Chapter 7

ORIGINAL JOURNALS OF THE VOYAGES OF CADA MOSTO, AND PIEDRO DE CINTRA TO THE COAST OF AFRICA; THE FORMER IN THE YEARS 1455 AND 1456, AND THE LATTER SOON AFTERWARDS[1].

INTRODUCTION.

Alvise Da Cada Mosto, a Venetian, in the service of Don Henry of Portugal, informs us in his preface, that he was the first navigator from the _noble city of Venice_, who had sailed on the ocean beyond the Straits of Gibraltar, to the southern parts of Negroland, and Lower Ethiopia. These voyages at Cada Mosto are the oldest extant in the form of a regular journal, and were originally composed in Italian, and first printed at Venice in 1507. This first edition is now exceedingly scarce, but there is a copy in the kings library, and another in the valuable collection made by Mr Dalrymple. These voyages were afterward published by Ramusio in 1613, and by Grynæus in Latin. The latter was misled in regard to the date; which he has inadvertently placed in 1504, after the death of Prince Henry, and even subsequent to the discovery of the Cape of Good Hope by Bernal Diaz. Even Ramusio, in his introduction to the voyages of Cada Mosto, has made a mistake in saying that they were undertaken by the orders of John king of Portugal, who died in 1433.

Ramusio imagined that the discoveries of Cada Mosto might tend to great importance, as he considered the rivers Senegal and Rio Grande to be branches of the Niger, by which means the Europeans might open a trade with the rich kingdoms of Tombuto and Melli on that river, and thus bring gold from the countries of the Negroes, by an easier, safer, and more expeditious manner, than as conveyed by the Moors of Barbary by land, over the vast and dangerous deserts that intervene between the country on the Niger and Senegal rivers, and Barbary. As, by the account of Leo, salt is the most valuable commodity throughout the countries of the Negroes, Ramusio proposed that the ships should take in cargoes of salt at the island of _Sal_, one of the Cape de Verds, and thence supply the countries on the Niger, which was reported to be navigable for 500 miles into the interior; and that they should bring back gold and slaves in return; the latter to be brought to market at St Jago, another of the Cape de Verd islands, where they would be immediately bought up for the West Indies. All this fine speculation, however, rested on mistaken foundations; as the Niger is altogether an inland river, running to the east, and has no communication with the Senegal and Gambia, which run west into the Atlantic. Yet time, and the civilization of the natives on the Senegal and Gambia, may hereafter realize this scheme of a valuable traffic into the interior of Africa; but it is fervently to be hoped, that the trade in slaves may never be revived.

In his preface, after an apology for his performance, and making a declaration of his strict adherence to truth in all the particulars he relates, Cada Mosto gives some account of the infant Don Henriquez, or Henry, of Portugal, the great author and promoter of maritime discoveries. He praises him, as a prince of a great soul and sublime genius, and of great skill in astronomy; and adds, that he applied himself entirely to the service of Christ, by making war against the Moors. While on death- bed, in 1432, Don John, king of Portugal, exhorted his son Don Henry to pursue his laudable and holy purpose, of _persecuting_ the enemies of the Christian faith, which he promised to perform; and, accordingly, with the assistance of his brother Don Duarte, or Edward, who succeeded to the throne of Portugal, he made war in Fez with success for many years. Afterwards, the more effectually to harass the Moors, he used to send his caravels, or ships of war, annually, to scour the coasts of Azafi, or Al Saffi, and Messa, on the coast of Africa, without the Mediteranean, by which he did them much damage. But, having in view to make discoveries along that western coast, he ordered them every year to advance farther towards the south. They accordingly proceeded till they came to a great cape, which put a stop to their progress southwards for several years, being afraid to go beyond it; whence it took the name it still retains of Cape Non[2]; meaning, that such as went beyond should never return. Don Henry, however, was of a different opinion, and adding three other caravels to those which had been at the cape, sent them again next year to make the attempt. They accordingly penetrated about 100 miles beyond that cape, where they found only a sandy coast with no habitations, and returned back to Portugal.

Encouraged by this commencement of successful progress, Don Henry sent the same fleet back next year, with orders to extend their discoveries 150 miles farther to the south, and even more if they found it proper; and promised to enrich all who should embark in this navigation. They went again; and, although they obeyed the instructions of the prince, they could not improve the discoveries. Yet, firmly persuaded by the strength of his own judgment, that people and habitations would certainly be found at length, Don Henry continued to send out his caravels from time to time, and they came at length to certain coasts frequented by the Arabs of the desert, and to the habitations of the Azanaghi, a tawny race. Thus the countries of the negroes were discovered; and different nations afterwards, which will be mentioned in the following relation.

Thus far the preface of Cada Mosto, as given in the collection of Astley, from the edition of Ramusio, with which we must be satisfied in this work, as that in the royal library is inaccessible for our use. The present version has been carefully formed, by a comparison of Astley, with the original in Ramusio, and with the summary by the Reverend James Stanier Clarke, in his curious work on the progress of maritime discoveries, which only gives a selection of what he considered to be its most material parts. In this edition, the narrative style of Cada Mosto, in his own person, is restored as much as possible. It may be noticed, that Alvise is the Portuguese form of the name Louis, or Lewis.

In addition to the two voyages of Cada Mosto himself, there is a third voyage included in the present chapter, performed by Piedro de Cintra to the same coast, the narrative of which was communicated to Cada Mosto by one who had accompanied Cintra, and had been clerk to Cada Mosto in the two former voyages.

[1] Astley, Col. of Voy. and Trav. I. 573. Clarke, Prog. of Marit. Disc. I. 235.

[2] According to De Faria, as already mentioned in Chap. II. Sect. I Cape Non was doubled, and Cape Bojador discovered in 1415, many years before the death of King John. The present recapitulation by Cada Mosto has been left in his own words, without insisting on the exactness of his chronology.--Astley.

SECTION I.

_Voyage of Cada Mosto from Venice to Cape St Vincent: He enters into the service of Don Henry, and sets out for the New Discoveries: Relation of the Voyage to Madeira and the Canaries; with some Account of these islands, and their Inhabitants_.

I, Alvise Da Cada Mosto, after visiting many parts of our Mediterranean Sea, being in our city of Venice in the year 1454, at which time I was about twenty-two years of age, determined to return into Flanders, a country which I had formerly visited as a merchant; for my constant attention was, in the first place to acquire wealth, and secondly to procure fame. On the 8th of August in that year 1454, I embarked in one of the gallies belonging to the republic, commanded by Marco Zen, a Venetian cavalier. Contrary winds detained us for some days off Cape St Vincent; during which, I learnt that Don Henry, the infant of Portugal, resided in the adjoining village of Reposera, or Sagres, to which he had retired in order to pursue his studies without interruption from the tumult of the world. Hearing of our arrival, the prince sent on board of our galley Antonio Gonzales his secretary, accompanied by Patricio de Conti[1], a Venetian, who was consul for the republic in Portugal, as appeared by his commission, and who also received a salary or pension from Don Henry. These gentlemen brought on board, and exhibited to us samples of Madeira sugar, dragons blood, and other commodities of the countries and islands belonging to the prince, which had been discovered under his patronage. They asked us many questions, and informed us that the prince had caused some lately discovered and uninhabited islands to be settled and cultivated, as a proof of which, they had shewn us the before-mentioned valuable productions; adding, that all this was next to nothing, in comparison of the great things which Don Henry had performed; as he had discovered seas which had never been navigated before, and the countries of divers strange, and hitherto unknown nations, where many wonderful things were found. They told us farther, that the Portuguese who had been in these remote parts, had reaped great advantages by trading with the inhabitants; having gained as high as 700 or even 1000 per cent, on the capitals employed. We were all much astonished at these things; and I Cada Mosto in particular, being inflamed with the desire of visiting these newly discovered regions, inquired if the prince permitted any person who might be so inclined to embark for these places? To this they answered in the affirmative; and they likewise stated to me the conditions on which any one would be allowed to make the adventure. These were, either to be at the whole expence of fitting out and freighting a vessel; or at the expence of the freight only, the prince providing a vessel. In the former case, the adventurer had to allow on his return one quarter of his cargo, as duty to the prince, the rest remaining his own entire propriety; in the latter case, the homeward cargo was to be equally divided between the prince and the adventurer. In case of no returns, the prince was at the entire expence of the voyage; but that it was hardly possible to make the voyage without great profit. They added, that the prince would be much pleased to have any Venetian in his service, and would shew him great favour, being of opinion that spices and other rich merchandise might be found in these parts, and knowing that the Venetians understood these commodities better than any other nation.

Influenced by all this, I accompanied the secretary and consul on shore, and waited on the prince, who confirmed all those things which they had said, and encouraged me to embark in the voyage to his new countries, by promises of honour and profit. Being young, and of a constitution to endure fatigue, and desirous to visit those parts of the world which had never been even known to any Venetian, and likewise in hopes to advance my fortune, I accepted of the invitation. Having, therefore, procured information respecting the commodities which it was proper to carry with me on such a voyage, I returned to the gallies, where I disposed of all the goods I had shipped for the low countries, and carried to land such things as were necessary for my intended expedition; and leaving the gallies to pursue their voyage to Flanders, I landed in Portugal. The prince evinced much satisfaction at my resolution, and entertained me handsomely at Sagres for a considerable time. At length he ordered me to fit out a new caravel, of about ninety tons burden, of which Vincent Diaz, a native of Lagos, about sixteen miles from Sagres, was commander. The caravel being in readiness, and furnished with every thing necessary for the voyage, we set sail on the 22d of March 1455, having a favourable wind at north-east, and by north[2], and steered our course for the island of Madeira. On the 25th of that month we came to the island of _Puerto Santo_, which is about 600 miles southward from Cape St Vincent, whence we took our departure.

Puerto Santo was discovered by the Portuguese on All Saints day, about the year 1418[3], and Don Henry first sent inhabitants to settle there under Bartholomew Perestrello, whom he appointed governor. It is about fifteen miles in circuit[4]. It bears good bread corn, and a sufficiency of oats for its own use; and abounds with cattle and wild hogs, and innumerable rabbits[5]. Among other trees, it produces the drago or dragon tree, the sap or juice of which is drawn out only at certain seasons of the year, when it issues from cuts or clefts, made with an axe near the bottom of the tree in the preceding year. These clefts are found full of a kind of gum; which, decocted and depurated, is the dragons- blood of the apothecaries[6]. The tree bears a yellow fruit, round like like a cherry, and well tasted. This island produces the best honey and wax in the world, but not in any quantity. It has no harbour, but a good road in which vessels may moor in safety, being well sheltered on all sides, except the quarters between the south and east, all of which winds make it unsafe to ride here at anchor. There is plenty of excellent fish on its shores; such as dentili, gilded fish, and others.

From Puerto Santo, which was discovered twenty-seven years before, we sailed on the 28th of March, and came the same day to _Monchrico_ or Machico, one of the ports of the island of Madeira, forty miles distant from Puerto Santo. In fair weather these islands may be seen from each other. This latter island was only inhabited within the last twenty-four years, when the prince appointed two of his gentlemen to be its governors. Tristan Vaz having the government of that half of the island in which the port of Monchrico is situated; and the other district of the island, in which Fonzal, Fonchial, or Funchal stands, is under the government of John Gonzales Zarcho. The island of Madeira is inhabited in four several places: Monchrico, Santa Cruz, Fonzal, and Camera-di-Lupi, which are its principal places, though there are other minor establishments; and is able to muster about 800 men able to bear arms, of whom an hundred are horse. There are about eight rivers, which pervade the island in different places; by means of which they have many saw-mills, from which Portugal and other places are supplied with boards of many different sorts. Of these boards, two sorts are in particular estimation, and turn most to account. The one is cedar, which has a strong odoriferous smell, and resembles the cypress tree; of this they make fine, large, and long boards or deals, which they employ for building houses, and for various other purposes. The other, called nasso[7], is of a red-rose colour, and extremely beautiful; of which they make excellent and very beautiful bows and cross-bows, which are sent into the west. In order to clear the land, the first settlers set fire to the woods, and the fire spread with such fury, that several persons, with their families, and Gonzales Zarcho among the rest, were forced to take shelter in the sea to save themselves from the flames, where they stood up to their necks for two days and two nights without sustenance. Though this island is mountainous, its soil is rich and fertile, and it produces yearly 30,000 Venetian _staras_[8] of bread corn. At first, the newly cultivated land yielded seventy for one, but has since been reduced to thirty or forty, for want of good husbandry. Owing to the excellence of its soil and climate, and the abundance of springs and rivers, Prince Henry procured sugar canes from Sicily, which he sent to this island, where they have yielded abundant produce; insomuch, that 400 cantaros of sugar, each containing 112 pounds large weight of Venice, have been made at one boiling, and the quantity was likely to increase[9]. They have likewise good wines, considering how shortly this culture has been introduced; and in such abundance, that large quantities are exported. Among other kinds of vines, Don Henry sent thither _Malvasia_ plants, procured from the island of Candia, which have succeeded well. The soil has turned out so favourable for the vine, that in general there are more grapes than leaves, and the bundles are very large, even from two to four spans long. They have likewise the black _Pergola_ grape, without stones, in great perfection; and so well is the climate adapted to this culture, that they begin their vintage about Easter, or at least by the octave after.

We sailed from Madeira, following a southerly course, and arrived at the Canary islands, which are at the distance of about 320 miles from Madeira. There are seven of these islands in all, four of which have been settled by the Christians, Lançerotta, Fuerteventura, Gomera, and Ferro; over which Herrera[10], a Spanish gentleman, is lord. Large quantities of an herb called _Oricello_ or Orchel[11], are annually sent from these islands to Cadiz and Seville, which is used in dying, and is sent from these places to all parts of Europe. Great quantities of excellent goat skins are exported from these islands, which likewise produce abundance of tallow, and good cheese. The original inhabitants of the four islands that are subject to the Christians, are _Canarians_[12], who speak various languages or dialects, not well understood between the different tribes. These people have only open villages, without any fortifications; except on the mountains, which are exceedingly high, and there they have a kind of rude walls or redoubts, to flee to in case of need. The passes of these mountains are so difficult of access, that a few resolute men might defend them against an army. The other three islands of this group, Grand Canaria, Teneriffe, and Palma, which are larger and better peopled than the other four, are still unsubdued and possessed by the aboriginal idolaters. Grand Canaria has between eight and nine thousand souls, and Teneriffe, which is the largest of all these islands, is said to contain fourteen or fifteen thousand, and is divided into nine separate lordships. Palma, however, has very few inhabitants, yet it appears to be a very beautiful island. Every lordship seems to have its own mode of religious worship; as in Teneriffe, there were no less than nine different kinds of idolatry; some worshipping the sun, others the moon, and so forth. They practise polygamy, and the lords have the jus primae noctis, which is considered as conferring great honour. On the accession of any new lord, it is customary for some persons to offer themselves to die as a sacrifice to his honour. On this occasion, the lord holds a great festival on his accession day; when all who are willing to give this cruel proof of their attachment, are attended to the summit of a high cliff in a certain valley, where, after some peculiar ceremonies, and certain words muttered over them, the victims precipitate themselves from the cliff, and are dashed to pieces. In reward of this sanguinary homage, the lords consider themselves bound to heap extraordinary honours and rewards on the parents of the victims.

