Chapter 6

DISCOVERY OF FLORIDA, AND ACCOUNT OF SEVERAL INEFFECTUAL ATTEMPTS TO CONQUER AND SETTLE THAT COUNTRY BY THE SPANIARDS.

INTRODUCTION.

In the preceding Chapters of this _Second Book_, we have given an extended account of the _Discovery_ of AMERICA by COLUMBUS, and of the establishment of the principal Spanish Colonies in the New World, from authentic Original authors, a large portion of which never appeared before in any Collection of Voyages and Travels, and some important parts are now given for the first time in the English language. It is not the object of this work to attempt giving a regular series of the History of America, by inserting the establishments of all the European colonies which have been settled in that quarter of the world, which would occupy more room than can be conveniently allowed in our Collection, and for which we do not possess original documents of sufficient interest. In the present chapter it is only meant to give a relation of the Discovery of Florida by Juan Ponce de Leon in 1512; of the disastrous attempt of Panfilo de Narvaez to conquer that country in 1528; and of the romantic exploratory expedition of Ferdinand de Soto in the years 1539-1543: All of which is taken from the General History of America by Herrera, which may be considered as an original and almost contemporary authority.

Antonio de Herrera, who was historiographer to the king of Spain, appears to have composed his work only a short time after the middle of the sixteenth century, as he continues the series of events no farther than 1554; though he incidentally alludes to one transaction which happened in 1572. The authenticity of his work is unquestionable, as the author assures us that it was composed by royal command, from all the best and most authentic sources of information which the crown could furnish, both in print and manuscript; and that he had carefully consulted and followed the original papers preserved in the royal archives, and the books, registers, relations, and other papers of the supreme council of the Indies, together with all the best authors on the subject then extant. As a literary curiosity of its kind, we subjoin his list of what were then considered the best writers on the affairs of the New World--Those in Italics have been already inserted into this work.

Peter Martyr of Angleria.--Diego de la Tobilla.--Motolinea.--_Don Hernando Colon_.--Olonsa de Ojeda.--Alonso de Mata.--Enciso.--Gonzalo Hernandez de Oviedo.--Francisco Lopez de Gomara.--Andres de San Martino.--Pedro de Zieza.--Alvar Nunnez Cabeza de Vaca.--_Bernal Diaz del Castillo_.--The Bishop of Chiapa, Las Casas.--The Dean Cervantes.--Francisco de Xeres.--Gonzalo Ximenes de Quesada.--Garibay. --Pedro Pizarro.--The relations of Cortes.--Nunno de Guzman.--Diego Fernandez de Palentia.--_Augustino de Zarate_.--The Pontifical History. --Don Alonzo de Ercilla.--Geronimo Benzon.--Theodore de Brye.--Jusepe de Acosta.--Father Augustino Davila.--Garcilasso Inga.--Gabriel Lasso de la Vega.--Don Antonio de Saavedra.

In the Catalogue of Spanish Books and Manuscripts consulted by our illustrious Historian of America, WILLIAM ROBERTSON, an edition of Herrera is quoted as printed at Madrid in 1601, in 4 vols. folio. We have used on the present occasion the Translation of Herrera into English by Captain John Stevens, in 6 vols. 8vo. printed at London in 1725. Though assuredly authentic and to be depended upon so far as it goes, the plan of this _General History of the vast Continent and Islands of America_, is exceedingly ill devised, and very troublesome for being consulted; as the author endeavours continually to preserve the chronological series of events throughout the numerous discoveries, colonizations and conquests of the Spaniards, in all the islands and continental provinces of Spanish America, by which he is forced into perpetual and abrupt transitions from subject to subject; instead of using a double arrangement, geographical as well as chronological, in which the narrative belonging to each territorial division might have been distinctly and separately arranged in chronological order. Thus in regard to _Florida_, which constitutes the subject of our present chapter, we have had to travel through every one of the _six_ volumes of Herrera, on purpose to reduce all the scattered notices respecting the early discovery of that country under one unbroken narrative.

Owing to the utter impossibility of ascertaining the various parts which were visited by the Spaniards, in these early peregrinations in Florida as related in this chapter, we have not given any map of the country on this occasion, which will be supplied in a future division of this work, when we come to particular and more recent travels in that province of North America. Indeed the country originally named Florida by the Spaniards was vastly more extensive than the modern application of that name, and appears to have included all Louisiana, with Georgia the Carolinas and Virginia, and the entire countries on the Mississippi and Ohio rivers. In fact it was meant as a generic term, including all of the eastern parts of north America, not previously comprised under New Spain and its dependencies; just as Virginia was applied in the reign of Queen Elizabeth to all that part of North America claimed by the English, which was afterwards partitioned into many provinces, from Nova Scotia to Georgia both inclusive. Besides, a map to serve the purposes of the present chapter is of almost impossible construction, as all the appellations of towns and territories, especially in the extensive peregrinations of Ferdinand de Soto, are merely the fugacious names of the caciques or sachems who happened at the time to rule over the various tribes of savages which were visited by Soto in his singularly erratic expedition. One point only in the whole course of his wanderings can be ascertained with certainty, the Bay of _Espirita Santo_ on the western coast of Florida, in about lat. 28° N. and long. 83° W. _Mavila_. may possibly be what has since been called _Mobile_, and the _Rio Grande_ or great river was most probably the Mississippi. All the other points are involved in impenetrable obscurity, or would require an extended discussion inadmissible on the present occasion. In the course of the chapter some conjectures will be attempted respecting the geography of the wanderings of Soto, and his adventurous followers, whose sole object appears to have been to search for mines of the precious metals, in which they were altogether unsuccessful.

One circumstance, to be gathered from the peregrinations of Soto seems worthy of remark; that the scattered tribes then occupying the southern portion of North America which he visited, were more agricultural than when the country came afterwards to be colonized by the English, and not addicted to the horrible practices of the North American savages of torturing their prisoners taken in war. Perhaps they were afterwards extirpated by a more savage race from the northwest, who have no hereditary chiefs, as were found by Soto. From these differences, and their worship of the sun and moon, the tribes met with by Soto were probably branches of the Natches, a nation which will be described in the sequel of this work, and which does not now exist.

SECTION I.

_Discovery of Florida, by Juan Ponce de Leon_.

After the settlement of Hispaniola in peace by Obando, Juan Ponce de Leon was appointed lieutenant of the town and territory of Salveleon in that island. Learning from the Indians of that district that there was much gold in the island of Borriquen, now called San Juan de Puerto Rico, or Porto Rico, he procured authority from Obando to go over to that island, which he reduced[122]. He was afterwards appointed by the king of Spain to the government of that island, independent of the admiral Don James Columbus. In a war between De Leon and the natives, wonderful havoc was made among these poor people by a dog belonging to the governor, called Bezerillo, insomuch that the Indians were more afraid of ten Spaniards with this dog than of a hundred without him, on which account the dog was allowed a share and a half of all the plunder, as if he had been a cross-bow-man, both in gold, slaves, and other things, all of which was received by his master[123].

[Footnote 122: Herrera, I. 327.]

[Footnote 123: Herrera, I. 339.]

Having acquired much wealth, and being deprived of the government of Porto Rico, Juan Ponce de Leon determined upon making discoveries to the northwards, that he might gain honour and advance his estate[124]. For this purpose, he fitted out three ships well manned and stored with plenty of provisions, with which he sailed from the port of St German on Thursday the 3d of March 1512, steering for _Aguada_. Next night he stood to the N.W. and by N. and on the 8th of the same month came to anchor at the shoals of _Babecua_, near the _Isola del Viejo_, in lat. 22°-1/2 N. Next day he anchored at one of the Bahama or Lucayos islands called _Caycos_, and then at another called _Yaguna_, in lat. 24° N. On the 11th he came to the island of _Amaguayo_, and then passed _Manegua_, in lat 24°-1/2 N. He came to _Guanahani_, in lat. 25-1/2 N. on the 14th, where he refitted the ships before crossing the bay to windward of the Lucayos. This island of Guanahani was the first land discovered by the admiral Don Christopher Columbus in the New World, and by him called _San Salvador_. From thence De Leon steered to the north-west, and on Sunday the 27th of March, being Easter-day, called _Pasqua de Flores_ by the Spaniards, he saw and passed by an island. Continuing the same course till Wednesday 30th of March, when the wind became foul, he altered his course to W.N.W. and on the 2d of April came to nine fathoms water a league from the land, in lat. 30° 8' N. Running along the land in search of a harbour, he anchored at night in eight fathoms near the shore. Believing the land to be an island, he gave it the name of _Florida_, because it appeared very delightful with many pleasant groves, and all level, as also because first seen during Easter, which the Spaniards call _Pasqua de Flores_, or _Florida_. At this place Ponce went on shore to take formal possession.

[Footnote 124: Id. II. 33. We now enter upon the discovery of Florida, which will be found regularly referred to the fragments of its History, as scattered through the work of Herrera, at each respective transition.--E.]

On Friday the 8th of April he continued his course along the coast as before; and next day changed to the S. and by E. till the 20th, when he perceived some _bohios_, or Indian huts on the coast, off which he came to anchor. Next day the ships continued their course along shore, but met with so strong a current as drove them back though with a fair wind. The two ships nearest the shore dropt their anchors, but the force of the current was so great as to strain their cables. The third was a brigantine, and farther out at sea; which either found no bottom for anchoring, or did not perceive the current, so that it was carried to sea and lost sight of by the rest, though the weather was fair. Being invited on shore by the natives, Ponce landed, and the natives immediately endeavoured to seize the boat, oars, and arms of the Spaniards, who were forced to fight in their own defence, during which two of them were wounded with darts and arrows pointed with sharp bones. Night parted the combatants, and Ponce collected his people with some difficulty, having done very little damage to the Indians, and returned to the ships. He sailed next day along the coast to a river, which he named _Rio de la Cruz_, where he proposed to wood and water and to wait the return of the brigantine. He was opposed at this place by sixty Indians, one of whom was made prisoner, that he might learn Spanish, and be able to give information respecting the country. Leaving at this place a stone with an inscription, he doubled the Cape of Florida on Sunday the 8th of May, giving it the name of _Cabo de las Corrientes_, or Cape Currents, because they are there stronger than the wind; after which he came to anchor near an Indian town called _Aboaia_. All this coast, from Cape _Arracifes_ to Cape _Corrientes_ lies north and south one point east, being clear and free from rocks and shoals, with six fathoms water near the shore.

After passing Cape Corrientes, he sailed on till he fell in with two islands to the southwards, in lat. 27° N. At one of these, which he named _Santa Martha_, about a league in circumference, he watered. On Friday the 13th of May, he sailed along a shoal with a chain of islands, to one called _Pola_, in 26° 30' N. Between these islands and the continent is a spacious sea like a bay. On the 15th of May he proceeded ten leagues along the chain of small islands, to two white ones which he called _Los Martires_ in 26° 15' N. He continued along the coast, sometimes N. sometimes N.E. till the 23d of May, and on the 24th ran along the coast to the southwards as far as some small islands that lay out at sea, still believing that he was coasting along the shore of a large island. As the anchorage between these small islands and the coast appeared convenient for the purpose, he continued there till the 3d of June taking in wood and water, and at the same time careened one of the ships named the St Christopher. At this place the Indians for the first time came off in canoes to view the Spaniards, who refused to venture on shore though repeatedly invited. Seeing the Spaniards about to heave one of the anchors, on purpose to shift its situation, the Indians laid hold of the cable as if to draw the ship away; on which the long-boat was sent after them, and the crew going on shore took four women and broke two old canoes. No hostilities of any moment occurred, and the Indians even bartered some skins and low gold with the Spaniards for trinkets.

On Friday the 4th of June, while waiting for a wind to go in quest of a cacique named _Carlos_, who was reported by the Indians to have gold, an Indian came on board who was able to converse with the Spaniards, and who was consequently supposed to be a native of Hispaniola or of some of the other islands possessed by the Christians. This man desired them to remain at their present anchorage, as the cacique intended to send gold to barter. Accordingly, they soon after saw twenty canoes approaching, some of which were lashed two and two together. Some of these canoes went to the anchors, which they endeavoured to weigh, but being unable attempted to cut the cables, while others of them drew near the ships and began to fight. The long-boat well manned and armed was sent against them, and put them to flight, taking four prisoners and killing several of the Indians. Ponce sent two of the prisoners to tell the cacique that he was willing to make peace with him, although he had slain one of the Spaniards. Next day the boats were sent to sound the harbour, and some of the men landed, when they were assured by the Indians that the cacique would come next day to trade; but this was a mere feint to gain time, as at eleven o'clock eighty canoes well equipped and full of men attacked the ship nearest the shore, and fought till night without doing any harm, as all their arrows fell short, and they durst not come near for fear of the cross-bows and great guns. At length they retired, and the Spaniards having staid nine days resolved to return to St Domingo and Porto Rico, endeavouring to discover some islands by the way of which they had received accounts from the Indians. Ponce accordingly set sail on his return on the 14th of June, and sailed among islands till the 21st, when he arrived at the small islands called _Las Tortugas_, or the tortoises, because the crews took 170 of these creatures in a short time of one night in one of these islands, and might have had more if they pleased. They also took fourteen dog-fishes[125], and killed at least 5000 seagulls and other birds.

[Footnote 125: Probably Sharks.--E.]

On the 24th, leaving Tortugas, they steered S.W. and by W. On the 26th they saw land, which they sailed along till the 29th, when they came to anchor to trim their yards and sails, but could not tell what country it was. Most of the Spaniards believed they were on the coast of Cuba, because they found canoes, dogs, knives, and others tools of iron. On the 25th of July they were among a cluster of low islands, still ignorant of where they were, till Ponce sent to view an island which appeared to be Bahama, as indeed it was said to be by an old woman whom they found in another island, and in which they were confirmed by a pilot named Diego Miruelo, who happened to be there in a boat from Hispaniola. Having ranged backwards and forwards till the 23d of September, and refitted the ships, Juan Ponce resolved to send one of them to take a view of the island of Bimini, which the Indians reported to contain much wealth, and to have a spring which made old people young again. Juan Perez de Ortubia was appointed captain of that ship, and Antonio de Alaminos pilot. They took two Indians along with them to point out the shoals, which were so numerous that it was both difficult and dangerous to get through among them. Twenty days afterwards, Juan Ponce returned to Porto Rico, and was followed some time after by Ortubia, who had found the island of Bimini, which was large, pleasant, and abounding in good water and delightful groves; but the wonderful spring was not be discovered. It is certain that Juan Ponce de Leon, besides the main design of discovering new islands which all the Spaniards then aspired to, was desirous of finding out the spring of Bimini and a certain river in Florida, in both of which it was asserted by the natives of Cuba and Hispaniola that old people became young again by bathing in their waters. It is likewise well known that many of the natives of Cuba, firmly believing the existence of such a river, had gone over into Florida in search of it, and had built a town there before the coming of the Spaniards to the West Indies, and that their descendents continue there to this day. This report prevailed among all the princes or caciques in these parts, who were all so anxious to find out this wonderful river, that there was not a river, brook, or lake in all Florida in which some of them had not bathed, and many still persist in the belief that it is the river now called Jordan at Cape _Santa Elena_, without reflecting that the Spaniards first gave it that name in 1520, when the country of Chicora was discovered.

Although this voyage turned out to little or no account to Juan Ponce, it yet encouraged him to go to court to sue for some reward for having discovered this new country, which he still continued to believe an island or cluster of islands, and which opinion was retained by the Spaniards for some years. Yet this voyage was actually beneficial on another account, by the discovery of a passage to Spain from the West Indies through the channel of Bahama, which was first performed by the pilot Alaminos. For the better understanding the voyage of Ponce, it must be observed that the Lucayo or Bahama Islands consist of three groups, the _first_, or Bahama cluster gives name to the passage, and in which the currents are most impetuous: The _second_ is called _De los Organos_; and the _third_ the _Martyrs_, which are next to the _Cayos de las Tortugas_, or Turtle Keys to the westwards; which last are not to be seen from any distance, being all low sands, and in consequence many ships have perished on them, and all along the Bahama channel, and on the islands of Tortugas. Havannah in the island of Cuba and Florida, are south and north of each other; and between them are these before-mentioned islands of Organos, Bahama, Martyrs, and Tortugas, having a channel with a violent current, twenty leagues across in the narrowest part between Havannah and the Martyrs, and fourteen leagues from the Martyrs to Florida. The widest part of this channel is forty leagues, with many shoals and deep channels between these, but has no safe passage for ships, and is only practicable for canoes. But this passage from the Havannah for Spain, is along the channel of Bahama, between the Havannah, the Martyrs, the Lucayos, and Cape Canaveral.

* * * * *

No farther attempt appears to have been made towards the conquest and settlement of Florida by the Spaniards, till the year 1528, when Panfilo de Narvaez made a most disastrous expedition to that country, which will form the subject of the ensuing section of this chapter; except that about the year 1525, the licentiate Luke Vasquez de Ayllon sailed with three ships for that country from Santiago in the island of Hispaniola[126]. Vasquez arrived with his small armament at Cape Santa Elena in Florida, where he found an Indian town called _Oritza_; since named _Chicora_ by the Spaniards, and another town in the neighbourhood called _Guale_, to which the Spaniards have given the name of _Gualdape_. At this place is the river _Jordan_, so named from the pilot by whom it was discovered, and where Vasquez lost one of his ships. He proceeded however in his enterprise with the other two ships, and landed two hundred men upon the coast of Florida; but being himself unacquainted with military discipline, and little regarded by his men, his troops were defeated by the natives and mostly slain. The few who escaped returned to Hispaniola; some alleging that Vasquez was of the number, while others assert that he was slain in Florida. In this unfortunate expedition, from which great consequences had been expected, no other towns but the two above mentioned were seen in Florida; and by this disaster all attempts for the conquest and settlement of that country were laid aside for some time, more especially as all the natives who had been there met with appeared poor and miserable, and having very small quantities of gold and silver, and even what little they had appeared to have been brought to them from remote parts of the country.

[Footnote 126: Herrera, III. 367.]

SECTION II.

_Narrative of a Disastrous attempt by Panfilo de Narvaez to conquer Florida; together with some account of that Country_[127]

[Footnote 127: Id. IV. 27.]

The abortive attempt of Panfilo de Narvaez to supersede Cortes in the command of the expedition against Mexico has been already related. He afterwards endeavoured to settle a colony at the _Rio de las Palmas_ in the bay of Mexico, whence he was expelled by the arrogance of Nunno de Guzman, who had been appointed governor of the adjoining province of Panuco, and endeavoured to appropriate the territories belonging to others in his neighbourhood to his own advantage and emolument in the most unjustifiable manner. In March 1528, Narvaez sailed from Cuba with four ships and a brigantine for the conquest of Florida, having a force of about four hundred men with eighty horses. During the voyage, the squadron was carried among the shoals of Canarreo by the unskilfulness of the pilot Meruelo, where the ships got aground and remained for fifteen days constantly touching with their keels and unable to get into deep water. At the end of this period a storm at south brought so large an accession of water from the bay upon these flats that the ships got off. At _Guaniguanigo_ they encountered another storm in which they were near perishing, and met with a third at Cape Corrientes. Three days after getting to windward of Cape St Antonio, they were driven by contrary winds to within twelve leagues of the Havannah; and when about to put in there for shelter were carried back by a south wind to the coast of Florida, where they arrived on the 12th of April, and came to anchor in the mouth of a bay where they could perceive some Indian huts on the shore[128]. Alonzo Enriquez, the comptroller of the armament, hailed the natives from a small island in the bay, and procured from them some fish and venison by means of barter.

[Footnote 128: Having no indications whatever of the place of landing, it is quite impossible to attempt tracing the steps of Narvaez in his short and disastrous expedition to Florida.--E.]

Next day, Narvaez went on shore with as many men as the boats could carry, and found the dwellings of the natives abandoned, one of them being large enough to contain three hundred men. In the houses were found a number of fishing nets, and along with these a sort of tabor or drum, ornamented with gold bells. On the day following, Narvaez landed all the rest of his men, and forty-two horses, the others having died during the voyage. Narvaez took formal possession of the country in the name of the king of Spain. Some of the Indians drew near that day, but having no interpreter they could not be conversed with, though it appeared by their threatening signs that they warned the Spaniards to leave their country. On the same day Narvaez marched northwards into the country, with forty men and six horses, and came to a large bay which seemed to penetrate far into the interior. Having halted at that place for the night, he returned next day to the ships. The pilot Meruelo was sent in the brigantine to find out a harbour for the squadron, and to endeavour to procure provisions. Having taken four prisoners, some maize was shewn them, to endeavour to discover if the natives were acquainted with that grain, as none had been seen hitherto in the country. They accordingly offered by signs to lead the Spaniards to where some of it could be procured, and guided them to the town or village where they dwelt, where some maize was growing in a field in the environs. In the same place, they found some Spanish chests, in each of which was a dead body wrapped up in painted deers skins; and as the commissary Juan Xuarez considered this to be some idolatrous institution, he ordered the chests and bodies to be burned. They likewise found some pieces of linen and woollen cloth, with several plumes of feathers which seemed to have come from Mexico, and a small quantity of gold. Being interrogated by signs whence these things were procured, the Indians made them understand by similar means that there was great abundance of gold in a province at a very great distance called _Apalache_[129].

[Footnote 129: The name of Apalache is now given to a large bay on the western coast of East Florida, and towards its northern extremity, the bottom or northern extremity of which is in lat. 30° N. and long. 67° 13' W. where a small river named St Marks enters the sea. The river Apalachicola, likewise named R. des Cahuilas, or Catahoche, runs into the western part of the same bay by two mouths, the easternmost of which is about fifteen miles S.W. of St. Marts River, and western mouth about twenty miles farther to the W.S.W. The same name is applied to the south western extremity of the great range of mountains in the middle states of North America; dividing the Atlantic country from the western waters which run into the Ohio, called Blue Mountains, Alleghany Mountains, and Apalachean Mountains. These last divide North Carolina from the sources of the Tenassee and Cumberland rivers. A part likewise of Georgia, east from the Apalachicola river, along the northern boundary of East Florida, is still named the Apalachi country.--E.]

Twelve leagues from thence they came to an Indian town consisting of fifteen houses, near which there was great plenty of maize just ripe. Narvaez and others were of opinion that they should march immediately into the interior, sending the ships in search of a safe harbour on the coast; but the treasurer of the expedition, Alvar Nunnez Gabeza de Vaca, advised that they should all embark till such time as a safe harbour could be discovered. The other opinion prevailed, and the whole land forces set out upon their march on the 1st of May, being about three hundred foot and forty horse, every man carrying two pounds of biscuit, and half a pound of bacon. With only that scanty provision, they proceeded for fifteen days, finding nothing to eat in the country, except some _palmetoes_ like those of Andalusia, and without seeing any towns, house, or Indians in the whole way. At this time they came to a river which they crossed, some by swimming and others on rafts or floats, which employed them a whole day in consequence of the strength of the current. They were opposed by about two hundred Indians on the opposite bank, who only threatened them without coming to blows. Of these they took six prisoners who conducted the Spaniards to their dwellings, where they found a considerable quantity of Indian corn, which proved a great relief to their urgent necessities. From this place two officers were sent with a detachment in search of the sea-coast, in hopes of establishing a communication with the ships; but all they found was a creek only fit for receiving canoes.

