, who was employed as a spy on the actions of Cortes, of whom Velasquez already entertained jealousy. The other companions of our expedition from the household of the governor were F. de Morla, Escobar, Heredia, Ruano, Escudero, and Ramos de Lares, besides many other adherents of the governor.

Knowing that Cortes was much dissatisfied with Velasquez on account of certain circumstances respecting his marriage, and greatly envying his good fortune in being chosen to command the expedition, the relations of Velasquez continued to exert their utmost efforts to get the commission revoked. But Cortes, who was well aware of all their practices, continued carefully to make his court to the governor, appearing entirely devoted to his service. He was likewise informed by Duero that the governor began to hesitate respecting his appointment, owing to the importunate representations of his relations, and was advised to exert every possible exertion in completing his preparations. He left in charge therefore, the care of providing many things that were necessary for the expedition, to his lady, with directions to have them forwarded; and having summoned all the captains, masters, pilots, and soldiers to embark, he went to take his leave of the governor, accompanied by his friends Duero and Lares. After a long confidential conference, the governor and general parted with much politeness, and the strongest assurances of mutual friendship. Next morning the governor accompanied him to his ship, and we set sail immediately for Trinidad, where we arrived in a few days. This place was at that time inhabited by several opulent and respectable gentlemen, who received us all with much hospitality, but were particularly attentive to our general. He planted the royal standard in front of his quarters at this town, and made a proclamation, inviting volunteers to join the expedition, in consequence of which, several wealthy persons of respectable families now joined, among whom were the Alvarados and Alonzo de Avila. We were here joined also by Alonzo Hernandez de Portocarrero, cousin to the Conde de Medelin, Juan Velasquez de Leon, a relation to the governor, Rodrigo Rangel, Gonzalo Lopez de Ximena, and his brother Juan Lopez. These gentlemen joined us in a body, and were received by a discharge of artillery, and every mark of joy and respect, as due to their rank and respectability. We procured a supply of provisions from the estates of these volunteers, and the number of our companions increased daily, but horses were scarce and dear. Cortes sold some of his golden ornaments to enable him to buy a horse for his friend Portocarrero, who had not the means of procuring one for himself. About this time likewise Juan Sedeno arrived from Santi Spiritus with a cargo of provisions, and Cortes bought both ship and cargo upon credit, the owner enrolling himself for the expedition.

The relations of Velasquez still continued to use their influence to make him jealous of Cortes, and to supersede him in the command, even employing one Juan Millan, an astrologer who was reputed mad, to represent that Cortes would assuredly endeavour to be revenged for having been imprisoned by the governor. They represented his sudden departure from St Jago, as an indication of evil designs, and even began to suspect the secret association with the secretary and contador. Velasquez was at last won over by these repeated importunities, and sent two confidential persons to his brother-in-law, Francisco Verdugo, who was alcalde major of Trinidad, directing him to deprive Cortes of the command of the fleet and army, as Vasco Porcallo was appointed in his place; and he sent orders to the same purpose to Diego de Ordas, Francisco de Morla, and his other relations and confidents. But Cortes, who was secretly informed of all these proceedings by his friends Duero and Lares, exerted himself so effectually by promises and otherwise, as to bring over all on whom Velasquez relied to his own interest, and Diego de Ordas especially, who used every argument with Verdugo to disobey the orders of the governor, representing the danger which would arise from using violence, as Cortes possessed the entire confidence of the troops. Cortes had such talents for gaining friends, that he even prevailed on Pedro Lasso to enrol himself under his command, though one of the messengers who carried the orders of Velasquez. Cortes wrote to the governor by the other messenger, giving the strongest assurances, of his fidelity and attachment, and earnestly entreating him not to listen to the calumnies of his enemies, or the ridiculous predictions of the old fool Millan the astrologer. During twelve days that we remained at Trinidad, every exertion was made in preparing for our departure; and among others, all the smiths in the place were employed in making arrow-heads for our cross-bows, and Cortes engaged them all to accompany the expedition. Leaving Trinidad, the fleet was ordered to sail for the Havanna by the south course, except one ship under Juan de Escalente, which was sent by the northern course. Such of the companions as chose, were allowed to march by land for the Havanna, under the command of Alvarado, of which permission I and fifty more availed ourselves, having to pick up several volunteers who were expected to join from different settlements that lay on our route. All the ships arrived safe at the Havanna, except that in which Cortes was embarked, and we who marched by land were there seven days before we could learn what had become of our commander. We were afraid his ship had been lost among the shoals of _Los Jardines_, and it was proposed to send three ships in search of him: But there was no one to command, and factious disputes arose about the choice of a lieutenant or substitute during his absence, in which intrigues Diego de Ordas was particularly busy. At length Cortes arrived, his ship having grounded on a shoal, but fortunately near the shore, so that they got her off by lightening her of part of her cargo.

Cortes took his quarters at the Havanna in the house of Pedro Barba, who commanded there for Velasquez, erecting his standard, and beating up for volunteers. He was here joined by Francisco de Montejo, Diego de Soto, Angula, Garci Caro, Sebastian Rodriquez, Gutierrez, Rojas, not he commonly called the wealthy, a lad named Santa Clara, two brothers named Los Martinez de Frexenal, and Juan, de Najara, not the deaf man of the tennis court in Mexico. These were all men of quality, besides whom there were many others whose names I do not now remember. Diego de Ordas was sent to the governors estate at Guaniguanico, to procure a farther supply of bread and bacon, and to wait there till he received farther orders, on purpose to keep him out of the way, as Cortes knew he had shewn himself adverse to his interest while he was absent. The artillery, consisting of ten brass field-pieces and four falconets, were brought on shore to inspect and complete its equipment, and placed under the charge of four gunners, named Meza, Arbenga, Catalan, and Usagre. The cross-bows were ordered to be inspected, all their cords, nuts, and arrows to be put in complete order, and the range of each to be ascertained by shooting at a match. As cotton was to be had in plenty at this place, the soldiers provided themselves with good quilted jackets. Cortes now assumed great state in his deportment and the establishment of his household, appointing a steward, chamberlain, and major-domo. He ordered stalls and mangers to be fitted up in the ships for the horses, and stores of maize and hay to be taken on board for their use. Horses were at that time scarce and dear in Cuba, and our whole stock amounted to fifteen, besides the horse belonging to the general, which died at St Juan de Ulua[1].

Velasquez was exceedingly angry with Verdugo for neglecting to obey the orders he had sent him, and reproached the secretary and contador with having imposed upon him in regard to the character of the general. He now renewed his endeavours to deprive Cortes of the command, sending orders by one Garnica to Pedro Barba, to prevent the fleet from sailing, and to arrest Cortes. Garnica likewise brought letters from the governor for Ordas and Velasquez de Leon, ordering and entreating them to concur with Barba in these measures; but Ordas had been judiciously sent out of the way, and de Leon was now gained over by Cortes. All the rest of us, even Barba the lieutenant-governor of the Havanna, were entirely devoted to the interest of our general, who was fully aware of all that was intended against him, as Garnica brought letters from a friar who resided with the governor, to our chaplain de Olmedo, by which Duero and Lares sent intelligence of all the schemes of Velasquez. Barba wrote back to the governor, that Cortes was so beloved by the troops, that he durst not execute the orders he had received; being assured that any such attempt would occasion the destruction of the town, and that all the inhabitants would go along with Cortes. The general wrote likewise to Velasquez, repeating his assurance of perfect devotion to his service, and intimated that he meant to sail the next day.

The fleet sailed from the Havanna on the 10th February 1519, for the island of Cozumel[2]. The ship in which I was, commanded by Alvarado, was directed to proceed by the north, with orders to wait for the fleet at Cape St Antonio, and Diego de Ordas had similar directions; but our pilot neglected these instructions, and proceeded directly for Cozumel, where we accordingly arrived two days before the rest. As soon as we came to anchor, our whole party landed and went to the town of Cozumel, which was deserted by all its inhabitants. We then went to another place, whence likewise the inhabitants fled on our approach, but we found a quantity of fowls, and some idols, with toys and ornaments of much alloyed gold in a temple near the town, with which booty we returned to the town of Cozumel. By this time Cortes and his whole fleet were arrived, and he immediately put our pilot, Comacho, in irons for disobeying his orders. He likewise reprimanded Alvarado for taking the property of the natives, which he said was a bad way of proceeding, as the people ought on no account to be ill used, and immediately ordered two men and a woman whom we had made prisoners to be brought before him. By means of our interpreter Melchorejo, he desired these people to recal the natives to their habitations, with assurance of perfect safety, ordering all the articles taken away to be returned, and paid them in beads and trinkets for the fowls which we had eaten. Giving each of the people a shirt, he dismissed them; and so well satisfied were the inhabitants with this conciliatory behaviour, that the chief and all the inhabitants of the place returned next day, and mixed among us with perfect familiarity. During the three days which we remained at this place, Cortes made a review of his troops, which amounted to 508, besides the seamen. We had sixteen horsemen, eleven ships large and small, including a brigantine belonging to one Nortes, thirteen musketeers, thirty-two cross-bows, ten brass field-pieces, four falconets, and plenty of ammunition. On this occasion, he appointed Francisco de Orocza, an experienced soldier who had served in Italy, captain of the artillery, and strictly enjoined him and the gunners to keep their guns always in excellent order. From this time our general took the command in good earnest, and always used the utmost vigilance in every thing relative to the service on which we were engaged; and the grace of God enabled him to succeed in all his undertakings.

Cortes sent at this time for me and one Martin Ramos, who had been on the former voyages, inquiring our opinion respecting the word _Castillano_, which was so often repeated by the Indians of Cotoche when we accompanied Cordova, saying he was convinced it had allusion to some Spaniards who were in that country. The native chiefs, and some Indian merchants who were then in Cozumel, confirmed this opinion, assuring us that they had seen and spoken to them only a few days before. Being anxious to relieve these men, and being informed what ransom was expected, he amply provided these native merchants for the purpose, and sent them with letters for these Spanish captives. He likewise sent two of our smallest vessels, under the command of Diego de Ordas, with twenty musketeers and cross-bows; directing one of these ships to remain eight days at Cape Cotoche, waiting the return of the messengers, while the other was to return with a report of the proceedings. The place where the Spaniards were said to live at was only about four leagues from Cape Cotoche, and Cortes sent a letter by the Indian messengers, requesting these captive Christians to join him. The ships with the Indian merchants crossed the gulf to Cotoche, and the letters were delivered two days afterwards to one of these Spaniards, Jeronimo de Aguilar, together with beads for his ransom. Jeronimo immediately procured his liberty, and then went to his companion in captivity, Alonso Guerrero, whom he solicited to go along with him; but he, having a wife and children, could not be prevailed upon to desert them; and so much time had been lost in this fruitless attempt, that when Jeronimo came with the Indian messengers to the coast, the ships had already sailed, having waited one day beyond the eight, so that Aguilar was forced to return to his master.