Teneriffe, which is the largest of these islands, and the best inhabited, is one of highest islands in the world, and is seen in clear weather from a great distance; insomuch, that I was informed by some mariners, that it had been descried at the distance of between sixty and seventy Spanish leagues, which make about 250 Italian miles. In the middle of the island, there is a prodigiously high peaked mountain, shaped like a diamond, which is always burning. I received this account from some Christians, who had been prisoners in the island, who affirmed that it was fifteen Portuguese leagues, or sixty Italian miles, from the bottom of the mountain to the top of the peak.

They have nine lords on this island, who are called dukes, and who do not succeed by inheritance or descent, but by force; on which account they have perpetual civil wars among themselves, in which they commit great slaughter. Their only weapons are stones, maces or clubs, and darts or lances, some of which are pointed with horn, and others have their points hardened in the fire. They all go naked, except a few who wear goat skins before and behind. They anoint their skins with goats tallow, mixed up with the juice of certain herbs, which thickens the skin, and defends them against the cold, of which they complain much, although their country is so far to the south. They have neither walled, nor thatched houses, but dwell in grottos and caverns of the mountains. They feed on barley, flesh, and goats milk, of which they have abundance, and some fruits, particularly figs. As the country is very hot, they reap their corn in April and May.

We learnt all these things from the Christians of the four settled islands, who sometimes go over by night to the three other islands, and make prisoners of the natives, whom they send into Spain to be sold as slaves. Sometimes the Spaniards are themselves made prisoners on these expeditions, on which occasions the natives do not put them to death, but employ them to kill and flea their goats, and to cure the flesh, which they look upon as a vile employment, and therefore condemn their Christian prisoners to that labour in contempt. The native Canarians are very active and nimble, and are exceedingly agile in running and leaping, being accustomed to traverse the cliffs of their rugged mountains. They skip barefooted from rock to rock like goats, and sometimes take leaps of most surprising extent and danger, which are scarcely to be believed. They throw stones with great strength and wonderful exactness, so as to hit whatever they aim at with almost perfect certainty, and almost with the force of a bullet from a musket; insomuch that a few stones thrown by them will break a buckler to pieces. I once saw a native Canarian, who had become a Christian, who offered to give three persons twelve oranges a-piece, and taking twelve to himself, engaged, at eight or ten paces distance, to strike his antagonists with every one of his oranges, and at the same time to parry all theirs, so that they should hit no part of him but his hands. But no one would take up the wager, as they all knew he could perform even better than he mentioned. I was on land in Gomera and Ferro, and touched also at the island of Palma, but did not land there.

[1] In Grynaeus, this person is called a patrician or nobleman of Venice, and his surname is omitted.--Astley.

[2] _Con Veuto da greco et tramantana in poppe_; literally, having a Greek, and _beyond the mountain_ wind in the poop. The points of the compass, in Italian maps, are thus named, N. _Tramontana_. N. E. _Greco_. E. _Levante_ S. E. _Sirocco_. S. _Mezzoni_. S. W. _Libeccio_. W. _Ponente_. N. W. _Maestro_.--Clarke.

[3] This date ought to have been 1413.--Astl.

[4] Barbot says eight leagues; other authors say more, and some less. It is about twelve leagues to the north-east of Madeira.--Astl.

[5] When Sir Amias Preston took this island in 1595, it abounded in corn, wine, and oil, and had good store of sheep, asses, goats, and kine. There was also plenty of fowl, fish, and fruits.--Astl.

[6] From this account it seems to be an inspissated juice.--Astley. This tree has probably received its name from the bark being like the scales of a serpent. About the full of the moon it exudes a vermilion coloured gum. That which grows on the islands and coasts of Africa is more astringent than what comes from Goa. It is found on high rocky land. Bartholomew Stibbs met with it on the banks of the Gambia river, and describes it under the name of _Par de Sangoe_, or blood-wood tree. The gum is a red, inodorous, and insipid resin, soluble in alcohol and oils; and when dissolved by the former, is used for staining marble. --Clarke.

[7] The woods of Madeira are cedar, vigniatico, laurus Indicus, which has a considerable resemblance to mahogany, barbuzano, chesnut, and the beautiful mirmulano, and paobranco.--Clark.

[8] This measure is said to weigh about thirty-three English pounds, so that the quantity mentioned in the text amounts to 1850 quarters English measure.--Astl.

[9] I suppose he means at one crop. The quantity in the text, reduced to avoirdupois weight, amounts to twenty-eight hogsheads, at sixteen hundred weight each.--Astl.

[10] In Clarke, this person is named Ferrero; perhaps the right name of this person was Fernando Pereira, who subdued Gomera and Ferro.--E.

[11] A species of moss, or lichen rather, that grows on the rocks, and is used by dyers.--Clarke.

[12] Other authors call the natives of the Canaries _Guanchos_.--E.

SECTION II.

_Continuation of the Voyage by Cape Branco, the Coast of Barbary, and the Fortia of Arguin; with some account of the Arabs, the Azanaghi, and the Country of Tegazza._

Leaving the Canaries, we pursued our course towards Ethiopia, and arrived in a few days at Cape Branco, which is about 870 miles from these islands. In this passage, steering south, we kept at a great distance from the African shore on our left, as the Canaries are, far-advanced into the sea towards the west. We stood almost directly south for two-thirds of the way between the islands and the Cape, after which we changed our course somewhat more towards the east, or left-hand, that we might fall in with the land, lest we should have overpassed the Cape without seeing it because no land appears afterwards so far to the west for a considerable space. The coast of Africa, to the southwards of Cape Bronco, falls in considerably to the eastwards, forming a great bay or gulf, called the _Forna of Arguin_, from a small island of that name. This gulf extends about fifty miles into the land, and has three other islands, one of which is named _Branco_ by the Portuguese, or the White Island, on account of its white sands; the second is called _Garze_, or the Isle of Herons, where they found so many eggs of certain seabirds as to load two boats; the third is called _Curoi_, or Cori. These islands are all small, sandy, and uninhabited. In that of Arguin there is plenty of fresh water, but there is none in any of the others. It is proper to observe, that on keeping to the southwards, from the Straits of Gibraltar, the coast of exterior Barbary is inhabited no farther than Cape Cantin[1], from whence to Cape Branco is the sandy country or desert, called _Saara_ or _Saharra_ by the natives, which is divided from Barbary or Morocco on the north by the mountains of Atlas, and borders on the south with the country of the Negroes, and would require a journey of fifty days to cross,--in some places more, in others less. This desert reaches to the ocean, and is all a white dry sand, quite low and level, so that no part of it seems higher than any other. Cape _Branco_, or the White Cape, so named by the Portuguese from its white colour, without trees or verdure, is a noble promontory of a triangular shape, having three separate points about a mile from each other.

Innumerable quantities of large and excellent fish of various kinds are caught on this coast, similar in taste to those we have at Venice, but quite different in shape and appearance. The gulf of Arguin is shallow all over, and is full of shoals both of rocks and sand; and, as the currents are here very strong, there is no sailing except by day, and even then with the lead constantly heaving. Two ships have been already lost on these shoals. Cape _Branco_ lies S.W. of Cape Cantin, or rather S. and by W. Behind Cape Branco there is a place called Hoden, six days journey inland on camels, which is not walled, but is much frequented by the Arabs and caravans, which trade between Tombucto,[2] and other places belonging to the Negroes, and the western parts of Barbary. The provisions at Hoden are dates and barley, which they have in plenty, and the inhabitants drink the milk of camels and other animals, as they have no wine. They have some cows and goats, the former being greatly smaller than those of Italy; but the number of these is not great, as the country is very dry. The inhabitants are all Mahometans, and great enemies to the Christians, and have no settled habitations, but wander continually over the deserts. They frequent the country of the Negroes, and visit that side of Barbary which is next the Mediterranean. On these expeditions they travel in numerous caravans, with great trains of camels, carrying brass, silver, and other articles, to Tombucto and the country of the Negroes, whence they bring back gold and _melhegette_, or cardamom seeds[3]. These people are all of a tawny colour, and both sexes wear a single white garment with a red border, without any linen next their skins. The men wear turbans, in the Moorish fashion, and go always barefooted. In the desert there are many lions, leopards, and ostriches, the eggs of which I have often eaten, and found them very good.

Don Henry has farmed out the trade of the island of Arguin, under the following regulations. No person must enter this gulf to trade with the Arabs, except those who are licensed according to the ordinance, and have habitations and factors on the island, and have been accustomed to transact business with the Arabs on that coast. The articles of merchandize chiefly provided for this trade are, woollen cloth and linen, silver trinkets, _aldtizeli_ or frocks, and cloaks, and other things, and above all, wheat; and the Arabs give in return negro slaves and gold. A castle has been built on the isle of Arguin, by order of the prince, to protect this trade, on account of which caravels or ships arrive there every year from Portugal.

The Arabs of this coast have many Barbary horses, which they carry to the country of the Negroes, which they barter with the great men for slaves, receiving from ten to eighteen men for each horse, according to their goodness. They also carry thither silken staffs of Granada and Tunis, with silver, and many other things, in return for which they receive great numbers of slaves and some gold. These slaves are brought first to Hoden in the desert, and thence by the mountains of Barka into Barbary, whence they are transported across the Mediterranean into Sicily. Part of them are sold in Tunis, and in other places along the coast of Barbary; and the rest are brought to Arguin, where they are sold to the licensed Portuguese traders, who purchase between seven and eight hundred every year, and send them for sale into Portugal. Before the establishment of this trade at Arguin, the Portuguese used to send every year four or more caravels to the bay of Arguin, the crews of which, landing well armed in the night, were in use to surprise some of the fishing villages, and carry off the inhabitants into slavery. They even penetrated sometimes a considerable way into the interior, and carried off the Arabs of both sexes, whom they sold as slaves in Portugal.

Leaving Arguin we sailed along the coast to the river Senegal[4], which is very large, and divides the people called Azanaghi, or Azanhaji, from the first kingdom of the Negroes. The Azanhaji are of a tawny colour, or rather of a deep brown complexion, and inhabit some parts of the coast beyond Cape Branco, ranging through the deserts, and their district reaches to the confines of the Arabs of Hoden. They live on dates, barley, and the milk of camels; but as they border likewise on the country of the Negroes, they carry on trade with these people, from whom they procure millet and pulse, particularly beans. Owing to the scarcity of provisions in the desert, the Azanhaji are but spare eaters, and are able to endure hunger with wonderful patience, as a poringer of barley-meal made into hasty-pudding will serve them a whole day. The Portuguese used to carry away many of these people for slaves, as they were preferred to the negroes; but for some time past this has been prohibited by Don Henry, and peace and trade has been established with them, as he is in hopes they may be easily brought over to the catholic faith by intercourse with the Christians, more especially as they are not hitherto thoroughly established in the superstitions of Mahomet, of which they know nothing but by hearsay. These Azenhaji have an odd custom of wearing a handkerchief round their heads, a part of which is brought down so as to cover their eyes, and even their nose and mouth; for they reckon the mouth an unclean part, because it is constantly belching and has a bad smell, and ought therefore to be kept out of sight; even comparing it to the posteriors, and thinking that both ought alike to be concealed. On this account they never let their mouths be seen except when eating, as I have often had occasion to observe. They have no lords among them, but the rich men are respected somewhat more than the rest. They are of ordinary stature, and very lean, wearing their black hair frizzled over their shoulders like the Germans, and grease it daily with fish oil, which gives them a nasty smell; yet they consider this as modish. They are extremely poor, egregious liars, the greatest thieves in the world, and very treacherous. They have never heard of any Christians except the Portuguese, with whom they had war for thirteen or fourteen years, in which many of them were carried off as slaves, as has been already mentioned. Many of these people informed me, that, when they first saw ships under sail, which had never been beheld by any of their ancestors, they took them for large birds with white wings, that had come from foreign parts; and when the sails were furled, they conjectured, from their length, and swimming on the water, that they must be great fish. Others again believed that they were spirits, who wandered about by night; because they were seen at anchor in the evening at one place, and would be seen next morning 100 miles off, either proceeding along the coast to the southwards, or put back, according as the wind changed, or the caravels might happen to steer. They could not conceive how human beings could travel more in one night than they were able to perform themselves in three days; by which they were confirmed in the notion of the ships being spirits. All this was certified to me by many of the Azanhaji who were slaves in Portugal, as well as by the Portuguese mariners who had frequented the coast in their caravels.

About six days journey by land from Hoden, there is a place called Teggazza[5], which in our language signifies a chest or bag of gold. In this place large quantities of salt are dug up every year, and carried by caravans on camels to _Tombucto_ and thence to the empire of _Melli_, which belongs to the Negroes. Oh arriving there, they dispose of their salt in the course of eight days, at the rate of between two and three hundred _mitigals_, or ducats, for each load, according to the quantity, and then return with their gold.

[1] This is erroneous, as there are several towns on the coast of Morocco beyond this Cape, as Saffia, Mogadore, Santa Cruz, and others. Cape Cantin is in lat. 32°30'N. and the river _Sus_ in 30°25', which is 140 miles to the south. There are no towns on the coast beyond that river; but the northern limit of the _Sahara_, or great desert, is in lat. 27°40', 186 miles to the south of the river _Sus_, and is surely inhabited by wandering Arabs. Even the great desert, which extends 750 miles from north to south, almost to the river Senegal, is thinly interspersed by several wandering tribes of the _Azanhaji_.--E.

[2] Called Tombuto in the original, and Ataubat in Grynaeus.--Astl. Hoden stands in an _ouasis_, or watered island, in the sea of sand, or great desert, about lat. 19°20'N. and W. long. 11°40'.--E.

[3] Under the general name of _Azanhaji_, which probably signifies the pilgrims or wanderers of the desert, the Nomadic Arabs or Moors are distinguished into various tribes; as Beni-amir, Beni-sabi, Hilil Arabs, Ludajas, and Hagi; sometimes called Monselmines, Mongearts, Wadelims, Labdessebas, and Trasarts; all named in their order from north to south, as occupying the desert towards the Atlantic.--E.

[4] In the text this river is named Senega, and its name probably signifies the river of the Azanhaji. It Is called in Ramusio _Oro Tiber_.--F.

[5] The name of this place is explained as signifying a chest or bag of gold. There is a place marked in the Saharra, or great sandy desert; under the name of _Tisheet_, where there are salt mines, in lat. 17° 40' N. and long. 6° 40' W. which may possibly be Teggazza. The distance of Tisheet from Hoden in our maps is about 375 miles E. S. E. But there are other salt mines in the desert still farther to the east. --E.

SECTION III.