After a short stay, they marched onwards in quest of the province of _Apalache_, which the Indians had reported to be rich in gold, guided in the way by some of their prisoners. After marching fifteen days without meeting with any inhabitants, they fell in with an Indian chief, who was dressed in a painted deers skin, carried on the back of one of his subjects, and attended by a great number of Indians, some of whom went before him playing upon a kind of pipes made of reeds. On being informed by signs that the Spaniards were in search of the province of Apalache, he seemed to intimate that he was an enemy to the people of that country. The Spaniards gave this cacique beads, hawk-bells, and other such trinkets, and continued their march. They came that night to a river which was so rapid that they durst not venture to cross it on floats, and were therefore obliged to construct a canoe for that purpose. Juan Velasquez ventured to attempt crossing it by swimming his horse, but both were drowned, and the Indian attendants on the cacique drew the drowned horse from the river and eat him for their supper. On their arrival at the town belonging to the cacique, they were supplied with Indian corn, and next day were guided on their way through thick woods, in which the road was obstructed by many fallen trees, and the fragments of others which had been shivered by lightning, as the country was subject to severe thunderstorms. On the 25th of June, Narvaez and his people came in sight of Apalache, without having been perceived by any of the inhabitants; and, though weary and hungry they were all in high spirits, thinking themselves at the end of their labours, and that they should find some great treasure in recompence of their fatigues. Some horsemen immediately entered the place, in which they found only women and children; but the men soon returned and attacked them with their bows and arrows, and were soon repulsed, yet killed the comptrollers horse. This town of Apalache contained forty low huts or cabins, enclosed among thick woods and morasses in which they found abundance of maize, deer-skins, mantles, head-dresses for women, and stones for grinding corn, but no gold. All the country, from the place where the Spaniards landed to Apalache was one continued sandy flat, yet thickly overgrown with woods of walnut, laurel, liquid-amber, cedar, savine, oak, pine, and palmetoes; interpersed with many swamps or morasses which were very troublesome to pass, and many fallen trees which lay athwart the way. In their march they saw three different kinds of deer, hares, rabbits, bears, and _lions_[130], with other wild beasts; and among these an animal called the opossum, which carries its young in a pouch under the belly till they are able to shift for themselves. The country is cold[131], and has good pasture for cattle. In the woods and marshes through which they passed they saw many different kinds of birds, as geese, ducks, herons, partridges, falcons, hawks, and many others. Two hours after the arrival of the Spaniards, the inhabitants of Apalache came to demand their wives and children, all of whom were set free; but as the cacique was detained they were much displeased, and came next day to assault the place, endeavouring to set fire to their own houses, but on the appearance of the Spaniards they fled to the morasses; and next day a similar attempt was made but with the same consequences.

[Footnote 130: It is hardly necessary to say that there are no lions in America. The Spaniards must accordingly have given this name to the cougar, now called the panther by the North Americans, a very inferior species of the feline race.--E.]

[Footnote 131: This must be considered as in comparison with the climate of Cuba and Hispaniola, to which the Spaniards had been long accustomed, as the climate of Florida is certainly hot in reference to any part of Europe.--E.]

The Spaniards remained twenty-five days at this place, during which time they made three incursions into the country to some distance, finding it every where ill-inhabited and difficultly penetrable, owing to similar obstacles with those they had already encountered. From, the cacique whom they had in custody, they were informed that Apalache was one of the best towns in these parts, and that on going farther inland the land was worse and more thinly peopled. He added, that at nine days journey southwards there was a town called _Aute_ near the sea, inhabited by a tribe in amity with him, who had plenty of provisions. Taking this information into consideration, and especially as the Indians of Apalache did them considerable injury by frequent assaults, and always retreated to their fortresses in the marshes, the Spaniards determined upon returning towards the sea. On the second day of their retrograde march, they were attacked by the Indians while passing across a morass, and several both men and horses were wounded, without being able to take vengeance on their enemies, as they always fled into the water. These Indians were of large stature and well made, very nimble, and went entirely naked, being armed with bows as thick as a mans arm and twelve spans long. They marched in this manner, under continual assaults, for eight days, at the end of which period they came to the town of Aute, where they got Indian corn, pompions, kidney-beans, and other provisions. From this place the treasurer, Cabeza de Vaca, was sent with a party to endeavour to find the sea; but came back in three days, reporting that the sea was far off, and he had only been able to reach some creeks which penetrated deep into the land. They had already travelled two hundred and eighty leagues from the place at which they first landed, in all which way they had seen neither mountain nor even any thing which could be called a hill[132]. The men were become much dejected and very sickly, and no longer able to travel so as to endeavour to make their way back to where they left the ships; in which miserable condition it was resolved to build some barks for the purpose of making their way along shore in search of the ships. They accordingly constructed five barks, each of them twenty cubits long, which they caulked with the husks of palmetoes, making ropes of the manes and tails of their horses, and sails of their shirts; but were hardly able to find enough of stones to serve for ballast and anchors.

[Footnote 132: Their wandering had probably been in the country of the Creeks, in the western parts of Georgia, and the two rivers they crossed may have been the Catahehe and Mobile; but we have no indications from which to form any conjecture as to the part of the coast on which they built their ill-fated barks.--E.]

They embarked on the 22d of September, after having eaten all their horses, and having lost above forty of their men from sickness, besides several who were slain by the Indians. Their barks were hardly able to carry them, and they had no sailors among them to direct their perilous navigation. After five days painful progress among intricate creeks[133], they came at last to an island, where they found five canoes abandoned by the Indians, and on going into a house they found some dried skates which were a very acceptable though scanty relief to their necessities. Proceeding onwards with the help of these canoes, they suffered extremely for want of water, during which five of them died in consequence of drinking sea-water too freely. Owing to this necessity they were again obliged to land on the continent, where they found water and fish ready dressed in some Indian houses. At night these people attacked them, and the cacique of Apalache whom they had hitherto kept along with them made his escape, leaving a mantle of sables behind him so strongly scented with ambergris that it could be smelt from a considerable distance. Obliged to reimbark, and the weather proving stormy, the barks were all dispersed, and none of them ever more heard of except that in which Cabeza de Vaca was, which was thrown ashore. Panfilo de Narvaez and most of his men were assuredly lost in the storm, or destroyed by the Indians on shore; though there was a foolish report long current that he had penetrated to the South Sea.

[Footnote 133: These intricacies may possibly have been between Mobile Bay, and the western bay of Spiritu Santo at the mouths of the Mississippi.--E.]

* * * * *

SECTION III.

_Adventures and wonderful escape of Cabeza de Vaca, after the loss of Narvaez._

When cast on shore, as mentioned at the close of the former section, Cabeza de Vaca and the people along with him were relieved by the Indians; and on endeavouring again to put to sea, the bark was overset, three of the Spaniards were drowned, and Cabeza and a few more got again on shore, naked and without arms. On seeing the miserable plight of these unhappy Spaniards, the Indians came to them with provisions, sat down by them and lamented their misfortunes, carried them to their houses, and made fires by the way to warm them, otherwise they must have perished with the cold, as they were naked and it was now the month of November. They were put into a house with a good fire, the natives dancing all night close by them, which the Spaniards were sadly afraid was a prelude to their being sacrificed next day. But as they were plentifully supplied with provisions they began to recover their spirits and confidence next day. Cabeza de Vaca and his companions were soon afterwards joined by the Spaniards who had escaped from the wreck of another bark. At first they were in all eighty men; but in a short time their number was reduced to fifteen, as they were forced to winter on the island, exposed to excessive cold and great scarcity of provisions. Owing to their misfortunes, they called this _Isola de Mal-hado_, or the isle of Bad-Luck[134].

[Footnote 134: As we have no information in the text which could lead to suppose that Cabeza ever crossed the great river Missisippi, either before landing on the island of Mal-hado, or in his subsequent journey to New Spain, the isle of Bad-Luck may have been to the west of the Missisippi.--E.]

The inhabitants of this island were of large stature, their only weapons being bows and arrows. The men had one of their nipples bored, wearing a piece of reed in the hole, and a similar ornament in their under lip. They dwelt in this island from October to February, feeding much on certain roots. In the months of November and December they caught fish in a kind of wears inclosed with reeds; but these were not to be got at any other time. At the latter end of February, when all the roots were eaten, they were forced to remove from the island in search of food elsewhere. These natives were extraordinarily fond of their children, the parents and kindred lamenting for such as died during a whole year, after which they completed the funeral ceremonies, and washed off the black paint they had worn in token of mourning. They did not lament for the death of the old, alleging that they had lived their time, and that they took away the food which ought to go to the children. All the dead were buried, except the _physicians_[135], whose bodies were burnt, and their ashes kept for a year, after which these ashes were mixed with water and drank by the relations of the deceased. Every man was contented with one wife; but these physicians had usually two or three each, who lived together very amicably. When a man engages to marry the daughter of another, he gives her all he possesses, and sends to the father of his bride every thing he kills, and in return his diet is sent him from the house of his father-in-law, as he is not permitted to enter the house during the first year of the marriage. Should his father-in-law or any of the brothers of his wife meet him during that time, they always look down and pass on without speaking; yet in that period the woman converses freely with the father or other relations of her husband. These customs are observed both in the island of _Mal-hado_ and through all the country of Florida for fifty leagues inland. When a son or brother dies, the people of the house will rather starve than go in quest of any thing to eat during three months, in all which time the relations of the family send in all that is necessary for their sustenance. Owing to this, several families in Mal-hado were in great straits while the Spaniards resided among them, as many had died and the survivors strictly observed the custom. The houses in the island were of mats, and strewed with oyster shells, on which they lay at night stark naked round the fire. The inhabitants of the province of _Tegesta_[136], reaching from the Martyrs to Cape Cannaveral, feed better than those Indians among whom Cabeza resided, being extraordinarily expert fishers. Two of them will venture out in a small canoe to attack, whales when any are seen upon the coast. One of them steers or paddles the canoe; while the other, being provided with two or three stakes and a mallet, leaps into the sea as soon as he sees a whale rise to the surface, gets upon its head, and immediately drives one of the stakes into one of the spiracles or blowing holes by which the whale breathes. The whale immediately dives to the bottom; and when forced to come up again to breathe, he repeats the operation and plugs up the other spiracle, so that it cannot get breath and is soon suffocated. When the whale dies, they fasten a line of withes or twisted branches to its neck, and tow it to the shore, where it serves a long while for them to feed upon.

[Footnote 135: So called by the translator of Herrera, but perhaps these were a kind of priests or conjurers.--E.]

[Footnote 136: In some modern maps _Tegesta_ is considered as the southern extremity of the province of East Florida.--E.]

Cabeza de Vaca and the remnant of his unfortunate companions remained in the isle of Mal-hado till the end of April 1529, by which time all the food in the island being devoured, the whole population was forced by hunger to go over to the continent of Florida, where they fed upon wild berries. The Spaniards were obliged to act as physicians to the natives, as otherwise they were refused food. In the exercise of this profession, they made the sign of the cross on the parts affected, reciting the _Pater noster_, and prayed to God to heal their patients, who all affirmed that they derived great benefit from these ceremonies, and supplied the Spaniards with food in return. There were two languages used among these natives within a very little distance, those who spoke the one being called _Capoques_, and the others _Han_. When the natives happened to meet together after a long separation, they would often sit down and weep for half an hour before they began to converse.

All the remaining Spaniards, to the number of fourteen, went away along the coast, leaving Cabeza de Vaca behind, who happened to be sick and unable to travel. On his recovery, he had to search among the water for roots[137] on which to support himself. Wearied of this uncomfortable manner of life, and being entirely naked, he went away among a tribe called the _Charrucos_, who dwelt among mountains, where he fared much better, as he turned merchant, going about from place to place bartering such things as they wanted, and in this way he travelled over forty or fifty leagues of the coast. He dealt in sea-shells like those of snails which were used as beads, and in a different kind of shells which were used instead of knives; and in return for these he procured deer-skins, vermillion, and ochre, with which the natives paint themselves, flints for pointing arrows, a kind of bitumen with which these arrow heads are fastened, and reeds with which the arrow shafts are made, as also tufts of deers hair dyed red, which are used as ornaments. By means of this trade Cabeza de Vaca had liberty to go wherever he pleased, and was well received wherever he went, receiving provisions in return for his merchandize.

[Footnote 137: Probably the translator has mistaken the original of this passage, and Cabeza may have searched for shell fish adhering to the roots of trees under water.--E.]

Cabeza de Vaca continued in this mode of life to the year 1535, always well entertained, and always travelling towards the south west to gain ground in hopes of regaining his liberty by getting out of the country into Mexico[138]. Though naked and alone, and enduring much hunger and cold, he enjoyed his liberty, and remained six years in that part of the country, always in hopes of being able to bring away his two remaining countrymen, Oviedo and Alanis, who had tarried in the island of Mal-hado. At length Alanis died, and he set off along with Oviedo. Coming to a creek near a mile in breadth, supposed by them to be that called _Del Espiritu Santo_[139], they were informed by some Indians that they would find three men like themselves farther on, whose names they told. They also said that the Indians had slain Orantes, Valdivieso, Huelva, Esquibel, and Mendez[140]; but that the three who still lived were very ill used, especially by the boys, who kicked, beat, and abused them for their amusement. At this time the Indians treated Cabeza and Oviedo very ill, so that Oviedo went back along with some of the natives, but Cabeza stayed and they two never met more.

[Footnote 138: Herrera, V. 92.]

[Footnote 139: It is quite impossible to form any reasonable conjecture as to the situation of this creek, which could not be the bay of Espiritu Santo in East Florida; nor that of the same name nearly opposite in West Florida at the mouth of the Missisippi.--E.]

[Footnote 140: There is considerable difficulty to understand the translation here, as Mr Stevens does not seem to have understood his original. Orantes appears in the sequel to have been still alive; but we must take the translation as it is, not having the original to consult.--E.]

Two days after the departure of Oviedo, the Indians with whom Orantes resided came to the banks of this creek to eat nuts, on which they fed two months of the year. Orantes went to visit Cabeza who had been hidden by some Indians who favoured him, and it was a great satisfaction to these friends to meet, though in great trouble as being naked and miserable in a land of savages. They agreed to endeavour to proceed to the south-west, but to remain with the Indians till the nuts were consumed, and then to remove along with them to another place where they fed upon _tunas;_ because if they should attempt to escape the Indians would kill them.

All the rest belonging to the expedition had perished, some having been stoned to death by the natives, and others drowned, among whom was Panfilo de Narvaez, as Figueroa, who was present, related to Cabeza. Among these Indians who fed upon _tunas_ they endured much hunger, as there was not enough for them all. In that country there were grey and black wild cattle of low stature, like those of Barbary, having very long hair, but their flesh was coarser than the beef of Spain. Having concerted to make their escape, the Indians among whom they lived had a quarrel on account of a woman, and parted company, so that the Spaniards were obliged to separate likewise, but agreed to meet again at the same place next year, which they did accordingly, but were again separated on the very day when they meant to have fled. Yet they appointed to meet again on the 1st of September, when the moon was full. Two of them came on the 13th and Orantes on the 14th, when they actually fled. Coming to a tribe of Indians called _Avares_, they were well received and procured plenty of provisions, as these people had learnt that the Christians performed cures. That same night three Indians came to wait upon them who were troubled with pains in their heads, desiring Castillo to cure them, and as soon as he had blessed them with the sign of the cross they became well; in reward for which they brought _tunas_ and venison, and blazed abroad the wonderful cures which had been performed upon them by the strangers. In consequence of this so many persons came to be cured, and brought with them such abundance of provisions that the Spaniards knew not how to dispose of it, and the Indians made a solemn dance for joy of the cures. The Spaniards intended to have proceeded farther, but on being informed that the country through which they meant to travel was desert, the tunas all eaten, and the climate excessively cold, they agreed to remain with the Avares all winter, who went five days journey into the country to feed on a sort of fruit called _yeros_. When they had settled their habitation near a river, many Indians came with their sick to be cured by Castillo, who blessed them and prayed to God to cure them, as this was the only means they had for subsistence. Next morning they were all well to the great satisfaction and astonishment of the Indians; and for which the Spaniards returned thanks to God, confiding that he would deliver them out of their miserable bondage.

Departing from the _Avares_, the Spaniards came to certain tribes of Indians called _Maliconas_, _Susolas_, and _Atayos_, among whom their wonderful cures were already known, so that many sick persons were brought to them. But as Castillo was a man who feared God, and despaired of being able to do them good on account of his unworthiness, Cabeza de Vaca was obliged to officiate in his stead. Taking along with him Orantes and the mulatto Estevanillo, he went to visit a sick person in a very dangerous condition, being almost dead, with his eyes turned in his head, and no pulse; and so confident were the Indians of his approaching death that his house was already pulled down according to their custom on such occasions. Cabeza took off the mat from the dying man, prayed to God to restore him to health, and when he had several times blessed the man and breathed on him, the attendants presented him with a bow and arrows and a basket of _tunas_, conducting him to cure others in the same manner. After this the Spaniards returned to their quarters, and were informed by the Indians that the dying man had got up, spoken to his friends, and eaten with them, and that all the rest of their patients were in perfect health. The fame of these cures spread over all the country, so that many other sick persons were brought to them to be healed, bringing presents of provisions. According to their account, the Spaniards remained eight moons among the _Avares_, neither Orantes nor Estevanillo having yet performed any cures, though so much importuned that they were at length forced to comply, being called the _children of the sun_. Being intent on prosecuting their journey, they fled one days journey into the country of the _Maliconas_, where they fed for twelve days on a small kind of fruit till the _tunas_ were ripe. Having endured much hunger there for some time, they were directed to the habitations of another tribe which spoke the same language. To add to their sufferings, they lost their way, and it rained very much which distressed them greatly, as they were entirely naked. They rested that night in a wood, where they roasted tunas as food. Next morning, when endeavouring to find out their way, they met a number of women and children who all ran away to call the men, who conducted the Spaniards to their village, consisting of fifty houses. The natives gazed on the strangers with much fear and admiration, touching their faces and bodies; and when recovered from their fright they brought their sick to be cured by them, and even forbore from eating themselves that they might supply the Spaniards with food.

So great is the want of food in all the country from the isle of Mal-hado to this district of the Maliconas, that the natives are often three days without eating; on which account it is the custom of mothers to suckle their children till twelve years of age, and they never have any intercourse with their husbands till two years after delivery. When a married pair do not agree, it is customary for them to part and form new connections, but this is never done when they have children. When the men fall out among themselves they only use their fists or cudgels, never employing their bows and arrows in private broils; and on these occasions the women only venture to interpose to part them. These Indians are very brave, and are as vigilant against their enemies as the best soldiers in Europe. They dig ditches, throw up entrenchments, make loop-holes, lay ambushes, and use various stratagems with great art and patience, usually killing each other by surprise in the night. They are very cruel, are always ready on any alarm, and are watchful of opportunities to take revenge and to gain advantage over any want of foresight in their enemies. When actually engaged in battle, they have a strange manner of skipping about from side to side, to prevent their enemies from taking aim, and they shoot their arrows in a stooping posture, to prevent being observed. Their languages are exceedingly various, changing almost at each town.

Coming to another town, the Indians brought their children to touch the hands of the Spaniards, giving them meal made of a fruit like carobs, which was eaten along with a certain kind of earth, and was very sweet and agreeable. Departing from thence, after passing a great river the water of which reached to their breasts, they came to a town of an hundred houses, whence the people came out to meet them with great shouts, clapping their hands on their thighs, and making a kind of music by means of hollow gourds with stones in them. These Indians received them with great kindness, carrying them to their houses without suffering their feet to touch the ground, and great numbers flocked to them to be blessed. Next day they continued their journey, and were well received by the next Indians, who supplied them with plenty of venison, and brought their sick to be cured. They were equally well treated by the next succeeding tribe, by whom so great rejoicing was made for their arrival, that they could not sleep for the noise. They observed a strange custom among all these Indians, who, when they escorted the Spaniards to another tribe, always plundered the houses they came to. Cabeza and his companions were much concerned at this; but those who had lost their goods in this manner made quite light of the matter, desiring them not to be troubled at it, as they would repay themselves farther on among tribes who were very rich. At this place the Spaniards began to perceive a chain of mountains which they thought extended towards New Spain, and to which they now directed their journey accompanied by the Indians, who pillaged as usual wherever they went. When their guides retired, their new hosts presented the Spaniards with such things as they had hidden, being beads, vermillion, and some small bags of silver.

At this place the Spaniards agreed not to make for the mountainous country, where the inhabitants were reported to be ferocious, but to continue in the low country in which the people were extremely courteous. Many men and women loaded with water bore them company, and their authority was so great that no one would presume to drink without their leave. In this part of their journey they proceeded along a river, having been abandoned by their Indian guides, and were supplied with some meal made of Indian corn by two women. About sun-set they came to a village of about twenty houses, where the inhabitants were in great fear of being plundered by their guides; but were quite rejoiced on seeing them come alone. Next morning, when the Spaniards were about to depart, the inhabitants of the former town came in a body and plundered that in which they had spent the night; telling the inhabitants that these strangers were children of the sun and cured the sick, though able to destroy them all, and therefore that they must be respected; they told them likewise to go and plunder the next town according to custom, and to carry the strangers on their way. The Spaniards were accordingly well treated by this tribe, who carried them on for three days to a place having many houses, sending some before to give an account of what the others had said of the Spaniards, to which they added much of their own invention, being fond of novelty and much addicted to lying, especially where any advantage was expected. The Spaniards were well received, and their guides plundered as much as they could find and then returned to their own habitations. From this place the Spaniards travelled above fifty leagues along the face of a mountain, and came to a town of forty houses, in one of which they were shewn a large copper hawks-bell ornamented with a face, which these people valued highly, saying that they got it from a neighbouring tribe. Travelling from thence seven leagues over a mountain, the stones of which were iron ore, they came to some houses on the banks of a river, where the principal men came out to meet them, having their children on their backs, and presented the Spaniards, with small bags of fine sand and powdered antimony, with which they daub their faces, and gave them also beads and cloaks made of dressed skins. The food at this place was tunas and the kernels of pine apples, better than those of Spain, but smaller, as were the trees[141].

[Footnote 141: This surely is a mistake of the translator, as pine apples do not grow on trees, nor are their kernels the edible part. It may possibly have been pine nuts, or something of a similar kind.--E.]