There was a temple in the island of Cozumel containing some hideous idols, to which the Indians used often to repair in solemn procession. Observing the courts of this temple to be filled with Indians one morning, many of us were excited by curiosity to go among them to observe their ceremonies. We found them burning odoriferous resins, as we do incense; after which an old priest, clad in a large loose gown or mantle, went up to the highest part of the temple, whence he made a long discourse to the people. Cortes was present on this occasion, and questioned Melchorejo respecting the purport of the old mans harangue: After which he convened the native chiefs, and explained to them as well as he could, partly by signs and partly by means of his interpreter, that they worshipped devils which would draw their souls to hell; and that, if they wished to preserve our friendship, they must destroy their accursed idols, and plant the holy cross of the Lord, through which they would procure good harvests and the salvation of their souls. The priests and chiefs answered, that they worshipped the gods of their forefathers, and if we attempted to injure them, their gods would destroy us in the sea. But Cortes desired us to throw the idols down the steps of the temple, and sending for lime, of which there was plenty in the island, the Indian masons built by our direction a very handsome altar, on which an image of the Holy Virgin was placed, and a crucifix was erected in a small chapel or oratory close to the altar. After these preparations were completed, the mass was celebrated in great order by the reverend Father Juan Diaz[3], to which ceremony the chiefs, priests, and natives all listened with great attention.

Cortes now regulated the order of our fleet, appointing captains for all the ships, of which the following is a list. The admirals ship was commanded in person by Cortes, and the others as follow: Alvarado, Puertocarrero, Montejo, de Oli[4], Ordas, Velasquez de Leon, Escalente, de Morla, Escobar, and Nortes. Pilots were appointed for all the ships, night signals were agreed upon, and every captain received a copy of the sailing orders and instructions. All things being properly regulated, and having taken a friendly leave of the natives, who promised to take great care of the altar and crucifix, and presented Cortes with some fowls and honey, we set sail from the island of Cozumel, in the beginning of March 1519. When we had only proceeded a few hours on our voyage, we learned by a signal-gun that the ship of Juan de Escalente, in which the bread of the whole fleet was embarked, was in imminent danger, having sprung a leak. This forced us to return to Cozumel, where the Indians gave us every assistance, bringing their canoes to take out the lading of the vessel; and we had the satisfaction to find, that so far from injuring our altar and crucifix, they had placed incense before them.

On hearing of our return to Cozumel, the Indian messengers and Aguilar hired a canoe in which they crossed the gulf and joined us. Aguilar on his arrival was hardly to be distinguished from one of the natives, his colour was so dark, and he was even marked like them, being dressed in some old rags on his shoulders and round his waist, carrying an oar or paddle in his hand, and the remnant of an old prayer-book tied in a bundle on his back. He had almost forgot the use of his native tongue, and in coming into the presence of the general, he squatted down on his hams like his companions, so that no one knew which was the Spaniard. At length announcing himself, he was provided with proper clothes, and gave the following account of himself. He was a native of Ecija, and had been ordained for the church; but had been wrecked eight years before, while on a voyage from Darien to Hispaniola. He and his companions endeavoured to reach Cuba or Jamaica in their boat, but were drifted by the current on the coast, where the chiefs of the country had reduced them to slavery. Many had been sacrificed, others had died of disease, and two women who were with them had soon sunk under hard labour. Aguilar had at one time been doomed to be sacrificed, but had made his escape to a cacique with whom he had remained ever since, and of the whole who had escaped from the wreck, he and Guerrero were only now alive. He knew little of the country, having never been farther than four leagues from the coast, being employed in procuring wood and water, and digging in the maize fields. He said that Guerrero exactly resembled the Indians, by whom he was considered as a brave man; and that, about a year before[5], when three ships were on the coast, he had planned the attack on the Spaniards, and even led the Indian warriors in person; on which account Cortes regretted much that he had not been able to get hold of him. Aguilar was well used by the inhabitants of Cozumel, who gave him plenty of provisions; in return for which he exhorted them to continue in our holy faith, and advised them to get letters of protection from Cortes, in case of any Spanish ship arriving on their coast, which was granted, and became afterwards of great use.

The fleet, put to sea again on the 4th of March, and was separated by a storm that same night; but they all joined again next day, except that which was commanded by Velasquez de Leon, on which Cortes made for a certain bay, where as the pilot expected, that ship had taken shelter from the storm. At this place several of our company landed, and found four temples in a neighbouring town, containing many female idols, on which account the place was named _Punta de Las Mugeres_, or Cape Women. Aguilar informed the general that he had been once sent to this place with some goods, the place where he resided being only about four leagues distant, and that the residence of Guerrero was not far off. He added that this country produced a small quantity of gold, and that he was willing to serve as a guide if our general thought proper to send a party on shore. But Cortes said that his object was not in search of trifles, but to serve God and the king in an effectual manner. Our general here ordered Escobar to examine the _Boca de Terminos_, and, as the fleet was at this time separated, to leave beacons or directions on the coast for the direction of the other ships, or to cruize off that inlet till the missing ships should arrive; for he was led to believe this a favourable place for the settlement of a colony, from the description of the harbour, and the abundance of game which was reported to be in its neighbourhood. On Escobar landing at this place, he found the greyhound left by Grijalva on the shore, which was accordingly taken on board; but when the rest of the fleet arrived, as Escobars ship had been forced out to sea by a strong gale from the south, she was not to be found. We found, however, a letter on shore, in which Escobar gave a minute account of the state of this harbour, representing the country in a favourable point of view; and we had the good fortune to rejoin his ship next day. We were now off the point of _Pontonchan_, the natives of which place Cortes and many of us were much inclined to punish for their conduct in the two former expeditions. But this was strongly objected to by the pilots, because the coast was extremely shallow, insomuch that our vessels could not come nearer the land than two leagues, on which account we continued our voyage to the river of Grijalva, or Tabasco[6], where we arrived on the 13th of March 1519. Being aware that the mouth of this river was too shallow for ships of large burthen, those of light draught were selected, in which, and the boats, our troops proceeded towards the shore, and were landed at Point _Palmares_, about half a league from the Indian town of Tabasco.

The sides of this river were covered with mangrove trees, among which were many canoes filled with armed Indians, above 12,000 warriors being assembled in the town of Tabasco, which at that time enjoyed an extensive dominion over the neighbouring country. We who had been formerly received at this place in a friendly manner, were astonished at the present appearance of hostilities; but we learned afterwards, that the neighbouring nations of Pontonchan and Lazarus, as we called it, had reproached the timidity of the Tabascans for receiving us amicably, instead of falling upon us as they had done, and they had resolved, therefore, to take the present opportunity of regaining their character. On perceiving these demonstrations of hostility, Cortes desired Aguilar to inquire the reason from some native chiefs who were passing near us in a canoe, and to inform them that they would have sore cause to repent any hostilities they might attempt against us. In reply, they threatened to put us all to death if we dared to come near their town, which was fortified with parapets and palisades. Aguilar then desired an interview between their chiefs and our general, saying that he had matters of high importance, and of a holy nature to inform them of, and requested permission to supply our fleet with wood and water: But they only repeated their former threats. Seeing no other alternative but retreat or war, Cortes ordered three guns to be placed in each vessel, and divided the musketeers and cross-bows among them. We who had been here before recollected a narrow path which led from the point of Palmares, through some marshes and across several brooks to the town of Tabasco, of which we informed Cortes; who accordingly detached early next morning 100 soldiers under Alonzo de Avila, with orders to march into the rear of the town by that path; and, as soon as he heard the discharge of artillery, he was to attack the town on that side, while the main body did the same on the other side. Cortes then proceeded up the river with the vessels, intending to disembark as near as possible to the town; and as soon as the enemy saw us approaching, they sallied out in their canoes from among the mangroves, and a vast multitude collected against us at the place where we meant to land, making a prodigious noise of trumpets, horns, and drums. Before commencing the attack, Cortes ordered Diego de Godoy, a royal notary, to make a formal demand of liberty to supply ourselves with wood and water, and to listen to what we had to communicate in the service of GOD and our king, protesting that in case of violence, they should be held responsible for all the mischief that might follow. But, after all this was explained to them, they remained inflexibly determined to oppose us. They made the signal with their drums to commence a general attack, and immediately assailed us with a flight of arrows. They then closed round us in their canoes, fighting with lances and bows and arrows, and we had great difficulty to force our way to the shore, fighting up to our middles in the water, and struggling to extricate ourselves from deep mud, in which Cortes lost one of his buskins, and had to land barefooted. As soon as we got on dry ground, Cortes placed himself at our head, calling out _St Jago_, and we fell upon the enemy with great violence, whom we forced to retreat within some circular entrenchments which they had constructed of large timber. We soon drove them from these works, and made our way into the town by certain small gateways, forcing them before us up the main street to a second barricade, where they withstood us manfully, calling out _al calachioni_, or _kill the captain_. While engaged at this barricade, de Avila and the party which had marched from Point Palmares, came up very opportunely to our assistance. He had been much retarded in his march, as he had to break down several barricades in the path through the marsh, so that he now arrived at the critical moment, for we too had been detained a considerable time in making the formal summons by the notary. We now drove the enemy before us, fighting manfully and never turning their backs, to a large enclosed court, in which were three idol-houses and several large halls. They had here collected all their most valuable effects, and made a brave resistance at this last post, but were at last obliged to evacuate it also.

Cortes now ordered the troops to halt, not thinking it prudent to pursue the natives. Having called us together in the area of this enclosure, he took formal possession of the country for his majesty, and giving three cuts with his sword into a great _ceiba_ tree which grew beside him, he declared himself ready to defend and maintain his majesty's right of sovereignty against all gainsayers. This step was generally approved of among us, yet it gave cause of secret murmurs among those who were attached to Velasquez, as his name was not mentioned in the act of possession, which was formally recorded and witnessed by a royal notary. In the course of this action, fourteen of our soldiers were wounded, among whom I had a slight wound. Of the enemy eighteen were found dead. Having posted strong guards, we took up our quarters here for the night. Next day, Alvarado was detached with 100 men to reconnoitre the country for two leagues round our post; and on seeking Melchorejo to attend as interpreter, he was discovered to have deserted during the night, leaving his clothes behind. A second detachment of equal strength was sent in a different direction under Francisco de Lugo, who had not gone far when he was attacked by several large bodies of the enemy so furiously that he was obliged to fall back, which he did in perfect order, sending a swift-running Indian of Cuba to quarters to procure succour. Alvarado, who had advanced about a league from the town, was obliged to change the direction of his march by a river or creek, by which means he came within hearing of the musketry, and of the instruments and shouts of the Indians who were engaged with Lugo, and immediately hastened to his relief. These two united were able to repulse the enemy, and made good their retreat to the town; where we too were attacked by large bodies of the Indians, whom we soon obliged to retreat by means of our muskets and cross-bows, and the superiority of our good swords. Receiving intelligence that his detachments were hard pressed by the enemy, Cortes now sallied out with all of us who could carry arms, and met our companions on their retreat about half a league from the town. Two soldiers of the detachment belonging to Lugo were slain in this battle, and eleven were wounded. We brought in three prisoners, one of whom appeared to be a chief, by whom we were informed that Melchorejo had advised them to harrass us by continual attacks, day and night, as our numbers were few, and they would be sure to destroy us in the end. The native who gave us this information was sent off with an amicable message to his countrymen, but he never returned; and Aguilar was informed by the other natives, that the whole warriors of the country were collecting to attack us.