_Of the Empire of Melli, and some curious particulars of the Salt Trade: Of the Trade in Gold: Of the, Azanhaji; and concerning swarms of Locusts_.

The empire of Melli, of which some mention has been made in the preceding Section, is situated in an extremely hot climate, and affords very bad nourishment for beasts; insomuch, that out of an hundred camels which go from the desert into that country, scarcely twenty-five return; several even of the Arabs and Azanhaji, belonging to the caravans, sicken and die likewise every year. There are no quadrupeds kept by the natives of the country, as indeed none can live there for any time. It is reckoned to be forty days journey on horseback from Tegazza to Tombuctu, and thirty from thence to Melli[1]. Having inquired what use the merchants of Melli made of this salt, the traders of the desert informed me, that a part of it was consumed in that country, which lying near the line, where the days and nights are of equal length, certain seasons of the year are so excessively hot that the blood of the inhabitants would putrify, if it were not for the salt, and they would all die. They have no art or mystery in its use; but every one dissolves a small piece every day in a porringer of water, and drinks it off, which in their opinion preserves their health.

The remainder of the salt is carried a long way in pieces on mens heads, every piece being as large as a man can well bear. As brought from Teggazza, the salt is in large pieces as taken out of the mine, each camel being loaded with two pieces, and the negroes break these down into smaller pieces, for the convenience of carrying them on their heads, and muster a large number of footmen for this yearly traffic. These porters have each a long forked stick in their hands; and, when tired, they rest their loads on these sticks. They proceed in this manner till they arrive on the banks of a certain water, but whether fresh or salt my informer could not say, yet I am of opinion that it must be a river, because, if it were the sea, the inhabitants could not be in want of salt in so hot a climate. The negroes are hired to carry it in this manner for want of camels or other beasts of burden, as already mentioned; and, from what has been said, it may easily be concluded that the number, both of the carriers and consumers must be very great. When arrived at the water side, the proprietors of the salt place their shares in heaps in a row, at small distances, setting each a particular mark on his own heap; and when this is done, the whole company retires half a days journey from the place. Then the other negroes, who are the purchasers of the salt, who seem to be the inhabitants of certain islands, but who will on no account be seen or spoken to, come in boats to the place where the heaps of salt are placed, and after laying a sum in gold on each heap as its price, retire in their turns. After they are gone, the owners of the salt return, and if the quantity of gold on their heaps is satisfactory to them, they take it away and leave the salt; if not, they leave both and withdraw again. In this manner they carry on their traffick, without seeing or speaking to each other, and this custom is very ancient among them, as has been affirmed to me for truth by several merchants of the desert, both Arabs and Azanhaji, and other creditable persons[2].

On inquiring how it came to pass that the emperor of Melli, whom they represented as a powerful sovereign, did not find means, by friendship or force, to discover who these people were who would not suffer themselves to be seen or talked to, I was informed that this emperor, not many years ago, resolved to procure some of these invisible people, and held a council on the occasion, in which the following plan was devised and carried into execution. Before the salt caravan returned the half days journey from their salt heaps, some of the emperors people made certain pits by the water side, and near the place where the salt was left, and when the negroes came to deposit their gold on the salt, those who were concealed in the pits attacked them suddenly and took four of them prisoners, all the rest making their escape. Three of those who were thus taken were immediately set free by the captors, who judged that one would be quite sufficient to satisfy the curiosity of their emperor, and that the negroes would be the less offended. But after all, the design proved abortive; for though spoken to in various languages, the prisoner would neither speak or take any victuals, and died at the end of four days. On this account, the Melli negroes concluded that these other negroes were dumb; but others were of opinion, that being endowed with the human form, they must necessarily have the power of speech; but, that finding himself treated in this manner, so contrary to ancient custom, he refused to speak from indignation. This untoward result was much regretted by the negroes of Melli, because it prevented them from gratifying the curiosity of their emperor; who, on being informed of this persons death, was much dissatisfied, yet asked what manner of men the prisoners were. He was accordingly informed that they were of a deep black colour, well shaped, and a span taller than the natives of Melli. That their under lip was thicker than a mans fist, of a very red colour, and hung down on their breasts, with something like blood dropping from it; but that their upper lips were small, like those of other men. That the form of the under lip exposed their gums and teeth, which were larger than their own, having great teeth in each corner of their mouth, with large black eyes, and altogether a terrible appearance, as the gums dropped blood continually, as well as the great hanging under lip.

This cross accident prevented all the succeeding emperors of Melli from making any farther attempt of the kind; because, from that time, these negroes forbore, for three years, from coming to buy salt as usual. It is believed that their lips began to putrify, through the excessive heat of the climate; and being no longer able to endure a distemper, of which some must have died for want of the effectual remedy which they had experienced from the use of salt, they returned of their own accord to traffic for that commodity in the old way. All this has established an opinion that they cannot live without salt; the negroes of Melli judging of the case of others by their own. As for the emperor of Melli, he cares not whether these blacks will speak, and be seen or not, so that that he has the profit of their gold[3]. This is all I could learn on this subject, which I think may be credited, as so many persons have vouched for its truth, of which I, who have both seen and heard of many wonderful things in this world, am perfectly satisfied.

The gold brought to Melli is divided into three parts. One part is sent by the caravan which goes annually from Melli to _Kokhia_[4], which lies on the road to Syria and Cairo. The other two parts go first to Tombuctu, whence one of them goes by _Toet_[5] to Tunis and other ports of the Barbary coast, and the other portion is carried to Hoden, and from thence to _Oran_ and _One_[6], towns in Barbary, which are within the Straits of Gibraltar, and to Fez, Morocco, Arzila, Azafi, and Messa, towns on the African coast of the Atlantic, where the Italians and other Christians procure it from the Moors, in return for various commodities. Gold is the best and principal commodity which comes through the country of the Azanhaji, and a part of it is brought every year from Hoden to Arguin, where it is bartered with the Portuguese[7].

No money is coined in the land of the _Tawny Moors_, or Azenhaji; nor is any money used by them, or in any of the neighbouring countries; but all their trade is carried on by bartering one commodity against another. In some of their inland towns, the Arabs and Azanbaji use small white porcelain shells, or cowries; which are brought from the Levant to Venice, and sent from thence into Africa. These are used for small purchases. The gold is sold by a weight named _mitigal_, which is nearly equal in value to a ducat. The inhabitants of the desert have neither religion nor sovereign; but those who are richest, and have the greatest number of retainers and dependents, are considered as chiefs or lords. The women are tawny, and wear cotton garments, which are manufactured in the country of the Negroes; but some of them wear a kind of cloaks, or upper garments, called Alkhezeli, and they have no smocks. She who has the largest and longest breasts, is reputed the greatest beauty; on which account, when they have attained to the age of seventeen or eighteen, and their breasts are somewhat grown, they tie a cord very tight around the middle of each breast, which presses very hard and breaks them, so that they hang down; and by pulling at these cords frequently, they grow longer and longer, till at length in some women they reach as low as the navel. The men of the desert ride on horseback after the fashion of the Moors; and the desert being everywhere very hot, and having very little water, and extremely barren, they can keep very few horses, and those they have are short lived. It only rains in the months of August, September and October. I was informed that vast swarms of locusts appear in this country some years, in such infinite numbers as to darken the air, and even to hide the sun from view, covering the horizon as far as the eye can reach, which is from twelve to sixteen miles in compass; and, wherever they settle they strip the ground entirely bare. These locusts are like grasshoppers, as long as ones finger, and of a red and yellow colour. They come every third or fourth year, and if they were to pay their visits every year, there would be no living in the country. While I was on the coast, I saw them in prodigious and incredible numbers.

[1] The distance between Tisheet and Tombuctu, according to our best maps, is about 560 miles E. and by S. In the same proportion, supposing Tisheet to be Teggazza, the distance between Tombuctu and Melli ought to be about 420 miles. Of Melli we have no traces in our modern maps, but it may possibly be referred to _Malel_, the apparent capital of Lamlem; see Pinkert. Geogr. II. 917, as laid down from the Arabian geographers, nearly 1200 miles E.S.E. from Tombuctu.--E.

[2] This story is probably a fiction, proceeding upon a trade of barter between parties who did not understand the languages of each other. The succeeding part of the story seems a mere fable, without the smallest foundation whatever.--E.

[3] Few persons, perhaps, will be disposed to think the credit of the Africans, however positive, or the belief of the author, however strong, sufficient evidence of the truth of this story. Yet it certainly is a common report of the country, and not the invention of Cada Mosto. Jobson, who was at the Gambra or Gambia in 1620, repeats the whole substance of this story; and Movette relates the circumstances of the blacks trafficking for salt without being seen, which he had from the Moors of Morocco. He leaves out, however, the story of the frightful lips. Every fiction has its day; and that part is now out of date.--Astl.

[4] Melli being itself unknown, we can hardly look to discover the situation of Kokhia or Cochia; but it may possibly be Kuku, a town and district to the N.E. of Bornou, which lies in the direction of the text; or it may be Dar Kulla, greatly more to the S.W. but still in the same track.--E.

[5] In Grynaeus this place is called Ato. As in the direction of the caravan from Tombuto towards Tunis, it may possibly be Taudeny, an ouasis or island of the great desert, in lat. 21° 30' N.--E.

[6] Called Hona in Grynaeus. What part of Barbary this name may refer to does not appear. But the passage ought perhaps to run thus, "_to Oran by the Mountain of Wan_," as there is a range mountains of that name to the S. E. of Oran, which joins the chain of Atlas, or the Ammer Mountains.--E.

[7] This is the earliest account of the places from whence gold is brought, and of the course of its trade through Africa, and thence into Europe; and is even more particular and exact than any that has been given by later authors.--Astl.

SECTION IV.

_Of the River Senegal and the Jalofs, with some Account of the Manners, Customs, Government, Religion, and Dress of that Nation_.

Leaving Cape Branco, and the Gulf of Arguin, we continued our course along the coast to the river Senegal, which divides the desert and the tawny Azanhaji from the fruitful lands of the Negroes. Five years before I went on this voyage, this river was discovered by three caravels belonging to Don Henry, which entered it, and their commanders settled peace and trade with the Moors; since which time ships have been sent to this place every year to trade with the natives[1]. The river Senegal is of considerable size, being a mile wide at the mouth, and of sufficient depth. A little farther on it has another entrance, and between the two, there is an island which forms a cape, running into the sea, having sand- banks at each mouth that extend a mile from the shore[2]. All ships that frequent the Senegal ought carefully to observe the course of the tides, the flux and reflux of which extend for seventy miles up the river, as I was informed by certain Portuguese, who had been a great way up this river with their caravels. From Cape Branco, which is 280 miles distant, the whole coast is sandy till within twenty miles of the river. This is called the coast of _Anterota_, and belongs entirely to the Azanhaji or Tawny Moors. I was quite astonished to find so prodigious a difference in so narrow a space, as appeared at the Senegal: For, on the south side of the river, the inhabitants are all exceedingly black, tall, corpulent and well proportioned, and the country all clothed in fine verdure, and full of fruit trees; whereas, on the north side of the river, the men are tawny, meagre, and of small stature, and the country all dry and barren. This river, in the opinion of the learned, is a branch of the _Gihon_, which flows from the Terrestrial Paradise, and was named the Niger by the ancients, which flows through the whole of Ethiopia, and which, on approaching the ocean to the west, divides into many other branches. The _Nile_, which is another branch of the Gihon, falls into the Mediterranean, after flowing through Egypt[3].

The first kingdom of the Negroes is on the banks of the Senegal, and its inhabitants are called _Gilofi_ or Jalofs. All the country is low, not only from the north to that river, but also beyond it, as far south as Cape Verd, which is the highest land on all this coast, and is 400 miles from Cape Branco. This kingdom of the Jalofs, on the Senegal, is bounded on the east by the country called _Tukhusor_; on the south by the kingdom of _Gambra_ or Gambia; on the west by the Atlantic Ocean; and on the north by the river Senegal and the Azanhaji[4]. The king who reigned in Senegal in my time was named Zukholin, and was twenty-two years old. This kingdom is not hereditary; but for the most part, three or four of the principal lords, of whom there are many in the country, choose a king, in the event of a vacancy, but always fix their choice on a person of noble lineage, who reigns only as long as he gives satisfaction to these great lords. They often dethrone their kings by force; who, on the other hand, often render; themselves so powerful as to stand on their defence. This renders the government unsettled, and is productive of civil wars; similar to Egypt, where the Soldan of Cairo is always in fear of being killed or banished.

The people are savages, and extremely poor, having no walled towns, and their villages are entirely composed of thatched cottages. They use neither lime nor stone in building, not knowing how to make the one, or to form the other. The kingdom of the Jalofs is small, and, as I was informed, extends only 300 miles along the coast, and about the same distance inland. The king has no settled revenue; but the lords of the country court his favour, by making him yearly presents of horses, which being scarce, are in high estimation, together with horse furniture, cows, and goats, pulse, millet, and other things. He likewise increases his wealth by means of robbery, and by reducing his own subjects, and those of neighbouring provinces to slavery, employing a part of these slaves to cultivate the lands which are assigned to him, and selling the rest to the Arabs and Azanhaji traders, who bring horses and other things for sale; as likewise to the Christians, since they have established a trade in these parts.

Every man may keep as many wives as he pleases. The king has always upwards of thirty, and distinguishes them according to their descent, and the rank of the lords whose daughters they are. He keeps them in certain villages of his own, eight or ten in one place, each having a separate house to dwell in, with a certain number of young women to attend her, and slaves to cultivate the land which is assigned for her maintenance, which they sow and reap, and to tend her cows and goats. When the king comes to any of these villages, he brings no provisions along with him, as his women are obliged to support him and his retinue whenever he visits them. Every, morning at sunrise, each of his wives in the village where he happens to reside, prepares three or four dishes of various viands, such as flesh, fish, or other dainties, cooked in their fashion; which are carried by the slaves to the kings pantry; so that in less than an hour, thirty or forty dishes are provided, and when the king has a mind to eat, he finds every thing ready at his command. When he has eaten of such things as he likes best, the remainder is given to his retinue; but as this, diet is never very plentiful, they are but poorly fed. He travels about in this manner, from place to place, visiting his several wives, by which means he has a very numerous issue and whenever one of his wives happens to fall with child, he visits her no more. The lords or chiefs of the country live in a similar manner.