At this place a man was brought to Cabeza who had been wounded by an arrow, the point of which as he said had reached his heart and gave him much pain, being still there, and he was to all appearance in extreme danger. Cabeza opened his breast with a knife and extracted the arrow head with much difficulty, after which he stitched up the wound and staunched the bleeding with the scrapings of a cows hide. The point of the arrow was exhibited all over the country, and caused much rejoicing. After some days, Cabeza removed the stitches, and the man was quite sound, declaring himself free of pain. This cure acquired the Spaniards so great reputation that they could do any thing they pleased. From this place they proceeded through so many different tribes that it were tedious and indeed impossible to mention them all; and all the way each tribe as they conducted the Spaniards to the next, plundered their neighbours in succession. Through the whole journey the Spaniards had so much company that they knew not how to turn themselves. During their journey the Indians killed many deer, hares, pigeons, and other birds by means of their arrows and spears, all of which they presented to the Spaniards, and would not use them for their own necessities without leave. Sometimes they were attended by above four thousand persons at once, which was extremely troublesome, as none of them would either eat or drink till the Spaniards had blessed the food and drink and breathed on them.

They travelled in this manner for upwards of thirty leagues, at the end of which the mode of their reception was considerably changed as the Indians who accompanied them ceased plundering; yet the tribe at which they arrived offered every thing they had, which was divided among the escort, who then returned to their own dwellings, and this tribe recovered what they had given away in a similar manner on accompanying the Spaniards to the next tribe. In the course of their journey however the Spaniards had to travel for more than fifty leagues through a craggy mountainous country, where they suffered extremely for want of food, till at length they arrived at a plain country where they met with a kind reception, and where their escort received abundance of goods and provisions and then returned to their own habitations. As the people farther on were at war with the tribe where the Spaniards then were, two women were sent on to inform the hostile tribe of the approach of the Christians, as it was usual among these people, even when at war, to continue an intercourse of trade by means of their women. Continuing their journey, the Spaniards were inclined to change the route more to the northwards, as no person came to meet them from the tribe to which the women were sent; but the Indians who accompanied them objected to this measure, as they alleged that the natives in that direction were wicked and cruel, and that besides they would be unable to procure food or water. As the Spaniards were displeased at this interruption, the Indians declared themselves ready to go with them wherever they were pleased to command, even though sure to perish, and they accordingly went on; but as many of the Indians fell sick, and eight of them died in this part of the journey, the other tribes were thrown into great consternation, believing that they should all die upon being visited by the Spaniards. So great was the dread and reverence in which the Spaniards were held by the Indians, who imagined they were the cause of the sickness and death of their countrymen, that they earnestly entreated the Spaniards not to be angry with them. Cabeza de Vaca and his companions became apprehensive that this mortality might estrange the Indians from them, and therefore prayed earnestly to God to put a stop to the sickness, and accordingly all who were sick began immediately to recover.

Three days journey from thence, Orantes and Estevanillo went under the guidance of a female slave to a village in which her father lived, and where they saw the first houses that were built in any thing like regular order, the inhabitants of which cultivated kidney-beans, pompions, and maize. Cabeza de Vaca and his companions went to this place, dismissing their former conductors. At this town a new custom began among the natives. Instead of coming out to meet the Spaniards as had been the case hitherto, the inhabitants were all seated in their houses, hanging down their heads with their hair before their eyes, and all their goods in a heap in the middle of the floor, presenting all they possessed to the strangers. These natives were well shaped and industrious, and their language easily comprehended. The women and such men as were unfit for war were dressed in mantles made of deer skins. After remaining two days among these Indians, who directed them to go in the first place up a river to the northwards, where they would find abundance of wild cattle, and then to turn westwards, in which direction the natives cultivated maize. Following this direction, they proceeded for thirty-four days across the country, till they came at length to the South Sea. In this journey the Spaniards suffered prodigious hardships and were reduced to extremity by famine, having to pass through the territories of a tribe which feeds on pounded straw for a considerable portion of the year, and they had the misfortune to come among them at that period. At length they came to a better country, in which the natives had tolerable houses, with plenty of corn, pompions, and kidney-beans, the people being decently dressed in cotton mantles. From this place their former conductors returned well pleased with the things they procured according to the usual customs among the natives. Cabeza and his companions travelled above an hundred leagues with much satisfaction in this country, blessing God for having brought them at length into a land of plenty, as besides vegetable food in abundance, the natives killed venison and other game, and presented the Spaniards with cotton mantles, coral beads procured from the South Sea, turquoise stones, and several arrow heads made of emeralds, which they procured from a neighbouring nation in exchange for various coloured plumes of feathers.

In this country the women were more modestly clothed than any they had hitherto seen. Every person, whether sick or well, came to the Spaniards to be blessed, believing them to be men come down from heaven, so that their authority was unbounded among the natives. It fortunately happened that the Spaniards could make themselves understood wherever they went, although they only knew six of the Indian languages, which would have been of little use if Providence had not preserved them, considering the vast multiplicity of languages spoken among the detached tribes of America. Wherever they travelled, the tribes who happened to be at war immediately made peace at their approach, that they might have the opportunity of seeing the Christians; who thus left them all in amity, and exhorted them wherever they went to worship the one only true God who had created the heaven and earth, the sun, moon, and stars, and all other things, and from whom proceeded all blessing. The Spaniards likewise earnestly urged them to refrain from injuring one another by going to war or taking away the goods of others, with many similar instructions, all of which were well received. The whole country along this coast seemed well peopled, and abounded in provisions, as the natives sowed maize and kidney beans thrice a-year. In one town the natives used poisoned arrows, their points being dipped in the juice of some kind of fruit or plant. At this place they staid three days; and after a days journey, coming to another town, they were obliged to stop for fifteen days, owing to the river being in flood. At this place Castillo observed an Indian who had a sword buckle and a horse shoe hanging from his neck, who alleged that he got them from heaven; but on being farther interrogated, he said that some bearded men had come from heaven to that river, having horses, spears, and swords, who had gone again to sea, where they and their spears plunged under water, but appeared afterwards above it again. Cabeza and his companions joyfully gave thanks to God for hearing some news of Christians after their long and distressing sojourn among the barbarians, and hastened on their journey to find them the sooner, telling all the Indians that they were going to order these bearded men not to kill or make slaves of the natives nor to do them any harm.

In continuing their journey they passed through a considerable extent of fruitful and agreeable country, which was totally destitute of inhabitants, all the Indians having fled to the mountains for fear of the Spaniards. They came at length to the top of a hill where a great number of Indians had withdrawn, who presented them with a vast quantity of corn, which they gave to the poor famished natives who had escorted them thither. Continuing their journey, they observed many indications of Spaniards having been in the country, and they pressed onwards giving praise to God that their long and miserable captivity seemed near a close. One day, while Cabeza and Estevanillo were in advance, accompanied by eleven Indians, they overtook four Spanish horsemen, who were much astonished at being accosted in their own language by persons in their strange garb and appearance. Cabeza requested to be conducted to their commander, Diego de Alcaraz, who informed him they were now in _New Galicia_, and about thirty leagues from the town of San Miguel. Castillo and Orantes then came up, attended by above six hundred of the Indians who had deserted their habitations from fear of the Spaniards. By their means all the others were induced to return to their houses in peace and to sow the land. Cabeza and his three companions having taken leave of the Indians who accompanied them with many thanks for their protection, travelled twenty-five leagues farther to a place called _Culiacan_[142], where they arrived much spent with long fatigue and after having endured much hunger and thirst during their arduous and anxious peregrinations through the vast wilderness from Florida to New Galicia.

[Footnote 142: Culiacan, or Hueicolhuacan, on a river of the same name which discharges itself into the Vermilion Sea or Gulf of California, is in lat. 24° 50' N. long. 106° 40' W. in the province of Cinaloa. Cabeza de Vaca and his companions had therefore followed an oblique course from the north-east in the south of Louisiana entirely across the continent, to the south-west, from about the latitude of 31° to 25° both north; a journey in all probability exceeding 1200 English miles in a straight line. The beginning of their journey seems to have been to the west of the Missisippi, as that great river is not mentioned; neither indeed do we find any indications of the Rio Bravo del Norte, which they must necessarily have crossed.--E.]

Melchior Diaz, who was captain and alcalde of the province, received them with singular humanity, giving praise to God for having delivered them out of their tedious and miserable captivity, and requested them to use their endeavours to appease the Indians of that part of the country, who were in arms against the Spaniards. This they most readily undertook, and sent messages by some of the Indians to the neighbouring caciques, three of whom came to Culiacan attended by thirty Indians, bringing presents of feathers and emeralds. In conversation with these Indians about their religious belief, they said they believed in a being named _Aguar_, the lord of all things, who resided in heaven and sent them rain when they prayed to him for it; such being the tradition they had learnt from their fathers. Cabeza told them that _Aguar_ was GOD the Creator of heaven and earth, who disposed all things according to his holy will, and who, after this life, rewarded the good and punished the wicked. He exhorted them therefore to believe henceforwards in this only true God, to return to their houses and live in peace, to build a house for the worship of God after the manner of the Christians, and when any Spaniards came to visit them, that they should meet them with crosses in their hands, and not with bows and arrows; promising, if they did this, that the Spaniards would be their good friends and would teach them every thing they ought to know, that God might make them happy in the next life. All this the Indians engaged to perform. Cabeza de Vaca and his companions went on from Culiacan for San Miguel[143], attended by a few Indians, the natives by the way coming out to meet them in great numbers with presents, whom they exhorted to become Christians as they were now subjects to the king of Spain. They all received these advices in the most friendly manner, requesting to have their children baptized. While on the road they were overtaken by Alcaraz, by whom they were informed that all the deserted country through which they had lately travelled was again well peopled and in peace, and that the Indians were all occupied in sowing their lands.

[Footnote 143: San Miguel is not to be found in the most recent map of New Spain by M. de Humboldt; that name may possibly have been given to the city of Mazatlan, in lat. 23° 15' N. on the coast of Cinaloa.--E.]

Cabeza de Vaca and his companions judged that the extent of country through which they had travelled, from Florida on the Atlantic to San Miguel on the South Sea, could not be less than two hundred leagues[144], as they declared upon oath before a notary at San Miguel on the 15th of May 1536, before whom likewise they subscribed a narrative of all the incidents of their weary pilgrimage. After resting fifteen days in San Miguel, they proceeded to the city of Compostella[145], a distance of an hundred leagues, where Nunno de Guzman then was, by whom they were kindly received and furnished with clothes and all other necessaries. From thence they went to Mexico, where they arrived on the 22d of July, and met with a courteous reception from the viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza. Leaving Castillo and Estevanillo at Mexico, Cabeza de Vaca and Orantes proceeded to Vera Cruz, whence they passed over into Spain in 1537.

[Footnote 144: Two hundred Spanish leagues of 17-1/2 to the degree, or about 800 English miles. It has been already stated in a former note that the direct distance they had travelled could not be less than 1200 miles, probably 1600 allowing for deflections.--E.]

[Footnote 145: San Miguel and Compostella are both omitted in the most recent map of New Spain by Humboldt, though both are inserted in Governor Pownalls map of North America; in which San Miguel is placed about 27 miles S.E. from Culiacan, and Compostella 230 miles S.S.E. from San Miguel; all three near the western coast of New Spain, the former in the province of Culiacan, the latter in that of Guadalaxara--E.]

We learn from Herrera[146], that Alvar Nunnez Cabeza de Vaca was sent out in 1540 as governor of the incipient Spanish settlements on the Rio Plata, in which expedition he was accompanied by his former companion in distress Orantes. In the year 1545, he was made prisoner by some mutinous officers of the colony and sent into Spain, where his conduct was cleared by the council of the Indies, yet he was not restored to his government.

[Footnote 146: Herrera, V. 342, 390, 402.]

SECTION IV.

_Narrative of a new attempt to Conquer Florida, by Ferdinand de Soto_[147].

[Footnote 147: Herrera, V. 223--239.--This narrative, as will be seen by the series of quotations from Herrera, is broken down by that writer into detached fragments, in consequence of rigid attention to chronological order. In the present instance these are arranged into one unbroken journal, but with no other alteration in the text. It is one of the most curious of our early expeditions of discovery, bearing strong internal evidence of having been taken by Herrera from an original journal, and so far as we know has never been adopted into any former Collection.--E.]

Ferdinand De Soto, had served with much reputation in Castilla del Oro and Nicaragua, and went with Pizarro upon the conquest of Peru, being even promoted for his worth and valour to the distinguished office of lieutenant-general under Pizarro. On the breaking out of the disturbances between the factions of Pizarro and Almagro, he was so much disgusted that he returned into Spain, without having acquired the riches that his services and good qualities deserved, considering the immense wealth which was found in Peru. Aspiring to undertake some brilliant enterprise suited to his lofty genius, he petitioned the king to be allowed to undertake the conquest of Florida, which was readily granted to him, as he was a person of experience, of a fine presence and graceful carriage, and well fitted by the strength of his constitution to encounter the hardships incident to such hazardous enterprises. Since the entire failure and destruction of Panfilo de Narvaez and his armament, as already related, no one had hitherto offered to attempt the reduction of that country till now. Among the terms granted to Soto on this occasion, he was appointed governor of the island of Cuba, which was to serve as a place of arms from whence to conduct the intended conquest of Florida. On the design of this enterprise being made public, near a thousand men were soon raised for the expedition, among whom were many gentlemen of good birth, encouraged by the reputation of the commander, and the hopes of acquiring wealth.

Ten ships were fitted out at San Lucar for carrying out the troops and all the necessary stores, which set sail on the 6th of April 1538, accompanying the fleet for New Spain, the whole being under the supreme command of the adelantado Ferdinand de Soto so far as the island of Cuba, after which the _flota_ was to be commanded by Gonzalo de Salazar, the factor of New Spain. To shew his proud and turbulent disposition, on the first night after going to sea, Salazar pushed a cannon shot a-head of all the fleet to affront the admiral, who immediately ordered a shot to be fired at him. The ball went through all the sails of Salazars ship from the poop to the head; and by a second shot, all the side of his ship was torn immediately above the deck. Salazars ship became unmanageable from the injury done to her sails, and on the admiral pushing forwards the two ships ran foul of each other and were both in imminent danger of perishing in the dark, but by cutting all the rigging of the other ship the admiral got clear. Soto was so highly incensed by this haughty conduct of Salazar that he had well nigh ordered him to be beheaded; but forgave him on submission and promise of better behaviour in future.

The fleet arrived safe at Santiago in Cuba. Not long before this a Spanish ship commanded by Diego Perez had an engagement of four days continuance with a French privateer, separating courteously by mutual consent every night, and recommencing furiously every morning; but the Frenchmen slipped off during the fourth night. Immediately on his arrival in Cuba, Soto sent orders to repair the Havannah, which had been burnt by some French privateers, and he ordered a fort to be built for the protection of that place. Having sent some persons of skill to discover and examine the harbours along the coast of Florida, and appointed his lady to administer the government of Cuba in his absence, he prepared to enter upon the great object of his expedition.

Accordingly, having embarked nine hundred men and three hundred and thirty horses, he sailed from the Havannah on the 12th of May 1539, and came to anchor on the last day of that month in the Bay of _Espiritu Santo_ on the coast of Florida[148]. He immediately landed three hundred men, who lay on shore all night without seeing a single native. About day-break next day the Spanish detachment was attacked by a prodigious multitude of Indians, and compelled to retreat precipitously to the shore. Basco Porcallo de Figuero was sent with a party to their relief, as the Indians pressed hard upon them with incessant flights of arrows, and the Spaniards being raw soldiers unaccustomed to arms or discipline knew not how to resist. On the approach of Porcallo the Indians were obliged to retire in their turn; yet killed that commanders horse with an arrow, which pierced through the saddle lap and penetrated a span deep into the horses body. All the forces were now landed, and marched about two leagues inland to a town belonging to the cacique _Harrihiagua_[149], who had fled to the mountains lest he should be called to account for his cruelty to the Spaniards who had been here formerly along with Panfilo de Narvaez. None of these were now alive in the country except one man named Juan Ortiz, who had been saved by the wife of the cacique, who abhorred the cruel disposition of her husband. By her assistance, Ortiz had been enabled to make his escape to another cacique named _Mucozo_, who protected him and used him well. Having learned where this man was, Soto sent Baltasar de Gallegos with sixty horsemen to bring him to the camp, wishing him to act as interpreter with the natives. At the same time Mucozo was sending Ortiz with an escort of fifty Indians to offer peace to the Spaniards. These Indians were all stark naked, except that each wore a small clout, but their heads were ornamented with great plumes of feathers. They all carried bows in their hands, and all had quivers well filled with arrows.

[Footnote 148: It has been already mentioned that there are two bays of this name, one in _East_, and the other _West_ Florida. There can be no doubt that the one here mentioned in the text is the former of these, in lat. 27° 48' N. long. 83° 20' W. It lies on the western coast of East Florida, and runs about 35 miles into the land, dividing at its head into two coves or bays named Hillsborough and Tampa.--E.]

[Footnote 149: This name considerably resembles the names of men and places in Hispaniola and Cuba, hence we may conjecture Harrihiagua to have been cacique over some of the emigrants said to have gone from Cuba to Florida, as mentioned in the first section of this chapter.--E.]

Immediately on seeing the horsemen, the Indians ran for shelter into the wood, being afraid of an attack, and the raw Spaniards went full speed after them in spite of their commander. Ortiz alone remained in the open plain, and was assaulted by Alvaro Nieto with his lance. Ortiz leaped to one side to avoid the lance, and called out in the Indian language having forgot his own by long disuse, but fortunately made the sign of the cross, on which Nieto asked if he were Juan Ortiz. Answering in the affirmative, Nieto took him up behind him on his horse and carried him to his captain Gallegos, who was gathering his men that had dispersed in pursuit of the Indians. Some of the natives never stopped till they reached the town of their cacique, but others were appeased, and seeing one of their companions wounded they exclaimed bitterly against Ortiz, as it had happened through his inadvertence. Soto was much pleased that he had got Ortiz, whom he greatly caressed. He was likewise very kind to the Indians who had accompanied him, and ordered the one who had been wounded to be carefully dressed; and sent by them a message to the cacique Mucozo, thanking him for his kind usage of Ortiz, and offering his friendship.

Ortiz could give very little account of the country, as his whole employment under his first master had been to carry wood and water, and he had never ventured to go out of sight of the other who used him well, lest he might be suspected of endeavouring to escape; but he had been told that the interior of the country was pleasant and fertile. Mucozo came to visit Soto, who entertained him and gave him some Spanish trinkets to secure his friendship. Soon afterwards the mother of the cacique came weeping to the Spaniards, demanding to have her son restored, and begging that he might not be slain. Soto endeavoured to sooth and reassure her, yet she ate of such victuals as were offered with much hesitation, asking Ortiz whether she might eat in safety, as she was fearful of being poisoned, and insisting that Ortiz should taste every thing in the first place. Mucozo remained a week among the Spaniards, amusing himself with the novelty of every thing he saw, and making many inquiries respecting the customs of Spain. During this time Soto endeavoured to learn some particulars respecting the country, remaining always with his troops at the town belonging to Harrihiagua, because near the Bay of the Holy Ghost. At this time he dismissed the ships, that his men might have no hopes of getting away from the country, following in this measure the example of many ancient and modern commanders, and among these Cortes on his invasion of Mexico. He reserved however four of his ships to serve upon particular occasions.

Soto used every means to acquire the friendship of Harrihiagua, giving strict charges that no damage should be done in his country, being extremely unwilling to give the first cause of offence, but nothing could prevail on that cacique to enter into any friendly connection. As some of the men were sent out daily, under a strong escort, to bring in forage for the horses, they were one day suddenly assailed by a multitude of Indians, making such hideous yells as scared them for some time. Before the Spaniards could recover from their panic, the Indians laid hold of a soldier named Grajal, whom they carried off without doing any other harm. More Spaniards coming out on this alarm, the Indians were pursued on the track for two leagues by twenty horsemen, when they were found among some tall reeds eating, drinking, and making merry with their women, and bidding Grajal eat, as they told him they would use him better than Ortiz. On hearing the trampling of the horses all the men fled, leaving the women and children with Grajal, whom they had stripped naked. The Spaniards returned well pleased with Grajal and the women and children, all of whom Soto set free along with some men who had been made prisoners formerly, on purpose if possible to conciliate the cacique and his subjects.

After remaining three weeks in that place, Soto sent a detachment of sixty horse and an equal number of foot under Gallegos to explore the country beyond the districts belonging to Harrihiagua and Mucozo, which belonged to a cacique named _Urribarracuxi_. On asking guides from Mucozo for this expedition, he refused it saying that it would be treacherous to furnish guides for doing injury to his friend and brother-in-law. The Spaniards answered that they meant no injury, and he might send his friend notice of their intended visit, as they were resolved at all events to go. In that part of the country they found many wild vines, walnut-trees, mulberry, plum, oak, pine, and other trees resembling those which grow in Spain, and the open fields appeared pleasant and fertile. But they found Urribarracuxi's town, which was at the distance of seventeen leagues, entirely abandoned, and could by no means prevail upon him to come out of the woods or to contract any friendship with them, though he likewise entirely refrained from doing them any harm. Gallegos sent back word to inform Soto of the nature of the country he had explored, and that there were plenty of provisions in the town to which he had penetrated. Being anxious to take Harrihiagua prisoner, his lieutenant Vasco Porcallo went out with a party on that service, though Soto advised him to send some other person. When Harrihiagua learnt the object of this expedition, he sent word to Porcallo that his labour would be all in vain, as the roads were so bad he would never be able to reach the place in which he dwelt. Porcallo however persisted, and coming to a deep morass which his men refused to enter, he spurred on his horse to set a good example; but his horse soon floundered in the morass and Porcallo fell off and was nearly stifled. Considering that he was well up in years and had a good estate, Porcallo considered this as a warning to him to desist from such dangerous and fatiguing enterprises, for which reason he asked leave to return to Cuba, and distributed his horses, arms, and provisions among the troops, leaving his son Gomez Xuarez de Figuero well equipped behind him to continue the enterprise, which was better fitted for younger men, and in which Gomez acquitted himself like a man of honour.

On receiving intelligence from Gallegos of the pleasantness of the interior country, Soto determined to advance with the bulk of his men, leaving Calderon to command at the town belonging to Harrihiagua with forty horsemen, to secure the ships, provisions, and stores. On this occasion he gave strict orders to Calderon, to give no offence to the Indians, but rather to wink at any injuries they might offer. Soto did not think proper to halt in the town of Mucozo, lest he might be burdensome to him and his people with so great a force, though that friendly cacique offered to entertain him. But he recommended to Mucozo to be kind to the Spaniards who had been left at the Bay of the Holy Ghost. Soto marched N.N.E. to the town of Urribarracuxi, but neglected to make proper marks in the country through which he travelled, which was a great fault, and occasioned much trouble in the sequel. On coming to the town of Urribarracuxi, he used every possible endeavour to prevail upon that cacique to enter into friendship, but quite ineffectually. Endeavouring to penetrate farther into the country in search of that cacique, they came to a morass which was three leagues over, and the road through which was so difficult as to take two days of hard labour; and next day the advanced party or scouts returned saying that it was quite impossible to proceed farther in that direction, on account of a number of rivers which took their rise in the great morass and intersected the country in every direction. Three days were ineffectually spent in searching for some way to pass onwards, Soto being always among the foremost to go out upon discovery. During this period the Indians made several excursions from the woods and morasses to assail the Spaniards with their arrows, but were generally repelled without doing any harm, and some of them made prisoners, who, to regain their liberty, pretended to shew the passes to the Spaniards, and led them to such places as were not fit for the purpose. On their knavery being discovered, some of them were torn in pieces by the dogs, which so intimidated the rest, that at length one of them undertook to guide them, and very easily brought them into the open country.