Understanding the formidable preparations which were making to attack us, Cortes ordered all the wounded men who were able to march to stand to their arms, and brought the horses on shore, which were very dull and spiritless at first, but recovered themselves in the course of the day. Several of our ablest young men were at this time taken ill with a weakness in their loins, by which they were unable to stand, owing, it was supposed to the sudden change in their way of living, and to the weight of their arms in very hot weather. These were sent on board ship. The horses were distributed among the best riders, and each horse was provided with a breast-plate hung with bells. He likewise directed his small body of cavalry, while engaged with the enemy, to point their lances at the faces of the natives, and on no account to stop for the purpose of making thrusts, but always to ride straight onwards, bearing down all before them. Of this body he took the command in person for the approaching battle, being twelve in all besides himself. The infantry were placed under the chief command of Diego de Ordas, the artillery under the charge of Mesa, and the colours were carried by Antonio de Villareal. The army thus arranged, marched out early in the morning of Lady-day, 25th March, after hearing mass, and proceeded to the plain of _Cintia_[7], where the enemy awaited us, our cavalry making a detour to avoid some marshy ground, and on purpose to gain the rear of the enemy. After marching about a league, we saw the enemy advancing towards us in the plain, making a vast noise of trumpets, horns, and drums. They wore plumes of feathers on their heads, having their faces painted black, red, and white, all wearing defensive armour of quilted cotton with large shields, and bearing lances, two-handed swords or maces, darts, large bows and arrows, and slings. Their numbers covered the whole plain, and they immediately rushed forwards to the attack, wounding above seventy of our soldiers at the first discharge of their arrows, and one man named Saldana, was slain outright by an arrow which pierced him under the ear. They closed upon us with great bravery, fighting us hand to hand, while we maintained our ground with firmness, using our cannon, muskets, cross-bows, and swords as well as we could. After some time, they drew off a little, but in this they had rather the advantage by means of their bows and arrows, though our cannon made vast havock among their crowded bodies, which were at such a distance as enabled our gunners to fire among them to the greatest possible advantage. At every discharge of the cannon, they shouted, whistled, and sounded all their warlike instruments, calling out _lala! lala_! and throwing straw and dust in the air, as if to prevent our seeing the destruction produced among them by our artillery. I advised de Ordas to close with the enemy, which he objected to, saying that they outnumbered us thirty for one; yet we did advance, and as they wished to avoid encountering our sharp swords, they inclined towards a marsh. We were all this time exceedingly anxious for the arrival of Cortes and the cavalry, being afraid that he had met with some disaster; and were at length rejoiced when we saw him approaching to our relief on the rear of the Indians, who were so entirely occupied in their attack on us that they did not perceive him till he came dashing among them. The ground was quite level and open, most of the horses strong and active, and the riders brave and expert; so that they charged through among the crowded Indians in every direction, and we renewed our efforts to make them give way, encouraged by this seasonable assistance. The Indians were astonished beyond measure at this novel and unexpected attack, believing the horse and rider to be one strange ferocious animal, and instantly fled into the adjacent woods and marshes, leaving the field of battle to us.

Cortes informed us after the battle, that his march had been much retarded by bad ground, and by the attacks of some detached bodies of the enemy, who had wounded five of his men and eight horses. Being thus victorious, the cavalry dismounted, and we assembled under a grove of trees, where we gave thanks to GOD and his blessed mother for our victory. A town was afterwards founded on the field of battle, named _Santa Maria della Vittoria_[8], in memory of this victory. After binding up our wounds and those of the horses, which we dressed with _the fat of dead Indians_, we examined the field of battle, where we found upwards of 800 of the enemy dead or dying of their wounds, the slain being particularly numerous where the cavalry had charged. After burying two of our soldiers, one of whom was killed by a wound in the ear, and the other by one in the throat, we retired to our quarters at Tabasco towards evening, where we eat our suppers, and having placed sufficient guards, we went to sleep.

Gomara relates that in this battle, previous to the arrival of Cortes with the cavalry, one of the holy apostles, either St Jago or Peter, appeared on a dapple-grey horse under the semblance of Francisco de Morla. All our victories were assuredly guided by the hand of the Lord Jesus Christ; but if this were the case, I, a poor sinner, was not worthy to be permitted to see it, neither was it seen by any of our army, above 400 in number. I certainly saw Francisco de Morla along with Cortes, but he rode a chesnut horse that day. We certainly were bad Christians indeed, if, according to the account of Gomara, GOD sent one of his holy apostles to fight at our head, and we ungratefully neglected to give thanks for so great a mercy: But, till I read the chronicle of Gomara, I never heard of this miracle, neither was it ever mentioned by any of the conquerors who were present in the battle.

In the battle we took only five prisoners, two of whom appeared to be chiefs. These were kindly treated by Cortes, who exhorted them by means of Aguilar to induce their countrymen to enter into terms of peace and friendship with us; and having given them a number of beads and artificial diamonds, he set them at liberty. These Indians faithfully executed the commission with which they were entrusted; insomuch that the chiefs immediately sent fifteen Indians, in wretched habits, and with their faces blackened in token of contrition, and bearing a present of fowls, roasted fish, and maize, Cortes received them with kindness; but Aguilar spoke to them sharply, saying that we were disposed to treat with the chiefs, and not with slaves. Next day thirty natives of rank came in good dresses with another present, and begged permission to bury their dead, that they might not be eaten by lions and tigers[9]. This was immediately granted, and they proceeded to bury and inter the slain. On the following day, ten chiefs arrived in great ceremony in rich dresses, who respectfully saluted Cortes and the rest of us, fumigating us with fragrant gums; after which they asked pardon for their hostilities, and promised to behave well for the future. Cortes told them with a severe countenance, that they deserved death for having rejected our former offers of peace; but that Don Carlos, our great sovereign, had ordered us to favour them in all things if they would now deserve it by peace and submission, and they might be sure to feel the effects of our vengeance if they again revolted. He then ordered a cannon to be fired off, the noise of which, and the effects of its ball among the adjoining woods, filled them with terror, as they believed it to be some terrible living creature. The most spirited of our horses was then brought before them, so managed as to display his fierceness and action to the best advantage, which impressed the natives with astonishment and awe. Shortly after twenty Indians arrived, who were loaded with provisions for our use; and after a long conference, the chiefs took leave of Cortes and withdrew, much satisfied with their visit. We were visited on the following day by many chiefs of the neighbouring districts, who brought with them presents of golden toys in various shapes; some like human faces, and others in the shape of various animals, as lizards, dogs, and ducks. They presented at the same time three diadems or coronets, and two pieces of gold resembling the sole of a shoe or sandal, with some other articles of small value, as also some very large mantles. But the present which we considered as most valuable, was twenty women; among whom was the excellent _Donna Marina_, so called after her baptism. Cortes thanked the chiefs for the presents, but told them that the most certain sign of peace would be the return of the inhabitants to the town, which he desired might be in two days; and this was done accordingly. He likewise exhorted them to renounce their idolatry, explaining the mysteries of our holy faith, especially those parts of it which are represented by the cross, and the image of the holy virgin. They gave a ready assent to this, the caciques declaring their admiration of the _Tecleciquata_, which signifies _the great princess_ in their language.

The chiefs excused their late hostilities, alleging that they had been instigated to attack us by the cacique of Champoton, and by our interpreter Melchoreja who had deserted. Cortes was anxious to have this man delivered up to him, but was told that he had fled; we learned afterwards that he had been sacrificed. On being questioned whence they procured their gold, they answered that it came from the west, frequently repeating _Culchua_ and _Mexico_, words we did not then understand; but an interpreter, named Franciso, who had been along with Grijalva, though he did not understand the language of Tabasco, said that he knew Culchua, which he alleged lay far inland. On the day following, having erected a crucifix and built an altar, the name of Tabasco was changed to that of _Santa Maria de la Vittoria_; and on this occasion, the twenty Indian women who had been presented to Cortes by the chiefs were baptized by our chaplain, Olmedo, who preached to them many good things of our holy faith, Aguilar serving as interpreter. Cortes gave one of these women to each of his captains. These were the first Christian women in New Spain.

The young native who was baptised by the name of Donna Marina was a woman of high rank, which she shewed in her and appearance, of a beautiful person and countenance, a quick genius and high spirit, and rendered very essential services in the sequel of our expedition. She was a native of the village of _Painalla_, in the province of _Guacacualca_, or _Coatzacualco_[10]. Her father was prince or cacique of Painalla and several other districts, under subjection to the empire of Mexico; but dying while she was an infant, her mother married another cacique, by whom she had a son, to whom they wished to give the succession which ought to have belonged to Marina. For this purpose they gave her away privately to some merchants of _Xicallanco_, a place on the borders of Tabasco in Yucutan, giving out that she was dead, and going into mourning for the daughter of one of their slaves who died at this time, and was much of the same age. These merchants sold her to some chief in Tabasco, by whom she was afterwards presented to Cortes, who presented her to Puertocarrero; and when that cavalier returned to Spain, Cortes took her to himself, and had a son by her, named Don Martin Cortes, who became a knight of St Jago. She afterwards married, during our expedition to Higueras, a cavalier named Juan Xaramillo. During the expedition to Higueras in Honduras, in the year 1524, in which she accompanied Cortes, she had occasion to see her mother and brother; as Cortes summoned all the neighbouring caciques to meet him at Coatzacualco, among whom they came, as they now governed their territory conjunctly, the second husband being dead. On seeing Donna Marina, the old lady and her son cried bitterly, being afraid of being put to death; but Marina assured them of her forgiveness, saying that she thanked GOD their intended injury had been the means of drawing her from the worship of idols to the true faith, and was happier in having a son by her lord and master Cortes, and in the husband she then possessed, than if she had been sovereign of all New Spain, and gave them at parting a handsome present of gold. I was personally acquainted with her mother and half brother, who were both afterwards baptized, the mother by the name of Martha, and the brother by that of Lazarus. Donna Marina perfectly understood her native language of Coatzacualco, which is the same with that of Mexico; and as she could likewise converse with Aguilar in the _Maja_ language, which is spoken in Yucutan and Tabasco, we thus acquired a medium of intercourse with the Mexicans, Tlascalans, and other nations of Anahuac or New Spain, which was of infinite importance to us in the sequel. In a little time she learnt the Spanish, by which the circuitous means of double interpretation was avoided. She was always faithful to the Spaniards, to whom her services were of the very highest importance; as she not only was the instrument of their negotiations with the various nations of Anahuac, but often saved their lives by giving them notice of dangers, and suggesting the means of avoiding them. Don Martin Cortes, her son, was afterwards most unjustly put to the torture at Mexico in 1568, on some unfounded suspicion of intended rebellion, his iniquitous and barbarous judges, paying no regard to the memory of the unequalled services rendered by his parents to the Catholic king and the Spanish nation.