These negroes profess me Mahometan religion, but are not even so well instructed in it as the tawny Moors, more especially the common people. The lords have always about them some Arabs or Azanhaji for this purpose, who inculcate on their minds that it would be disgraceful for men of their quality to live in ignorance of the laws of God, like the common people who have no religion. They have become Mahometans merely by means of their intercourse with the Azanhaji and Arabs; for since they became acquainted with the Christians, they are by no means so fond of the Mahometan faith. The generality of the negroes go quite naked, except a piece of goat skin before; but the lords who are able to procure such, wear cotton shirts, which are spun and manufactured by their women. Their webs are only a span in width, as they have not sufficient art to construct and use wider looms; so that they are obliged to sew five, six, or more of these webs together, when it is required to make any large piece of work. The shirts reach half way down the thighs, and have wide sleeves which; cover only half of their arms. They wear also cotton drawers, reaching to the small of their legs; and these drawers are made preposterously wide, being often thirty-five or forty palms in circumference; so that, when tied on, they are full of plaits, and though like A sack before the hinder part trails on the ground like the train of a large petticoat. Thus, though making a most ridiculous appearance, they think nothing comes up to their dress for elegance, and they often ask the Europeans if they ever saw a finer dress. Their women, both married and unmarried, go naked from the waist upwards, and wear a piece of cotton which covers them from the waist to the middle of the legs. Both sexes go barefooted, and have no coverings to their heads; and weave and tie their hair, though short, into neat tresses. The men often employ themselves in womens work, such as spinning, washing clothes, and such like employments.

This country is extremely hot, the month of January being not so cold as it is with us in Italy in the month of April; and the farther we went to the south, the weather became so much the hotter. Both men and women wash themselves four or five times a-day, and are very cleanly in their persons; but are by no means so in regard of eating, in which they observe no rule. Although very ignorant, and extremely awkward in any thing, to which they have not been accustomed, they are as expert as any European can be in their own business, and in all things with which they are acquainted. They are full of words, and extremely talkative, and are for the most part liars and cheats. Yet they are exceedingly hospitable, and charitably disposed, as they will most readily give a dinner, or a supper, or a nights lodging, to any stranger who comes to their houses, without expecting any remuneration or reward. The chiefs of these negroes are often at war against each other, or against the neighbouring tribes or nations; but they have no cavalry, for want of horses. In war, their only defensive armour is a large target, made of the skin of an animal called _Danta_, which is very difficultly pierced; and their principal weapons are _azagays_ or light darts, which they throw with great dexterity. These darts are pointed with iron, the length of a span, and barbed in different directions, so that they make dangerous wounds, and tear the flesh extremely when pulled out. They have also a Moorish weapon, much-bent like a Turkish sword or cimeter, and made of iron, without any steel, which they procure from the negroes on the river Gambia, as they either have no iron in their own country, or want knowledge or industry in working it. Having but few weapons, or rather no missiles, their wars are very bloody, as they soon come to close quarters, and their strokes seldom fall in vain; and, being extremely fierce and courageous, they will rather allow themselves to be slain as save themselves by flight; neither are they disheartened by seeing their companions slain. They have no ships, nor had they ever seen any before the Portuguese came upon their coast; but those who dwell upon the river Senegal, and some who are settled on the sea coast, have _zoppolies_ or canoes, called _almadias_ by the Portuguese, which are hollowed out of a single piece of wood, the largest of which will carry three or four men. They use these almadias for catching fish, and for transporting themselves up or down the river. The negroes of this country are the most expert swimmers in the world, as I can vouch from frequent experience of their dexterity.

[1] Cada Mosto is incorrect in the chronology of this discovery, and even de Barros is not quite decided as to the first discovery of the Senegal. He says that Denis Fernandez _passed_ it in 1446, and that Lancerot _discovered_ it in 1447; the latter of which is eight years before the visit of Cada Mosto.--Clarke.

[2] The northern mouth of the Senegal is in lat. 16° 40'. The southern in 15° 45', both N. so that the distance between them, or the length of the island mentioned in the text, is about sixty-two miles.--E.

[3] This fancy of all the great rivers in Africa being branches from one principal stream, is now known to be entirely erroneous.--Astl.

[4] Although the first kingdom, or kingdoms of the Negroes lies on the Senegal, Senega, or Sanaghas, and others along the Gambia, yet there were not properly any kingdoms of these names. On the north, indeed, of the Sanagha, lay the country of the Sanhaga, Azanaghi, or Azanhaji, from whence the river seems to have taken its name; but was divided among various tribes of people, and not under any one sovereign. Geographers, however, have since continued to propagate this first error.--Astl.

The Jalofs and Foulahs inhabit the country between the Senegal and Gambia, on which latter river the Feloops reside. What is meant by _Tukhusor_ in the text does not appear, unless it may obscurely indicate Karta.--E.

SECTION V.

_Continuation of the Voyage to the country of a King named Budomel, with some account of his Territory, and the Manners of his People_.

Having passed the river Senegal, we sailed about 800 miles farther south along the coast, which was all low land without mountains, till we came to the territory or kingdom of Budomel[1]. As some Portuguese, who had dealt with Budomel, represented him as a very just person, who paid for any goods he might receive, and might therefore be confided in, I stopped at his country, that I might endeavour to dispose of some Spanish horses I had on board, which are in great request among the Negroes; besides which, I had some cloth, Moorish wrought silks, and other commodities for sale. We came, therefore to anchor, at a place on the coast, called Palma di Budomel, which is only an open roadstead, and not a port. I immediately dispatched my negro interpreter on shore to inform this lord of my arrival, and of the goods I had on board for sale. Not long afterwards Budomel came himself to the beach, attended by about fifteen horsemen and an hundred and fifty foot, and sent a message desiring me to land, with professions of a friendly disposition, and promising to render me every attention and service in his power. I went accordingly on shore immediately, and was received with great civility. After some discourse, I delivered to him seven horses, with their furniture; and every other article for which he expressed an inclination, all of which had cost me 300 ducats, trusting to his honour for payment, which was to be in slaves, and which he promised to deliver at his own residence, which was twenty-five miles distant from the shore, whither he invited me to accompany him. To this invitation I readily agreed, induced as much by a desire of seeing the country, as on account of receiving payment. Before setting out however, Budomel made me a present of a beautiful negress, about twelve years of age, who, he said, was meant to serve me in the cabin; and I received the gift, and sent her on board the caravel.

I was furnished by Budomel with horses and every thing necessary for the journey; and when we arrived within four miles of his residence, he gave me in charge to his nephew Bisboror, who was lord of a small town or village at which we stopped. Bisboror took me to his own house, where I was treated with much civility and attention, during twenty-eight days which I tarried in that place. This was in November 1455. In that time I went often to visit Budomel, accompanied by his nephew, and had many opportunities to observe the produce of the country, and the manners of the inhabitants, more especially as, on account of the tempestuous weather, I was under the necessity of travelling back by land to the river Senegal. For, finding it impossible to get on board at the coast by reason of the surf, I had to order the ship to return to that river, and went there by land to re-embark. On this occasion, being very desirous to transmit instructions to those on board the ship to meet me at the river Senegal, I inquired among the negroes if any one would undertake to carry a letter from the shore. Several of them readily offered their services, though the ship lay three miles from the shore, and, owing to a strong wind, the sea broke on the shore with a tremendous surf, insomuch that I thought it impossible for any one to succeed in the attempt. Besides the surf, there were several sand banks near the shore, and other banks about half way to the ship, between which there ran a strong current, sometimes one way and sometimes the other, along shore, so that it was extremely difficult for any one to swim through without infinite danger of being carried away by the stream; and the sea broke with such violence on the banks, that it seemed quite impossible to surmount such complicated obstacles. Yet two of the negroes offered to go, and only demanded two _mavulgies_ of tin for each of them, one mavulgi being worth no more than a _grosso_[2], at which price they engaged to carry my letter in safety to the ship. I cannot express the difficulties which they encountered in passing the sand bank. They were sometimes out of sight for a considerable space, so that I often thought they were both drowned. At last, one of them, finding himself unable to resist the violence with which the waves broke over him, turned back; but the other, being stronger, got over the bank after struggling a whole hour, and, having carried the letter to the caravel, returned with an answer. This seemed to me very wonderful, and made me conclude that the negroes of this coast must be the most expert swimmers in the world.

It has been already observed, that those who are called lords in this country have neither castles nor cities, the king even having nothing but villages with thatched houses. Budomel is lord of one part of this kingdom, yet his place of residence was not a palace, nor even a walled house. These great men are not lords on account of their riches or treasure, as they possess neither, nor have they any coin in use among them; but they are considered as such out of courtesy, and on account of the great retinues by which they are always attended, being more feared and respected by their subjects than any of the lords in Italy. Budomel has several villages appointed for his own habitation and that of his wives, as he never fixes in one place. The village in which I resided with Bisboror was one of his habitations, containing between forty and fifty thatched cottages, built near one another, and surrounded with ditches and strong pallisades, having only one or two passages left for entering; and every house had a court-yard, inclosed by a hedge. According to report, Budomel had nine wives in this place, and more or less in several other villages. Each of these wives had five or six young negresses to attend upon her, with all of whom he might sleep when he pleased, without giving offence to the wives, for such is the custom of the country. Both sexes are extremely amorous; and Budomel strongly importuned me for philacteries, in which he had been informed the Europeans were very expert, and offered any reward within his power for my compliance. They are very jealous, and suffer no man to enter the houses which are inhabited by the women, not even their own sons.

Budomel is always attended by a retinue of at least 200 negroes, who are changed from time to time some going away and others coming back in their room; besides which, many people repair to wait upon him from the adjacent places which are under his government. Before arriving at his particular apartment there are seven large courts, one within the other, having a tree in the middle of each, where those wait who come to him on business. His family is distributed in these courts, according to their several ranks; the most considerable having their station in the court nearest his dwelling, and the meanest in the outermost court of all. Few people are allowed to approach his own particular apartment, except the Christians and Azanhaji, who have free admission and more liberty is allowed to them than to the negroes. This lord affects great state and gravity in his deportment, and does not allow himself, to be seen except an hour every morning, and for a short while in the evening; at which times he appears near the door of an apartment in the first court, into which only persons of note are permitted to enter. On these occasions of giving audience, every person who come to speak to him, however high may be his rank, is in the first place obliged to strip himself stark naked, except the small cloth in front formerly mentioned; and, immediately on entering the court, he falls down on his knees, bows down his head to the ground, and scatters dust with both hands on his own head and shoulders; neither is even the nearest relations of the lords exempted from this humiliating expression of their duty and obedience. The person, who receives an audience continues in this humble posture a great while, strewing himself with sand and crawling on his knees, till he approaches the great man; and when within two paces of his lord, he stops and begins to relate his case, still continuing on his knees, with his head down, and throwing sand an his head in token of great humility. All the time the lord scarcely appears to notice him and continues to discourse with other persons; and when the vassal has related his story, the lord gives him an answer in two words, with an arrogant aspect. Such is their affected pride and grandeur, and such the submission which is shewn him, which, in my opinion, proceeds from fear, as their lords, for every little fault they commit, take away their wives and children, and cause them to be sold as slaves.

Budomel treated me with the utmost attention and civility, and used to carry me in the evenings into a sort of mosque, where the Arab and Azanhaji priests, whom he had always about his person, used to say prayers. His manner on these occasions was as follows. Being entered into the mosque, which was in one of the courts belonging to his residence, and where he was attended by some of the principal negroes, he first stood some little time with his eyes lifted up as if it were to heaven, then, advancing two steps, he spoke a few words in a low tone; after which, he stretched himself on the ground, which he kissed; the Azanhaji and the rest of his attendants doing the same. Then rising up, he repeated the same series of actions repeatedly, for ten or twelve times, which occupied about half an hour. When all was over, he asked my opinion of their manner of worship, and desired one to give an account of the nature of our religion. On this I told him, in the presence of all his doctors, that the religion of Mahomet was false, and the Romish the only true faith. This made the Arabs and Azanhaji extremely angry; but Budomel laughed on the occasion, and said, that he considered the religion of the Christians to be good, as God alone could have gifted them with so much riches and understanding. He added, however, that in his opinion the Mahometan law must be good also; and he believed, that the Negroes were more sure of salvation than the Christians, because God was just, who had given a paradise to the Christians in this world, and would certainly give one to the Negroes in the next, as they possessed scarcely any good in this world in comparison. In all his discourse he shewed a good understanding, and took great pleasure in hearing the customs of the Christians described. I firmly believe he might easily have been converted to Christianity, had it not been from fear of losing his power, as I was often told by his nephew, with whom I lodged, and he took great delight in hearing me discourse of our religion. The table of Budomel, like all other lords and people of condition in this country, is supplied by his wives, in the same manner as has been already mentioned in regard to Zukholin, the king of Senegal; each wife sending him a certain number of dishes every day. He and the other lords eat on the ground, without any regularity or company, except the Arabs and Azanhaji, who are their teachers and priests, and one or two of their principal negro attendants. The inferior people eat in messes of ten or twelve each, having a basket full of victuals set in the midst, into which all put their hands at the same time. They eat but little at one meal, but repeat these four or five times a day.

[1] The text seems corrupted in giving so large a distance between the Senegal river and this country of king Budomel, as 800 miles to the south, or rather S. S. E. would carry us to what is called the _grain_, or windward coast of Guinea, in lat. 6° N. and, from the sequel, Cada Mosto does not appear to have passed Cape Verd till after quitting the country of Budomel. According to Brue, as quoted by Clarke, the king of Kayor or Kayhor was styled Damel. Kayor or Cayor appears on our maps above an hundred miles up the Senegal, and on its north side, which therefore can have no reference to the place in the text. I am disposed to believe, that the distance in the text ought only to have been 80 miles, and that the territory of Budomel was in the country of the Jalofs, between the Senegal and Cape Verd, at the mouth of a small river, on which our charts place two towns, Masaye and Enibaul, in lat. 15° 20' N.--E.

[2] The grosso, or Venetian groat, is worth about three farthings.--Astl.

SECTION VI.

_Account of the Country of Budomel continued_.

On account of the great heats in the kingdom of Senegal, and all the other countries of the Negroes on the coast, no wheat, rye, barley, or spelt, can grow, neither are vines cultivated, as we knew experimentally from a trial made with seeds from our ship: For wheat, and these other articles of culture, require a temperate climate and frequent showers, both of which are wanting here, where they have no rains during nine months of the year, from October to June both included. But they have large and small millet, beans, and the largest and finest kidney beans in the world, as large as hazle nuts, longer than those of the Venetian territory, and beautifully speckled with various colours as if painted. Their beans are large, flat, and of a lively red colour, and they have likewise white beans. They sow in July, at the beginning of the rains, and reap in September, when they cease; thus they prepare the soil, sow the seed, and get in the harvest, all in three months; but they are bad husbandmen, and so exceedingly averse to labour, that they sow no more than is barely sufficient to last them throughout the year, and never lay up any store for sale. In cultivating the ground, four or five of them go into a field with spades, with which they turn up the soil about four inches deep; yet such is the fertility of the soil, that it makes ample returns for this slight culture, without any farther trouble.