Soto and his men came soon afterwards to another morass, which had two large trees and some branches laid across its narrowest part to serve as a bridge. Soto sent two of his soldiers who were good swimmers to repair the bridge, but they were set upon by many Indians in canoes from whom they difficultly escaped after being severely wounded. But as the Indians no more appeared at this pass, the bridge was soon repaired, and the army passed over into the province or district of another cacique named _Acuera_; who, upon receiving an offer of peace, sent back for answer that he would rather have war than peace with vagabonds. Soto continued twenty days in this country, during which time the Indians killed fourteen Spaniards who had straggled from the main body, whose heads they carried to their cacique. The Spaniards buried the bodies of their companions wherever they found them; but the Indians dug them up again and hung their quarters upon trees. In the same time the Spaniards only killed fifty Indians, as they were always on their guard and kept among the woods and swamps. Leaving the town of Acuera, to which they did no harm, Soto continued his march inland for _Ocali_, keeping a direction a little to the east of north, through a fertile country free from morasses. At the end of about twenty leagues they came to Ocali, a town of about six hundred houses, abounding in Indian corn, pulse, acorns, dried plums, and nuts. The cacique and all his people had withdrawn into the woods, and at the first message desiring them to come out sent a civil evasive answer, but complied at the second summons with some apprehension.

Going some days afterwards accompanied by this cacique to examine a river over which it was intended to lay a bridge, there appeared about five hundred Indians on the other side, who shot their arrows towards the Spaniards, continually crying out "go away with you, vagabond robbers!" Soto asked the cacique why he permitted his subjects to behave in this manner; to which he made answer that many of them had thrown off their obedience because he had entered into friendship with the Spaniards. Soto therefore gave him permission to rejoin his subjects, on promising to return, but which he never did. The proposed bridge over this river was constructed of two cables stretched across, having planks laid between them, of which they procured abundance fit for the purpose in the woods. By this means the whole force inarched across with the utmost ease and satisfaction, the Spaniards on this occasion becoming engineers and pioneers to build bridges and construct roads, after the manner of the ancient Romans. As the guides had fled, the Spaniards made prisoners of thirty other Indians to shew them the roads, whom they treated well and presented with baubles so much to their satisfaction, that they conducted the army for sixteen leagues through a fine open country to the district of _Vitacucho_ which was about fifty leagues in circumference and was then divided among three brothers.

On coming to a town called _Ochilé_ about break of day, the Spaniards surrounded it before the natives were aware; but on hearing the drums and trumpets they ran out, and finding all the avenues blockaded they stood on their defence though the cacique was invited to enter into friendship. He continued for some time to resist; but as his people perceived that the Spaniards released the prisoners without doing them any harm, they represented this to their chief, on which, making a virtue of necessity, he submitted to Soto and was well treated. After this, he accompanied Soto, with many of his people, and conducted the Spaniards into a spacious and delightful vale in which there were many scattered habitations. The cacique sent likewise to acquaint his brothers that the Spaniards were marching through to other countries, only requiring to be supplied with provisions on their way, and did no harm to those who accepted their friendship. One of the brothers returned a favourable answer, and treated the Spaniards with great respect; but the eldest and most powerful of the three, would not allow the messengers to return, and sent afterwards a reproof to his brothers, who he said had acted like foolish boys, and might tell the strangers that, if they ventured into his country, he would roast one half of them and boil the other. But as Soto sent another kind message to him, he consented to visit Soto accompanied by five hundred warriors gaily adorned after their fashion, and was received with much civility and presented with such ornamental trinkets as pleased him much. He was greatly astonished at the appearance of the Spanish troops, and asked pardon for his rude and threatening expressions, promising to make amends by his future good conduct. This cacique, named _Vitacucho_, was about thirty-five years of age, strong limbed, and of a fierce aspect. Next day the Spanish army entered Vitacucho's town in martial order. It consisted of about two hundred houses or cabins, besides a great many others scattered all over the country. All the towns in this country have no other names except those of the caciques to which they respectively belong. After remaining two days in this town making merry, the two younger caciques asked permission of Soto to return to their own districts, which was granted, and having received some presents from Soto, they went away well pleased.

Vitacucho continued slily for some time to behave respectfully to Soto and the Spaniards, yet contriving how best to destroy them. For this purpose he concerted with all his neighbours, whom he persuaded that it was proper and necessary to destroy these wicked vagabonds who had come into their country to reduce them to servitude. He imparted his design to four Indians who attended Soto in quality of interpreters, whom he informed that he had ten thousand well armed Indians in readiness to aid him in the execution of this enterprise, and that he proposed to roast some of the Spaniards, to boil others, to hang up another part on the loftiest tress, and to poison all the rest in such a manner as to pine and rot away for a long time before they died. Being desired to keep the secret and to give their opinion of this design, they answered that they approved it highly, as an exploit worthy of his wisdom and valour, and that nothing could be better contrived. Vitacucho thus encouraged, determined to persevere, and sent notice to his confederates to hold themselves in readiness; but the four Indians, satisfied of the impracticability of the design, owing to the excellent discipline and vigilance of the Spaniards, made a discovery of the whole plot to Juan Ortiz, who communicated it without delay to Soto. In a council of the officers held to consult how to act in this emergency, it was thought best to take no immediate notice of the matter, except standing vigilantly on their guard as if ignorant of the treacherous intention of the cacique, but to contrive to make him fall into his own snare.

When the day concerted between Vitacucho and his confederates for putting their enterprise into execution was come, the crafty cacique requested Soto to go with him out of the town to see his subjects whom he had drawn up in martial array for his inspection, that he might be acquainted with his power, and with the manner of fighting practised among the Indians. Soto was a prudent man well versed in the art of war, in which he had gradually risen by his merit. On this occasion he courteously accepted the proposal of the cacique, saying that it was likewise customary among the Spaniards, to shew honour to their friends by displaying their troops in order of battle. The Spanish forces accordingly marched out in good order, prepared for whatever might occur; and the better to conceal his suspicions, and the purpose he had now in view, he walked out of the town on foot along with the cacique. The Indian warriors, to the number of about ten thousand men, were found drawn up in good order at some distance from the town, having their left wing protected by a wood and their right by two lakes. They were well equipped after their manner, their heads adorned with high plumes of feathers of herons, swans, and cranes. Their bows lay beside them on the ground, and their arrows were covered over with grass, to make it appear that they were unarmed. Besides the main body in the position before mentioned, they had a wing on each flank advanced into the plain.

Soto and the cacique advanced into the plain towards the Indian army, each attended by twelve chosen men. The Spanish troops moved forwards in order of battle on the right of Soto, the cavalry being in the middle of the plain, while the infantry moved close to the wood on the left of the Indians. When Soto and Vitacucho were arrived at the place where it was previously known that the cacique intended to have given a signal for attacking the Spaniards, who were now all in readiness and fully instructed how to act, Soto gave notice to his army to commence the attack by ordering a musket to be fired off. The twelve Spaniards who attended Soto immediately seized the cacique according to the instructions they had received for that purpose; and Soto mounting his horse led on the Spanish cavalry to the charge, being always foremost on every occasion, whether for fighting or hard labour. The Indians took up their arms and resisted the Spaniards as well as they could by repeated flights of arrows, even killing the horse on which Soto rode, as they chiefly aimed at the horses of which they stood in much fear. Soto soon got another horse from his page, and as the cavalry now penetrated the main body of the Indians their whole army took to flight, some seeking for safety in the wood and others by throwing themselves into the lakes. All who fled along the open plain were either killed or made prisoners. About nine hundred of the Indians took shelter in the smaller lake, which was immediately surrounded to prevent their escape, and the Spaniards likewise kept up an incessant attack upon them with their fire-arms and cross-bows, to induce them to surrender. Although in the water, the Indians continued to shoot as long as their arrows lasted, many of them standing on the backs of their comrades, who were swimming, till their arrows were spent, and then giving similar aid to others. They continued in this manner from about ten in the morning till midnight, always surrounded by the Spaniards, refusing to surrender though assured of their lives. At length many of the feeblest surrendered, after being fourteen hours in the water. As the rest observed that no injury was offered to the prisoners, they mostly surrendered next day at noon, when they had been above twenty-four hours in the water; and it was observed that they came out excessively tired, hungry, sleepy, and swollen. Seven still obstinately remained in the water till about seven in the evening; when Soto, thinking it a pity such resolute men should perish, ordered twelve Spaniards to swim to them, with their swords in their mouths, who dragged them all out half-drowned. Care was taken to recover them; and when asked the reason of their obstinacy, they alleged that as commanders, they were willing to convince their lord that they were worthy of their rank, by dying in his service and leaving a good name behind them, even expressing a desire that they had been permitted to perish. Four of these men were about thirty-five years of age. The other three were lads about eighteen, the sons of chiefs, who had obeyed the summons of Vitacucho, in hopes of acquiring honour, and were unwilling to return home vanquished. Soto presented some small mirrors and other baubles to these youths and dismissed them; but he told the four commanders, in presence of Vitacucho, that they all deserved to be put to death for having broken their plighted faith, yet he forgave them in hopes that they would take warning by what had now befallen them, and behave better for the future. He then invited Vitacucho to dine at his own table every day, being of opinion that more was to be gained among these barbarians by kind usage than severity, unless when indispensably necessary.

The prisoners taken on this occasion amounted to above a thousand men, who were distributed as servants among the Spanish troops. Vitacucho gave these men secret orders to fall upon and destroy the Spaniards while at dinner, and appointed the seventh day after the engagement for the execution of this new plot. On that day, while Vitacucho as usual was at dinner along with Soto and the principal Spanish officers, he started up on a sudden and gave a loud _whoop_ or war cry, which was the appointed signal of attack, and laying hold of Soto gave him so violent a blow with his fist as knocked him to the ground, and immediately fell upon him endeavouring to kill him; but the other officers who were at dinner killed Vitacucho immediately. On hearing the signal from the cacique, all the other Indians attacked their masters, some with fire-brands, others with the cooking kettles, pitchers, or whatever they could get hold of, of which the fire-brands did most harm; but as the Spaniards immediately seized their arms in their defence, all the Indians were slain.

Four days after this fray, the troops marched to another town called _Osachile_ after the name of its cacique. Coming to a river which could not be forded, it was proposed to construct a bridge similar to that employed on a former occasion; but on account of opposition from a body of Indians on the farther bank it was necessary in the first place to drive these away. For this purpose an hundred men armed with muskets and cross-bows were ferried over on six rafts, and thirty horsemen got over by swimming their horses. The Indians then fled, and the bridge was constructed in the same manner as formerly described, over which all the rest of the army passed. About two leagues after crossing the river, the army came to some corn-fields with scattered houses, and were galled for some time by the Indians, who lurked among the standing maize, whence they discharged their arrows at the Spaniards: But they were soon put to flight and several of them speared by the cavalry. On arriving at Osachile they found the town abandoned, and the cacique of that place could never be persuaded to make his appearance. Some Indians were made prisoners on this march, who were more tractable than any they had hitherto met with, and undertook to act as guides. It was now necessary for the Spaniards to consider of a proper place in which to pass the winter, and as there had been much talk about the province or district of Apalache, as producing gold, the army only halted two days at Osachile, and recommenced their march in the direction of Apalache. After marching twelve leagues through a desert wilderness, they came to a swamp half a league over, where the pass was defended by a considerable number of Indians. An engagement ensued in which several were killed on both sides, and the Spaniards were foiled for that day. But on the next, after a bloody encounter, the Spaniards drove the Indians from the swamp and got possession of the pass, all of which was fordable except about forty paces in the middle, over which there was a bridge of trees made fast together.

Having crossed the swamp, a very thick wood was found on the other side, above a league and half through, which the army had great difficulty to penetrate, neither indeed was it able to pass through the wood in one day. During this difficult march, an hundred horsemen armed with targets led the van, and were followed by an hundred musqueteers and cross-bow-men, all of whom carried axes to hew down trees and make a clear space for the army to encamp, which it did in the middle of the forest, and was all night long disturbed by the incessant war-hoops of surrounding Indians. Next day they continued their march through the wood, which now became more open, but they were constantly harassed by the Indians, more especially as the cavalry could be of very little service among the trees, and wherever there were any open spaces, the Indians had cut down trees to obstruct the passage. After getting out of this forest into the open country, they marched two leagues farther, killing or making prisoners of all the Indians who attempted to make any opposition; so that the natives became at length convinced that they were unable to destroy the Spaniards or to expel them from the country. The army now encamped at the commencement of the cultivated lands belonging to the _Apalaches_, but the Indians still continued to annoy them, by continually pouring flights of arrows into the camp.

Next day the army marched two leagues through a perpetual succession of fields of Indian corn, interspersed with straggling houses, and were frequently vexed by lurking Indians who shot off their arrows and then ran away. At the farther side of this cultivated plain, they came to a deep brook running through a wood, the ford of which was fortified by palisades or fallen trees, to prevent the passage of the cavalry: But a hundred of them alighted from their horses, and cleared the way with their swords and targets in spite of the Indians, who fought with much obstinacy, and did not give way till many of them were slain, but some of the Spaniards were killed in this engagement. They marched four leagues next day with little opposition: and the day following were informed _Capasi_, cacique of Apalache, had taken post at the distance of two leagues with a large body of brave Indians intending to give them battle. The horse immediately advanced to attack him, and took some of his men, but Capasi made his escape. The town of Apalache, of which they now took possession, consisted of two hundred and fifty houses, having several other small dependent towns or villages, and many detached cabins or farm-houses scattered over the cultivated fields. The country was fertile and agreeable, the climate excellent, and the natives numerous and warlike. After some days rest, parties were sent out in different directions to explore the country. Those who penetrated northwards into the interior, reported that the country was excellent, fertile, populous, and free from woods and swamps; while those who went south towards the coast, found a rugged, barren, and impracticable country, being the same through which Cabeza de Vaca had travelled.

It being now the month of October, Soto determined to winter in this place; for which purpose he ordered sufficient fortifications to be constructed for defence, and provisions to be stored up for the supply of his army. He likewise sent back a party by the same way which the army had marched, being an hundred and fifty leagues to the bay of the Holy Ghost[150], to bring away the cavalry that had been left there to rejoin the rest of the army. He also sent a message to Capasi, the only cacique who had been hitherto met with having a proper name different from that of his town, requesting him to come in and make peace with the Spaniards, to which he would by no means consent. Being informed that Capasi had intrenched himself in the middle of a wood about eight leagues from Apalache, Soto marched against him and assailed his fortified post. The Indians defended themselves for some time with great bravery; but at length begged quarter which was granted, and Capasi was brought out on mens shoulders; as he was either so fat and unwieldy, or so much disabled by some distemper, that he was unable to walk, and was therefore carried on a kind of litter or bier, or crawled on his hands and knees. Soto returned well pleased at this good fortune to his quarters at Apalache, expecting that the Indians would give him no more disturbance, now that their chief was in his hands. But matters turned out quite otherwise; for having no ruler the Indians became even more disorderly and troublesome than before, and refused to obey the command of Capasi to remain in peace with the Spaniards.

[Footnote 150: Although in the text the general direction of the march of Soto is mentioned as to the N.E. there is every reason to believe it must have been to the west of north, into the country of what are now called the _Creek_ Indians. The town of Apalache in which Soto spent the winter 1539-40 may have been on the river Catahoche otherwise called of Apalachicola, or on the Alibama, which runs into the Mobille. There still is a place known by the name of Apalache near the mouth of the Mobille river.--E.]

Under these circumstances, when Soto complained to the cacique of the perpetual hostilities of his people, Capasi pretended, if he were permitted to go to a place about six leagues from Apalache, to which the head men of the tribe had retired, that they would obey his orders on seeing him among them and agree to peace. Soto accordingly gave his permission, and Capasi went to the place indicated, carried as usual on a bier, and accompanied by a strong guard of Spaniards. The cacique then issued orders for all his people to appear before him next day, having some important matters to communicate. The Spaniards posted their guards for the night and went to rest, believing every thing secure; but when day appeared next morning neither the cacique nor any of his attendants were to be found. Taking advantage of the centinels falling asleep, Capasi had crept out from among them on all fours, after which his Indians carried him off to some more secure place than the former, as he was never more seen. The Spanish escort returned much ashamed of themselves to Soto, pretending that Capasi and his attendants must have been carried off through the air, as it was impossible for him to have got away from among them in any other manner. Soto prudently accepted of this excuse, saying with a smile that the story was very probable as the Indians were notable sorcerers. He was unwilling to punish his men for their negligence, being always more desirous to gain the affection of his soldiers by kind usage, as far as consistent with military discipline, that they might be ready to endure the fatigue and danger he expected to encounter in the prosecution of his enterprise.

SECTION V.

_Continuation of the Transactions of Ferdinand de Soto in Florida_[151].

[Footnote 151: Herrera, V. 507.--541.]

We have already mentioned that Soto, having determined to spend the winter 1539 at Apalache, sent a detachment back to Harrihiagua on the bay of the Holy Ghost, to bring away Captain Calderon and the men who had been left there. This detachment consisted of thirty horse under the command of Juan de Anasco. On coming to the ford of the river Ocali, Anasco was obliged to pass it by means of rafts, as the river was flooded; and though they used the utmost diligence, the Indians were up in arms on both sides of the river to oppose him, so that the Spaniards had to fight both to the front and rear while their baggage, horses, and selves were wafted over. Having got safely over, they found it necessary to go to the town, as one of their comrades was quite benumbed in passing the river. Believing the Spaniards more numerous than they really were, the Indians only defended their town till their wives and children were got away to a place of safety, and then abandoned the place, of which Anasco took possession. The Spaniards made four large fires in the marketplace, on purpose to restore their benumbed comrade, to whom likewise they gave the only clean shirt they had among them. They likewise dried their clothes and saddles, which had been all wetted in passing the river, and furnished their wallets with provisions from the stores of the Indians. In the mean time, ten horses at once were allowed to feed, while all the rest stood ready bridled in case of attack. About midnight an alarm was given by the centinels of the approach of a numerous body of Indians; on which the whole party mounted, tying the benumbed man who was now somewhat recovered, fast upon his horse which was led by another soldier, and set off on their march with so much expedition that they were five leagues from the town by day-break next morning. In this manner they continued their journey with as little delay as possible, going on at a round trot wherever they found the country inhabited, and walking their horses in passing through the wilderness.

On the seventh day after leaving Apalache, Pedro de Atienza was taken very ill, and died a few hours afterwards. Having travelled that day near twenty leagues they arrived at the great swamp[152] in the evening, and remained all night on its border, making great fires to keep them warm as the weather was extremely cold. Next morning, on attempting to pass, the horses refused on account of the excessive cold; but about noon the sun yielding some heat, they got across; On the third day after, while continuing their march with the usual diligence, they observed the track of horses, and some appearance of their having used a pool of water by the way side. Their horses even took heart at these appearances, smelling the track of others, and Anasco and his men were much rejoiced, having been previously afraid that Calderon and his troops had either gone away to Cuba, or had been slain by the Indians. About sunset of this day, being the tenth after leaving Apalache, they came in sight of Harrihiagua, just as the horse patrole was leaving the town. The new comers set up a loud shout for joy at seeing their friends, and Calderon came immediately out to welcome them with equal satisfaction.

[Footnote 152: A great swamp is laid down in lat. 81° N. on the frontiers between Georgia and East Florida, at the head of the rivers of St Mary and St Mark, the former of which flows east to the Atlantic, and the latter south-west into the Bay of Apalache.--E.]

When the cacique Mucozo learnt the arrival of Anasco, he went to visit him, and brought the horse belonging to the man who had died by the way, which had been left in a meadow with the saddle hanging to a tree, which likewise was brought in by an Indian on his back, not knowing how to fasten the girths. Mucozo inquired after the health of Soto in a friendly manner, and expressed his sorrow that the other caciques were not of the same friendly disposition with himself. Calderon and Anasco consulted together as to the best way of going back to Apalache. As the stores of provisions shoes and clothes which had been provided liberally by Soto for the expedition were very large and could not be removed to Apalache, it was agreed to leave all these under the charge of Mucozo. It was likewise resolved that Anasco should proceed by sea with two of the brigantines to the Bay of Aute, which he had discovered when detached by Soto to explore the country to the south of Apalache, while Calderon was to go by land. Accordingly, every thing being in readiness, seven days after the arrival of Anasco, Calderon set out by land for Apalache with seventy horse and fifty foot soldiers, all the rest going by sea along with Anasco.

On the second day of his march, Calderon came to the town of Mucozo, and was hospitably entertained by that friendly chief. Nothing remarkable happened during this march till they came to the great swamp, except that one horse was killed by an arrow which penetrated through his breast to his bowels. These Indians are such powerful archers that they have been known to shoot through four folds of mail; for which reason the Spaniards laid aside their European armour, and used a kind which is stuffed with cotton, called _escaupiles_, to defend both themselves and their horses. Calderon travelled with very little opposition or difficulty all the way to the swamp of Apalache, where the Indians attacked him desperately and killed one of his horses. Next day he was again attacked, and disturbed all the ensuing night, the Indians constantly upbraiding the Spaniards as vagabonds and robbers, and threatening to quarter them. On the following day Calderon and his men reached Apalache, where ten or twelve of his people died of their wounds. Anasco arrived safe with the remainder of the Spaniards at the Bay of Aute[153], whence he marched by land to Apalache. Having now collected his whole force at Apalache, Ferdinand de Soto sent Diego Maldonado with the brigantines to explore the coast to the westwards, ordering him to return in two months with a particular description of all the ports, creeks, and headlands he might fall in with. Maldonado executed these orders; and on his return reported that he had discovered a very excellent harbour, called _Achusi_, sixty leagues to the westwards of Aute[154], whence he brought two Indian prisoners. Soto then sent Maldonado with the brigantines to the Havannah, carrying letters to his lady, and directed him to inform the colonists of Cuba that he had found an excellent harbour in Florida, and that the country was pleasant and fertile, by way of encouraging settlers to come over.

[Footnote 153: No bay is now known of this name, but it may possibly have been that now known by the name of Mobille.--E.]

[Footnote 154: This distance from Mobille Bay would lead us considerably to the west of the Missisippi, perhaps to Ascension Bay, or perhaps to the entrance of Ouachas Lake.--E.]

It happened one day that seven Spanish horsemen riding out from the town of Apalache saw an Indian man and woman gathering old kidney-beans in the fields. Immediately on seeing the horsemen the man took up the woman in his arms and carried her into the wood, whence he returned with his bow and arrows to attack the horsemen, who would have saved his life on account of his bravery, calling out to him to yield; but he was so desperate that he wounded them all, and when his arrows were expended he gave one of them so violent a blow with his bow on the head-piece that it stunned him, on which provocation he killed the Indian with his lance. While Soto wintered in Apalache, he used every exertion to obtain intelligence respecting the country towards the west, in order to prepare for extending his discoveries in the spring; and among the Indians who were brought to him on this occasion, was one about seventeen years of age who had been a servant to some Indian travelling merchants.