We remained five days longer in Tabasco, taking care of our sick and wounded, during, which time Cortes used his endeavours to conciliate the natives, whom he enjoined to preserve their allegiance to his Catholic majesty, by which they would secure his protection. They promised faithfully to perform all that he had enjoined, and thus became the first native vassals of the Spanish monarchy in New Spain. On Palm Sunday, with the assistance of the natives, we erected a cross made of a large _cieba_ tree, on the field where the late battle was fought, as a lasting memorial of our victory, as this tree has the power of reproducing its bark. The natives attended us in our procession to adore the holy image of the cross, and they likewise assisted us in our preparations to reimbark, our pilots wishing to get away from this part of the coast, the anchorage being unsafe for the ships, as the wind blew strongly on the shore. Every thing being in readiness, and Cortes having taken leave of the natives, we all embarked on the evening of Palm Sunday, and set sail next morning for St Juan de Ulua. While we proceeded along the coast, such of us as had been there before along with Grijalva, pointed out to Cortes the different places which we recollected; saying here is _la Rambla_, there _Tonala_, or St Antonio, there the river of _Coatzacualco_, the _Sierra Nevada_, or Snowy Mountains, and those of St Martin, the _Roca Partida_, or Pierced Rock, the rivers of Alvarado, and the Vanderas, _Isla Blanca_, _Isla Verda_, _Isla de los Sacrificios_, and early in the evening of Holy Thursday, 21st April, we arrived at the harbour of St Juan de Ulua. While we were pointing out these places to the general, Puertocarrero came up to him, saying: "These gentlemen seem to make an exhibition, as who should say, here you have the Montesinos of France, here you see the great and flourishing city of Paris, and so forth: But I say, here you have the land of riches, and look well to your measures." Cortes perfectly understood the meaning of his words, to which he answered: "GOD grant us good fortune in arms like the paladin Orlando; for having such gentlemen as you under my command, I shall know well how to bring our enterprize to a happy conclusion."

[1] Diaz minutely enumerates and describes all the horses, mentioning who they all belonged to.--E.

[2] According to Clavigero, II. 7. this armament, by which a great and populous empire was subverted, consisted of eleven vessels, carrying 1O9 mariners, 508 soldiers, divided into eleven companies, ten field-pieces, four falconets, and sixteen horses. Alaminos, who had been pilot to Cordavo and Grijalva, was chief pilot of this expedition.--E.

[3] On a former occasion, the chaplain of the expedition was named Bartholome de Olmedo, but this other clergyman appears likewise to have attended the expedition.--E.

[4] In Clavigero and other Spanish authors, this person is named de Olid, but Diaz uniformly gives him the name in the text.--E.

[5] Diaz says that this was the expedition of Cordova; but that was in 1517, two years before. According to Clavigero, Aguilar had learnt the Maja language, which was spoken by the inhabitants of Yucutan and Cozumel, and became very useful to Cortes as his interpreter.--E.

[6] This river is called Chiapa by Clavigero.--E.

[7] Clavigero calls the field of battle the plain of _Ceutla_, where he says there was another Indian town not far distant from Tabasco.--E.

[8] According to Clavigero, this place was named _Madona della Vittoria_, which was destroyed by the English about the middle of the seventeenth century, the inhabitants removing to _Villahermosa_, at a greater distance from the coast.--E.

[9] There are no lions or tigers in America, but Europeans have loosely given these names to other species of the same genus, such as the felis onca, or jaguar; F. discolor or jaguarate; and F. concolor, or puma; which last is often called the American lion, and the jaguar is the Mexican tiger.--E.

[10] In this account of Donna Marina, the information given by Clavigero, II. 9. is here combined with that of Bernal Diaz, and the orthography of the Mexican names of places has been corrected throughout from the former writer, a native of New Spain, and intimately acquainted with its language. As the Mexicans do not pronounce the letter _r_, they used to call her _Malintzin_, tzin being an affix of dignity; from which she is still remembered in Mexico by the name of _Malinchi_.--E.

SECTION IV.

_Arrival of the Armament at St Juan de Ulua, and account of Occurrences at that Place_.

As already mentioned, we arrived at the port of St Juan de Ulua on the evening of Holy Thursday, the 21st April 1519, where we came to anchor, Cortes hoisting the royal standard of Spain. In about half an hour after our arrival, two large canoes or _piraguas_ full of Mexicans were seen coming off from the shore towards the flag-ship[1]. On coming aboard, they inquired for the _Tlatoan_, or general, who was pointed out to them by Donna Marina, who acted as interpreter on the occasion with the aid of Aguilar. She translated the speech of the Mexicans to Aguilar in the Maja language of Yucatan, who again translated that to Cortes in Spanish. The reply of Cortes was translated by Aguilar to Marina in Maja, which she again retranslated to the Mexicans in their language. The Mexicans, approaching Cortes with much respect, said that they were sent to wait upon him by a servant of their sovereign _Montezuma_, to inquire who we were, and what was our business; and that, if we were in want of any thing, they had orders to supply us. Cortes thanked them for their attention, making them a present of some cut glass and other toys, and invited them to partake of some refreshments, stating that he had come to trade with them, and to confer with their king on affairs of the highest importance, assuring them that no one should receive any injury, but that all should have reason to be satisfied with his visit to their country.

Next day being Good Friday, we disembarked the cavalry, artillery, and infantry, on the sand hills where the city of New Vera Cruz now stands, where we constructed huts for the troops, posting the artillery for the protection of our cantonment, and erected an altar for public performance of our devotions. Many of the natives came to visit us next day, bringing hatchets with them, and assisted us in making our huts more comfortable, more especially that of our general; they also brought a present of many large cloths or mantles to protect us from the sun, and made us a considerable present of fowls, bread, and plumbs, and some gold. The bearers of this present informed Cortes that the governor of the province intended to wait upon him on the second day after, being Easter Sunday, the 24th of April. Accordingly _Teuchtlile_, the governor, came at the time specified, accompanied by a chief named _Quitlatpitoc_[2], who was afterwards named Ovandillo, with a great retinue bearing various articles of provisions with much ceremony and respect. These men advanced, making three profound reverences to Cortes and the soldiers who were with him; and, after exchanging civilities, Cortes ordered mass to be performed in their presence, after which he and the two Mexican lords with several Spanish officers, sat down to dinner. When this was over, he informed the Mexican chiefs, that he was the servant of the greatest king in the world, who had sent him to visit their sovereign, whose fame had reached him, and who had ordered him to communicate some affairs of the greatest importance. To this Teuchtlile answered somewhat haughtily: "You are only just arrived in this land, and yet speak already of seeing our king: receive in the meantime this present which he has sent you, and we shall speak of other things hereafter." He then took from a _petlacalli_, or basket of reeds, many admirably wrought toys of gold, with various artificial works in coloured feathers, which he presented to Cortes, together with ten loads of fine garments of white cotton, and an abundant supply of provisions, such as fowls, fruit, and roasted fish. There were many other articles in the present made on this occasion which I do not now remember the particulars of, as it is long ago. Cortes presented them in return with artificial diamonds, and requested they would encourage the natives to barter with us, which they engaged to do. We afterwards learnt that these Mexican chiefs were the governors _Cuetlachtlan_, _Tustepeque_, _Cuetzpaltepec_, _Tlacatlalpan_, and other districts, which had been lately reduced under the Mexican empire. Cortes then produced a richly carved and painted arm-chair, some artificial jewels called _margajitas_[3] enveloped in perfumed cotton, a string of artificial diamonds, and a crimson velvet montero cap ornamented with a gold medal of St George killing the dragon; which he requested _Teuchtlile_ to convey to Montezuma as a present from the king of Spain, and to signify his request to be permitted to wait upon him. The chief made answer, that his sovereign would assuredly be happy to hold intercourse with ours, and that he should convey a true report of this request to Montezuma, who would instruct him what answer he should make.

Some able Mexican painters accompanied the two chiefs on this occasion, who drew accurate representations of Cortes and the other Spanish officers and soldiers, of Donna Marina, Aguilar, and every circumstance that seemed worthy of remark, even our dogs, guns, and balls, in order to convey exact information to Montezuma. On perceiving this, Cortes ordered the cannon to be loaded, and ordered the cavalry to be exercised in their presence under Alvarado. He drew off the attention of the chiefs as if by accident, and had the cannon discharged without any previous notice. The prodigious noise of the explosion, and the strange effects of the balls among the trees, impressed the natives with terror and amazement, yet their painters endeavoured to represent even this for the information of their king. Teuchtlile happened to notice a partly gilt helmet[4] on one of our soldiers, which he said resembled one which had belonged to their ancestors, and which was now placed on the head of _Huitzilopochtli_, their god of war, and which he wished to carry along with them to Montezuma. Cortes immediately complied with his request, saying that it would be proper to return it full of grains of gold, as a fit present for our emperor, in order to see whether the gold of Mexico was the same with that of Spain. Teuchtlile now took leave of Cortes, assuring him that he would very soon return with an answer from Montezuma. Our presents, and intelligence of all that had passed at this interview, were conveyed with amazing rapidity to Montezuma by this officer, who was as much distinguished for swiftness of foot as for his high rank. Montezuma was particularly struck with the appearance of the helmet, as it impressed him strongly with the opinion that we were destined by heaven to acquire the rule over his empire[5]. On the departure of Teuchtlile, the other chief, Cuitlalpitoc, took up his residence in a temporary building near the camp, whence his people supplied the table of Cortes with provisions, and our soldiers procured subsistence by means of barter with the natives.

At the end of six or seven days, Teuchtlile returned to the camp, accompanied by more than an hundred men bearing presents from Montezuma. He had another Mexican chief along with him, named _Quintalbor_[6], who had so strong a resemblance to our general, that the soldiers always called him _the other_ Cortes. On coming into the presence of Cortes, the ambassadors touched the ground with their hands, which they kissed in token of respect, and then fumigated him and the rest of the Spaniards with incense. After some conversation, the presents were displayed on mats and mantles spread out on the ground. The first was a plate of gold, as large as a coach wheel, most admirably wrought, and representing the sun[7], said to exceed the value of 20,000 crowns. The next was an equally well wrought plate of silver, but larger, representing the moon. The helmet was returned as desired, full of native grains of gold to the value of 3000 crowns; but the information with this circumstance conveyed to us of the richness of the mines of this country was inestimable. There were then displayed a number of toys or ornaments of gold, remarkably well executed, resembling various animals, as deers, dogs, lions, tigers, apes, ducks, &c. twelve arrows, a bow with its cord, two rods like those used by officers of justice, five palms long, ten collars, and many other ornaments, all cast or moulded in fine gold. There were likewise several representations of plumes of feathers in fillagree work, some of gold and others of silver, with several fans of the same materials, and some beautiful plumes of green feathers. There were likewise thirty loads of the finest cotton cloth, and many other articles which I do not now remember. The ambassadors then made a speech, in which they desired Cortes to accept this present in the same spirit of good will in which it was sent by their sovereign, and to divide it among the _teules_[8] who accompanied him. They also delivered the following message from Montezuma: "He rejoiced to hear of the arrival of so many valiant men in his empire; should be happy to see our sovereign and to interchange presents with him, and would render us every service in his power; but that a visit to his court would be attended with numerous difficulties, as the way to it is through barren deserts and the countries of inimical nations, and he could not therefore wish us to attempt the journey." Cortes received this message with the appearance of much good humour, and presented the ambassadors with fine Holland shirts and other articles of small value; but made them the following reply: "That, after having passed so great an extent of sea, he could not possibly return without executing the orders of his sovereign, which were to wait upon the great Montezuma in person, and to communicate to him matters of great importance which he was commanded to deliver." The ambassadors replied, that they would convey his message to their sovereign, but gave no hopes of bringing back a favourable answer. Cortes made up a second present for Montezuma out of our small means, consisting of a Venice drinking glass, curiously gilt and ornamented with figures, three fine shirts, and some other articles of European manufacture, with which the ambassadors returned to Mexico, leaving Quitlalpitoc, as formerly, to supply our camp with provisions.