The liquors of the Negroes are water, milk, and palm wine, which they call mighol, or migwol, which is taken from a tree of the palm tribe, very numerous in this country, somewhat like the date tree, but not the same, and which furnishes this liquor the whole year round. The trees are tapped in two or three places near the root, and from these wounds a brown juice runs out, as thin as skimmed milk, into calabasses that are placed to receive the liquor, which drops but slowly, as one tree will only fill two calabasses from morning till night. This migwol, or palm- wine, is an exceedingly pleasant drink, which intoxicates like wine unless mixed with water. Immediately after it is drawn from the tree it is as sweet as any wine whatever; but the luscious taste goes off more and more as it is kept, and at length it becomes sour. It drinks better than at first after three or four days, as it depurates by keeping, and is not so sweet. I have often drank of it, indeed every day that I remained in the country, and liked it better than the wines of Italy. This liquor is not so abundant as that every one may have it at discretion; yet all may have some, especially the chiefs, as the trees are not planted in gardens, like vines and fruit trees in Europe, but are found wild in the forests, and are consequently accessible to all.

In this country there are several sorts of fruit which resemble those of Europe, though not exactly the same, and which are very good, though they grow wild; and, were they to be cultivated as ours are, would prove much better than such as are produced in the northern climates, the quality of the soil and air in this part of Africa being more nutritive. The whole country is plain and fertile, abounding in good pasture, and is covered by an infinite number of large and beautiful trees, that are not known in Europe. It contains several lakes of fresh water, none of them large, but very deep, and full of excellent fish, which differ much from those that are caught in Italy, and many water serpents, which the natives call _Kalkatrici_. They use a kind of oil with their victuals, which tastes like oil of olives, has a pleasant flavour of violets, and tinges the food even better than saffron, but I could not learn what it was produced from[1]. There is likewise a plant which produces large quantities of small kidney-beans.

In this country there are many kinds of animals, but serpents are particularly numerous, both large and small, some of which are venomous. The large ones are more than two paces long[2], but have neither legs nor wings, as has been reported by some persons, but some of them are so very thick as to have swallowed a goat at one morsel. These serpents retire in troops, as the natives report, to certain parts of the country where white ants are found in prodigious swarms, and which, by a kind of instinct, are said to build houses for these serpents, of earth which they carry in their months for that purpose, resembling ovens, and often to the number of 150 in one place[3]. The Negroes are great enchanters, and use charms upon almost all occasions, particularly in regard to serpents, over which they have great power. A Genoese, worthy of credit, who was in this country the year before my arrival, and who likewise lodged with Bisboror, the nephew of Budomel, told me he once heard a load noise of whistling about the house in the middle of the night. Being awakened by the noise, he saw Bisboror get out of bed and order two negroes to bring his camel. Being asked where he meant to go at that time of night, he said he had business which must be executed, but would soon return. On coming back after some time, and the Genoese expressing curiosity to learn the object in which he had been engaged, Bisboror asked if he had heard the hissing noise about the house during the night, and said that it had been made by the serpents, which would have killed a great many of his cattle, if he had not sent them back to their quarters by the employment of certain enchantments. The Genoese was astonished at this story, but Bisboror said he had no need to wonder at this small matter, as Budomed could do a great deal more extraordinary things with the serpents than he could. In particular, when he had a mind to envenom his weapons, he used to draw a large circle, into which, by means of his enchantments, he brought all the serpents of the neighbourhood, from which he selected those he thought most poisonous, and allowed all the others to go away. With the blood of these serpents, mixed up with the seeds of a certain tree, he infected his weapons with so deadly a poison, that, if they drew but the least drop of blood, the person or animal wounded by them was sure to die in a quarter of an hour. Bisboror farther offered to shew him an example of the efficacy of this art, but the Genoese declined witnessing the experiment. This story of the serpents is the more probable, that I have heard of persons in Italy who could charm them in a similar manner; but I am apt to believe that the Negroes are the most expert sorcerers in the world.

The only tame animals in the kingdom of Senegal are oxen, cows, and goats; having no sheep, which love a temperate or cold air, and could not live in this hot climate. Nature, however, has provided mankind with necessaries fitted for their various occasions; having furnished the Europeans with wool, as they have need of warm clothing, while the Negroes, who live in such intense heat, have been supplied with cotton by the Almighty. Owing to the heat, in my opinion, the cattle of this country are much smaller than those of Italy. It is a great rarity to see a red cow in this country, as they are all black or white, or mottled with black and white spots. Beasts of prey, such as lions, leopards, and wolves, are numerous, and there are plenty of hares. Wild elephants go about in troops, like the wild swine in Italy, but can never be tamed, as they are in other parts of the world. As the elephant is a well-known animal, I shall only observe in general, that those of Africa are of a very large size, as may be easily conceived by the size of their teeth, which are imported into Europe. Of these large teeth, or tusks rather, each elephant has two in the lower jaw, the points of which turn down, whereas those of the wild boar are turned up. Before my voyage to Africa I had been told that the elephant could not bend its knee, and slept standing; but this is an egregious falsehood for the bending of their knees can be plainly perceived when they walk, and they, certainly lie down and rise again like other animals. They never shed their large teeth before death; neither do they do any harm to man unless provoked. In that case the elephant makes his attack with his trunk, which is a kind of nose, protruded to a great length. He can contract and extend this proboscis at pleasure, and is able to toss a man with it as far as a sling can throw a stone. It is in vain to think of escape by running, let the person be ever so swift, in case the elephant pursues in earnest, as his strides are of prodigious length. They are more dangerous when they have young ones in their company than at any other time; of which the females have only, three or four at a birth. They feed on the leaves and fruit of trees, pulling down the large boughs with their trunks, and bringing them to their mouths. This trunk is composed of a very thick cartilage, and is pliable in every direction.

There are many kinds of birds in this country, and parrots are particularly numerous, which are much hated by the negroes, because they do much damage to their crops of pulse and millet. There are said to be several kinds of parrots, but I never saw more than two. One of these is like the kind which is brought into Italy from Alexandria in Egypt, but rather smaller. The other kind is much larger, having a brown head, neck, bill, and legs, with a yellow and green body. I procured a considerable number of both sorts, particularly of the smaller kind, many of which died; but I brought 150 back to Portugal, where I sold them for half a ducat each. These birds are very industrious in constructing their nests, which they build with bulrushes and the small leaves of the palm, and other trees, in a very curious and ingenious manner. Choosing the slenderest branch of a tree, the parrot fastens a bulrush of about two spans long to its outer extremity, at the depending end of which rush it weaves its nest in a most beautiful manner, suspended like a ball, and having only one passage for entering. By this means they contrive to preserve their young from being devoured by the serpents, as the small twigs from which the nests are suspended are unable to bear the weight of the serpents. There are likewise abundance of those birds called Pharaoh's hens[4] in Europe, which come to us out of the Levant. They have likewise other birds, both large and small, which are quite different from any that are known in Italy.

As I was long on shore, I went several times to see their markets or fairs, which were held every Monday and Friday in a meadow, not far from where I resided. The men and women, from four or five miles around, came to this place with their various commodities, and those who lived at a greater distance, went to other markets nearer their habitations. The great poverty of the natives appeared manifest in the goods they brought to these fairs; consisting of small quantities of cotton cloth, and cotton yarn, pulse, oil, millet, wooden tubs, palm matts, and every thing else useful to life, according to their manners, likewise arms, and some small quantities of gold. Having no money or coin of any kind, all their trade was carried on by way of barter, or exchange of one thing for another, sometimes two or three things for one, according to their different values. All these blacks used to gaze on me, as if I had been a prodigy, having never seen a white man before. Some took hold of my hands, which they rubbed with spittle, to see if the whiteness was natural or artificial, and expressed their wonder to find that my skin was not painted. They were as much astonished at my dress, being clothed in the Spanish fashion, with a black damask waistcoat, and a cloak over it: They seemed much surprised at the waistcoat, and greatly admired the woollen cloth, which they had never seen any of before. My chief purpose in going to these fairs, was to see what quantity of gold was brought thither.

Horses are very scarce, and of great value in the country of the Negroes, being brought all the way from that part of Barbary which lies nearest to Europe, by the Arabs and Azanhaji. Owing to the great heat, horses do not live long here; for they grow so fat that they cannot stale, and so burst. They are fed with bean leaves, which are gathered after the beans are brought from the fields; and, being dried like hay, are cut small, and given to the horses instead of oats. They give millet also, which contributes greatly to make them fat. A horse and his furniture sells for from nine to fourteen negroes, according to his goodness and beauty; and when a negro lord buys a horse, he sends for his horse sorcerers, who cause a fire to be kindled of the stalks of certain herbs, and hold the horses head by the bridle over the smoke, while they repeat over some few words by way of incantation. They afterwards have him anointed all over with fine oil, and having kept him eighteen or twenty days, without allowing any one to see him, they affix some Moorish charms to his neck, which have the appearance of small square billets of writing, folded up and covered with red leather; and affirm, that, they will go into battle with greater safety by means of these scrolls or annulets.

The women of this country are very pleasant and merry, especially the young ones, and delight in singing and dancing, taking this diversion only at night by moonlight; and their manner of dancing is very different from that of the Italians. Many things in our ships seemed wonderful to the Negroes, particularly our cross-bows; but much more our artillery. When some of them were on board my ship, I caused one of the guns to be fired off, which threw them into a dreadful panic; and their terror was much increased on being told that one cannon-shot could kill an hundred men. On which account, they alleged that it must be something belonging to the devil. They were likewise greatly astonished at a bag-pipe, which, one of our sailors played upon to divert them; and, on examining the several parts and ornaments of the instrument, they conceived that it was a living animal, which sung in different voices. Observing their simplicity, I told them it was a musical instrument, and put it into their hand unblown to examine. They then perceived that it was a work of art, but believed that it was something supernatural, and could only have been devised by a superior being, it sounded so sweetly, and in so many different tones, having never heard any thing which could be compared to it in their estimation. The ship, also, and its various contrivances, as its anchors, masts, sails, and shrouds, afforded them great subjects for admiration and wonder. They looked upon the port-holes in the stern as real eyes, by which the vessel was able to find her way in the sea; and observed, that travellers on land found difficulty to find the road from one place to another, while we were able to travel along the trackless ocean; and that the whites must therefore be the greatest of sorcerers, not inferior to the devil himself. They shewed great admiration on seeing a lighted candle in a candlestick, having themselves no other artificial light but that proceeding from a fire. They have honey-combs, but when they find these, they suck out the honey, and throw away the empty comb as useless. At one time, I bought some honey-combs from a negro, and shewed him how to extract the honey; after which, on asking him if he knew what remained, he said it was good for nothing: But he was greatly astonished on seeing it made into candles, and lighted in his presence; saying, that the Europeans knew every thing. Their only musical instruments are two, one of which they have from the Moors, which is like a large drum[5]; the other is somewhat like a fiddle, having only two strings, which they play on with their fingers, but gives no sounds that can be called harmonious.

[1] This is almost certainly palm oil, the origin of which will appear in another division of this work.--E.

[2] The text must be here erroneous, as two paces, or ten feet, will scarcely suffice in describing the boa constrictor, sometimes near thirty feet long.--E.

[3] An account of the termites, or white ants of Africa, will appear hereafter. The circumstance of serpents taking up their abode in the large anthills, must be entirely accidental.--E.

[4] Probably the Pintado, or Guinea fowl.--E.

[5] This in Ramusio is called Tabacche, and Sambuka in Grynaeus.--Astl.

SECTION VII.

_Continuation of the Voyage from Senegal, by Cape Verd, the river Barbasini, and to the river Gambia; and, returns to Portugal._

Having seen a considerable part of the dominions of Budomel, and received the slaves which, were bargained for, in exchange for my horses and other merchandize, I resolved to proceed on my voyage, round Cape Verd, and to prosecute discoveries along this dangerous coast, and in particular, to go in search of the kingdom of Gambia or Gambia, which Don Henry had pointed out, on the information of a person who was well acquainted with the country of the Negroes, as not far from Senegal, and from whence, it was reported, that considerable quantities of gold might be procured. Longing to go in quest of this gold, I took my leave of Budomel, and repaired to the river Senegal, where I went on board the caravel and got under weigh, as soon as possible. Soon after leaving the river Senegal, as we were standing onward with a press of sail towards Cape. Verd, we descried, one morning two ships in the offing. On joining company, we found that one of these belonged to Antonio, an experienced Genoese navigator, and the other to some gentlemen in the service of Don Henry, and that they had sailed in company, with the intention of passing Cape Verd, to explore the coast beyond it, in search of new discoveries. Our intentions being similar, I offered to join company, and we accordingly proceeded together along the coast to the southward, in sight of land.

We came in sight of that cape next day, being about thirty Italian miles from our last anchorage[1]. Cape Verd was so named by the Portuguese, who discovered it about a year before[2], because it is covered with trees which continue green all the year. This is a high and beautiful cape, which runs a considerable way into the sea, and has two hills or small mountains at its outer extremity. There are several villages of the Senegal negroes, or Jalofs, upon and about this promontory, which are composed of thatched cabins close by the shore, and in sight of those who sail past. There are also some sand banks, which extend about half a mile into the sea[3].

Having doubled the cape, we came to three small uninhabited islands, full of green trees[4]; and being in want of water, we anchored at that which seemed the largest and most fruitful, in hopes of meeting with a spring, but could find none to answer our purpose. We met, however, with the nests and eggs of several kinds of birds, such as we had never seen before. This was in the month of July 1456, and we continued here all day, fishing with lines and large hooks, catching a prodigious number of fish, among which were _dentali_, and gilded fish[5], some of which weighed from twelve to fifteen pounds each. On the next day we proceeded in our course, keeping always in sight of land, and found a kind of gulf formed by the coast on the south side of the cape[6]. This coast is all low, and full of fine large trees, which are continually green, as the new leaves grow before the old ones fall off, and they never wither like those in Europe; and the trees grow so near the shore, that they seem to drink as it were the water of the sea. The coast is most beautiful, insomuch that I never saw any thing comparable to it, though I had sailed much both in the Levant and the western parts of Europe. It is well watered every where by small rivers, but these are useless for trade, as they do not admit ships of any size. Beyond this little gulf, the coast is inhabited by two negro nations, called Barbasini and Serreri, which are not subject to the king of Senegal, neither have they any king or lord of their own; but one person is more honoured than another, according to his condition or quality. They are great idolaters, without laws, and living in almost a state of nature, and extremely cruel, and refuse to become subjected to any lord. That their wives and children may not be taken from them and sold as slaves, as is the custom among all the negro nations which are under subjection to kings or lords, they use bows and poisoned arrows, the wounds from which are incurable, if even the smallest blood is drawn, and the wounded person or animal soon dies. Their colour is jet black, and their persons are well made. The country is full of woods, lakes, and streams, from which they derive great security, as they can only be invaded through narrow defiles, by which means they set the neighbouring lords at defiance. In former times, the kings of Senegal often attempted to reduce these two nations under obedience, but were always worsted, owing to the natural strength of the country, and their arrows. Running along the coast to the south with a fair wind, we discovered the mouth of a river about a bow-shot wide, but not deep, to which we gave the name of the _Barbasini_ river, and have marked it on the chart which I made of the coast, as sixty miles from Cape Verd[7]. In sailing along the coast, we only made sail at sun rise, having a man continually on the top, and two others on the prow or head, to look out for breakers, and always came to anchor at sun set, about four or five miles from the land, in ten or twelve fathoms water.