From this youth he was informed that, about thirteen of fourteen days journey farther on, there was a province called _Cofachiqui_[155], which produced gold, silver and pearls. This intelligence was very pleasing to the Spaniards, and made them wish anxiously for the season in which to march forwards. During all the winter, which the Spaniards spent in Apalache, when any parties of them went out into the country, the Indians seldom failed to kill some of the men or horses with their arrows, yet always kept at a distance or among the woods, carefully avoiding to encounter them in the open fields.

[Footnote 155: Perhaps the country of the Chicasaws.--E.]

The season being at length come, in the spring of 1540, for taking the field, Soto set out on his march from Apalache towards the north, and on the third day encamped in a peninsula formed by a swamp, having wooden bridges of communication with the dry land. This being an elevated situation, several towns could be seen from the encampment, which was still in the district belonging to Apalache. The Spaniards rested here two days, during one of which seven men strolled out from the camp without orders, six of whom were slain by the Indians before they had got two hundred paces from the camp, and the seventh difficultly escaped with two wounds. Leaving the province of Apalache, the Spaniards now entered that called _Atalpaha_, the first town they came to being abandoned by the natives. Six of the principal people remained behind, who were brought before Soto, whom they boldly asked whether he was for peace or war with their nation. Soto answered by means of his interpreter that he had no inclination for war, as his only intention was to pass through their country, yet desired that his people might be supplied with provisions. To this they answered, if such were his intentions there was no occasion to have made them prisoners, and if he conducted himself in a friendly manner he might depend on better treatment than he had received at Apalache. They accordingly dispatched some of the common people to desire the natives to return to their houses to serve the Spaniards, whom they conducted to a better town, where the cacique came to ratify a peace, which was punctually observed during three days that Soto remained there.

From that place they advanced for ten days to the northwards along the banks of a river, through a fertile country, in which all the inhabitants behaved in a friendly manner. After this they entered the province of _Achalaqui_, which was poor, barren, and thinly inhabited, having very few young men, and the old people being mostly short-sighted and many of them quite blind. Quickening the march through this bad country they came to the province of _Cofachi_, where, besides other presents, Soto gave the cacique some boars and sows for a breed, having brought above three hundred of these animals with him to Florida, where they increased very fast, as the Spaniards had no occasion to kill them, getting abundance of other provisions. During this expedition, Soto made it an invariable practice, before entering any province, to send a message to the cacique offering peace and demanding leave to pass through his dominions, that the natives might not be alarmed at the appearance of so many armed strangers; and besides it was always his wish to employ fair means in his intercourse with the Indians, rather than force. He accordingly sent a message to the cacique of _Cofa_ with the usual requests of peace, provisions and a free passage, with which the cacique complied, coming himself to meet the Spaniards, for whom he appointed quarters and plenty of provisions. The land being plentiful, Soto and his army rested here five days. The next province belonged to a brother of Cofa, named Cofaqui, who came out to meet the Spaniards attended by a great number of his people, all finely adorned with plumes of feathers, and wearing mantles of rich sables and other valuable furs. After this friendly reception, the cacique went away to another town, leaving his own entirely for the accommodation of the Spaniards. This country abounded in maize or Indian corn, which is used by the Indians as wheat is in Europe. They had also abundance of dried fruits; but flesh was rare, being only what they procured by hunting, as they had no domesticated animals.

Next day, Cofaqui returned to Soto, offering a supply of provisions and a strong escort of armed Indians, to enable the Spaniards to cross a desert or wilderness of seven days journey leading to the next province of Cofachiqui[156]. Immediately there appeared four thousand Indians to carry burdens, and the like number armed, to accompany the Spaniards.

[Footnote 156: The word _Cofa_ seems to have signified lord or chief among these Indians; as we have four successive chiefs in the text, named Cofa, Co-fachi, Cofa-qui, and Cofa-chiqui.--E.]

On seeing so great a number of men, Soto was on his guard like a good soldier and prudent commander, that he might not be taken by surprise. On this occasion the cacique made a speech to the commander of his forces, enjoining him, as he knew the ancient enmity subsisting between him and the people of Cofachiqui, that he should not let slip the present favourable opportunity of taking severe revenge upon their enemies, considering that he was now supported by these valiant strangers. The Indian commander, throwing off his mantle of furs, flourished a two-handed sword or war-club, the ensign of his command, and told his lord in pompous terms what he would do for his service. On this, the cacique took from his own shoulders a rich mantle of sables, thought by the Spaniards to be worth a thousand ducats, which he put upon the shoulders of his general, and placed a splendid plume of feathers on his head. The presentation of a mantle and plume of feathers is considered among the Indians as the highest honour which can be bestowed.

There were two Indians among the Spaniards who were extremely familiar, named ordinarily Mark and Peter though not baptized. On the night before commencing the new march for Cofachiqui, Peter made a violent outcry as if in danger of being slain. All the forces turned out under arms on this alarm, and found Peter in great trepidation and distress. He alleged that the devil and a number of his imps had threatened to kill him if he acted as a guide to the Spaniards, and had dragged him about and beaten him so unmercifully that he had assuredly been killed if they had not come to his assistance; and, since the great devil fled from two Christians, he begged to be baptized that he might be a Christian like them and able to drive away the devil. This appeared to be no fiction, by the bruises and swelling which Peter exhibited; and accordingly Soto gave him in charge to the priests, who remained with him all night and baptized him; and next day he was mounted on horseback, being unable to walk on account of the drubbing he had got from the Devil!

The two armies marched apart, pursuant to the wise precautions adopted by Soto. The Indians kept excellent order, having a regular van and rear guard, and making those who carried the provisions and baggage keep in the centre. Every night the two armies lay at some distance, each appointing their own guards. On the third day of the march from Cofaqui they entered upon the wilderness, through which they marched for six days, finding the country very agreeable. They had two rapid rivers to cross, at both of which the cavalry was made to form a kind of wall above the ford to break the force of the stream, by which means they all got safe over. On the seventh day both Spaniards and Indians were much at a loss, as the road they had hitherto followed was now at an end, so that they knew not which way to take through the rest of the wilderness. Soto asked the Indian general how it could possibly happen that among eight thousand men of his nation, more especially as they had always been at war with the people to whose country they were going, no one should know the road. The Indian chief answered that none of them had ever been there; for the war was never carried on by means of complete armies, as they merely killed or made prisoners of each other, when they chanced to meet at the fisheries on the rivers, or while hunting; and as the people of Cofachiqui were most powerful, his countrymen did not venture so far into the wilderness, by which reason they were unacquainted with the country. He farther assured Soto that he might rely on the probity and good faith both of the cacique and himself, who had no intention of fraud or perfidy; yet he might if he pleased take what hostages he thought proper for his security, and if that were not sufficient, he would submit to lose his own head, and that all his men should be put to death, wherever they were found to harbour any evil intentions.

Satisfied with these assurances, Soto sent for Peter the Indian, who was likewise at a loss, as he had not been in these parts for five years. They marched on however the rest of that day, without knowing any thing of the road, yet found the woods easily passable. Towards evening they arrived at a great river which could not be forded[157]. This circumstance added greatly to their perplexity, as they now had only seven days provisions, which would not hold out till they could make rafts to pass this river. Next day Soto sent off four several detachments in different directions to explore the country, with orders to return in five days; and with each of these went a thousand Indians, to assist in finding the way of which they were in search. The Indians who carried the baggage, and who remained at the encampment, went out every morning armed, and returned at night with herbs, roots, birds, some small land animals, and a little fish, part of which they gave to the Spaniards; but this scanty supply was quite insufficient for their necessities. Soto now ordered some of the swine which accompanied the army to be slaughtered, and distributed eight ounces of their flesh daily to every one of his men. Even this was only protracting their misery, yet all shewed wonderful patience, as their commander gave them a good example.

[Footnote 157: In the utter impossibility to trace the route of Soto, it may even appear absurd to suppose that this may have been the Tenasse or Hogohegee River, formerly called the Cherokee River; yet he assuredly marched in various directions through the interior country of North America, westwards of the present states of Virginia, the Carolinas, and Georgia, to the north of modern West Florida, now occupied by the Creeks, Cherokees, Catawbas, Chactaws, and Chickasaws.--E.]

Three of the detachments that had been sent out on discovery returned on the sixth day unsuccessful. But the commander of the fourth, Juan de Anasco, who had gone up the banks of the river, sent back four horsemen to inform Soto that he had found a small town on the same side of the river, which had a good store of provisions, and had seen several towns still higher up, where there was a good deal of cultivated land. The messengers brought with them many ears of _zara_[158], and some cows horns, without knowing whence these were procured, not having hitherto seen any cows in the country. The Indian general _Patofa_ and his men, who accompanied Anasco, killed all the inhabitants of that town whom they could lay hands on, taking off their _skulls_[159], and plundering the temple or place of burial, where the best of the effects were secured. This town was in the province of _Cofachiqui_; and as the Indians accompanying the Spaniards did much injury to the country, Soto now sent them home again to prevent any farther harm being done under his auspices; and by making presents to the Indian general and the other chiefs, and supplying them with provisions for their journey, they went away well satisfied. Soto now advanced with the Spaniards through a pleasant and plentiful country, but which was abandoned by the natives on account of the ravages and slaughters that had been committed by Patofa and his people.

[Footnote 158: This word, left unexplained by the translator of Herrera, perhaps means some species of millet cultivated by the Indians.--E.]

[Footnote 159: This ought in all probability to have been translated _scalps_.--E.]

Three days afterwards, to avoid going on at random, Soto sent on Juan Anasco with thirty horse to explore the country. Anasco set out a little before night, and after proceeding about two leagues, he heard the barking of dogs and the noise of some children, and saw some lights; but on going towards the place for the purpose of trying to seize one or two Indians from whom to gain intelligence, he found that the town was on the other side of the river. He halted therefore at a place which seemed to be used as a landing for canoes; and having fed and rested the horses, he returned to give Soto an account of what he had observed. Soto went accordingly next day with an hundred horse and an equal number of foot to view the town; and as the Indians fled on seeing the Spaniards, the two Christian Indians, Peter and Mark called to them across the river that no harm was intended. Upon this six Indians ventured across the river in a canoe, and came to wait on Soto, who was seated in a chair, which was always carried with him to receive the natives in state, as the customs of these people required. On approaching Soto, the six Indians made their obeisances; first to the sun, then to the moon, and lastly to the Spanish commander, whom they asked whether he was for peace or war with their nation. He answered by means of his interpreter, that he was desirous of peace, and required nothing from them but provisions for his people. They replied that they willingly accepted of peace, but were sorry to say that they were very scarce of provisions in consequence of a pestilence which had lately raged among them; but they would inform their sovereign of his demands, who happened to be a young unmarried woman. When they had delivered their message to the princess, two large canoes covered with awnings were seen to set out from the town on the other side of the river, into one of which seven or eight women embarked, and six men in the other. Among the women was the princess who ruled over the tribe; and immediately on coming to Soto, she sat down on a stool before him, which her people brought for her use, and after some complimentary discourse, she expressed her sorrow for the scarcity which then existed in her country, but that having two storehouses filled with provisions for relieving the necessities of her subjects, she would give him one of these, and hoped he would leave her in possession of the other. She said likewise that she had two thousand measures of maize at another town, which she would give him, and would quit her own house and half the town to accommodate him and his people, and if that did not suffice, that the whole of the town should be cleared for his use. Soto thanked her in a courteous manner for her friendly offers, declaring that he would be perfectly satisfied with whatever she was pleased to give. While he was speaking, she took off a string of pearls which she wore round her neck, and gave it to Juan Ortiz the interpreter to present it in her name to Soto, as she could not deliver it with her own hands without transgressing the rules of decorum[160]. Soto stood up and received it with much respect, and presented her in return with a ruby which he wore on his finger. Thus peace was ratified with this princess, who now returned to the other side of the river, all the Spaniards admiring her beautiful appearance and good behaviour.

[Footnote 160: The circumstance of great quantities of pearls being found in this part of the country tends in some measure to confirm the idea of Soto being now on the Tenasse River. In the most recent maps of this part of America, a part of this river near its great bend, where it sweeps round from a S.W. to a N.N.W. direction, is distinguished by the appellation of the _Muscle Shoals_, and it is well known that the fresh-water muscles are often very productive in pearls.--E.]

After this all the Spanish force was transported across the river, on rafts and in canoes, four horses being drowned in the passage. The Spaniards were all commodiously quartered in the middle of the town, and the country round was found to be extraordinarily fertile. The mother of the princess of this tribe was a widow, and resided about twelve leagues from this town in great retirement; and on being sent for by her daughter to see the strangers, she not only refused, but sent a severe reproof to her daughter for admitting those persons of whom she knew nothing. Soto sent Juan Anasco with thirty horse, with a respectful message to the old lady inviting her to come to visit him. Anasco was accompanied on this occasion by an Indian of considerable rank, who seemed pensive and melancholy. After travelling some leagues, they stopped for rest and refreshment, and sat down under the shade of a tree to partake of a repast. Throwing off his mantle of sables, the Indian took the arrows one by one from his quiver, which were very curiously made of reeds, having heads of bones with _three points_[161] all of them feathered on three sides, and both them and his bow beautifully painted with some kind of bituminous substance, as smooth and glossy as the finest varnish. The last arrow which he drew out was headed with flint, sharp-pointed, and double-edged like a dagger. Seeing that the Spaniards were all intent upon observing the curious arrows, he cut his own throat with the flint-headed arrow, and immediately fell down dead. The other Indians who accompanied Anasco said that in their opinion he had killed himself because he was carrying a message which he believed was disagreeable to the old lady. A short time after this, as Anasco was still proceeding, one of the Spaniards observed that they were going blindly in search of a woman who was said to have gone to hide herself from them in another place; and as Soto already had the daughter in his power, he had no occasion for the mother also, and as their number was small they were exposed to much danger, and had much better return to head-quarters. As this advice was universally approved of, they turned back.

[Footnote 161: Perhaps this ought to have been _triangular_ pointed heads.--E.]

Three days afterwards Soto sent twenty Spaniards up the river in two canoes at the request of the daughter to seek her mother, under the conduct of an Indian who offered to conduct them to her place of concealment. While on this expedition, the Spaniards recollected that Peter and Mark had reported there was both gold and silver in that province; but upon search they found much copper of a golden colour, and great plates of _ore_[162] which was very light and mouldered away like earth, which probably had deceived the young Indians. A wonderful quantity of pearls were found, and the old lady gave them leave to go into a sacred house where the chiefs or nobles of the tribe were buried, to take what pearls were there, and to another temple, or sepulchre rather, near the town, in which the bodies of her own ancestors were reposited, where they found pearls in still greater abundance. In these repositories of the dead they found a number of wooden chests in which the bodies were laid; and beside them in baskets made of reeds there were great quantities of large and seed pearls, as also garments both for men and women, made of skins and fine furs. So great was the abundance of pearls found on this occasion, that the kings officers weighed five hundred pounds weight. As Soto was unwilling to encumber his troops with so much additional weight, he proposed that no more than fifty pounds should be then taken, to send to the Havannah to learn their value; but as they were already weighed, the officers begged that they might be all carried away, to which he consented, and gave his captains two handfuls of pearls as large as pease to make strings of beads or rosaries.

[Footnote 162: These large plates of _ore_, were probably silver-coloured mica; and the golden-coloured copper in the text may have been bright yellow pyrites.--E.]

Leaving Cofachiqui, the army came to another town called _Tolomeco_, in a temple or charnel-house more properly of which place, opposite the residence of the chief, they found strings of large pearls hanging on the walls, and others in chests, with many fine garments like those formerly mentioned; and in rooms over this charnel-house were great numbers of pikes with copper heads resembling gold, and clubs, staves, and axes of the same metal, and bows, arrows, targets, and breast-plates. Soto would not take away any of these, being resolved to continue his march. Accordingly, taking leave of the princess of Cofachiqui, he divided the army into two parts for the better convenience of provisions, retaining the immediate command of one, and confiding the other to the charge of Baltasar de Gallegos. In this order they moved on to the province of Chalaqui; and next day were exposed to such a storm of wind, lightning, and hail, that many of them must have perished, but for the shelter afforded by the trees, as the hail-stones were as large as pigeons eggs. On the sixth day of this new march, they came to the valley of Xaula, a pleasant country to the N.N.E. The sailors who accompanied the army believed the river which flowed past Cofachiqui to be the same which is known on the coast under the name of _Santa Ellena_; and computing their marches at four leagues a-day, it appeared that the forces had come two hundred leagues from Apalache to Xaula[163]; which, with an hundred and fifty leagues from the Bay of the Holy Ghost to Apalache, made four hundred and ten leagues in all[164].

[Footnote 163: Two hundred Spanish leagues would amount to near 800 English miles. But as the march, was entirely in an uncertain and probably changing direction, this estimate does not assist in determining any thing of its extent Eight hundred miles would reach, even from Espiritu Santo Bay, to beyond the Ohio.--E.]

[Footnote 164: The numbers in the text are obviously corrupt, as the particulars do not agree with the sum; but it is impossible to correct or reconcile them, neither indeed is it of much consequence, as no establishment was made in Florida by Soto, and the names of the places he visited are now unknown and uninteresting. Four hundred and ten Spanish leagues, or 1640 English miles, would carry us into Upper Canada.--E.]

The Spanish forces rested a fortnight in the vale of Xaula, which was subject to the princess of Cofachiqui, though a separate province, being induced to this delay by finding abundance of all things, and on purpose to recruit their horses. Leaving this place, they marched one day through an agreeable country, and then five days over an unpeopled mountain[165], though not disagreeable, as it had many fine groves, waters, and pasture-grounds, the way over being about twenty leagues. Four Indian chiefs who accompanied them by order of the princess of Cofachiqui, sent to require the cacique of _Guanale_ to receive the Spaniards with kindness, or otherwise to declare war against him. While on the march, a foot-soldier named Juan Terron pulled a little bag from his wallet full of large well-coloured pearls not pierced, which he offered to a horseman, who advised him to keep them as the general meant soon to send to the Havannah, where he might purchase a horse for them to ease him from marching on foot. On this refusal, Terron threw his pearls on the ground, alleging they were troublesome to carry, and they were picked up by his comrades. He sorely repented of this afterwards, as he was informed they would have been worth 6000 ducats in Spain. The Spaniards stopped four days at Guanale, and in five days march from thence they reached _Ychiaha_, a town situated on an island in the river about five leagues in length. As the general always made inquiry every where concerning the country farther on, the cacique of Ychiaha told him there were mines of yellow metal about thirty leagues from thence, and presented him with a long string of large pearls, which would have been of extraordinary value if they had not been bored. As Soto seemed to prize them, the cacique said there were many such in the burial place of his ancestors which he was welcome to take if he pleased. In return Soto presented the cacique with some pieces of velvet and satin, with which he was much gratified. Two soldiers were sent on, accompanied by a party of Indians, to view the reported mines of yellow metal, who reported that they were only copper, that the country was fruitful, and that they had been well treated by the inhabitants. Some of the men likewise were ordered to drag the river for the pearl oysters, where they soon brought up large quantities, which were laid on a fire to make them open their shells, and the pearls were taken out somewhat damaged by the heat. A soldier who boiled some of these oysters, while eating one of them, almost broke his teeth on a pearl as big as a hazle-nut, which he presented to Soto for his lady, as it was bright and well shaped; but the general refused it, desiring him to keep it to purchase horses, and in return for his good will paid the kings fifth out of his own money, its value being estimated at 400 ducats. Soto was exceedingly generous and obliging to his soldiers, making no distinction between himself and them, in clothes, eating, lodging, or enduring hardships, and enjoyed their entire confidence and affection.

[Footnote 165: If correct in the idea of Soto having crossed the Tenassee, the mountainous district here indicated may have been the Cumberland mountains, between the Tenassee and Cumberland Rivers.--E.]

From Ychiaha, the Spaniards proceeded onwards to Acoste, where the cacique received them with ill-will, and an open breach had like to have taken place; but Soto prevented this by conciliatory management, and still preserved the peace, which had not been infringed since leaving Apalache. Next day the Indians of Acoste became better humoured, and having contented them, Soto crossed the river into the large province of _Coza_, through which he marched for an hundred leagues, finding it every where populous and fertile, and the Spaniards were every where received in a friendly manner, well treated, and commodiously lodged. At the town of Coza, the cacique came out to meet Soto attended by a thousand Indians wearing plumes of feathers and rich mantles of furs. The town consisted of about five hundred houses along the side of the river, and here the Spaniards were most hospitably entertained. While dining one day with Soto, the cacique requested he would spend the winter in his country and establish a colony there; and indeed it was better land than any that the Spaniards had hitherto passed through. Soto thanked him for his friendly offer; but said that it was necessary for him in the first place to explore the country farther on, that he might be able to judge what articles were necessary for trade, and that he might give orders for seeds and all other requisites, after which he would return and accept his offer. He staid twelve days at this place, more to oblige the cacique than on any other account; and then set out towards the sea, which he had long designed, making a semicircular turn that he might march back by a different route to explore the country, meaning to make his way to the port of _Anchusi._

In five days march he reached _Talisse_, a town fortified with entrenchments of timber and earth, on the frontiers of the territories of the cacique of _Tascaluza_, who was in enmity with the cacique of _Coza_, who went so far with the Spaniards on purpose to intimidate Tascaluza. At this place Soto was received by a son of Tascaluza, only eighteen years of age, and so tall that none of the Spaniards reached higher than his breast. This young man offered his fathers compliments of friendship to the Spaniards, and conducted Soto to Tascaluza, who received him sitting after their manner on a kind of chair, with a great number of men standing round him; and though the different commanders came up successively to salute him, no one stirred till Soto came forwards, when the cacique stood up and advanced twenty paces to meet him. Tascaluza was like a giant, much taller than his son, well-shaped, and of a good aspect. The Spaniards were well received, abundantly supplied, and commodiously quartered. They set out again on their march on the third day; and as the cacique Tascaluza chose to accompany them, one of the baggage horses belonging to Soto was selected for him to ride upon. When mounted, his feet reached within, a span of the ground. He was not fat, as his waist was hardly a yard in compass, and he did not seem to exceed forty years of age. In the course of this days march, after coming to a fortified town, the Spaniards had to cross the river, which they did with considerable difficulty, being badly supplied with rafts or floats. On taking up their quarters for the night, two Spaniards were amissing; and when the Indians were asked about them, they answered in a haughty manner, _they were not given to our keeping_, so that it was strongly suspected they were murdered. Upon this cause of jealousy, and being likewise privately informed that the cacique had assembled a great number of men at a place called Mavila, under pretence of serving the Spaniards, Soto sent three confidential officers to view that place, which was about a league and a half from quarters. They reported that they had seen no person by the way, but that Mavila was a much better fortified place than, any they had hitherto seen in Florida.