As the uninhabited sand banks on which we were encamped were much infested with mosquitos, and seemed unfit for a settlement, Cortes sent Francisco de Montejo with two small ships, to examine the coast in search of a port in a better situation for a colony. He accordingly proceeded along the coast as far as the river of Panuco, which the currents prevented him from passing, and on his return he reported that the only place he could find for the purpose, was a town or fortress called _Quiabuistlan_[9], twelve leagues from St Juan de Ulua, near which there was a harbour which his pilot said was sheltered from the north wind. This place was afterwards called Puerto del Nombre Feo, from its resemblance to a harbour of that name in Spain. Montejo employed ten or twelve days in this expedition, in which time Quitlalpitoc became exceedingly remiss in supplying our wants, so that we began to be in great distress for provisions. The bread and bacon we had brought from Cuba became rotten, and we must have starved but for our success in fishing, as the few natives who occasionally brought fowls for sale valued them much higher than they had done at the first. After waiting a long time with much impatience, Teuchtlile returned to the camp alone, the other ambassador having fallen ill by the way. He delivered a present of ten loads of the finest cotton garments, four jewels resembling emeralds, called _calchihuis_, so highly valued by the Mexicans, that he said each was worth more than a load of gold, and besides these, some gold ornaments to the value of 3000 crowns, and some ornamental work in feathers. After delivering this present, Teuhtlile said, that Montezuma desired to have no more messages, and that henceforth all farther intercourse between the Spaniards and Mexico must cease. Though much mortified at this refusal, Cortes made a polite answer; after which, turning to some of us who were present, he said, "Assuredly this is a great and rich king; and, with the permission of God, we must see him." To which we all answered that we were ready to march at his command. At this moment the bell tolled for the _Ave Maria_, and we all fell on our knees before the holy cross. The Mexican chiefs were curious to know the meaning of all this, and asked why we adored that piece of wood. On this, at the suggestion of Cortes, Father Olmedo explained the mystery of the cross, by virtue of which the evil spirits were chased away, and endeavoured to instruct them in the principles of Christianity, representing the abomination of their idolatry, and the barbarity of their human sacrifices, the putting a stop to which was the principal object of our voyage to their country. He then shewed them an image of the Holy Virgin with the child Jesus in her arms, desiring them to take it with them and adore it, and to plant similar crosses to that they now saw in their temples instead of their accursed images. Teuhtlile promised that he would relate every thing he had seen and heard to his sovereign, and went his way.

At this time considerable quantities of gold were brought by the natives to barter with the soldiers for toys, but very few provisions, so that we were forced to pay away this gold again to our mariners for fish, as otherwise we should have been reduced to absolute want. Cortes was perfectly aware of this private traffic, which however he considered as tending to advance his own schemes, although he carefully concealed his opinions on the subject; but the adherents of Velasquez began to express much displeasure at the practice, and demanded of Cortes to take such measures as might bring all the gold into a public stock under the charge of a common treasurer, for the benefit of all concerned. Cortes immediately complied with their requisition, and appointed Gonzalo Mexia to this office; but said angrily to those who had insisted on this regulation, "Our brave companions are suffering under a scarcity of provisions, and I connived therefore at the trifling traffic in gold which they have been carrying on, because we have great prospects before as of acquiring much wealth. I have now proclaimed the regulations which you have demanded; and we shall see in future how the soldiers will be able to procure food." Soon afterwards we found that all the Mexicans had quitted our neighbourhood without taking leave, which we learned in the sequel had been done by orders from Montezuma, who had resolved to allow of no farther intercourse between us and his empire. This sovereign was extremely bigotted to the idolatrous worship, established in his dominions, sacrificing boys every day to his false gods, that they might direct his proceedings. The priests accordingly pretended, that the gods had prohibited the reception of the cross into Mexico, and had forbidden any farther intercourse with the Spaniards. This gave occasion to the removal of Quitlalpitoc and his attendants, on which we deemed it necessary to prepare against approaching hostilities, all our remaining provisions being removed to the ships for security, and the utmost vigilance enjoined in the camp in case of any sudden attack.

While in this state of uncertainty and alarm, I and another soldier happened one day to be standing on guard on the sands at some distance from the camp, when we observed five natives approaching towards us. As they were so few, we did not choose to occasion any unnecessary alarm, and allowed them to draw near. They saluted us in a friendly manner, and desired by signs to be conducted to our general. Leaving my comrade at the outpost, I attended them to the camp, being then young and active, though now old and worn down with fatigues. These Indians were very different in their appearance from the Mexicans, and spoke a different language called the Totanaquean. They wore large rings of stone painted blue in their ears, and had some fine leaves of gold depending from their lips. When I presented them before Cortes, they saluted him with great reverence, giving the title of _Lopelucio_, which signifies lord in their language. But as their language was not understood by any of our interpreters, Donna Marina asked in Mexican if any of them could speak that tongue, on which two of them said they did. They now delivered their message in the Mexican language, saying, That their lord, who was chief of the city of _Chempoalla_, had sent them to congratulate us on our arrival, and would be proud to serve such valiant men as he was told we were, and would have waited upon us sooner, but had not dared to approach the camp from dread of the people of _Culchua_, who were with us. Cortes was much pleased to discover by this embassy, that Montezuma had enemies in the country, who bore his yoke with impatience; he treated these people therefore with much kindness, and dismissed them with presents, desiring them to return thanks to their chief for his courtesy, and that he would pay him an amicable visit as soon as possible.

The sands on which we had so long encamped were much infested by the small mosquito or sand-fly, which is the most troublesome of all, and would hardly ever allow us to sleep; our bread was all spoiled, and our bacon became rotten, and we had hardly now any thing to eat. The faction of Velasquez, and those who had left comfortable plantations in the island of Cuba, became very impatient of our present situation, which certainly required a speedy change, and Cortes therefore proposed to take possession of the fortified town of _Chiahuitztla_, near the new harbour which Montejo had discovered. The persons already mentioned were much dissatisfied with this intended movement, complaining that our force was inadequate to encounter the natives of this vast country, having already lost more than thirty-five of our number; and that the proper proceeding under the existing circumstances, was to return to Cuba, and report to Velasquez all that had been done hitherto. Cortes replied to these remonstrances, That we had no cause as yet to complain of fortune, the deaths that had happened being the ordinary fate of war; that it was our own fault if we wanted provisions in a land of plenty; and that it would be disgraceful to quit the country without seeing more of it, which, with the blessing of God, he was resolved to attempt. This reply somewhat calmed the remonstrants, but by no means extinguished the spirit of the malcontent party. Cortes had obtained the concurrence of many of the officers and companions in a scheme for appointing him to the independent command of the expedition, among whom were Puertocarrero, the Alvarados, De Oli, Escalente, De Lugo, and myself; but this was suspected by Montejo, who closely watched all our proceedings. One night, Puertocarrero, Escalente, and De Lugo, who was my distant relation, came very late to my hut, desiring me to take my arms and join Cortes who was going his rounds. On leaving the hut, these gentlemen informed me they wished to have some conversation with me out of hearing of my comrades, who belonged to the party of Velasquez, saying, "Senior del Castillo, you have now visited this country a third time to your great loss. Cortes has deceived us, having represented in Cuba that he was authorised to establish a colony; whereas it now appears he has only powers to trade, and means to return to Cuba, when all the wealth we have acquired will be given up to Velasquez. Many of us have resolved to take possession of this country under Cortes for his majesty, electing Cortes for our general until the royal pleasure is made known, and we expect your vote on this occasion." I concurred with them heartily in this plan; and we went through all the huts of the camp, canvassing votes for Cortes.

This affair became soon known to the party of Velasquez, which was more numerous than ours, and its leaders haughtily demanded of Cortes to desist from these underhand dealings, as it was his duty to return to Velasquez, because we were not provided for the establishment of a colony. Cortes answered mildly, that he would return immediately; but we of the other party exclaimed against this resolution; saying that he had deceived us by pretending to have a commission to colonize, when it now appeared he only meant to trade, and we now demanded him to fulfil his original engagement with us, as most conducive to the service of God and the king. We asserted that more soldiers would soon join us, if we were once established; and that he and Velasquez had drawn us to our ruin, by giving us hopes of a settlement, which was now denied; and we insisted on Cortes accepting the command of us, who were determined to try our fortunes in this new country, while such as chose to return to Cuba were welcome to depart. Cortes, after affecting for some time to refuse our offer, at length complied, and was appointed by us captain-general and supreme magistrate, in the name of the king, and without dependence on Velasquez. The worst part of the business was, that we assigned him a fifth part at all the gold which might be acquired, after deducting the share belonging to the king. Being now formally invested by us with the supreme authority, of which a formal instrument was drawn up by Diego de Godoy, the royal notary, Cortes proceeded immediately to the settlement of a town, which was denominated _Villa Rica, de la Vera Cruz_. It was called _Villa Rica_, because of the words of Puertocarrero formerly mentioned, "behold the rich lands;" and _de la Vera Cruz_, because he arrived at this place on Holy Thursday and disembarked on Good Friday. On this occasion we elected civil magistrates of the new colony; Puertocarrero and Montejo being the two first alcaldes, Pedro de Alvarado captain of the expeditions, Christoval de Oli maestré de campo, Juan de Escalente alguazil major, Gonzalo Mexia treasurer, Alonzo de Avila contador, Corral standard-bearer, Ochoa Viscanio and Alonzo Romero military alguazils.

These steps gave great offence to the faction of Velasquez, insomuch that they used many mutinous expressions, and were almost ready to proceed to acts of violence. They declared that they would not submit to the usurped authority of Cortes, being resolved to return to Cuba, according to the orders and instructions of Velasquez. Cortes declared that he had no desire to detain any against their inclinations, even if he should remain alone. This pacified many of the malcontents; but Juan Velasquez de Leon, Diego de Ordas, Escobar, Escudero, and some others were so violent in their opposition, that Cortes was obliged to have them arrested, and they were detained for some time in irons. By a private concert with Cortes, Juan de Escalente demanded by our authority, that the instructions from Velasquez should be produced, that we might be enabled to lay a detailed account of the whole proceedings before the king for our justification. The tenor of these was, "To return as soon as we had procured all the gold which could be had." This appeared afterwards to have been a very necessary precaution, from the steps which were taken against us by Don Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, bishop of Burgos and archbishop of Rossano.

[1] Clavigero denominates this part of the Mexican empire by the incommunicable name of Chalchiuhcuecan.--E.

[2] In the work of Bernal Diaz, the names of these two Mexican chiefs are Tendile and Pitaipitoque. We have here adopted the orthography of Clavigero in preference, because he appears to have perfectly understood the Mexican language; and shall continue to do so in the sequel without farther notice, as often as his work enables us to do it with certainty--E.

[3] Perhaps mock-pearls, or the word may possibly be the same with what we term marcasites.--E.

[4] Clavigero calls this a gilt mask or vizor.--E.

[5] According to Clavigero, there was an ancient tradition current among the Mexicans, that _Quetzalcoatl_, their god of the air, had disappeared long ago, promising to return after a certain period, and to govern them in peace and happiness; and on the first appearance of the Spaniards on their coast, observing certain marks of resemblance between them and their mythological notions of this god, they believed their god of the air had returned, and was about to resume the government.--E.

[6] Clavigero alleges that this name neither is nor can be Mexican, but does not correct the orthography.--E.

[7] According to Clavigero, this plate was thirty palms of Toledo in circumference and was worth 10,000 sequins, representing what he calls the _Mexican centary_, or rather _cycle_ of fifty-two years, and having the sun in the centre.--E.