Proceeding on our voyage in this cautious manner, we came to the mouth of a river which appeared to be as large as the Senegal[8]; and struck by the fineness of its appearance, and its rich woods which came down to the very shores, we cast anchor, and determined to send one of our negro interpreters on shore, to endeavour to establish a friendly intercourse with the natives. Every ship which sails from Portugal for the coast of Africa is supplied with some of these negro interpreters, who consist of slaves that had been sold by the lords of Senegal to the first Portuguese who touched on the coast, and who have learnt the Portuguese language and become Christians. These are hired from their masters in Portugal, who receive, for their hire, a prime slave from the cargo on returning from the voyage; and when any of these interpreters have thus earned four slaves for their master, they become free. Having cast lots to determine which of the three ships should send an interpreter on shore, it fell on the ship commanded by the Genoese gentleman; on which he sent an armed boat, ordering the men not to touch the shore, but to push off as soon as they had landed the interpreter; who was charged to inform himself respecting the condition and government of the country, and to inquire whether it produced gold or any other commodity worth coming for. No sooner was the interpreter landed, and the boat shoved off to some distance as ordered, than several natives came out of the wood, who had been in ambush, with bows, arrows, and other weapons, from the time they saw our ships approach the coast, as if they had been in hopes that some of our people might land upon the coast. After a short parley with our interpreter, they furiously assaulted him with their _gomies_, or short Moorish swords, and slew him; our people in the boat being unable to give him any assistance. This intelligence was brought to the ships, where it excited much surprise; and, concluding that these people must be extremely barbarous, who could treat one of their own race with so much barbarity, and would consequently use us cruelly if in their power, we immediately weighed anchor, and stood on our voyage farther to the south, which improved in the beauty and verdure of the trees as we advanced, always sailing within sight of the coast, which is everywhere low land covered with trees.

We came at length to the mouth of a very large river, which is not less than six or eight miles wide at the entrance, and narrows a little way within to three or four miles, and finding that it could be safely entered, we determined to cast anchor for the night; and to endeavour to learn next day if this were the river and kingdom of Gambra, or Gambia, of which we were in search[9]. We judged, however, from its noble river, that we had now attained the so anxiously desired country of Gambia, and flattered ourselves in the hope of finding a country of vast riches, where we might make our fortunes at once, by returning laden with gold, and other rich commodities. Next day, having but little wind, we sent on the small caravel before, well manned, with directions, as their ship was small and drew little water, that they were to proceed as far as possible up the river, observing whether there were any bar or sand banks at its mouth, and to take the soundings with great care; and if the river were found navigable, they were to return and make signals to that effect. Finding four fathoms water at the entrance, the caravel brought to, and made the concerted signal; on which it was thought proper, as that caravel was small, to send another boat well armed along with her up the river, and they were strictly enjoined, in case the natives were hostile, to enter into no conflict with them, but to return immediately to the other ships, as the object of our voyage was to cultivate friendship and trade with the country, which could only be accomplished by policy, not by force. The boats accordingly proceeded up the river for two miles, leaving the small caravel at anchor, and found the banks everywhere beautiful, with sixteen fathoms water. But as the river above this made several returns or reaches, they did not think it prudent to venture any higher.

When on their way back, they saw three _almadias_ or canoes near the mouth of a small river which runs into the large one. These almadias resemble the skiffs used in Italy which are called _zoppoli_, and are hollowed out of one large piece of wood. Although our boats were strongly armed, yet, in obedience to their orders, and for fear of being attacked with poisoned arrows, which the Negroes of Senegal had told us were used by all the natives of Gambia, they took to their oars, and made all possible haste back to the ship. By the time they got on board, the almadias, which followed them close, were within arrow flight. There were about twenty-five or thirty negroes in these three almadias, who stopped for some time gazing at the caravel, which was quite a new sight to them; but would neither speak nor come nearer, notwithstanding every endeavour by signs, to induce them to approach, and at length they returned to the shore. About three next morning, the other three caravels that had remained at anchor without the river, sailed with the rising tide and a light breeze, into the river, to rejoin the small caravel, and to proceed up the river, hoping to meet with a more civilized people than had been seen in the almadias. In this way we sailed up the river, one after the other, the small caravel leading; and when we had got about four miles up, we perceived ourselves to be followed by a number of _almadias_, without knowing whence they came. On this, we tacked about, and bore down towards the almadias, having first fortified ourselves in the best manner we could, to defend us against their poisoned arrows, and made every thing ready for battle, in case of need, though by no means well provided with arms. Our order of sailing was now reversed, and my ship was foremost in going down the river. We soon came to the almadias, which separated into two divisions, having my ship between them, when I had an opportunity to count their numbers, as they gave over rowing, raised their oars, and gazed in wonder at our ship: There were in all fifteen almadias of considerable length, having from 130 to 150 negroes, all well made, of a good size, and very black. They wore white cotton shirts, having white caps, like those worn by the Germans, on their heads; but with a wing on each side, and a feather in the middle, which I supposed to be a distinguishing mark of their being soldiers. There stood a negro on the prow of each almadia, having a round target, apparently of leather, on his arm; and for some time they neither attacked us, nor we them. When they saw the other caravels bearing down upon them, they dropped their oars, and taking up their bows, sent a flight of arrows on board. Seeing this attack, our ships discharged four pieces of cannon, at them, and they were so stupified by the report, that they threw down their bows, and stared about in amazement, at the effect which the stones from the cannon made on the water around them. They continued in this astonishment for some time; but seeing that the cannon ceased to fire, they plucked up courage, and renewed the fight, advancing within a stones throw of the ship. On this our sailors began to use their cross-bows; and the first shot, which was made by the natural son of the Genoese gentleman, hit a negro on the breast, who instantly fell down dead. Those in the almadia where he fell, took up the dart and gazed at it with wonder; yet they continued the attack with great vigour, and were courageously opposed by our caravels, insomuch that many of the Negroes were soon killed, without the loss of one man on our side. The Negroes now changed their mode of attack, and made a furious united attack on the stern of our smallest caravel, which was both ill manned, and insufficiently armed. On observing this, I brought up my ship to her assistance, and the other large caravel doing the same, we placed the small one between us, and we all vigorously plied our cannon and cross-bows against the almadias, which were at last forced to retire. We now linked all the three caravels together, and dropped one anchor, which was sufficient for us all, as it was calm weather, and the current by no means strong.

We next endeavoured to enter into some conversation with the Negroes, and often hailed them by means of our interpreters. At length one of the almadias drew near, and on being asked the reason of their hostility to strangers, who came among them only to trade in a friendly manner, as they had already done with the Negroes of the kingdom of Senegal, and were desirous of being on the same friendly terms with them, if they thought proper, and were come from a far distant country, with presents for their king or lord, from the king of Portugal, who was desirous of peace and friendship with them. Our interpreters also entreated the Negroes to inform us what country we were in, who was their king, and what was the name of the river; and desired them to come freely on board, and take what goods they pleased; adding, that they might make a return in any commodities they thought proper, and in any quantities they pleased, or might have our goods for nothing. To all this they made answer, "That they had some intelligence of the Christians already, and of their dealings with the Negroes of Senegal, who must be very wicked people for entering into friendship with them; as they were well assured the Christians were meneaters, who bought the Negroes only to devour them, and, for this reason, they were resolved to have no correspondence with them, except to destroy them, and then to send their effects to their lord, who dwelt three days journey up the country." They added, that the name of their country was Gambra, but I have forgotten the name they gave the river[10]. At this time a brisk breeze sprung up, and, as we now thoroughly knew the hostile dispositions of the Negroes, we bore down upon their almadias; but they fled to the shore, and we dropt down to the mouth of the river.

While we remained off the mouth of this river, we only once saw the north star in clear weather, and it was then so low as hardly to appear above the height of a lance above the sea[11]. We likewise observed, in about the same elevation, due south by the compass, a constellation of six large bright stars, in the figure of a cross, in this form:

* * * * * *

We conjectured this to be the _southern chariot_, but could not expect to observe the principal star, as we had not yet lost sight of the north pole. In this place, on the _first_ of July, we found the night to be eleven hours and a half long, and the day twelve hours and a half. The climate is always hot, and I was told, that even the rain in the inland parts falls warm, in consequence of the great heat of the air. It is true, that there is some difference of the heat at different seasons, and when the heat is a little diminished, the natives call it winter. The rains begin in July, and continue till the end of October, and fall every day about noon; at which time certain clouds arise in the N.E. by E. or E.N.E. which are accompanied by prodigious thunder and lightning, and vast torrents of rain. In this season, which is in the beginning of July, the Negroes sow their grain, in the same manner with the people in Senegal. Their provisions consist of millet, pulse, flesh and milk. There is not so much dawn at break of day in this southern latitude as with us in Italy; for, within half an hour after the darkness of the night begins to dispel, the sun appears, and during all that dawn the atmosphere is turbid, as if filled with smoke, and the moment the sun appears this mist is dissipated. I could only account for this phenomenon, by attributing it to the low and flat surface of this country, which is destitute of mountains, and my companions were of a similar opinion.

On holding a consultation among the commanders of the three caravels, we came to a resolution of proceeding about an hundred miles up the river, in hopes of meeting with a less ferocious, and better disposed people in the interior, than those we had encountered at the mouth of this river: But the sailors were impatient to return home, without incurring any farther dangers, and unanimously and loudly refused their consent to our determination, declaring that they had already done enough for the present voyage. Upon this being made known to us, and being well aware that seamen are of headstrong and obstinate dispositions, we conceded to their clamours, and steered next day for Cape Verd, on our return to Portugal[12].

[1] Cape Verd is about 100 miles from the southern mouth of the river Senegal; so that the voyagers probably anchored every night within sight of the scarcely known coast.--E.

[2] This is erroneous, as it was discovered in 1446 by Denis Fernandez, nine years before.--Clarke.

[3] It is necessary to be cautious with respect to these early voyages, which, having gone through various transcriptions and translations, are liable to numerous errors. In our best charts, this sand bank, intermixed with sunk rocks, extends two miles out to sea.--E.

[4] Called the Birds islands, or the Magdalens.--Clarke.

[5] In Ramusio these fish are called Orate vecchis, and in Grynaeus Ostreas veteres.--Astl.

[6] This appears to indicate the gulf between Cape Emanuel, near the isle of Goree, and the Red Cape.--E.

[7] The river named Barbasini is above eighty-five miles S.S.E. from Cape Verd, measuring to its northern entrance, and forms a small island or delta at its mouth, having another entrance about eighteen miles farther south. There is a small island named _Fetti_, off its northern entrance, of which no notice is taken by Cada Mosto. The natives on this part of the coast, to the north of the Gambia, are now called Barras.--E.

[8] From the sequel, I am apt to conclude that this second river is the Barbasini of our charts; and that the river named Barbasini in the text of Cada Mosto, is that named _Joall_ in modern charts.--E.

[9] Cada Mosto betrays strange ignorance of the previous discoveries of the Portuguese, considering that he had resided some time with Don Henry at Sagres. This fine river was discovered in 1447, nine years before, by Nuno Tristan, who ascended it some way, and was slain there by the poisoned arrows of the Negroes. Perhaps even Don Henry was misled by the name of Rio Grande which it then received, and confused the Venetian in his search for the Gambia.--Clarke.

[10] From this it would appear, that Gambra or Gambia is the name of the country, not of the river. Johnson says that the natives always call it _Gee_, which merely signifies the river.--Astl.

[11] The centre of the mouth of the Gambia is in lat. 13° 30' N.--E.

[12] It may be noticed, that during the whole of his narrative, Cada Mosto constantly speaks of Spain, and the Spanish language, as if forgetting that the ships and crews were Portuguese.--Clarke.

SECTION VIII.

_The Second Voyage of Cada Mosto, in 1456, to the coast of Africa, in which the Cape de Verd Islands were Discovered_[1].

As I could say little or nothing about the condition of the country of Gambia, on my return to Portugal, on account of being obliged to leave it so suddenly; partly owing to the intractable and fierce disposition of the natives, and partly through the perversity of our sailors, who refused to proceed in exploring the river; the Genoese gentleman, Antonio, who had been with me in the former voyage, and I, resolved next season to fit out two caravels, in order to return to the river Gambia, and Don Henry, who was much pleased with our intentions, determined to send one of his caravels along with us. Every thing being made ready for our voyage, we sailed from Lagos, near Cape St Vincent, with a favourable wind, in the beginning of May, and steered for the Canaries, which we made in a few days; but, as the wind continued favourable, we did not touch there, and continued our course, to the southward; and, as we were favoured by a current setting to the S. W. we sailed on at a great rate. At last we came in sight of Cape Branco, keeping well out at sea, and on the following night we were assailed by a great storm from the S. W. which occasioned us to steer W. by N. for two days and three nights, in order to weather the tempest, rather than turn back. On the third day, to our great joy and surprise, we descried land, being much astonished to discover land in a quarter where no person could have expected it[2]. Two men were immediately sent aloft, who cried out that two large islands were in sight. This news was communicated through the ships, to our great satisfaction, as we were sensible these islands were unknown in Portugal. Judging it probable that these islands might be inhabited, and eager to try our fortune, we steered towards one of them, which we soon came up with, and sailed round a part of it, till we found safe anchorage. The weather being now much calmed, we sent our boat on shore, well manned and armed. The men landed, and having examined some part of the island, brought back word that they could meet with no signs of inhabitants whatever.

Next morning, to clear up all doubts, I sent ten men to land on the island, well armed with guns and cross-bows, whom I ordered to go to the top of some mountains within sight, and to look from thence, not only for people, but for more islands. These men executed my commands, but found no appearance of any inhabitants. They found, however, an incredible number of pigeons, which were so tame, being strangers to man, that they readily allowed themselves to be caught, and our people brought great numbers of them to the caravels. But, what was of much more importance, they brought intelligence of having discovered three other islands; one of which being to leeward, towards the north, could not be seen from the ships, while the other two lay to the south, all within sight of each other. These men likewise noticed something resembling islands towards the west, but at so great a distance that they could not be clearly distinguished, neither did I think proper to sail in that direction, lest I should lose time in visiting uninhabited islands, like this at which we had touched. The fame of my discovery of these four islands, brought other navigators afterwards to explore this group; who round them to be ten in number, both large and small included, and altogether uninhabited, except by pigeons and other birds, and having a fine fishery[3].