As the Spaniards were bound for Mavila, and under circumstances very considerable suspicion as to the good intentions of Tascaluza and his subjects, they marched with the utmost circumspection. Soto led the van in person, consisting of an hundred horse and an hundred and fifty foot. He was accompanied by Tascaluza, and as he marched with diligence, he arrived at Mavila at eight in the morning, the main body not coming up for a considerable time after. The town of Mavila was seated in a plain, enclosed by a double row of piles with timbers laid athwart, and the interstices rammed full of straw and earth, so that it looked like a wall smoothed by a masons trowel. At every eighty paces distance, there was a tower or platform where eight men could stand to fight, having many loop holes. It likewise had two gates. Though it only consisted of eighty houses, these were so large that each could have contained a thousand men. In the middle of the town was a large square or market-place, into which when Soto and the cacique were come and had dismounted, Tascaluza, pointed out to the interpreter a house in which the general might take up his quarters and another for his kitchen, saying that huts and barracks were provided for the rest of the Spaniards on the outside of the town. To this Soto made answer, that, when the major-general came up, he would distribute the troops to proper quarters.

Tascaluza now retired into a house where all his chiefs were assembled, on purpose to consult how best to kill all the Spaniards, which he had been long plotting to accomplish. It was proposed in this council to attack them in their present divided state, before the rest of the Spaniards could get forwards to the town; but another opinion prevailed, which was to allow them all to assemble, as the Indian chiefs had a large force concealed in the houses of the town, and thought themselves perfectly able to encounter with the Spaniards. When the meat was dressed at the quarters of Soto, Juan Ortiz the interpreter was sent with a message to Tascaluza desiring his presence; but he was refused admission to deliver his message, and on pressing to get in, an Indian came to the door exclaiming angrily, "What would these unmannerly vagabonds have with my lord? Down with the villains, there is no enduring their insolence!" He immediately bent his bow, and levelled at some Spaniards who were in the street; but Baltasar de Gallegos, who happened to be close by, gave him a cut on the shoulder which cleft him to the middle. An Indian youth now let fly six or seven arrows at Gallegos, which did him no harm as he was in armour, after which the Indian gave him three or four strokes on the helmet with his bow, but Gallegos killed him with two thrusts of his sword. The moment these Indians were slain an alarm was given, and above seven thousand warriors, who had been concealed in the large houses of the town, rushed out into the streets and drove all the Spaniards out of the town.

The Spaniards who managed best on this alarm, ran immediately to mount their horses, which had been left tied on the outside of the town; while others cut the halters or reins that the Indians might not shoot them. Others remained tied, and were slain by the Indians. Such of the Spaniards as had been able to mount their horses, with others who now arrived, charged the Indians who were engaged with the infantry, making room for them to draw up in regular order. Having re-established their ranks, a troop of horse and a company of foot made so furious a charge on the Indians that they drove them into the town, and attempted to get in at the gate after them; but they were received by such a volley of arrows and stones as compelled them to retire two hundred paces, yet without turning their backs, in which consisted their safety. As the Indians followed them, they made a fresh charge, and drove the Indians back to the town, yet dared not to venture too near the wall; and the fight continued in this manner for some time, alternately gaining and losing ground, several of the Spaniards being killed and wounded. Finding they had the worst of it in the open field, the Indians kept close behind the walls of the town. On this Soto alighted from his horse, causing others to do the same, and advanced up to the gate at the head of a party armed with targets, under cover of which two hundred men with axes hewed down the gate and rushed in, not without much hazard and some loss. Others of the Spaniards contrived to mount the wall, helping each other, and hastened to succour those who had gained the gate. Seeing the Spaniards had forced their way into the town, which they deemed impregnable, the Indians fought desperately in the streets, and from the roofs of the houses, for which reason these were set on fire by the Spaniards. After entering the town, Soto remounted his horse, and charged a body of Indians in the market-place, killing many with his spear; but, raising himself in the stirrup to make a home thrust, an arrow penetrated through his armour and wounded him in the hip, so that he could not regain his seat: yet, not to discourage his men, he continued to fight during the remainder of the action, though obliged to stand the whole time in the stirrups. Another arrow pierced quite through the spear of Nunno de Tovar, near his hand, but did not break the shaft of the lance, which continued to serve after the arrow was cut off.

The fire which had been put to the houses burned fiercely, as the houses were all of wood and covered with thatch, by which great numbers of the Indians perished. About four in the afternoon, being sensible of their own weakness and that they were likely to be worsted, the Indian women began to join in the battle, armed with the spears, swords, and partizans which the Spaniards had lost, some even with bows and arrows, which they managed as dexterously as their husbands, and some armed only with stones exposed themselves courageously in the heat of the action. The foremost of the Spanish main body, which had fallen greatly behind the van little thinking of what was to happen, on hearing the noise of trumpets, drums, and shouts, gave the alarm to the rest, and hastening forwards came up about the close of the engagement. At this time many of the Indians got over the wall into the fields, and endeavoured to make head against the newly arrived Spaniards, but were soon slain. On the arrival of the Spanish main body, about twelve fresh horsemen made a furious charge on a large body of Indian men and women who still continued the battle in the market-place, and soon routed them with great slaughter. This ended the fight about sunset, after it had lasted nine hours, being on St Lukes day in the year 1541[166].

[Footnote 166: The date of 1541 seems here erroneous, Soto having landed in 1539, and spent only one winter in the country, the transactions in this part of the text ought only to refer to the year 1540.--E.]

During the night and next day, Soto ordered the best possible care to be taken of the wounded, some of whom died for want of proper necessaries, no bandages, lint, oil, or medicines being to be had, as all these things had been plundered along with the other baggage at the commencement of the battle by the Indians, and having been carried into the town were all there burnt along with the houses. Forty-eight Spaniards were slain in this battle; thirteen others died shortly of their wounds, and twenty-two some time afterwards, so that the entire loss was eighty-three men, besides forty-five horses, which were much missed, as the cavalry constituted the main strength of the army. It was reckoned that eleven thousand Indians perished, four thousand of whom were found dead without the town, and young Tascaluza among them. The dead bodies within the town were computed at three thousand, as the streets were all full of them; and it was believed that upwards of four thousand were consumed by fire in the houses, for above a thousand perished in one house, as the fire began at the door and they were all stifled. When the Spaniards afterwards scoured the country round, many were found to have died of their wounds in various parts, and some of them four leagues from the town. The body of the cacique Tascaluza could not be found, whence it was concluded that he had perished in the flames, a victim to his eager desire to destroy the Spaniards, which he had anxiously premeditated from the first notice he had received of their arrival in the neighbourhood of his territories. It was reported by some women who were made prisoners, that on the Indians of Talisse complaining of having been ordered by their cacique to carry the baggage of the Spaniards, Tascaluza had exhorted them to have a little patience, as he would soon deliver up these strangers to them as slaves. These women said that they were strangers who had accompanied their husbands at the invitation of Tascaluza, who had promised to give them scarlet and silk dresses, and fine jewels to wear at their dances, and to divide the Spaniards and their horses among them. They said likewise that all the women of the surrounding country, married and single, had collected on this occasion; as it had been given out that an extraordinary festival was to be held in honour of the Sun, after the destruction of the Spaniards. Besides the destruction of their baggage on this occasion, the Spaniards lost all the wine, chalices, and holy vestments for celebrating the mass, so that in future they could only have ordinary prayers and sermons, without any consecration or communion, till after their return among Christians.

The Spaniards remained a fortnight at Mavila, making frequent excursions into the country, where they found plenty of provisions. From twenty Indians whom they took prisoners, they were informed that there were no warriors left to oppose them in all the surrounding country, as all the bravest men of the nation and its allies had been slain in the battle. At this time they received the intelligence that Maldonado and Gomez Arias were making discoveries along the coast; and Soto was much inclined to have established a colony at the port of _Achiusi_ or _Anchusi_[167], to carry on trade with another establishment twenty leagues up the country, but this was opposed by some of his officers, who thought the Spanish force too small for subduing so warlike a people, considering the experience they had of their fierceness in the battle of Mavila. They objected likewise that they saw no reason for exposing themselves to such hazards, without hope of reward, as they had found no mines in all the vast extent of country they had travelled over. This opposition was exceedingly perplexing to Soto, as he had expended the whole of his substance on the expedition, and was afraid his men would desert him if he came near the coast, when he was not in a condition to raise new forces. For these reasons he resolved to penetrate into the interior of the country; and, being disgusted at seeing all his projects disappointed, he never succeeded afterwards in any of his undertakings.

[Footnote 167: It is quite impossible to conjecture even where this place may have been situated; perhaps it is the same bay or creek formerly called Auche, and may have been that now called Mobille Bay. The Mavila of the text may likewise have been on the river now called Mobille. We know that the _b_ and _v_ are often interchanged in the Spanish names of places and persons; as for example Baldivia and Valdivia are both applied to the original Spanish conqueror of Chili. In the present instance, Mavila may afterwards have been changed to Mabila, and then by the French to Mobille. All this however is mere conjecture.--E.]

When the sick and wounded were so far recovered as to be able to travel, Soto set out from Mavila, and marched through a fine country for three days, after which they entered the province of _Chioza_, where the natives refused to receive him in a peaceable manner. They abandoned their town, and took post to defend the passage of a very deep river in which were many craggy places. At this pass above eight thousand Indians collected, some of whom crossed in canoes to attack and harass the Spaniards: But Soto caused some trenches to be made, in which he concealed several bodies of musqueteers, targeteers, and crossbow-men, who fell upon the rear of the Indians, who forbore to repeat these attempts after having been twice discomfited in this manner. As it was found impossible to cross over in the face of so large a force of Indians in the ordinary manner, two very large piraguas were privately built in the woods, which were got ready in twelve days, and were then drawn out of the wood on rollers by the Spaniards with the assistance of their horses and mules. These were launched into the river without being perceived by the Indians; and forty musqueteers and crossbow-men were embarked in each with a few horses, and these pushed across the river with the utmost diligence. They were descried however, by five hundred Indians who were scouring the country, who with loud cries gave the alarm to the rest, and all hastened to defend the pass. Most of the Spaniards were wounded while on the water, as the Indians continually shot their arrows against them unopposed. One of the piraguas got straight across to the landing, but the other was forced some way down by the current, and had to be towed up. Two horsemen landed from the first piragua, who drove the Indians above two hundred paces back, and made four several charges before any reinforcement could land; but at length were joined by other four horsemen, and made several desperate charges on the Indians, so as to allow of the infantry getting on shore; but as these were almost all wounded, they were obliged to take shelter in an Indian town hard by. Soto came over in the second trip of the piraguas, accompanied by sixty men; and the Indians, on seeing the Spanish force increase, retired to a fortified town in the neighbourhood, whence they frequently sallied out to skirmish with the Spaniards; but as the cavalry killed many of them with their spears, they evacuated that place during the night.

The Spaniards now broke up their piraguas, keeping the iron work for future service, and advanced farther into the country. In four days they reached a town called _Chicoza_[168], well situated in a fertile country among brooks and surrounded by abundance of fruit trees. Resolving to spend the winter in this place, Soto caused it to be fortified, huts to be built for the accommodation of his troops, and all the provisions that could be procured to be collected. At this place they remained in peace for about two months, the horsemen making frequent excursions into the surrounding country in quest of provisions. Such Indians as happened to be made prisoners on these occasions were immediately set at liberty, receiving various trinkets for themselves and presents for their chiefs, with messages desiring them to repair to the Spanish quarters to enter into terms of peace and amity. The chiefs sent presents of fruit in return, and promised soon to visit the Spanish general. Soon afterwards they began every night to alarm the Spaniards; and one night three considerable bodies of them drew near the town about midnight, and when about an hundred paces from the entrenchments they set up loud shouts and made a prodigious noise with their warlike instruments; after which, with burning wreaths of a certain plant tied round their arrows, they set the town on fire, all the houses being thatched. Undismayed at this calamity, the Spaniards repaired to their alarm posts, and Soto issuing out in his _escaupil_ or cotton armour, mounted his horse and went to attack the Indians, being the first to kill one of the assailants with his spear; as upon all occasions of danger he gave a wonderful example of cool and intrepid courage. Some sick Spaniards and several horses were burnt on this occasion; but Captain Andres de Vasconcelos with four horsemen fell with such fury on the enemy that he forced them to retire. Soto, being eager to slay an Indian who particularly distinguished himself in this action, leaned forwards so much that he and the saddle fell off; but being bravely rescued by his men, he mounted again and returned to the fight. At length after two hours hard fighting, the Indians were constrained to fly, and were pursued as far as they could be seen by the light from the burning houses, after which Soto sounded a retreat. In this fatal night, the Spaniards lost forty men and fifty horses, twenty of them being burnt. All the swine likewise perished in the fire, except a few that broke out of an enclosed yard. During this engagement prodigious shots of arrows were made by the Indians, one of which pierced through both shoulder-blades of a horse, and came out four fingers breadth on the opposite side.

[Footnote 168: This word seems to have almost the same sound with Chicasaw, and Soto may on his present return into the interior have crossed the river Yazous, which flows into the Missisippi in lat. 32° 30' N. a short way above the Natches.--E.]

Soto now thought proper to remove the army to a town named _Chicacolla_, about a league from that which had been burnt; and, having fortified these new quarters, the Spaniards were obliged to make new saddles, spears, targets and clothes, to supply the places of those which had been burnt. The clothes were made of goats skins[169]. At this place the Spaniards spent the rest of the winter, during which they suffered extreme hardships for want of clothes, as the weather was excessively cold. Being sensible that they had done much harm to the Spaniards in the late night attack, the Indians returned again to make a similar attempt; but their bow-strings being wetted by violent rain, they withdrew, as was learnt from an Indian prisoner. They returned however every night to alarm the Spaniards, of whom they always wounded some; and though the cavalry scoured the country every day four leagues round, they could meet none of the natives, so that it was wonderful how they should come nightly from so great a distance.

[Footnote 169: More probably of deer skins found in the Indian towns, as goats certainly were not among the indigenous animals of North America.--E.]

The Spaniards contrived to shift in a very miserable manner at Chicacolla till about the latter end of March 1542[170], when they resumed their march. At the end of about four leagues, the advanced guard returned with a report that they had seen an Indian fort which appeared to be defended by about four thousand warriors. After viewing it, Soto told his soldiers that it was indispensably requisite to dislodge these people, who would otherwise annoy them with night attacks, and that it was likewise necessary to do this that they might preserve the reputation they had already gained in so many provinces of the country. This fort, called _Alibamo_[171], was of a square form, each side being four hundred paces in length, and the gates were so low that the horsemen could not ride in, similar in all respects to what has been already said respecting Mavila.[172] The general therefore gave orders to three companies of infantry to assail the gates, those who were best armed being placed in front. When they were all ready to begin the assault, a thousand Indians sallied out from the town, all adorned with plumes of feathers, and having their bodies and faces painted of several colours. At the first flight of arrows, five of the Spaniards were shot, three of whom died of their wounds. To prevent the discharge of more arrows, the Spaniards immediately closed and drove the Indians in at the gates, which they entered along with them, making dreadful havock with their swords, as may easily be imagined, the Indians being all naked. To escape from the infantry, the Indians threw themselves from the walls, by which means they fell into the hands of the horsemen, who slew many of them with their spears. Others of the Indians endeavoured to escape by swimming a river behind the fort; but a squadron of horse passed the river, and killed many of them, so that on the whole two thousand Indians were supposed to have been slain in this battle. During this engagement, an Indian challenged Juan de Salinas to single combat, which he accepted, and when his comrade made offer to cover him with his target, he refused, saying that it was a shame for two Spaniards to engage one Indian. Salinas shot his bolt through the breast of the Indian, and in return the Indians arrow went through the neck of the Spaniard.

[Footnote 170: Herrera persists in the error already noticed of advancing his chronology a year, as hitherto between May 1539 he has only accounted for two winters, and ought consequently to have been now only in the spring of 1541.--E.]

[Footnote 171: At present Toulouse, built on the scite of an Indian village called Alibama, stands on a river of the same name, which flows into the left or east side of the Mobille River in the back part of Georgia, and seems to have been surrounded by a tribe called the Alibamons. If this be the place indicated in the text, it is quite adverse to the idea of Chicoza being to the north-west of the Yazous.--E.]

[Footnote 172: These square forts of logs rammed full of earth may have given rise to the entrenchments which have lately occasioned some speculation in America, as having belonged to a people more advanced in civilization than the present race of savage hunters.--E.]

At this time the Spaniards were reduced to great distress from want of salt, owing to which they were afflicted with lingering fevers, of which several died, and their bodies stunk so violently, that there was no coming near them. As a remedy for this evil, the Indians taught them to make a lye of the ashes of a certain herb, into which they dipped their food by way of sauce. At this time likewise the Spaniards were put to much trouble for interpreters, on account of the great diversity of languages, so that they were obliged to employ thirteen or fourteen others besides Juan Ortiz, among the various tribes they met with in traversing the country; but so acute were the natives, that such of their women as happened to live with the Spaniards were able to understand them in two months. After three days march from Alibamo, the Spaniards came to another town named _Chisca_, on a river to which they gave the name of _El Grande_[173] or the Great River, as it was the largest they had yet seen. Coming upon this place by surprise, most of the inhabitants were made prisoners; but some of them made their escape to the residence of the cacique, which stood on a high and difficult ascent, to which the only access was by means of stairs. Though old and sick, the cacique was coming down to attack the Spaniards, whom he threatened to put all to death, but he was stopped by his women and servants. As there was no proper access for the horsemen to assail the residence of the cacique, and besides as Soto was always more inclined to carry his purposes by gentle means than by the exertion of force, he very courteously offered to enter into peace and amity with this cacique and his people. In less than three hours, more than four thousand Indians assembled at the residence of the cacique, among whom there was great difference of opinion as to the choice of peace or war with the Spaniards, many of them inclining to war as accordant with the natural ferocity of their dispositions. The opinion however of the wiser prevailed, who deemed it better to make peace, by which they might recover their wives and children, and retrieve their property without bloodshed, and might save their corn, which was then ripe, from being destroyed. Peace was accordingly concluded, on condition that the Spaniards should not insist upon going up to the residence of the cacique; the prisoners were set at liberty, all the plunder of the town restored, and the Spaniards were supplied with provisions.

[Footnote 173: From what will appear in the sequel, there can scarcely be a doubt that this great river must have been the Missisippi. According to the Governor Pownall's map of North America, Soto fell in with this river in 1541, about the lat. of 34° 30' N. in the country of the Chicasaws and to the west of the Yazous, near where we have already supposed Chicoza to have been situated.--E.]

Having rested sixteen days in Chisca, on purpose to give time for the sick and wounded to recover, during which time they gained the friendship of the cacique, the Spaniards resumed their journey, and went four days along the river in search of some place in which it could be crossed, as the banks were everywhere high and almost perpendicular, and closely wooded. Although above six thousand Indians, with great numbers of canoes, were seen posted on the opposite side of the river, it was deemed necessary to get across in search of provisions, for which purpose two large piraguas were ordered to be built. In the mean time four Indians came to the camp, and having made their adorations to the sun and moon, they addressed Soto in the name of their cacique, bidding him welcome to his territories, and offering his friendship. The general returned a courteous answer, and was well supplied with provisions for his forces during his stay, but could never prevail on the cacique to visit him, who always excused himself under pretence of sickness; but it was afterwards found that this peace was concluded by the Indians on purpose to save their harvest, which was then ready to be carried home. In fifteen days the two piraguas were finished for crossing the river, although some damage was done by the Indians from the opposite side by means of their canoes; but the Spaniards drove them always away, as they kept a constant guard concealed behind trenches. These piraguas were so large as to contain an hundred and fifty foot and thirty cavalry, all of whom embarked in sight of the Indians, and plied up and down the river with sails and oars; and the Indians were so astonished and intimidated by the sight of such huge floating machines, that they abandoned the opposite bank of the river and dispersed.

After passing the river, the Spaniards came to a town of about four hundred houses, constructed upon some high bluffs or ridges near another river[174], and surrounded by spacious fields of Indian corn, and abundance of fruit-trees of several kinds. The Spaniards were courteously received at this place by order of the cacique, named _Casquin_[175], who resided at a different town higher up the river, and sent to compliment the Spanish commander. After resting six days, they proceeded up the banks of the river, through a plentiful and populous country, till they came to the town where Casquin resided, who received and entertained them with great attention and kindness.

[Footnote 174: This other river may have been the St Francis, which flows into the west side of the Missisippi a little above where Soto is supposed to have crossed.--E]

[Footnote 175: The memory of this name perhaps is still preserved in a small river or creek, called Kaskin-opa, which runs into the east side of the Missisippi about 20 miles below the mouth of the Ohio. The situation indeed is materially different from that in which Soto is supposed to have found the cacique named Casquin in the text; but the roaming tribes of Indians frequently change their places of residence, as influenced by success or misfortune in war and hunting.--E.]

Three days after their arrival, the cacique waited upon Soto, and, after making his obeisance to the sun and moon, he said "he was persuaded the Spaniards worshipped a better God than the Indians, since he had given them victory with so small a number over such multitudes of Indians: Wherefore he requested that Soto would pray to his God to send rain, of which they were in great want." The general answered, that though he and all his men were sinners, they would humbly pray to God to shew mercy. Having accordingly ordered a cross to be erected on a hill, he and all the forces, except a guard left to protect the quarters, went in solemn procession to adore the cross, accompanied by the cacique and some Indians, the Christian priests singing the litanies, and all the soldiers joining in the responses. Being come to the cross, many prayers were recited on their knees, after which they returned to their quarters chanting appropriate psalms. Above twenty thousand natives stood gazing at this religious procession, some on the same side of the river, and others on the opposite bank, all of whom occasionally set up loud shouts, as if begging of God to hear them. It pleased God to answer their humble prayers, as towards midnight there fell sufficient rain to satisfy the wants of the Indians, and the Christians returned solemn thanks for the mercy which God had been pleased to grant at their intercessions.

Nine days afterwards, the Spaniards again set out on their march, accompanied by Casquin and a great number of Indians carrying water and other necessaries. The cacique was also accompanied by five thousand of his warriors, as he was at war with the cacique of the next adjoining tribe, and took the opportunity of the Spaniards to assist in the war. During this march they spent three days in getting across a great swamp, when they came in sight of Capaha[176], being the frontier town of the next tribe. This place was fortified on three sides by a wet ditch forty fathoms wide and ten fathoms deep, into which water was conveyed from the great river by a canal three leagues in length. The fourth side, which had no ditch, was secured by high and thick palisades. As the cacique of Capaha was unprovided for resistance, he went away on seeing the approach of his enemies along the canal in a canoe, and sheltered himself in a fortified island in the great river. Many of his subjects accompanied him, and those who remained were butchered by the followers of Casquin, who took the whole scalps[177] of all they killed to carry home as trophies. They plundered the town, and took many prisoners, among whom were two beautiful women, wives of the cacique. They likewise demolished the burial-place belonging to Capaha, throwing about the bones of his ancestors, and recovered the scalps of their own countrymen which were hung up there as memorials of victory. All this evil was done before the arrival of Soto and the Spaniards, who had not been informed by Casquin of the enmity between him and Capaha. He would even have destroyed the town, if he had not feared giving offence to Soto.