[8] By Clavigero this expression is made _Teuctin_, which he says signifies lords or gentlemen as applied to all the Spaniards; and that this word having some resemblance to Teteo, the Mexican term for gods, made them believe that they were considered as gods by the Mexicans.--E.

[9] Chiahuitztla, near which Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz, the first Spanish settlement in Mexico was built; but which was afterwards removed to the dry sands at St Juan de Ulua, where Vera Cruz, the port of Mexico, now stands.--E.

SECTION V.

_The Spanish Army advances into the Country, and an account of their Proceedings before commencing the March to Mexico_.

The hardships we now endured for want of provisions required immediate relief, and Alvarado was detached with a party of an hundred soldiers, to search the country for maize and other provisions. These now sent were mostly of the party of Velasquez, as it was thought prudent that the adherents of Cortes should remain with him in a body. Alvarado marched to several small villages belonging to the district of _Costitlan_, which he found deserted by the inhabitants, who had retired on his approach. In the temples he found several bodies of men and boys recently sacrificed, and the stone knives yet smoking with which the horrible ceremony had been performed. The limbs had been severed from the bodies, and taken away to be eaten, as our people were informed. Our soldiers were exceedingly shocked at these abominable scenes; but such were seen by us everywhere in our after-progress through the country. In these villages, abundance of provisions were procured, which were brought to the camp; but nothing else was brought away, as Cortes had strictly forbidden them to touch any thing else. They returned with the provisions and two prisoners to the camp, where we were all rejoiced in the novelty of good fare. Cortes, by his address and good management, soon drew over many of the adherents of Velasquez to his interest, gaining some by the unfailing influence of gold, and others by promises. By these means, having brought the prisoners from the ships, in which they had been hitherto confined, he attached most of them sincerely to his party, and in a few days set them all at liberty. We now proceeded towards the fortress of Chiahuitztla, and passed, during the march, a large fish which had been cast ashore. We arrived at a river where the town of Vera Cruz now stands, and crossed to a village on the opposite side in the district dependent on the town of Chempoalla. In some temples belonging to this village, we found the instruments and remains of human sacrifices, large quantities of parrots feathers, and certain books made of a kind of paper, folded up like Spanish cloth. From this village we altered our line of march, which had been hitherto along the coast, and advanced inland towards the west, when we came into an extensive plain without any beaten track, where we saw several herds of deer. Alvarado, on his swift chesnut mare, gave chace to one of the deer, which he wounded with his lance, but it escaped from him into the woods. Having advanced some way into the plain, we were met by twelve Indians bringing a present of provisions, who had been sent by the chief of a town a days journey from us, inviting us to come to his residence. Cortes returned thanks for the provisions, and we proceeded to a village where we halted for the night, finding as usual the remains of human victims, both male and female; but as this was universal, I shall not disgust my readers by repeating the horrid details.

Early next morning we resumed our march, guided by the friendly Indians who had joined us the preceding day, and sent forwards some of them to apprize the chief of Chempoalla of our approach. When about a league from that place, we were met by twenty principal inhabitants, who presented Cortes and the cavalry with bouquets of very odoriferous flowers, apologizing for the absence of the cacique, as he was too fat and unwieldy to be able to come so far in person. Continuing our march, we arrived at the town of Chempoalla, viewing with admiration the beauty of its situation and buildings, and the elegant plantations of trees in its neighbourhood. Our advanced guard preceded us to the great square, which had been recently plastered and white-washed, and one of our horsemen was so amazed at its splendid appearance, that he rode back at full speed to inform Cortes that the walls of the houses were all of silver. We used afterwards to laugh at this man, saying that every thing white was silver in his eyes. The buildings in this square were appointed for our quarters, where we were all well lodged in spacious apartments, and where the natives had provided a plentiful entertainment for us, with baskets of plumbs and bread made of maize. We were much pleased with the place and our reception; some of the soldiers calling it Seville, and others Villa Viciosa, on account of its pleasantness[1]. When the fat cacique of Chempoalla understood that we had finished our repast, he caused Cortes to be informed that he intended paying him a visit, and came accordingly, attended by many principal natives of the town, dressed in their richest mantles, and ornamented with gold. Cortes received him with great ceremony, embracing him in sign of respect, and they sat down together. The cacique ordered a present to be laid before Cortes, consisting of mantles and some gold, but of small value, making an apology for its worthlessness, because he had lately been forced to submit to the dominion of Montezuma, who had stripped him of all his gold, and now held him completely enthralled. Cortes promised to repay his present with good services, and would soon take measures to free him of the thraldom of which he complained, having been sent hither by a great emperor to redress wrongs, to punish the wicked, and to put a stop to human sacrifices, adding many things concerning our holy religion. The cacique then made a polite answer, and took his leave.

We resumed our march next morning, attended by above 400 natives who were appointed to carry our baggage. These Indian porters are called _tamenes_ in the language of the country, who carry a burthen of about fifty pounds weight, being relieved at the end of every five leagues; and we were informed that every cacique is bound to provide such men on demand, for the service of every respectable person who passes through their territories. We arrived at night in a village near the town of Chiahuitztla, where we found an abundant supply of provisions, provided for our use by order from the cacique of Chempoalla. At ten o'clock of the following morning, we entered the fortified town of Chiahuitztla, which is situated upon a high rock of very difficult ascent, marching in close order with our artillery in front. At this time, one Villanueva happened to quit his rank, on which his captain Alonso de Avilla, a harsh tempered officer, gave him a thrust of his lance in the arm, which lamed him ever after. We advanced to the middle of this city, not only without any resistance, but even without meeting a single individual; but on approaching the temples in the great square, fifteen persons in rich dresses came to meet Cortes, carrying pans of incense, who excused the absence of the people from fear, requesting us to stop and refresh ourselves in their city, and promising that the inhabitants should return before night. Cortes gave a similar account of the object of our mission, with that already given to the cacique of Chempoalla, and made them a present of some trifles, desiring them to supply us with provisions, which was immediately complied with. Soon after our arrival, Cortes received notice of the approach of the fat cacique of Chempoalla in a litter, in which he was carried by his principal nobles. On his arrival, he and the chiefs of Chiahuitztla, made bitter complaints of the tyranny of Montezuma over the whole district of the Totonacas, which contained above thirty towns, having engrossed all the gold, and oppressed them by heavy tributes, but particularly by taking away their sons for sacrifices to the idols, and their daughters as slaves. Cortes consoled them as well as he could, promising the redress of all their grievances; and while they were thus conferring, notice was brought that five Mexican collectors of the tribute had just arrived. This intelligence greatly alarmed the natives, who went away trembling to receive them, leaving Cortes quite alone.

As the Mexican officers went to their apartments, they passed us in great state, without deigning even to look towards Cortes. They were dressed in finely wrought mantles and trowsers, having their shining black hair tied up on the top of their heads, each carrying a bunch of roses in their hands; and they were attended by many servants, who fanned them, every one of whom carried a cord and a hooked stick. On coming to their apartments, where chocolate had been made ready for their refreshment, they were attended by a numerous company of the principal people of the place; and, having taken their chocolate, they sent for the fat cacique of Chempoalla and the chiefs of Chiahuitztla, whom they severely reprimanded for having received and entertained us, contrary to the orders of Montezuma; and after threatening severe punishments, they made a demand of twenty men and women, to be offered as sacrifices to the Mexican idols, to expiate this heavy offence. On Cortes being informed of their barbarous exaction, he proposed to the chiefs to seize these officers, till Montezuma might be informed of their tyrannical conduct to his subjects; but they were terrified at the proposal, and refused their concurrence. But Cortes made them be seized, and ordered them to be fastened by the neck to some large staves and collars, like a pillory, so that they were unable to move, even ordering one of them to be soundly beaten, who proved refractory. Cortes then caused a proclamation to be made, that no tribute or obedience was in future to be paid to Montezuma, and that every one of his officers who entered the district should be imprisoned. This intelligence soon spread over the country; and the natives said that such measures could only be attempted by _teules_, or superior beings, by which name they distinguished their idols, but ever afterwards applied to the Spaniards. The native chiefs were now bent upon sacrificing to their idols those officers whom before they dared hardly look at, meaning thereby to prevent them from carrying intelligence to Mexico of what had been done; but Cortes prevented this by placing them under a guard of our soldiers. He made two of them be brought before him at midnight, whom he caused to be unbound; and, pretending ignorance of what had happened, he asked who they were and why they had been made prisoners. They answered that they were Mexican officers, who had been made prisoners by the chiefs of that town by his encouragement. He pretended to know nothing of the matter, and expressed sorrow for what had befallen them. Then ordering food to be given them, he treated them kindly, and desired them to inform Montezuma, that he was exceedingly desirous of becoming his friend and servant, and that he was much displeased with the Totonacas for having used them ill. He promised likewise to set their companions free, and to reprimand the caciques for their conduct. He then desired them to go their ways as quickly as possible; but they said they would assuredly be destroyed in attempting to pass through the country of the Totonacas; on which he sent them in a boat with six sailors, who were ordered to land them beyond the territory of Chempoalla.

When the caciques discovered next morning that two of their prisoners had escaped, they were anxious to sacrifice the others immediately: But Cortes, pretending to be angry at the escape of the two whom he had released, ordered the others to be sent in chains on board one of the ships, to get them out of the power of the Totonacas, directing them to be freed from their chains immediately on getting aboard, with assurance of being soon allowed to return to Mexico. The caciques now consulted with Cortes in what manner to defend themselves from the resentment of Montezuma, who must soon learn the evil treatment of his officers, and would speedily overwhelm them under the force of his innumerable armies. With a cheerful countenance, Cortes assured them that he and his valiant companions would defend them from all attacks of the Mexicans; and the caciques, in return, engaged to support us with all their forces. They likewise at this time entered into promise of allegiance to the king of Spain, of which a formal instrument was drawn up before the royal notary, Godoy, and proclamation of this change of dominion was made through the province, to the great joy of the natives for being relieved from the vexatious exactions of the Mexican officers.

No time was lost in taking advantage of this important alliance, and we immediately proceeded to lay the foundations of a colony in a plain about half a league from Chiahuitztla, where we now were. The foundations of a church, square, fort, and arsenal were traced out, and all the buildings were raised to the first story, as also the walls and parapets of the fort, which were provided with loop-holes and barbicans. Cortes gave an example of industry, in carrying earth and stones for the buildings, and in digging out the foundations, and was imitated by all the officers and soldiers; some in digging, others in constructing the walls of clay, some in carrying water, or in making bricks and tiles, while others prepared the timber, and the smiths were busy in making ready the iron work. By these means, and by the aid of the natives, we soon nearly completed the fort, with the church and houses.