Leaving the first island, we came in sight of the other two, and searched for an anchoring place near one of them, which was full of trees. Discovering the mouth of a river, and being in want of water, we came to anchor, and sent our boats on shore to supply our wants. Some of our people went a little way up the river, where they found some small lakes containing remarkably fine white salt, of which they brought large quantities to the ships, laying in what store was thought necessary, as we did likewise of water. We found here great numbers of tortoises, or turtle, the shells of which were larger than a target. The sailors cooked these into different dishes, as they had done before in the gulf of Arguin, where these animals are found in plenty, but not so large as here. Out of curiosity I eat some of the flesh of these tortoises, which seemed very good, having a good smell and taste, and was not inferior to veal. We salted a great number of them, which proved a valuable addition to our stock of provisions during the voyage. We caught likewise a prodigious quantity of fish, both off the mouth of the river and in the stream; and, though we knew not the kinds, they were large and well-flavoured. The mouth of this river is a good arrow-shot across, and it is deep enough to admit a vessel of 150 tons. We remained two days in this place for refreshments, taking in a good stock of tortoises and fish, and large quantities of pigeons, which we killed without number. To the first island at which we anchored we gave the name of _Bona Vista_, as being the first we got sight of; and to this other, which seemed the largest of the four, the name of St Jago, having cast anchor there on the day of St Philip and St James. Every thing being in readiness for pursuing our voyage, we took our departure from these islands, and shaped our course for Cape Verd. We arrived at _Spedegar_, and keeping within sight of land, we came to a place named the _Two Palms_, which is between Cape Verd and the river Senegal. Being perfectly acquainted with the coast, we doubled the Cape next day, and came once more to the river Gambia, into which we immediately entered; and, finding no opposition from the Negroes or their almadias, we sailed up the river, always by day, and continually sounding. Such of the almadias as we saw on the river kept at a distance, close to the banks of the river, and never ventured to approach. About ten miles up the river we cast anchor on a Sunday morning, at an island where one of our sailors was buried who had died of a fever; and as his name happened to be Andrew, we called it the island of St Andrew[4].

Leaving this island we proceeded up the river, followed by some of the Negroes in their almadias, yet always keeping at a considerable distance. Our interpreters often hailed them, and shewed them various trinkets, which were offered for their acceptance, and endeavoured to entice them to come near, by telling them that we were good-natured civilized people, from whom they had nothing to fear. Wrought upon by these representations, the Negroes at length approached, and came up with my caravel; and at last one of them, who understood the language of our interpreter, came on board. He was greatly surprized at every thing he saw in and about the caravel, especially with the sails and rigging, having no other idea of moving a vessel on the water but by means of oars. He was no less amazed at our colour and dress, as his nation mostly go stark naked, or with a single white cotton shirt as their sole dress. We were exceedingly kind and attentive to this Negro, and made him many presents of trinkets, and other things of small value, with which he was much delighted. I asked him many questions respecting the country, through our interpreter, and at length learnt that we were in the country of Gambia, of which Forosangoli was chief lord; and, by what we could learn from him, the residence of Forosangoli was at the distance of nine or ten days journey, in a direction between the south and the southwest. He said that Forosangoli was tributary to the king of Melli, who is the great emperor of the Negroes; that there were many inferior lords, who dwelt near the river on both sides, and, if we pleased, he would conduct us to the residence of one of these lords, named Battimansa, and would endeavour to negociate a treaty of peace and friendship between him and us. Being much pleased with this offer, we carried this Negro along with us, and treated him with much attention; and, sailing up the river, we came to the place where Battimansa resided, which, in my opinion, was above forty miles from the mouth of the river. In going up the river, into which several lesser rivers fall, we sailed to the eastwards, and at the place where we came to anchor, we found it much narrower than at the mouth, being not above a mile in breadth, by our estimation[5]. On coming to this place, we sent one of our interpreters and the native Negro to Battimansa, with a present of a handsome garment, called an _alzimba_, made of Moorish silk, in the form of a shirt; and they were desired to inform him of the reason of our coming into his country, signifying, "That the Christian king of Portugal had sent us thither, to enter into a treaty of friendship and peace with him, and that if he had any call for our commodities, our king would supply him with them every year."

As soon as our messengers had discharged their commission, Battimansa sent some of his Negroes to the caravel, with whom we entered into friendship, and bartered several things for Negro slaves and some gold; but gold was by no means to be had in any thing like the plenty we expected, from the account given of this country by the natives of Senegal, who, being themselves extremely poor, consider that to be a large quantity which we think very trifling. The Negroes value their gold as a very precious thing, even at a higher rate than the Portuguese, yet we got it in barter very reasonably for things of very small value. We continued here eleven days, during which the caravels were continually resorted to by great numbers of Negroes from both sides of the river, who came to see the novelties, and to sell their goods, among which there were a few gold rings. Part of their commodities consisted of cotton cloth and cotton yarn; some of the pieces being all white, some striped blue and white, and others again with red, blue, and white stripes, all very well wrought and coloured. They likewise brought civet for sale, the skins of civet-cats, monkies, large and small baboons of various sorts; and these last being very plenty they sold them cheap, or for something not exceeding ten _marquets_ in value, for each; and the ounce of civet for what was not worth more than forty or fifty marquets; not that they sold their commodities by weight, but I judged the quantity to be about an ounce. Other Negroes brought various sorts of fruit for sale, among which were many small wild dates, which they seemed to think much of, but which our people thought not good, as the taste was different from those of Europe: As for me, I would not venture to eat any of them, lest they might have given me the flux, or some other distemper. Our ships were every day crowded with people of different aspects and languages[6], and the natives were continually going up and down the river from one place to another, both men and women, in their almadias. They have no sails, and propel their almadias entirely with oars, which they use on both sides, all the rowers standing up. One man stands at the stern, who rows sometimes on one side, sometimes on the other, to keep the almadia steady in her course. They have no pins or row- locks to steady their oars, but hold them fast with both hands; their oar being a pole, like a half lance, seven feet and a half long, with a round board like a trencher fastened to one end, and with these they row with great safety and swiftness, in the mouths of their rivers, which are very numerous; but they seldom go out to sea, or to any distance from their own coasts, lest they should be taken by their neighbours and sold for slaves.

[1] There is some difficulty respecting the date of this second voyage. In the former, Cada Mosto sailed from Portugal in March 1455. In the course of his proceedings, the month of November is mentioned, and some subsequent transactions are said to have happened in July, which, on this arrangement, must necessarily have been of the year 1456. If, therefore, the dates of the former voyage be accurate, the second ought to have been dated in 1457.--E.

[2] This part of the narrative is involved in difficulty, and most be erroneous. A storm from the S. W. off Cape Branco, almost in lat. 21° N. and a N. W. course, could not possibly lead to the discovery of the Cape Verd islands, almost six degrees farther south, and at least six degrees farther west. This difficulty may be solved, by supposing the storm from the N.E. and that the ships drove to the S.W. from off Cape Branco.--E.

[3] This passage alludes to the voyage of Antonio de Noli in 1462. And it may be remarked, that de Faria, who mentions the discovery of these islands by Noli, takes no notice of the actual discovery by Cada Mosto. --Astl.

[4] The editor of Astleys Collection considers this as having been St Jameses island, which is about twenty miles up the Gambia: But there is a small island near the northern bank, now called Charles I. which exactly corresponds with the distance in the text.--E.

[5] According to our best maps or charts of the Gambia, this river is never less than four miles broad, and generally above five, till we get near 100 miles up the river, to the reach which encircles the Devils Point, where it still is two miles wide. It is possible that the original journal of Cada Mosto may have had leagues of three marine miles each, in which case the residence of Battimansa may have been at or near the Devils Point, above 100 miles up the river.--E.

[6] Though this country will be amply described in other voyages in our Collection, it may be proper to remark, that both sides of the river Gambia are inhabited by a mixed population of three nations, the Feloops, Foleys, and Mandingoes, each of whom have their own separate villages interspersed. This population is divided into many states, lordships, or little kingdoms; as Joalli, Barrah, Kolar, Badibu, Barsalli, &c. on or near the northern bank; Kumbo, Fonia, Kaen, Jagra, Yamini, &c. on the southern.--E.

SECTION IX.

_Some Account of the Manners and Customs on the Gambia, and of the Elephant and Hippopotamus._

It now remains for me to relate what I observed and was informed of concerning this country, during my short stay. The religion of the Negroes of Gambia consists of various kinds of idolatry; they place great reliance on sorcery and other diabolical things, yet all believe in God. There are many Mahometans among them, who trade to many countries, yet are not settled in houses, because the natives are ignorant[1]. They live very much in the same manner with the natives of Senegal, and have the same kinds of provisions; but they cultivate more sorts of rice. They eat dogs flesh, which I never heard of being used anywhere else. They are clothed in cotton garments, and have great abundance of cotton in their country, which may be the reason of the Gambians not going naked, as those of Senegal do, where cotton is very scarce. The women dress in the same manner; and, when they are very young, take great delight in delineating figures on their necks, breasts, and arms, with the point of a hot needle, which are never obliterated, and which resemble the flowers and ornaments which are wrought on silk handkerchiefs. The country is excessively hot, and the heat increases as we go to the south; besides which, we found it much hotter up the river than at sea, owing to the immense number of trees with which the country everywhere abounds. Some of these trees are of very great dimensions. Near a spring where our sailors were in use to fill our water casks, not far from the banks of the river, there grew an exceedingly large tree, but its height was by no means proportional to its thickness; for, though it measured seventeen cubits in girth near the ground, its height, by estimation, was only twenty paces. This tree was hollow, but the branches were very large, avid extended to a great distance, forming a thick and ample shade. But there were many other trees much larger than this, by which the richness and fertility of the soil may be easily conceived; and the country is intersected by numerous streams.

There are many elephants in this country, but the natives are ignorant of the art of taming these animals, as is practised in other countries. One day, while we lay at anchor in the middle of the river, we observed three elephants come out from the wood and walk by the river side, on which we sent our boat with some of the people towards them, but they immediately returned into the wood. These were all I ever saw alive; but, sometime afterwards, Guumi-mensa[2], one of the Negro lords, shewed me a dead young elephant, which he had killed after a chase of two days. The Negroes hunt on foot in the woods, using only arrows and assagays, or javelins, which are all poisoned. When they hunt the elephant they conceal themselves behind trees, and even sometimes mount to their tops, leaping from one tree to another in pursuit of the elephant, which, being a large unweildy animal, is often wounded in many places before it can turn round, or place itself in a posture of defence; but, in an open field, no person dare attack one, nor could even the swiftest escape from their pursuit, as I have been informed by many of the Negroes. The teeth of this dead elephant, which was shewn me by Guumi-Mensa, one of which still remained in the jaw, did not exceed three spans long, which distinctly shews that it was quite young in comparison of those whose teeth are from ten to twelve spans in length; yet, small as it was for an elephant, we computed that the weight of its carcass was equal to five or six oxen. Guumi-Mensa made me a present of what part of this elephant I liked best, and gave the remainder to his huntsmen to feast on. Understanding that elephants flesh was eaten by the Negroes, I had some both roasted and boiled, of which I tasted, that I might be able to say that I had fed upon the flesh of an animal which had never been eaten by any of my countrymen; but I found it hard, and of an unpleasant relish. I brought one of the legs and a part of the trunk on board our caravel, together with some of the hair from its body, which was a span and a half long, of a black colour, and very thick. On my return to Portugal, I presented this hair to Don Henry, together with a part of the flesh salted up for that express purpose, which he received with much satisfaction, as it was the first of the kind that had been brought from the countries that were discovered under his auspices. The foot of the elephant is round, like that of a horse, but without hoofs; instead of which it is covered by a very thick, hard, black skin, and defended by five nails on the fore part, which are round and of the size of a _grossone_[3]. Though young, the foot of this elephant measured a span and a half in diameter. From the same Negro lord I received the foot of a full-grown elephant, the sole of which was three spans and an inch in diameter; which, together with a tooth of twelve spans long, I presented to Don Henry on my return, who sent it afterwards as a great curiosity to the Dutchess of Burgundy.

In the river Gambia, and in other rivers on this coast, besides the _Calcatrici_[4] and other animals, there is one called the _river horse_, or hippopotamus, of the same nature almost with the sea cow, and which lives both on land and in the water. This animal is as large in the body as a cow, with very short legs and cloven feet, having a large head like that of a horse, and two huge teeth like the tusks of a wild boar, some of which I have seen upwards of two spans long. This animal, when it gets out of the river, walks on the land like any other fourfooted beast; and, so far as I know, was never before discovered by any Christian traveller, except perhaps in the Nile. We saw likewise a number of bats, or rather owls, upwards of three spans long; and many other birds, quite different from those of our country, both in appearance and taste, yet very good to eat.

[1] The meaning of this expression is obscure. Perhaps it implies that their Mahometan teachers had no mosques, because the Negroes were ignorant of the means and method of construction. The knowledge of God among the northern Negroes was assuredly due exclusively to the Mahometan missionaries.--E.

[2] Called Gnumi-Mensa in Grynaeus. According to Jobson, Mensa, or Mansa, signifies a king in the Mandingo language.--Astl.

[3] A Venetian silver coin, not exceeding a silver penny.--Astl.

[4] This animal is nowhere explained. Perhaps the crocodile or alligator.--E.

SECTION X.

_Continuation of the Voyage from the Gambia to the river Kasa-Mansa, Cape Roxo, the rivers of St Ann and St Domingo, and the Rio Grande._

Having continued eleven days in the river Gambia, and many of our people becoming affected by acute fevers, we dropt down the river on the evening of the eleventh day, departing from the country of Batti-Mansa[1], and got out of the river in a few days, so stocked with commodities as to encourage us to proceed farther; and indeed, having been so far successful, and having a plentiful supply of provisions, and every thing necessary for prosecuting the voyage, we considered as incumbent on us to attempt some farther discoveries towards the south. We accordingly steered southwards with a favourable wind; but finding the land to run a considerable way to the S.S.W. from the mouth of the Gambia, to a certain point which we took for a cape[2], we stood out to the west to gain the open sea, the whole coast to the south of the Gambia being low, and covered with trees to the waters edge. On gaining an offing, we found that the beforementioned point was no actual cape or promontory, as the shore appeared perfectly straight on the other side; yet we kept at some distance out to sea, as we observed breakers for several miles out to sea[3]. On this account we had to proceed with great caution, keeping always two men at the head of the ship, and one in the main-top, to look out for shoals and breakers; and as a farther precaution, we sailed only during the day, and came to anchor every night. In this cautious progress, our caravels sailed always one before the other, having fixed the order of sailing by lot, and changed the leader every day, in order to avoid all disputes.

At the end of two days sail in this manner, always in sight of land, we discovered on the third day the mouth of a river about half a mile wide[4], and towards evening we observed a little gulf or inlet, which we supposed might be the entrance of another river; but as it grew late, we came to anchor for the night. Next morning we sailed into this gulf, and found that it was the mouth of a large river, not a great deal less in my opinion than the Gambia, and both its banks were full of very beautiful tall trees. We cast anchor within the mouth of this river, and agreed to send two armed boats on shore with our interpreters to get intelligence respecting the country, according to our usual practice. This was done accordingly, and our interpreters, brought back word that the river was called Kasamansa, from a Negro lord of that name who resided at a place about thirty miles up the river; but who was absent from his residence, on a warlike expedition against the lord of a neighbouring territory.