[Footnote 176: On the western bank of the Missisippi, and in the country of the Akansas, there are two Indian towns named Kappas or Quapa, which may possibly have some connection with the Capaha of the text.--E.]

[Footnote 177: On all occasions the text of Herrera, as translated by Stephens, names these savage trophies of massacre sculls, which we have ventured to call scalps, consistent with the now universal practice of the North American savages. Possibly the entire scull might be the original trophy, for which the scalp was afterwards substituted as more portable.--E.]

On the coming up of the Spaniards, Soto sent a message to the fugitive cacique by means of some prisoners, offering peace; but Capaha would not hear of any friendly intercourse, and loudly declared his resolution to take ample vengeance of his enemies. Learning that the Spanish commander was making preparations for an attack on Capaha, Casquin requested him to wait for sixty canoes which he had ordered up the river, by means of which the army could be transported to attack the fortified island. In the mean time the troops of Casquin marched through the country of their enemies, which they laid waste on all sides, and in their course set free some of their own countrymen who were there in captivity, and had been lamed by cutting the sinews of one of their legs to prevent them from running away. On going in the canoes to attack the island, a great part of its coast was inaccessible, being overgrown with thick briars and brambles, which formed an impenetrable barrier, and the only accessible part was fortified by several rows of strong palisades. Soto ordered two hundred of his Spanish soldiers to endeavour to land along with the Indians belonging to Casquin. On this occasion one Spaniard was drowned by too great eagerness to get first to land; but the rest managed so well that they soon gamed the first palisade, on which the women and children belonging to the defenders set up a terrible cry of consternation. A desperate opposition was made at the second palisade, in which consisted the last refuge of the defenders. The subjects of Capaha reviled those of Casquin, calling them cowardly dogs, who had never ventured before to attack that place, and threatened them with ample vengeance when the valiant strangers had left the country. The subjects of Casquin were so intimidated by these threats and the brave opposition they experienced, that in spite of every thing their cacique could say they took to flight, carrying off forty of the canoes, and would have done the same with the other twenty, had not two Spaniards that were left in charge of each defended them with their swords. Being thus deserted by their allies, and having no horses to act against the Indians, the Spaniards began to retire; and when the Indians proposed to pursue them, Capaha restrained them, thinking this a favourable opportunity to embrace the peace he had before rejected, and the Spaniards accordingly retired unmolested.

Next day, without taking any notice whatever of Casquin, Capaha sent four messengers to Soto, apologizing for having before refused peace, which he now sued for, and requested leave to wait upon him. Soto was well pleased with this, and returned a suitable answer. Accordingly, Capaha came next day to the town, attended by an hundred Indians finely adorned with plumes of feathers; and before waiting on the general went to the sepulchre of his forefathers, where he gathered together the bones with anxious care, kissed them with much reverence, and replaced them in their chests or coffins. On coming into the presence of Soto, he paid his compliments with a good grace, and though only about twenty-six years of age gave an intelligent account or the affairs of his country. Turning to his enemy Casquin, he addressed him as follows: "I suppose you are now well pleased at having seen what you never expected, for which you may thank the power of these valiant strangers: But when they are gone, you and I shall understand each other. In the mean time I pray the sun and moon to send us good seasons." Being informed of what Capaha had said, the general without giving time to Casquiu to reply, assured Capaha that he and his Spaniards had not come into the country to inflame the enmity of the tribes, but to reconcile them. After more friendly discourse of this nature, Capaha consented to be friends with Casquin, and the two chiefs sat down to dinner with Soto. After the repast, the two women who belonged to Capaha and had been taken prisoners were brought in and restored to him, at which he seemed well pleased, yet presented them to Soto, who declined accepting them; but Capaha desired him to give them to any one he pleased, as they should not stay with him, and they were accordingly admitted among the followers of the Spanish army.

At this time the Spaniards suffered excessively for want of salt, when they were informed by some Indians that there was plenty to be had, and likewise of the metal they called gold only about four leagues from thence. Soto accordingly sent Ferdinand de Silvera and Pedro Moreno under the guidance of these Indians to the place, ordering them likewise to examine diligently into all the circumstances of the country they passed through. They returned after eleven days with six loads of rock salt, as clear as crystal, and one load of fine copper; and reported that the country they had passed through was rather barren and thinly inhabited. On receiving this report, the general resolved to return in the first place to Casquin, and thence to proceed towards the west, having marched northward all the way from Mavila, in order to remove to a distance from the sea. After resting five days at Casquin, they marched other five days down the river, where at a town in the province of _Quiguate_ the inhabitants fled without any hostilities, but they returned in two days and the cacique made an apology for his absence. In the interval, the inhabitants of that place wounded two of the Spaniards, which the general thought proper to overlook under the present circumstances. Departing from Quiguate after a sojourn of seven days, they arrived in five days more at the province of _Colima_, marching still down the river, and were received in a friendly manner. At this place they found another river having blue sand, which was salt to the taste. The Spaniards being much in want of salt, steeped some of this sand in water, which they strained and boiled, and procured excellent salt to their great joy; yet some ate of it so voraciously that ten of them died.

Departing from this province of Colima, which the Spaniards named _De Sal_, or the Salt Country, they marched four days through an uninhabited wilderness, after which they came to a province called _Tula_[178]. On approaching the first town, the whole population both male and female came out to oppose them, and a battle ensued in which the Indians were defeated, and the Spaniards rushed into the town along with the fugitives; and as the inhabitants obstinately refused to submit or surrender they were all massacred. After this, on Reynoso Cabeza de Vaca[179] going into one of the houses, he was suddenly beset by five women who had hidden themselves in a corner, who would have stifled him if he had not been rescued by two soldiers who came in upon hearing his cries for assistance, and who were forced to kill the women before they could extricate him from their hands. From this place Soto sent out parties of his cavalry to view the country. When any Indians were made prisoners in these excursions, they used to throw themselves on the ground, exclaiming "_either kill me or leave me_," refusing obstinately to accompany the Spaniards, or to give any account of the country. At this place the Spaniards found several well dressed cows hides, though they could never learn from whence they came[180], and likewise other good skins of various kinds. Four days after the arrival of the Spaniards at this place, they were attacked one morning early by surprise by a large party of Indians, in three several places at once, all calling out _Tula! Tula!_ continually, which was considered as a watch-word to know each other in the obscurity and confusion of the attack. The Spaniards seized their arms in all haste, invoking the blessed virgin and their patron apostle St Jago for aid, as they were in the utmost peril. In this battle the Indians fought with great clubs, a weapon which had not been seen before in Florida. The Indians continued the assault with such obstinacy till after sunrise, and the Spaniards had been so completely surprised, that they were forced to lay aside all punctilios of military discipline, each using his utmost individual efforts for safety, and the officers even submitting to fight occasionally under the command of their inferiors. At length the Indians were repulsed, and retired unpursued by the Spaniards, of whom four were killed and a good many wounded.

[Footnote 178: It is proper to observe that this place is named Fula on another occasion by Herrera.--E.]

[Footnote 179: This may have been a relative of Alvar Nunnez Cabeza de Vaca, whose adventures in escaping from the disastrous expedition of Panfilo de Narvaez to Florida have been related in the third section of this chapter.--E.]

[Footnote 180: It is however well known that buffaloes are found in various parts of North America.--E.]

While the Spaniards after the battle were surveying the dead, and looking at the dreadful wounds made by their swords and spears, an Indian started up from among the dead, on which Juan de Caranza ran to attack him. But the Indian gave him such a stroke with a Spanish battle-axe he had laid hold of, as to cleave his target and wound him in the arm. On this Diego de Godoy came up to assail him, but was soon disabled. Francisco de Salazar came on next, and made several thrusts at the Indian who skulked behind a tree, but at length gave Salazar so violent a blow on the neck that he dropped from his horse. The fourth Spaniard who came against this single Indian was Gonzalo Silvestre, who conducted himself with more caution. Having avoided a blow aimed at him by the Indian, he gave him in return a back stroke with his sword on the forehead, which glanced down his breast, and cut off his left hand at the wrist. The Indian rushed on aiming a blow at the face of Silvestre, who warded it off with his target, underneath which he with another back stroke cut him almost in two at the waist. The general and many others went up to see this Indian who had made himself so remarkable by his valour, and to admire the wonderful cut he had received from Gonzalo Silvestre; who was well known at the court of Madrid in 1570, by his valour and dexterity.

After remaining twenty days in Tula, the Spaniards departed from thence, accompanied only by one Indian woman and a boy belonging to that place, the former having attached herself to Juan Serrano de Leon, and the other to Christopher de Mosquera. In two days march, they came to the territory of Vitangue, through which they marched for four days, and then took up their quarters in a well built town, which they found abandoned. The situation of this place was advantageous, as it was inclosed with good palisades and there was plenty of provisions both for the men and horses; and as the winter advanced with hasty strides, Soto resolved to remain here till the ensuing spring, although the Indians were continually troublesome, and rejected every proposal for peace.

SECTION VI.

_Conclusion of the Expedition to Florida by Ferdinand de Soto_[181].

[Footnote 181: Herrera, VI. 1--30.]

Soto and his men accordingly took up their quarters in the town of Vitangue at the latter end of the year 1541[182]. As during their abode at this place, the Spaniards often went out to kill deer, rabbits, and roe-bucks, all of which were plentiful and good in the surrounding country, they were frequently on these occasions way-laid by the Indians, who discharged their arrows at them from ambushments and then made their escape. A great deal of snow fell during the winter, but as the Spaniards had abundance of fire-wood and provisions, among which was excellent fruit, they lived in tolerable comfort and in plenty. The cacique of the province, desirous of becoming acquainted with the strength and numbers of the Spaniards, that he might know how best to attack them, sent several messages to the general under pretence of offering to visit him. At first the Spaniards admitted these people into their quarters even under night; but at length Soto began to suspect some sinister purpose, by the frequency of these messages, and gave orders that no more of them should be admitted at night, reproving those who did not chastise and turn back these unseasonable visitors. In consequence of these orders, one of the centinels killed an Indian who impudently endeavoured to force his way into the town next night, for which he was much commended by the general.

[Footnote 182: At this place the text returns to the true date of 1541, quite conformable with the whole tenor of the narrative, and fully confirming our observations respecting erroneous dates in the text on former occasions.--E.]

Towards the end of winter, several parties were sent out in different directions to endeavour to procure Indians for carrying the baggage, who brought in very few. Upon this Soto set out himself on a similar expedition, with 100 horse and 150 foot. After a march of twenty leagues into the province of _Naguaten_, which was very populous, he attacked a town by surprise one morning at day-break, and returned with many prisoners. In April 1542, the Spaniards broke up from their winter quarters at Vitangue, and in seven days through a fruitful country arrived without opposition at the chief town of Naguaten, where they found abundance of provisions, and remained seventeen days. On the sixth day after their arrival, a message was brought from the cacique, to excuse himself for not having visited the general and offering his services. Soto received this messenger with much civility, and sent back a courteous answer. Next day four chiefs came attended by 500 servants with a large quantity of provisions, saying they had been sent by their lord to attend upon the general, but the cacique never made his appearance.

On departing from Naguaten, and after the Spaniards had marched two leagues, they missed a gentleman of Seville, named Diego de Guzman, who had always hitherto behaved himself well, but was much addicted to gaming. On inquiry it was found that Guzman had lost every thing he had at play the day before, among which was a good black horse and a beautiful young Indian woman to whom he was much attached. He had punctually delivered up every thing he had lost, except the woman, whom he promised to yield up in five days. It was concluded therefore that the reason of his disappearance was from shame of having abandoned himself to gaming, and owing to his love for the woman. On this occasion, the general required of the four chiefs belonging to Naguaten to restore Guzman, or that he would detain them as prisoners. They accordingly sent to inquire after him, and it was found that he had gone along with the woman to the cacique, whose daughter she was, that the Indians used him well, and that he refused to return. Upon this, one of the four chiefs asked permission of the general to go and inquire the reason of Guzman refusing to come back, and requested a letter to the deserter to that effect, saying that it was not reasonable he and his comrades should be reduced to slavery for the fault of another person who renounced his country and deserted from his commander. Soto accordingly ordered Baltasar de Gallegos, who was the friend and townsman of Guzman, to write him a letter reproving his behaviour and advising him to return; promising in the name of the general that his horse and arms should be returned, or others given in their room. The Indian who carried this letter was ordered to threaten the cacique with having his country laid waste if he did not restore Guzman. The messenger returned in three days, bringing back the letter, having Guzmans name wrote upon it with a piece of burnt stick, and an answer peremptorily refusing to return. Along with this letter, the cacique sent a message, declaring that he had done nothing to oblige Guzman to stay, and did not think himself obliged to force him back, but would on the contrary be well pleased if many others of the Spaniards would stay with him, all of whom should be well used: And if the general thought proper on this account to kill the four chiefs who were in his power and to ruin the country, he certainly might do so, but it would in his opinion be extremely unjust. Perceiving that it was impossible to induce Guzman to return, and that the cacique was in the right, Soto dismissed the four chiefs with some presents, and continued his progress.

After five days march through the province of Naguaten, the Spaniards entered upon a new territory called _Guacane_, inhabited by a fierce and warlike tribe, who obstinately refused to be at peace with them. In all the houses of this tribe, _wooden-crosses_ were found; supposed to have been occasioned by what Cabeza de Vaca and his companions had taught in their progress through some other provinces of Florida, from whence these crosses had been conveyed to this province and several others[183]. Soto, having now lost half of his men and horses, was very desirous to establish some colony, that the fatigues and dangers which had been endured by him and his men might turn out to some useful purpose. With this view he was now anxious to return to the great river, repenting that he had not built a town at _Achusi_, as he once designed. He had now a strong inclination to found a colony in some convenient situation near the great river; where he could build two brigantines to send down to the sea, to give notice of the large and fertile provinces he had discovered, considering that if he should happen to die, all the fruits of his labours would be lost. Having marched eight days through the hostile province of _Guacane_, he proceeded by long marches in search of the great river through seven extensive provinces, some of which were fertile. In some of these the Spaniards were received in a friendly manner, as they used every possible means to avoid war, because their numbers were so much diminished, and they feared the summer might pass away before they could reach the great river. Having entered the province of _Anilco_, they marched thirty leagues through it to a town of four hundred houses, having a large square in which the residence of the cacique stood on an artificial mount on the bank of the river, which was as large as the Guadalquiver at Seville. On their approach to this place, the cacique drew out 1500 warriors to combat the Spaniards; yet as soon as they drew near, all the Indians fled without shooting a single arrow, and crossed the river in canoes and on floats, carrying off their women and children, only a small number being taken by the Spaniards. Soto sent several messages to the cacique requesting peace, but he constantly refused to be seen or to send any answer.

[Footnote 183: In Governor Pownalls map of North America, Soto is said to have reached a place called Caligoa in Louisiana on a branch of a Red river, in lat. 36° N. and about 230 miles west from the Missisippi.--E.]

Leaving Anilco, and crossing the river on which it stood without opposition, the Spaniards marched through an extensive unpeopled wilderness overgrown with wood, and came into the province of Guachacoya. The first town they came to was the capital of the province, and was situated on several hillocks at the side of the great river, on one of which hillocks stood the residence of the cacique. Being taken by surprise, as he had received no intelligence of the approach of the Spaniards in consequence of being at war with Anilco, the cacique of Guachacoya saw no likelihood of being able to defend his town, and made therefore a precipitate retreat across the river with his people in canoes and floats, carrying off as many of their effects as they could.

The wars which were carried on among the tribes inhabiting the various districts or provinces of Florida, were not intended to deprive each other of their dominions, neither did they ordinarily engage in pitched battles with their whole forces; but consisted chiefly in skirmishes and mutual surprises, carried on by small parties at the fishing-places, in the hunting grounds, among the corn-fields, and on the paths through the wilderness. Sometimes they burnt the towns of their enemies, but always retired into their own country after any exploit; so that their warlike enterprises seemed rather for exercise in the use of arms, and to shew their valour, than for any solid or public purpose. In some places they ransomed or exchanged prisoners. In others they made them lame of a leg in order to retain them in their service, more from pride and vain glory than for any substantial use or benefit[184].

[Footnote 184: It is perhaps singular that no mention is made of the cruel manner in which the North American Indians were in use to put their prisoners to death. Probably that practice was then confined to the tribes farther to the north and west.--E.]

Three days after the arrival of the Spaniards at Guachacoya, the cacique became acquainted with the unfriendly reception they had received at Anilco. Though a barbarian, he could perceive the advantage which might be derived from that circumstance to obtain revenge upon his enemies, by an alliance with the warlike strangers. He sent therefore four of his inferior chiefs to wait upon the Spanish general attended by a considerable number of Indians loaded with fish and fruit, and desiring permission to wait upon him at the end of four days. Soto accordingly received the messengers with great courtesy, and sent back a friendly answer; yet the wary cacique sent fresh messengers every day to see in what disposition the Spanish general was. At length, being satisfied that Soto was disposed to receive him well, he made his appearance attended by ten chiefs splendidly dressed after their manner, in fine plumes of feathers, and rich furs, but all armed. Soto received them in a friendly manner, and had a long discourse, with the cacique in one of the spacious rooms belonging to his residence, by the intervention of interpreters. At one time the cacique happened to sneeze, on which all the Indians who were present bowed their heads and extended their arms, in token of salute; some saying, _the sun preserve you_, others _the sun be with you_, and others _may the sun make you great_, with other complimentary expressions of similar import. Among other discourse at this interview, the cacique proposed to Soto to return into the province of Anilco to take revenge on the cacique for his enmity, and offered to supply 80 canoes to carry the Spaniards down the great river and up that of Anilco, the distance being only twenty leagues, when the rest of the army marching by land might form a junction in the centre of the enemies country. As Soto was inclined to take a full view of the country, meaning to form a settlement between these two provinces, where he might build his brigantines, he agreed to this proposal, and accordingly orders were given out to prepare for the march. Juan de Guzman was ordered to embark with his company on board the canoes, which were likewise to carry 4000 Indians, and who were expected to join the forces which marched by land at the end of three days. Soto and the rest of the Spanish forces marched by land, being accompanied by Guachacoya with 2000 warriors, besides a large number carrying the provisions.

They all met at the time appointed, and as the Anilcans were unable to oppose the groat force which came against them, the Guachacoyans entered the town killing all they met, without regard to age or sex; committed all imaginable barbarities, broke open the sepulchres scattering and trampling on the bones, and took away the scalps of their countrymen and other trophies which the Anilcans had hung up in commemoration of their victories. On seeing the barbarity of his allies, Soto sounded a retreat and ordered the Spaniards to turn the Indians out of the town, wishing anxiously to put a stop to any farther mischief, and to prevent it from being set on fire. But all his efforts were ineffectual, as the Guachacoyans thrust burning brands into the thatch of the houses, which soon took fire, and the town was utterly destroyed. The Spaniards and their allies now returned to Guachacoya, where Soto gave orders for cutting down and hewing timber with which to build the brigantines, and to prepare iron work for their construction; designing when the vessels were finished to cross the river into a province named _Quiqualtangui_, which was very fertile and populous, the cacique of which had a town of five hundred houses, but who could never be induced to listen to proposals of peace from the Spaniards: On the contrary, he had sworn by the sun and moon, that he would give battle to these vagabond robbers, and would hang up their quarters on trees. The general endeavoured to appease him with presents and fair words, being always generous towards the leaders of the barbarians, endeavouring to bear with and soften their savage manners, and to conciliate their friendship. By this wise conduct he had hitherto been able to subsist his troops for so long a time among so many fierce and savage nations.

While engaged in these things, Soto was seized with a violent fever, which increased upon him so that he soon perceived it would prove mortal. He made therefore his will, and endeavoured to prepare for death like a good Christian. That nothing might be left unprovided for, he appointed in presence of all his officers and principal followers Luis Moscoso de Alvarado to succeed him in the command till the king might order otherwise; and after commending the virtue and bravery of Alvarado, he entreated and commanded all to yield him implicit obedience, even taking their oaths to that purpose, and represented to them how necessary it was for them all to be united and obedient, for their own preservation among these barbarous nations. He then took an affectionate leave of all his officers and soldiers, and departed this life on the seventh day of his illness, after performing all the duties of a zealous Christian. Ferdinand de Soto was of a comely appearance and pleasant countenance, and of affable and generous dispositions. He was an excellent soldier, and managed his weapons with much dexterity both on foot and on horseback; skilful and experienced in all military affairs; always brave and cool in action, and the foremost in every enterprise of danger: severe in punishing when necessary, yet easy to forgive, and always inclined to please his soldiers when that might be done without lessening his authority. At his death he was only forty-two years of age, and had expended his whole fortune, exceeding 100,000 ducats on this romantic and fruitless expedition. His death was universally lamented among his followers, as he had acquired their universal love and esteem by his excellent qualities and conduct. It was thought necessary to bury him under night, that his death might not be known to the Indians, nor the place of his interment, lest they should insult his remains; but in spite of all their precautions the secret was revealed; for which reason they hollowed out a log of oak into which they put his body, and sunk it in the middle of the great river, at a place where it was a quarter of a league across and nineteen feet deep.

When the funeral of the general was over, Luis de Alvarado assembled his officers to hold a council upon the present state of their affairs. After thanking them for admitting him as their commander, and making a statement of their numbers, arms, and ammunition, he desired they would determine upon what was best to be done, considering the fierceness and inveterate enmity of the barbarous nations by whom they were surrounded: Whether to prosecute what had been previously resolved upon by their late lamented general, or to devise some other measure for extricating themselves from the country, declaring that he was ready to proceed according to their opinion and advice. In their answer, the officers thanked him for the compliment he paid them, but referred the determination respecting their future proceedings to himself, and again submitted to obey him as their commander. The death of Soto had made a great change in the minds of the Spanish forces, who now determined to abandon the country they had taken so much pains to discover. Accordingly, they set out on the 5th of July 1542, and marched above 100 leagues to the westwards, through a barren and desert country[185]. On leaving Guachacoya they were joined by an Indian youth of about sixteen years of age, whom they did not observe till the fourth day of their march. Suspecting him of being a spy, Alvarado asked him who he was and what was his object in following them. He said that he had fled from Guachacoya, because the chief whom he served was at the point of death, and he had been appointed to be buried alive along with his master, as it was the custom of the country to inter women and servants along with great personages, to minister to them in the next world.

[Footnote 185: Though not directly so expressed in the text; it may be inferred from circumstances in the after part of the narratives that the present object of Alvarado and the Spaniards, was to endeavour to find their way by land to the northern part of New Spain.--E.]