In the meantime, on receiving information of the rebellion of the Totonacas, and the usage his officers had received, Montezuma was enraged against Cortes, and ordered two armies to march, one for the punishment of the rebels, and the other against us. But when they were ready to march, the two officers arrived who had been liberated by Cortes, and gave a favourable report of the treatment they had received while in our hands. This lessened his anger, and induced him to send us an amicable message, which was brought by two of his nephews, under the care of four old nobles of the highest rank belonging to his court. These brought a present of gold and mantles, worth about 2000 crowns, and delivered a complimentary message to Cortes, thanking him for liberating the officers, yet complaining of him for instigating the Totonacas to rebel whom he would severely punish hereafter, yet refrained from doing so while we were among them, since he believed we were of the same ancestors with himself, and were the people of whom their ancient prophesies had made mention. Cortes desired the ambassadors to believe that he and all his people were entirely devoted to the service of the great Montezuma, on whose account he had protected the officers; and causing the other three who were on board ship to be brought, he delivered them to the ambassadors. He then complained of the unkindness of Montezuma, in ordering Cuitlalpitoc and the natives to desert us, by which incivility we had been deprived of provisions, and had been under the necessity of coming into the country of the Totonacas, who had received us with much kindness. He farther trusted that Montezuma would pardon what had happened, who could not now look for tribute from that province, the inhabitants of which had become vassals to the king of Spain. He desired them likewise to say, that he hoped soon to have it in his power to pay his respects in person to the great Montezuma, when he had no doubt of settling everything to his entire satisfaction. He then presented glass diamonds and coloured beads to the young princes, and ordered out the cavalry to perform their evolutions in his presence, at which they were extraordinarily astonished and much pleased. After all this, the ambassadors returned to Mexico, much satisfied with their reception. This embassy had a great effect on the natives of the country in our favour, as they concluded we must certainly be very formidable indeed, since even the great Montezuma seemed afraid of us.

At this time the fat cacique of Chempoalla complained to Cortes of certain outrages committed by the soldiers of a Mexican garrison in a town called Cincapacinga, nine leagues off Chiahuitztla, where we were then quartered, and requested his assistance. Turning to some of the Spaniards who were about him, Cortes said jocularly: "You see that these people esteem us as superior beings; let us encourage their prejudice, and make them believe that one of us can drive an army of the natives before him. I will send old Heredia the musketeer, whose fierce scarred countenance, great beard, one eye, and lame leg, will terrify them." Heredia had served in the wars of Italy, and was ordered by Cortes to proceed only to the river, where he was to fire a musket as a signal, meaning only to try how far the credulity of the Indians would carry them. As Heredia was present, Cortes pointed him out to the Indians, and desired him to go with his _teule_, who would kill or make prisoners of all their enemies. The caciques set out accordingly with their warriors, headed by Heredia, who went firing his musket before them. As soon as they reached the river, the old soldier made the appointed signal, and Cortes sent to recal them, having sufficiently tried their faith, and informed them that he would march against their enemies with all his troops. When the soldiers were ordered to prepare for this duty, those who were of the party of Velasquez refused to obey, and insisted on returning to Cuba. The mutineers who avowed themselves on this occasion were only seven in number; and on being reprimanded by Cortes, they insolently replied, that they wondered at his temerity, in attempting to establish a colony among such prodigious multitudes of natives with so small a force; that they were already tired of being so dragged about, and were resolved to go back to their plantations in Cuba. Though he disapproved their conduct, Cortes declared he would not oppose them; on which they embarked, taking on board their provision of bread, vegetables, and oil for the voyage, and one of them named Moron sold a good horse to Juan Ruano, receiving its price in an assignment over some property in Cuba. When the vessel was about to sail, we all waited on Cortes, having the civil officers of the colony at our head, and requested that no one should be allowed to quit their colours, for which these men rather deserved to die, than to be thus permitted to depart. Cortes appeared at first unwilling to recal his permission, but at last acceded to our wishes, and the seven deserters were obliged to return, under the ridicule of us all. Moron in particular was most laughed at, as having lost his horse, which Ruano refused to return, referring to the assignment in Cuba for the agreed payment.

The discontents being for the present appeased, Cortes set out against Cincapacinga with 400 soldiers, and was joined at Chempoalla by 1000 of our allied natives, divided into four companies. We marched five leagues the first day, and reached the outskirts of Cincapacinga next day, which we found situated among steep rocks of difficult access. Eight of the principal inhabitants of the place waited on Cortes, whom they asked with tears in their eyes what misconduct of theirs had induced him to destroy them; adding, that the ill will of our allies of Chempoalla proceeded from an ancient dispute about boundaries, and they now took the advantage of our assistance to rob and murder them unjustly. They acknowledged that a Mexican garrison had been in their town, but assured him that it had retired when the officers of Montezuma were arrested at Chiahuitztla, and earnestly entreated to be admitted into favour. Cortes gave immediate orders, forbidding the allies to advance; but they were already engaged in plundering the suburbs, at which Cortes was very angry, and ordering the Chempoallan captains into his presence, he reproached them for their misrepresentations, when their obvious purpose was to employ us, who were bound to prevent and redress injustice, to aid them in plundering their neighbours. He commanded them therefore, on pain of death, instantly to liberate all their prisoners, to restore their plunder, and to withdraw for the night with all their men from the town; with all which orders they immediately complied. By this just conduct, Cortes won the hearts of the people in this district to our cause, and the chiefs and priests listened attentively to his exhortations to abandon their abominable idolatry and barbarous human sacrifices, coming under engagements of allegiance to our king, and making heavy complaints against the tyranny of the Mexican government. Next morning, Cortes brought the chiefs of Chempoalla and Cincapacinga together, and effectuated a complete reconciliation between the two districts. We then set out on our return, taking a different route from that by which we advanced, and halted after a fatiguing march, in a village belonging to the district of Cincapacinga. While here, one of our soldiers took two fowls from one of the inhabitants, and Cortes got notice of the transaction, who was so highly incensed at the commission of such an outrage in a peaceable district, that he immediately ordered the soldier to be hanged; but captain Alvarado cut the rope with his sword in time to save his life. We proceeded from that village to another in the district of our first allies, where the cacique of Chempoalla waited for us with a supply of provisions, and next day marched back to our quarters at Chiahuitztla, into which we were escorted by all the chiefs. Our conduct on this expedition raised us higher than ever in the esteem of the natives, who could distinguish the excellence of justice, though untaught, and saw that the behaviour of Cortes corresponded with his professions of having come into their country to redress injuries, and to put an end to tyranny.

The natives were now under great terror of the power and vengeance of Montezuma for revolting from his authority. They proposed therefore to fix our abode in their country by inducing us to marry their women; and for this purpose, eight young women of the principal families of the district were introduced, all richly dressed and decorated with gold collars and ear-rings, attended by many female slaves. The fat cacique then made a speech to our general, in which he said that seven of these women were intended for the captains of our army, and the eighth, who was his own niece and proprietor of several villages and many vassals, was meant for himself. Cortes received this offer with thanks; but observed, that in order to establish an entire friendship between them and us, they must first renounce their gross idolatry, the shameful custom of male youths appearing in female attire, and their barbarous human sacrifices; as we were daily shocked by seeing four or five horrid murders, the miserable victims being cut up and exposed as beef is in our public markets. The chiefs and priests replied that they could not consent to renounce the accustomed worship of their gods, but were willing to abolish the other evil customs of which he complained. We were by no means satisfied with this answer, and having made sure of our hearty co-operation, Cortes ordered us all under arms, and informed the chiefs that we were determined upon suppressing their idolatrous worship by force at the hazard even of our lives. On hearing this resolution, the fat cacique ordered all his people to arm for the defence of the temple; and when we were about to ascend the great flight of steps, he expostulated with Cortes for attempting a measure which would ensure the destruction both of them and us, by incensing their gods. Cortes replied that their remonstrances were all in vain, as he was determined to hurl their pretended gods down the steps of the temple. Then fifty of us went up to the summit of the temple, whence we threw down and dashed in pieces all the abominable idols we could find, some like dragons, others having half human figures, and others again like dogs. At this sight, the chiefs and priests wept and prayed us to desist, but the warriors seemed ready to attack us; on which we immediately seized the fat cacique and six other chiefs and priests, exclaiming that we would put them all instantly to death, if any resistance or outrage was attempted. The cacique then ordered his warriors to desist, and the tumult being appeased, Cortes made them a long harangue on the subject of religion. He then gave orders that the fragments of the broken idols should be burnt; on which eight priests, who were accustomed to take care of them, brought all their fragments into the temple, where they were consumed to ashes. These priests were dressed in long black mantles like sheets, hanging down to the ground, with hoods hanging on their shoulders like our cannons, and other smaller hoods resembling those of our Dominican friars. Their long hair was matted together with clotted blood, some of them having it so long as to hang down to their feet, and others only to the waist. Their ears were all torn and cut, and they smelt horribly of putrid flesh. These priests were said to be all of noble families.

When all this was ended, Cortes made a harangue to the people, saying, That we were now really brothers, and that Montezuma should not oppress them any more, for he would place them under the protection of the Mother of God, whom we adored; and he added many good and holy arguments exceedingly well expressed, to all of which the people listened most attentively. He then had the walls of the temple cleared of blood and new plastered, employing a number of Indian masons for this purpose, using lime which the place afforded in plenty. After having thus cleaned and purified the temple, he ordered a new altar to be erected, which he hung all round with rich mantles, and adorned it with wreaths of odoriferous flowers; and ordering four native priests to cut off their hair and to put on white garments, he committed the altar to their care, on which he planted the holy cross, before which our chaplain Olmedo celebrated the mass. He also instructed the natives to make wax candles, and enjoined the four priests to keep some of these always burning before the altar. All these things being arranged, he placed a lame old soldier named Juan de Torres, to reside in the temple as a hermit, and to keep the native priests to their new duty. In this first Christian church of New Spain, the principal persons of the surrounding districts attended divine service, and the eight native ladies, already mentioned, having been previously instucted in our holy faith, were solemnly baptized. The niece of the fat cacique of Chempoalla, who was as ugly as possible, was named Donna Catalina; yet the general took her by the hand very affectionately. Puertocarrero was more fortunate, as his lady, who was called Donna Francisco, was very handsome for an Indian, and her father, named Cuesco, was a cacique of considerable power. Having thus cemented a firm friendship with the Totonacas, we returned to our new settlement of Villa rica. We found there a vessel newly arrived from Cuba, under the command of Francisco Sauceda, called _el pulido_ or the beau, from his affectation of finery and high manners. In this vessel there had arrived an able officer named Luis Marin, accompanied by ten soldiers and two horses. He brought intelligence that Velasquez had received the appointment of _adelantado_ of Cuba, with authority to barter and colonize in New Spain. This news gave much satisfaction to the friends of Velasquez in our army, but made no change in the plans of Cortes.

As the works of Villa Rica were nearly completed, many of us became eager for the proposed visit to Montezuma, and expressed our wishes to Cortes that we might try our fortune in that expedition. It was resolved in the first place in a grand consultation, to send a deputation to Old Spain, to give an account to his majesty of all our proceedings, together with all the gold and other articles of value which we had hitherto obtained. For this purpose Ordas and Montejo went through among all the officers and soldiers, and persuaded them to allow of the whole treasure being sent to the king, as it was for the general interest to renounce our claim for a partition. Puertocarrera and Montejo were appointed agents for Cortes and the army, our general having gained Montejo to his party by a present of 2000 crowns. By these gentlemen Cortes sent a letter to his majesty, the contents of which we were not made acquainted with. The cabilda or council of the new settlement wrote also a letter to the king, in conjunction with those soldiers who were most solicitous for the settlement of the colony, and had voted in the election of Cortes as captain-general. Nothing was omitted in this letter which seemed calculated to establish our cause at court, and my name was signed to it along with the rest.