On receiving this intelligence, we sailed from this river next day, without attempting any traffic with the natives. This river of Kasamansa is twenty-five leagues, or 100 miles to the south of the Gambia[5]. Standing on about twenty-five miles farther, we came to a cape which is a little more elevated than the rest of the coast, and as its front had a red colour, we named it Cape _Roxo_, or _Rosso_. Proceeding forwards, we came to the mouth of a pretty large river about a crossbow-shot wide, which we did not enter, but to which we gave the name of the river of St Ann. Farther on still, we came to the mouth of another river, not less than the former, which we named St Dominic, or St Domingo[7]; distant from Cape Rosso, by our estimation, between fifty-five and sixty miles. In another days sailing, we came to a very large river, which at first appeared to be a gulf, and was judged to be about twenty miles in breadth; but we could observe the beautiful trees on the south side, and it took us a considerable time to sail across to that side. On getting over to that side, we observed several islands in the sea, and as we wished to procure some intelligence concerning the country, we came to an anchor. Next morning two almadias came off to us from the land, one of which was as long as a caravel, and carried about thirty hands; the other was smaller, and was manned by sixteen Negroes. They came towards us with great eagerness; and, not knowing what might be their design, we took to our arms and waited their approach. As they drew near, they fixed a white cloth to the end of an oar, which they held up as a signal of peace, and we answered them in a similar manner. The Negroes then came alongside of our ships, the largest of the almadias coming up to the caravel in which I was. They gazed at every thing they saw, examining the form of the ship, the masts, yards, sails, and rigging with much attention, and they seemed astonished at seeing the white colour of our people. Our interpreters spoke to them, in order to learn the name of the country, but could not understand a word of their language, which was a great mortification to us, as we were obliged to leave the place without getting any intelligence; but we purchased a few gold rings from one of the Negroes, agreeing about the price by signs.

Finding ourselves in a country where our interpreters were of no use, and considering therefore that it would be to no purpose for us to proceed any farther, we determined to return. We stayed two days in the mouth of this large river, which we therefore named Rio Grande[8], and where we found the north pole very low[9]. In this place we found great irregularity in the tides; for, whereas at Venice, and all other places in Europe, the flux and reflux are each of six hours continuance, the tide here only flows four hours, and ebbs eight, and the violence of the flowing tide is quite incredible, insomuch that we had great difficulty to stem it with three anchors a-head. Nay, such was its impetuosity, that we were sometimes obliged to hoist our sails, and even then it exceeded the force of the wind.

Taking our departure from the mouth of this vast river, on our way back to Portugal, we directed our course to two large islands and some small ones, which lay about thirty miles distance from the continent, which we found quite low, yet full of large and beautiful green trees, and inhabited by Negroes[10]. Encountering here the same difficulty of intercourse, for want of knowing their language, we made no stop, but took our departure for Portugal, where we arrived in safety.

[1] At this place Grynaeus calls him Batrinense; though he had named him rightly Bati-mansa before.--Astl.

[2] This is now called Cape St Mary.--E.

[3] This seems to allude to what is now called Bald Cape, about twenty miles south from Cape St Mary, and stretching somewhat farther west; from which there extends breakers or sunken rocks a considerable distance from the land.--E.

[4] Between the mouth of the Gambia and that of the Casamansa, there are three inlets, which appear to be smaller mouths of the latter river. The most northern of these is named St Peter, the most southerly Oyster river; the intermediate one has no name.--E.

[5] The actual distance is barely a degree of latitude, or less than seventy English miles. Cada Mosto probably estimated by the log, the more circuitous track by sea.--E.

[6] Cada Mosto does not mention the remarkable change which takes place here in the direction of the coast. From the Gambia to Cape Rosso, the coast runs direct south; after which its direction is E.S.E. to the mouth of the river St Ann.--E.

[7] Called in modern charts, Rio S. Dominica.--E.

[8] According to de Faria, Rio Grande was discovered by Nunez Tristan in 1447, nine years before it was visited by Cada Mosto.--Astl.

[9] Cada Mosto is exceedingly superficial in his account of the Rio Grande; and it even seems dubious if he ever saw or entered this river, as he appears to have mistaken the navigable channel between the main and the shoals of the Rio Grande for the river itself; which channel extends above 150 English miles, from the island of Bulam in the E.S.E. to the open sea in the W.N.W. This channel agrees with his description, in being twenty miles wide, whereas the real Rio Grande is greatly smaller than the Gambia.--E.

[10] These may be the island of Waring and the Marsh islands, at the north-western entry of the channel of the Rio Grande, forming part of the Bissagos islands.--E.

SECTION XI.

_The Voyage of Piedro de Cintra to Sierra Leona, and the Windward coast of Guinea; written by Alvise da Cada Mosto._

The two voyages to the coast of Africa in which Cada Mosto was engaged, and which have, been narrated in the foregoing Sections of this Chapter, were followed by others; and, after the death of Don Henry, two armed caravels were sent out upon discovery by orders from the king of Portugal, under the command of Piedro de Cintra, one of the gentlemen of his household, with injunctions to proceed farther along the coast of the Negroes than had hitherto been effected, and to prosecute new discoveries. In this expedition, Piedro de Cintra was accompanied by a young Portuguese who had formerly been clerk to Cada Mosto in his two voyages; and who, on the return of the expedition to Lagos, came to the house of his former employer, who then continued to reside at Lagos, and gave him an account of the discoveries which had been made in this new voyage, and the names of all the places which had been touched at by Piedro de Cintra, beginning from the Rio Grande, the extreme point of the former voyage[1].

De Cintra first went to the two large inhabited islands at the mouth of the Rio Grande which I had discovered in my second voyage, where he landed, and ordered his interpreters to make the usual inquiries at the inhabitants; but they could not make themselves understood, nor could they understand the language of the natives. Going therefore into the interior, they found the habitations of the Negroes to consist of poor thatched cabins, in some of which they found wooden idols, which were worshipped by the Negroes. Being unable to procure any information in this place, Cintra proceeded, in his voyage along the coast, and came to the mouth of a large river between three and four miles wide, which he called Besegue, from a lord of that name who dwelt near its mouth, and which he reckoned to be about forty miles from the mouth of the Rio Grande[2]. Proceeding about 140 miles from the river Besegue, along a very hilly coast; clothed with high trees, and having a very beautiful appearance, they came to a cape to which they gave the name of Verga[3]. Continuing along the coast, they fell in with another cape, which, in the opinion of all the seamen, was the highest they had ever seen, having a sharp conical height in the middle like a diamond, yet entirely covered with beautiful green trees. After the name of the fortress of Sagres, which was built by the deceased Don Henry on Cape St Vincent, the Portuguese named this point Cape Sagres of Guinea. According to the account of the Sailors, the inhabitants of this coast are idolaters, worshipping wooden images in the shape of men, before which they make offerings of victuals as often as they eat or drink. These people are more of a tawny colour than black, having marks on their faces and bodies made with hot irons. They go almost entirely naked, except that they wear pieces of the bark of trees before them. They have no arms, as there is no iron in their country. They live on rice, millet, beans, and kidney beans, larger than ours; and have also beef and goats flesh, but not in any great abundance. Near to Cape Sagres there are several very small uninhabited islands.

The inhabitants of this river have large almadias, carrying from thirty to forty men, who row standing, without having their oars fixed to any thing, as formerly noticed. They have their ears pierced with many holes, in which they wear a variety of gold rings. Both men and women have also a hole through the cartilage of the nose, in which they wear a gold ring, just like that of iron in the noses of our buffalos, which they take out when eating. The ladies belonging to the kings and great men, by way of extraordinary grandeur, have gold rings on other parts of their body, which decorum prevents us from particularizing.

Passing Cape Sagres, they sailed about forty miles farther along the coast, and came to the Rio de San Vincents, which is about four miles wide; and about five miles farther they found another, which they called Rio Verde, larger at the mouth than the former[5]. Both of these rivers were so named by the sailors in the caravels. About twenty-four miles beyond the Rio Verde, they came to another cape which they called _Cape Liedo_, signifying the _cheerful_, because of the beautifully verdant country in its neighbourhood[6]. From Cape Liedo there extends a large mountain for about fifty miles along the coast, all of which is very high, and covered with tall verdant trees. At the end of this mountain, and about eight miles from the shore, there are three small islands, the largest of which does not exceed ten or twelve miles in circumference. To these the sailors gave the name of _Saluezze_[7]; and they named the mountain _Sierra Leona_, or the Lion Mountain, on account of the continual roaring of thunder on its summit, which is always enveloped in clouds.

Proceeding beyond Sierra Leona, the coast was quite low, and the shore full of sand banks running out into the sea. About thirty miles from the southern extremity of the mountain, they found a river near three miles wide at the entrance, and because the water had a red colour, they called it Rio Roxo[8]. And farther on they found a cape, likewise of a red colour, which they named Cape Roxo[9]. And they gave the same name of Roxo to a small uninhabited island, about ten miles off at sea, where the north polar star seemed only the height of a man above the horizon. Beyond Cape Roxo, the sea forms a gulf, about the middle of which there enters a river, which the seamen called St Mary del Nievos, or of the snow, as having been discovered on the day of that Saint. On the other side of the river there is a cape, with an island close beside it[10]. This gulf is full of sand banks, running ten or twelve miles along the coast, on which the sea breaks with considerable violence, and has a strong current both in the ebb and flow of the tide; and the little island just mentioned is named _Scauni_, on account of these sand banks. Twenty-four miles distant from this river is a large cape called St Ann, having been discovered on the day of that saint; and the whole coast between is low, with very shallow water. Twenty-four miles beyond this cape is the river of _Palms_, so named from the abundance of these trees which were seen there. The mouth of this river, though of sufficient width, is so full of shoals; and sand banks as to render its entrance very dangerous. About seventy miles farther on, there is another small river called _Rio de Fumi_, or Smoke River; so named, because at the time of its discovery, they saw nothing but smoke along this coast, made by the Negroes[11]. Beyond this river, about twenty-four miles, there is a cape which runs a great way out into the sea, on which stands a high mountain, on which account it was called _Cabo del Monte_, or Cape Mount About sixty miles still farther on, to the S. E. there is another and smaller cape, on which is a small mountain or hill, which was named Cape _Cortese_, or _Misurado_. The first night after their arrival at this place, the voyagers saw many fires among the trees, made by the Negroes on seeing the ships, as they had never seen such objects before.

About sixteen miles beyond Cape Misurado, there is a large forest of trees close to the shore, to which they gave the name of St Mary's Grove. The caravels came to anchor beyond this wood, and several almadias came off from the shore towards them. There were two or three naked negroes in each, having sharp pointed sticks in their hands, which our seamen supposed to be darts; some of them had small knives, and they had only two targets and three bows among them all. These Negroes, had their ears and noses pierced, from which hung some strange ornaments resembling human teeth. The interpreters spoke to them, but could not understand their language. Three of these Negroes ventured on board one of the caravels, one of whom was detained by the Portuguese, and the other two allowed to go away; for Cintra had been ordered by the king, in case of discovering any country where the interpreters did not understand the language, that he was to bring away one of the natives either by force or fair means, that he might be able to give an account of his country, either by some of the Negroes in Portugal happening to understand his language, or after he had acquired the Portuguese.

Piedro de Cintra, having determined to proceed no farther, returned back to Portugal from Cape Misarado, to which he had traced the coast of Africa from the Rio Grande. Upon his return, this negro who had been detained off Cape Misurado, was examined by several Negroes, and at length was understood by a Negress who belonged to an inhabitant of Lisbon; not indeed by his own proper language, but by means of another which was known to them both. Whatever intelligence may have been procured on this occasion, was not made public, except that there were unicorns in his country. After this Negro had been kept for some months in Lisbon, and had been shewn many of the curiosities of Portugal, the king ordered him to be supplied with clothes, and sent him back in a caravel to his own country. But from that coast no other ship had arrived before my departure, which was on the first of February 1463[12].

[1] For this exordium or introduction, we are indebted to the editor of Astley's Collection of Voyages and Travels, said to have been a Mr John Green. The infant Don Henry of Portugal died in 1463; so that there must have been an interval of six or seven years between the second voyage of Cada Mosto and this of Piedro de Cintra: Though de Faria seems to put this voyage as having been executed before the death of that excellent prince, yet Cada Mosto, who then actually resided at Lagos, could not be mistaken is this important particular.-- Astl.

[2] In a note to the second voyage of Cada Mosto, it has been already noticed that he seems to have given the name of Rio Grande to the channel between the Bissagos islands, or shoals of the Rio Grande and the Main. This river Besegue, may possibly be the strait or channel which divides the island named particularly Bissagos, or more properly Bissao, from that of Bassis or Bussi. Yet, this river Besegue may even have been that now called Rio Grande, in which, about twenty-four leagues above its mouth, there is an island called Bissaghe.--E.

[3] It is strange that the Rio de Nuno, close by this cape, the estuary of which is not less than seven or eight miles wide, should be here omitted; but the present voyage is very superficially narrated throughout.--E.

[4] The text is here obviously defective, as no river is mentioned before; but the allusion must be to the river Pongo, Pongue, or Pougue, at the mouth of which Cape Sagres is situated; indeed that cape seems to be formed by one of the islands off the mouth of the river.--E.

[5] There are a number of small rivers on the coast, between Cape Sagres and Cape Tagrin, such as Tofali, Dania, Buria, Berrea, Tanna, Pogone, Cagrance, dos Casas; but our modern charts have none named as in the text on this part of the coast.--E.

[6] This is now called Cape Tagrin, and forms the northern point at the entrance of the Sierra Leone river, otherwise called the Mitomba or Tagrin river. The southern point is named Cape Sierra Leone; and in some maps is likewise named Liedo very improperly. It is necessary to distinguish carefully between the _Cape_ of Sierra Leone, and the mountainous ridge of the same name, which appears to extend a considerable way along the coast to the S. E. near fifty miles, to the river Kates, or Sa. Ma. della Neue. But, from the baldness of the narrative, there is great difficulty in tracing out this voyage.--E.

[7] These are now called Bananas islands, in lat. 8° N.--E.

[8] Perhaps the Camaranca.--E.

[9] Probably that now called Tassa Point, or Cabo de S. Anna.--E.

[10] This account seems again to refer to the river Camaranca and Tassa Point; otherwise called Cape St Ann; yet this cape is brought in immediately afterwards. Indeed this voyage is inextricably confused, probably incorrect or corrupt.--E.

[11] The large island of Sherbro, with Sherbro Strand and Shoals, a very prominent feature of this part of the African coast, is here entirely overlooked; unless we suppose de Cintra to have gone on the outside of that island, considering the sound as a river, and naming the N. W. point of Sherbro island Cape St Ann.--E.

[12] We have already seen that Don Henry died in this year, which must, therefore, be here an error of the press, either in the original publication by Cada Mosto, or in some of the after editions.--E.