Beginning with expressions of our most profound respect, we related all the events which had occurred from our setting out on the expedition, down to the election of Cortes as our captain-general, till the pleasure of his majesty might be made known on the subject, together with our engagement to allow Cortes a fifth part of the treasure, after deducting the kings part. We gave an account of our having discovered two Spaniards in the country; of our having procured two excellent interpreters; of our war in Tabasco; of the interviews with the messengers of Montezuma; our march into the country, and our alliance with the natives, who had renounced their allegiance to Montezuma and submitted themselves and their country to his majesty; of our expedition to Cincapacinga; the abolition of idolatry at Chiahuitztla, and the establishment of Christianity; the construction of our fortress of Villa Rica; and of our present determination to march to the court of Montezuma, the great sovereign of Mexico. We gave likewise a succinct account of the military establishment and religious observances of the natives, an enumeration of the articles of treasure we had transmitted to his majesty by our agents, and that we had sent over four natives, whom we had rescued from the cages at Chempoalla, where they were fattening for victims to the false gods of the country. We then stated that we were only 450 soldiers, surrounded by innumerable multitudes of enemies, yet ready to sacrifice our lives for the glory of God and the service of his majesty; and we earnestly entreated that he would be graciously pleased not to bestow the government of this great and rich country upon an unworthy person, expressing our fears of what Velasquez might attempt to our prejudice, by means of his patron the bishop of Burgos, whom he had secured in his interest by grants of valuable estates in Cuba which ought to have belonged to his majesty. In conclusion, we awaited the return of his gracious answer with the most profound reverence; yet humbly assured his majesty, if the bishop of Burgos sent over any person to assume the command, we were resolved to suspend our obedience till his majesty's pleasure were clearly made known to us, remaining in the mean time, as now, under the command of his majesties most faithful servant and our general Hernando Cortes, whose merits we painted in glowing colours. When this was extended in due form, Cortes asked permission to read it, and expressed his perfect satisfaction with the whole, excepting two articles, the mention of his share of the treasure, and the names of Cordova and Grijalva as having previously discovered this country; as he assumed the whole merit to himself in his private letter. He wished therefore to have these passages expunged, but some of us roundly told him, that his majesty must not only be informed of the truth, but of the whole truth.

When this important affair was completed, our agents set sail from Villa Rica on the 26th July 1519[2], with strict injunctions not to touch at the Havanna or the port of _el Marien_, as we wished to keep the whole from being known to Velasquez. Yet they went directly to the Havanna, the pilot Alaminos being over-persuaded into this measure, under pretence of Puertocarrero being sick, and that Montejo wanted to procure provisions from his estate of El Marien. As soon as the ship came to anchor, Montejo sent letters on shore to Velasquez, giving an account of all that had taken place during the expedition; and as the messenger went through the island, he everywhere communicated the news of all that had occurred to our army. On receiving this intelligence from Montejo, Velasquez was highly enraged against Cortes, and heartily cursed his secretary and contador, who had persuaded him to confide the expedition to his guidance. He immediately dispatched two armed vessels to detain our ship, but soon got the unwelcome news that she was considerably advanced on her voyage to Europe. Besides writing to his patron the bishop of Burgos, he lodged a complaint against Cortes before the royal audience at St Domingo; but the members sent him an answer highly favourable to us, with whose good services they were already acquainted. All these untoward circumstances gave the adelantado infinite vexation, insomuch that from being very fat, he became quite lean. But he used every exertion to collect a powerful armament on purpose to overwhelm us as rebels against his legitimate authority, going about the whole island in person to incite the settlers to take up arms in his cause, and prepared a fleet of eighteen sail of vessels for the expedition against us, which was confided to the command of Pamphilo de Narvaez, of which we shall give an account hereafter.

Our agents passed through the Bahama channel, under the direction of the pilot Alaminos, being the first ship which took that passage from the West Indies for Europe. After touching at the island of Tercera for refreshments, they proceeded for Seville, and arrived a few days afterwards at Valladolid, where the court was then held. Our agents immediately waited on the bishop of Burgos, who was president of the council of the Indies, expecting a favourable reception, and requested him to transmit our letters and present them with all speed to the emperor, who was then in Flanders. The bishop gave them a haughty and repulsive answer, saying, That he would make a proper representation of our conduct, for having thrown off our obedience to Velasquez. The arrival of Benito Martinez, chaplain to the governor of Cuba, contributed to place our affairs in an unfavourable light; and as Puertocarrero made a remonstrance to the bishop, he caused him to be thrown into prison, on a frivolous charge of having taken away with him a woman from Medellin to the Indies. The bishop made a represention of our affairs to his majesty, stating every thing in the most favourable light for Velasquez, and as much as he possibly could against us, suppressing all mention of our letters and present, and even appropriated a great part of the latter to his own use. But our agents concerted matters with Martin Cortes, our generals father, and the licentiate Nunez, his near relation, who had an office in the royal council, and by means of some noblemen who were jealous of the bishop and disgusted with his haughty demeanour, they procured duplicates of all our letters to be transmitted to his majesty, together with complaints of the partiality of the bishop. These letters got safe to his majesty, with which he was well pleased; and for a long time his court was full of the praises of Cortes and of us his soldiers. The emperor conceived much displeasure against the bishop of Burgos for his conduct on this occasion; who became quite furious against Cortes and the rest of us, when he heard of the light in which our affairs had been seen at the court; but about two years afterwards the bishop became quite crest-fallen, as he was censured by the emperor, while we continued to be esteemed as loyal subjects. On receiving these duplicates of our letters, the emperor was pleased to say, That he would soon return to Spain, when he would attend to our memorials, and would reward our faithful services.

Four days after the departure of our agents, a plot was discovered which had been concerted among the enemies of Cortes, for seizing a vessel to carry over intelligence to Velasquez of the departure of our agents, and of the measures which had been taken by us against the authority of the adelantado. Among the conspirators were, Escudero, Cermeno, Umbria a pilot, Bernardino de Coria, a clergyman named Juan Diaz, and some sailors who had been whipped at the island of Cozumel; but the plan had been suggested by some persons of consequence, who were enraged at Cortes for preventing their return to Cuba, and for having been deprived of their shares of the treasure which was sent to the emperor. This plot was revealed only a few hours before the vessel was to have sailed, by the repentance of de Coria. All the before-mentioned conspirators were immediately seized, and having confessed the whole plot, they were all condemned to die except the priest, who was in a terrible fright. Escudero and Cermeno were hanged; Umbria had his feet cut off, and each of the sailors received 200 lashes. When Cortes signed the ratification of this sentence, he exclaimed with a sigh: "Happy is he who cannot write, that he may not have occasion to sign the death-warrants of other men." In my opinion, this sentiment is often affected by judges, in imitation of Nero, at the time he counterfeited the appearance of clemency. As soon as the sentence was put in execution, Cortes set off full speed for Chempoalla, ordering 200 soldiers and all the cavalry to follow him to that place, where likewise he sent orders for a detachment that was then out under Alvarado to march.

In a consultation respecting our intended expedition to Mexico, Cortes was advised by his friends to destroy the fleet, in order to prevent all possibility of the adherents of Velasquez deserting to Cuba, and likewise to procure a considerable augmentation to our force, as there were above an hundred sailors. In my opinion, Cortes had already determined on this measure, but wished the proposal to originate with us, that we might all become equally responsible for the loss. This being resolved upon, Cortes ordered his friend Escalente to dismantle all the ships and then sink them, preserving only the boats for the purpose of fishing. Escalente bore inveterate enmity against Velasquez, who had refused him a good district in Cuba, and went immediately to Villa Rica where he executed this service effectually. All the sails, cordage, and every thing else that could be useful were brought on shore, and the whole of the ships sunk. Escalente then came back to Chempoalla with a company formed of the mariners, many of whom became excellent soldiers. Cortes now summoned all the chiefs who had renounced their allegiance to Montezuma into his presence, whom he exhorted to give every service in their power to the detachment he meant to leave in Villa Rica, and to assist them in completing the town: Then taking Escalente by the hand, whom he had appointed to command there in his absence, he presented him to the caciques as his brother, desiring them to obey him in every thing, and assuring them that he would protect them against their enemies. The chiefs all engaged to perform every thing, he had enjoined. Escalente was left in charge of this port as a person in whom Cortes could entirely confide, to repel any attempts that might be made against him by Velasquez, while absent on the expedition to Mexico. Soon after the destruction of the vessels, Cortes assembled us one morning after mass; and, after some discourse on military affairs, he said, That we now knew the business in which we were engaged, wherein we had no other alternative but conquest or death; for in case of defeat we had no means of escape, and must depend entirely, under GOD, on our own valour; afterwards adding many comparisons of our present situation with incidents drawn from the Roman history. We unanimously answered, That we were prepared to obey and follow him wherever he chose to lead, the lot being now cast, as Caesar said on passing the Rubicon, and we devoted ourselves to the service of God and our emperor. He then addressed us in an eloquent speech; after which he called for the fat cacique, whom he informed of our intended march to Mexico, and gave him strict injunctions to take great care of the holy cross and the church we had established.

When we were ready to depart on our expedition to Mexico, a letter was brought from Escalente, informing Cortes that a strange ship had come to anchor in a river about three leagues from Villa Rica, from which he could get no answer to his signals. Cortes left the command of the army during his absence to Alvarado and Sandoval, and set out with four horsemen for Villa Rica, leaving orders for thirty of the lightest armed infantry to follow, who accordingly arrived that night. Escalente offered to go with twenty men to the vessel, lest she might escape; but Cortes set out along the coast without delay, and fell in with four Spaniards on the road, who had been sent on shore by Alonzo Alvarez de Pineda, the captain of the vessel, to take formal possession of the country. One of these was a notary, named Guillen de la Loa, and the rest attended him to witness the act. From these men Cortes was informed that Francisco de Garay, governor of Jamaica, had procured a commission from the court as adelantado of such districts as he might discover on this coast to the north of the river of St Peter and St Paul, and had sent three ships with 270 soldiers under Pineda, who was then in the river of Panuco. Cortes wished to have got possession of the ship, but no signals could induce the people to land, as we were informed by de la Loa that their captain was aware of our being on the coast. As a stratagem to decoy them on shore, Cortes dressed four of his soldiers in the clothes of the Spaniards he had taken, and left them on the spot, returning along-shore towards Villa Rica, that he might be noticed from the ship; but after we had got out of sight, we made a secret detour through the woods, and got back about midnight to the rivulet where we had left our disguised companions, where we carefully concealed ourselves. Early in the morning, our disguised men went down to the shore, making signals to the people of the ship, in consequence of which a boat put off with six sailors, two of whom landed with casks to take in water. Our men held down their faces to avoid being noticed, pretending to wash their hands; but on being spoken to by the men in the boat, one of them desired them to come on shore; when alarmed by the strange voice, they put off. We were going to fire upon them, but Cortes would not permit, and they escaped. We thus missed our object, and returned to Villa Rica, having procured six men as a reinforcement to our small force.

[1] Chempoalla appears to have been a place of considerable size, both from the testimony of eye-witnesses and the extent of its ruins. Torquimada in one place says its inhabitants amounted to twenty or thirty thousand; in another place he extends their number to 50,111, and in his index to 150,000. Like many others of the Indian cities in New Spain, it dwindled down, by the diseases and vexations of the sixteenth century, and at length became entirely depopulated.--Clavigero, II. 21.

[2] Bernal Diaz has given no dates of the transactions of Cortes in Mexico, from the 21st of April till now, the 26th of July, a period of 3 months and 5 days.--E.

END OF VOLUME THIRD