At the end of the 100 leagues of wilderness, the Spaniards came to a province called _Auche_, where they were well received, and where they rested for two days. Still determined upon proceeding to the westwards, they were informed that they had a desert wilderness of four days journey to cross, and received a supply of provisions sufficient for the journey, with a guide to conduct them through the wilderness. But after having marched for eight days in that direction, still in the unhospitable and unpeopled wilds, and having been three days without Indian corn, they discovered that they had been imposed upon and were likely to perish of famine. Alvarado now ordered a dog to be let loose upon the faithless guide; who acknowledged that he had received orders from the cacique of Auche to lead them into the heart of the desert that they might there perish, because he did not think himself able to contend with them in arms. He craved pardon therefore of the general for having obeyed the orders of his chief, and engaged to lead the army in three days more, still proceeding to the westwards, to an inhabited country where they would find provisions. But the Spaniards were so incensed against him for leading them into the present alarming situation, that they would not listen to his apology or promises, and permitted the dogs to devour him. Thus left in the utmost want of provisions, and utterly ignorant of the country, the Spaniards held on their way towards the west for other three days, during which they had to subsist upon any wild plants they could find; and at length came to an inhabited though barren country. They here procured the means of subsistence, particularly beef, and saw many fresh cows hides, though the Indians never shewed them any cows[186]. While the Spaniards were proceeding on their march through this province, which they denominated _De los Vaqueros_[187], or the tribe of cow-herds, they observed an Indian approach from the skirts of a wood, and believing he might have brought some message from the cacique, they permitted him to draw near. But as soon as he was within reach, he levelled an arrow at five or six soldiers who stood together, who fortunately escaped the danger by stepping to a side; but the arrow flew among some Indian women who were dressing provisions for their masters, pierced one of them quite through, and wounded another in the breast, so that both died. On the alarm being given, Baltasar Gallegos, who happened to be at hand, overtook the Indian before he could get back to the wood, and slew him.

[Footnote 186: Unquestionably because they had none to produce. The beef and the hides were assuredly acquired by hunting the wild American buffaloe or bison.--E.]

[Footnote 187: In this rare instance our maps throw some light on the text. Nearly in the latitude of the mouth of the Ohio, but 700 or 800 miles west from the Missisippi, there is a nation named the Apaches Vaqueros, probably the same indicated in the text. The route thither from the Missisippi leads through several tribes of savage Indians, named Ozages, Paducas, and Kanzez.--E.]

Having travelled above thirty leagues westwards through this province of the cow-herds, they discovered a ridge of vast mountains still farther to the west, which from their own scouts and the information of the Indians, they learnt were barren, desert, and unpeopled. They were also informed, that if they bent their course to the right hand, they would come into a desert country; but that to the left, though a longer way, they would travel through inhabited and plentiful countries[188]. Considering what they had endured in their late march through the desert intervening between Auche and the country of _Los Vaqueros_, they had determined upon giving up their first plan of proceeding by land to Mexico, thinking it better to return to the great river, and so proceed to the sea pursuant to the plan originally proposed by their late general. They accordingly took long marches to the _southwards_, taking care not to offend the barbarians, yet they were teased by frequent attacks while leaving the country of the cow-herds. On one of these occasions a soldier was wounded by an arrow, which penetrated through his greaves and thigh, and passing through the saddle lap, ran two fingers breadth into the horses side, the arrow being made of reed with no other head than the reed itself hardened in the fire and sloped to a point. The wounded soldier was lifted from his horse, the arrow being previously cut off between his thigh and the saddle, and he was left to cure himself, as he had formerly performed many wonderful cures on his comrades with only oil and wool, assisted by prayers. But since the battle of Mavila, in which all the oil was lost, he had never attempted to cure either others or himself, though twice wounded before, believing that the cure could not be performed without oil and dirty wool. In this distress, he swore that he would not submit to the surgeons, and would rather die than allow them to dress his wound. Having no oil, he substituted hogs lard, and procured some wool from an Indian mantle, as the Spaniards had now no shirts or any other linen among them, and to the astonishment of every one he was so sound in four days that he was able to mount his horse on the fifth day. He now begged pardon of the soldiers for having allowed so many of his comrades to perish, by refusing to cure them, as he had believed the efficacy of his mode of cure depended on the oil, but as he now found that it consisted in the holy words he had pronounced over the dressings, he desired they might again recur to him when wounded, and he would exert himself as formerly. This soldier, named Sanjurgo Gallego, was very chaste, a good Christian, ever ready to serve all men, and had many other virtues[189].

[Footnote 188: There is some ambiguity in the text, from which it is difficult to ascertain whether the left and right hand of their general line of march is now to be respectively considered as south and north, or the contrary. But as coupled with their intended return towards the great river, now to the east, the _left_ means probably the _north_, and the _right_ the _south_.--E.]

[Footnote 189: Though not mentioned in the text, it is not improbable that Gallego had formerly placed considerable dependence on the use of _holy_ oil, or chrysm. The whole secret of his surgery seems to have consisted in the application of bland oils, and leaving nature to operate, without the employment of the ancient barbarous methods of cure, by tents, escharotics, cautery, and heating inflammatory applications; which in modern times, abandoned by surgeons, have been adopted by farriers.--E.]

After leaving the territories of the cow-herds, the Spaniards marched for twenty days through the lands of other tribes. Being of opinion that they had declined too much from, the direction of Guachacoya, to which place they now proposed returning, the Spaniards now directed their course eastwards, still inclining somewhat towards the _north_, so that in this way they crossed the direction they had formerly gone in their march from Auche to the country of the cow-herds, yet without perceiving it. When at length they reached the great river, it was the middle of September, having travelled three months from leaving Guachacoya; and though they had fought no pitched battle during all that time, they were never free from alarm night or day, so that they had lost forty soldiers during this last useless and circuitous march. The Indians on every opportunity shot all who happened to stray from the main body, and would often crawl on all fours at night into their quarters, shoot their arrows, and make their escape, unseen by the centinels. To add to their distresses, the winter now began to set in, with much rain, snow and excessive cold weather. On coming to where they proposed quartering for the night, though wet, cold, weary and hungry, they were obliged to send parties in advance to secure them, generally, by force, and after all were mostly under the necessity of procuring provisions by means of their swords. Besides all this, they were often forced to construct rafts or floats on which to pass rivers, which sometimes occupied them five or six days. The horsemen were frequently obliged to pass the night on horseback, and the infantry to stand up to their knees in mire and water, with hardly any clothes to cover them, and such as they had always wet. Owing to these accumulated hardships, many of the Spaniards and their Indian attendants fell sick, and the distemper proceeded to the horses, so that sometimes four or five men and horses died in a day, and sometimes seven, whom they scarcely had leisure to bury for haste in pursuing their march.

In this miserable condition they came to the great river about the latter end of November[190]. In their march on the west side of the great river, from leaving the territory of Guachacoya to their arrival at their new winter quarters, they had marched by estimation 350 leagues, and lost 100 men and 80 horses by the way, without counting their Indian servants, who were of vast use. This was the only fruit of their long and painful march westwards in quest of New Spain, and of refusing to follow the plan which had been devised by their late general for descending the great river to the sea. At this period they were much gratified by finding two contiguous towns on the great river of 200 houses each, which were enclosed by a wet ditch drawn from the river. They were now reduced to 320 foot and 70 horse, or 390 in all, who now remained of 900 men and 330 horses which had landed in the bay of Espiritu Santo at the end of May 1539, four years and a half before. Yet inured to hardships and accustomed to conquer, they immediately attacked and gained possession of these towns, from which the inhabitants fled, having heard of the irresistible valour of the Spaniards from other tribes. They had the good fortune to find plenty of provisions in these towns, and to remain undisturbed by the Indians, so that they soon recovered from their fatigues; yet several died in consequence of their past sufferings, and among the rest Juan Ortiz, their chief interpreter and an excellent soldier.

[Footnote 190: They were already said to have reached it in the middle of September. The discrepancy may either be an oversight of Herrera; or they took from the middle of September to the end of November, in descending the right bank of the great river to where they passed the winter, having come to it much higher up than they intended.--E.]

Having determined to take up their quarters at this place, they fortified one of the towns to serve as quarters for the winter. This province, called _Aminoya_, lay seventeen leagues farther up the river than Guachacoya, to which they had endeavoured to direct their course on returning from the province of _Los Vaqueros_. Being somewhat recovered towards the end of January 1543, they set to work to cut down and prepare timber for building their brigantines. At this place, an old Indian, who had been unable to make his escape along with the rest, objected to their staying in their present quarters for the winter, saying that the river was in use to overflow every fourteen years, and that this was the expected season of its doing so. They refused however to profit by this information, of which they had sufficient reason to repent in the sequel. The return of the Spaniards to the great river was soon known in all the neighbouring districts. Upon which the cacique of Anilco, to prevent them from favouring the Guachacoyans as formerly, sent an embassy to Alvarado, offering his friendship and making mighty promises. The ambassador sent upon this occasion by Anilco was his _Apu_ or lieutenant-general, who brought great abundance of fruit and other things to the Spaniards, and 200 Indian, servants to attend upon them and supply their wants. Having delivered his message, the Apu sent back the answer to the cacique, and remained with the Spaniards. The cacique of Guachacoya came likewise to wait upon the Spanish general, with a great present, to confirm the former friendship, and though he saw the lieutenant of his enemy among the Spaniards, he took no notice of the circumstance. On consultation about the brigantines, it was found that it would require seven of them to accommodate all the people; and the timber being all hewed and ready, the work was begun in earnest, and occupied their utmost diligence all the months of February, March and April 1543, during all which time they were amply supplied with all necessaries by Anilco, who even furnished them with blankets and mantles to defend themselves from the cold. These articles of clothing were manufactured by the Indians from an herb resembling mallows, which has fibres like those of flax; and the dresses which are made of this substance are afterwards dyed according to their fancies. On the present occasion, the Spaniards reserved the new blankets and mantles furnished by Anilco for sails to their brigantines, and broke up those which were old and useless to serve as oakum for caulking their vessels. Of the same materials the Spaniards made all kinds of cordage for their brigantines, from the smallest ropes up to cables; and in every thing the cacique Anilco, to whom they had formerly done so much injury, assisted the Spaniards to the utmost of his power, while Guachacoya was exceedingly dissatisfied at seeing the intimacy between them.

On the other side of the river there lay a large and fertile province called _Quiqualtanqui_, the cacique of which was a haughty warlike youth, who believed that although the Spaniards were now building vessels to convey them out of the country, they might yet return in greater numbers to enslave the natives. For this reason he determined to destroy them, and assembled forces from all parts of the country, both those of his, own tribe and from all the tribes around. Having concluded an extensive confederacy and begun his preparations for war, he sent a friendly message to Alvarado to lull him into security, advising all his confederates to do the same. The general gave them all favourable answers, yet kept himself carefully on his guard. _Quiqualtanqui_ invited Anilco to join in the confederacy, instead of which he gave notice of it to the Spaniards. It was not known how Guachacoya stood affected on this occasion, but he was suspected of having hostile intentions, as he made no communication of the conspiracy. The confederates continued to send frequent messages and presents to the Spaniards to discover what they were doing; and though repeatedly warned not to come to their quarters under night they took no notice of it. One night that Gonzalo Silvestre happened to stand centinel in the second watch, the moon shining very bright, he observed two armed Indians in their plumes of feathers, passing over the ditch on a tree that lay across instead of a bridge. These men came to a postern which they entered without asking leave, on which Silvestre gave one of them a cut on the forehead, on which he immediately fled. The other Indian, without waiting for his wounded companion, got into the canoe on the river and gave the alarm to his party. The wounded man, missing the tree across the ditch, swam over and cried out for assistance when he came to the river, on which some of his friends came and carried him off. At sunrise, Quiqualtanqui sent four messengers demanding that Alvarado should punish the centinel for having been guilty of a breach of the peace, more especially, as the wounded man was a chief. Four other messengers arrived at mid-day on a similar errand, saying that the wounded chief was at the point of death; and four more came in the afternoon affirming that he was dead, and insisted that the centinel should be publicly punished, since the action he had committed was an affront to all the Indians of the confederacy. Alvarado boldly answered, that they had been previously and repeatedly warned never to come to the Spanish quarters under night, being always welcome and honourably treated through the day. He added that though sincerely sorry for what had happened, he could not possibly punish the centinel who had only done his duty according to military discipline, neither would his soldiers allow of any such thing being done. The confederates thought fit to connive at this transaction, satisfied that Alvarado was a man of invincible courage and wise conduct; yet resolved upon executing their design against the Spaniards as soon as possible.

Being eager to get away from the country, the Spaniards laboured indefatigably in fitting out the vessels, even the best gentlemen among them using the utmost diligence; while those who were not handy in the several occupations about the brigantines employed themselves in hunting and fishing to procure provisions for the rest. Among other fish taken on the present occasion, one was taken by means of a hook of such enormous dimensions, that the head alone weighed forty pounds. The confederate Indians under Quiqualtanqui continued their warlike preparations, being much encouraged by knowing that Ferdinand de Soto was dead, that the number of the Spaniards was very much diminished, and that very few horses were left. So confident were they of success, that two of their spies desired some of the Indian women who served the Spaniards to be patient, for they would soon be freed from their bondage to these vagabond robbers, as they were all to be slain. But the women disclosed this to their masters. When the night happened to be very still, the noise of many people could be heard from the opposite side of the river; and the Spaniards could distinctly see numerous fires at regular distances, as of the quarters of a large army. But it pleased God to confound the evil designs of these Indians, by an inundation of the river, which began on the 10th of March 1543, and increased with prodigious rapidity, so that on the 18th which was Palm Sunday, when the Spaniards were in procession, for they observed all the religious solemnities, the water broke in at the gates of the town, and there was no going along the streets for long after but in canoes. This inundation was forty days of rising to its greatest height, which was on the 20th of April, at which time it extended above twenty leagues on each side of the river, so that nothing could be seen in all the country around but the tops of the trees, and the people had to go every where in canoes.

During the time of this terrible inundation, Alvarado sent twenty Spaniards to Anilco to request a supply of rosin, blankets, and cordage for completing the equipment of the vessels, and these men were sent in four canoes lashed two and two together, to prevent them from being overset by the trees which were under water. On coming to the town of Anilco, they found it destroyed, though twenty leagues from the Spanish quarters, and the inundation had extended five leagues farther. Gonzado Silvestre who commanded these Spaniards was greatly in favour of the cacique Anilco, because he had restored to him a youth who had accompanied the Spaniards on their march to the westwards, who perfectly understood the Spanish language, and was so much attached to the Spaniards as to be very averse from returning to his father. On this occasion Anilco supplied Silvestre with every thing of which he was in want.

It pleased God that the water began to subside towards the latter end of April; yet so slowly that on the 10th of May there was no going about the streets of the town on account of the deep mire with which they were filled. This was the more distressing to the Spaniards as they were barefooted, all their shoes having been burnt at Mavila, and the shoes they had since been able to make, being of untanned leather, were like so much tripe as soon as wet. At the latter end of May, the great river returned to its usual channel, and the confederated Indians again drew their forces together to execute their original design against the Spaniards, of which they received intelligence from Anilco; who likewise informed Alvarado of the signals which had been concerted by the confederates for the better prosecution of their enterprise, and even offered to assist the Spaniards with 8000 well armed warriors, and that if they chose to retire into his country the confederates would not dare to attack them. Alvarado returned thanks for these friendly offers, but declined accepting them; because as he intended to go down the river and to quit the country, he did not deem it proper either to take refuge in the territory of Anilco or to accept the assistance of his warriors, as either of those might draw upon him the confederated hostility of his neighbours: But he promised, if it should please God ever to put it in his power, Anilco should not have cause to repent the service he had been of to the king of Spain, or the kindness he had shewn to the Spaniards. In conclusion, he recommended to Anilco to discontinue any farther intercourse with him, lest he might give umbrage to the confederated caciques. Many of the Spaniards were so puffed up by the friendly offers of Anilco, that they endeavoured to persuade Alvarado to accept the proferred aid, and prosecute an offensive war, thinking it easy to subdue these people. But Alvarado was quite sensible of his present weakness, and determined to leave the country as soon as possible; besides which he did not deem it prudent to confide too much on the fidelity of Anilco.

Four days afterwards, exactly conformable to the information received from Anilco, a numerous embassy arrived from the confederated caciques, intended to spy out the posture of the Spaniards, to enable them to concert measures for the intended attack. Having rigidly examined these pretended messengers, it was debated among the leaders of the Spaniards what ought to be done with these fraudulent envoys. Some were for giving them fair words, as had been the practice hitherto; but it was finally resolved to punish them in an exemplary manner, that the caciques might know their treachery was discovered, which might perhaps prevent the execution of their designs. Accordingly though the messengers on this occasion were very numerous, thirty only were selected who had their hands cut off, and were sent back in this guise to their employers, with a message signifying that the Spaniards had all along been aware of their villainy. This severe example proved successful, insomuch that the confederacy was immediately dissolved, and the forces retired to their respective countries. Yet as the Spaniards had only built seven great boats, they thought they might possibly be more successful by water, and they agreed to collect a great number of canoes to attack them while going down the river.

As the Spaniards believed that their only safety depended upon going down the river as soon as possible, they hastened the completion of their vessels; and as they had not enough of iron for the construction of whole decks, they satisfied themselves with quarter-decks and fore-castles to secure the provisions, laying planks only a midships. Every thing relative to the brigantines being completed, they gathered all the Indian corn, pulse, and dried fruit they could procure; made bacon of all the swine that were left alive, except eighteen they carried with them alive, and two boars and two sows which they gave to each of the two caciques who were their friends. With the lard of the slaughtered swine, they tempered rosin instead of pitch and tar for paying their vessels. They likewise provided a number of canoes; part of which were lashed two and two together to carry thirty horses which still remained alive, and answered well for the purpose; the rest were distributed among the brigantines, each having one at her stern to serve as a boat. On midsummer day 1543 the brigantines were launched into the great river, and on St Peters day, the 29th of that month, every thing being in readiness, the brigantines and canoes having defences made of boards and skins to fend off the arrows, they took leave of the friendly caciques, Anilco and Guachacoya, and set sail down the great river.

Two captains were appointed to each brigantine, that when one had occasion to land the other might remain on board in charge of the vessel. About 350 Spaniards embarked, all that remained of 900 who had originally landed in Florida. Near thirty Indian men and women were on board each vessel, all of their own free will, as they declared they would rather die with their masters than remain behind. Accordingly on St Peters day before mentioned, about sunset, after Alvarado had given regular instructions to all his officers and encouraged his men, they began their voyage, holding on their course down the river both with sails and oars, all that night and the next day and night. But on the following day they were opposed by a fleet of near 1000 canoes belonging to the confederated caciques, some of which were so large as to have twenty-five paddies on each side, and carrying many armed men besides the rowers. These large canoes were called the _admirals_, as being supposed to have the principal commanders on board. One was painted red, another blue, and others of several colours; the men on board having their bodies painted of the same colours as the canoes, as were their bows. All this splendid shew, with the variegated plumes of feathers on the heads of the warriors, made a grand display. While they rowed after the Spaniards, they kept time to their songs, which were said by the interpreters to signify, "That the vagabond strangers should all be slain on the water, and become food for the fishes."

After taking a close view of the Spanish brigantines, the Indians divided their fleet of canoes into three equal squadrons, plying up close to the bank on the starboard side; and when up with the brigantines, the van forming a long and narrow line a-head, crossed the river obliquely passing close by the brigantines, into which they all successively threw in a shower of arrows, by which several Spaniards were wounded notwithstanding their targets and baricades. The other squadrons did the same in regular order, and as the brigantines continued on their course, the squadrons of canoes continued successively to repeat similar charges, both day and night, expecting in this manner to destroy all the Spaniards by degrees. The Spaniards held on their way for ten successive days and nights, continually assailed in this manner by the Indians, and doing some execution in their turn by means of their crossbows, all their musquets having been turned into iron work for the brigantines, having become useless as all their powder was expended. At the end of these ten days, the Indian fleet drew back from the Spaniards to the distance of about half a league. The Spaniards, still advancing came in sight of a small town, and supposed from the Indians leaving them that they were now near the sea, having run by estimation 200 leagues, as they used both sails and oars, and went straight down the river without stopping in any place. Being desirous of procuring provisions, Alvarado ordered 100 men to land, with eight horses; and as the Indians immediately abandoned their town, they procured plenty of provisions of all sorts. In this town likewise they found leather made of goats skins, some white, and some of various colours, and other skins of different kinds well dressed, and many mantles. They found here a long slip of the finest sables, eight ells in length and an ell broad, adorned at regular distances with strings of pearls and small tufts of seed pearl, regularly placed. Gonzalo Silvestre who commanded on this enterprise, got this rarity to his share, which was supposed to be some ensign of war, or some ornament for their dances.

As many Indians appeared collecting in the fields, and the canoes were returning to attack the brigantines, Alvarado ordered the trumpets to sound a retreat to recall Silvestre and his men on board. On this occasion the Spaniards were obliged to abandon their horses, which the Indians immediately shot to death with their arrows. When the party was all returned to the brigantines, the Spaniards resumed their voyage down the river, followed by the canoes, which did not now retain their former order, but followed in several separate squadrons. On the thirteenth day of their voyage down the great river, one of the brigantines happening to fall about an hundred paces behind the rest, the Indians immediately attacked and even boarded it, and would in all probability have made themselves master of it, had not the other brigantines come up to its rescue. However the Indians carried off the canoe from the stern, in which were five sows that had been reserved for a breed.

On the sixteenth day of the voyage, one Estevanez, a desperate yet clownish fellow, who was vain of the reputation he had acquired by his intrepidity, took away the canoe from the stern of the brigantine in which he was embarked, and persuaded five other soldiers to accompany him, saying that he was going to perform an exploit to gain fame, and to obtain leave of the captain of the vessel, he pretended that he was going to speak with the general. When he had got clear of the brigantine, he immediately made towards the enemy, crying out _fall on them! they run!_ When Alvarado saw this mad action he endeavoured to recall Estevanez by sound of trumpet, and sent about forty men after him in several canoes under the command of Juan de Guzman, to bring back Estevanez whom Alvarado intended to hang for his breach of discipline. At the same time the brigantines furled their sails and rowed up against the stream to support the canoes. The Indian canoes, which covered the water for an extent of a quarter of a league, retreated a little way on purpose to separate the Spanish canoes from the brigantines; on which, quite frantic at seeing them give way, Estevanez pushed on, followed by the other canoes which were sent to bring him back. The Indian canoes then drew up in form of a crescent, and when the Spanish canoes were well advanced among them, those Indian canoes which formed the horn or point on the right, attacked them so furiously athwart ships that they sunk them all, by which means all the Spaniards were drowned, and if any happened to appear above water, they were either shot with arrows, or had their brains dashed out by the paddles. Thus forty-eight Spaniards perished, only four escaping of all that were in the canoes. The Indians held on their pursuit of the brigantines all that day making continual rejoicings for their victory. On the _seventeenth_ day at sun-rise, when the Indians had paid their adorations to the sun with hideous cries, and a prodigious noise of drums, horns, and trumpets, they ceased the pursuit of the Spaniards and retired, having continued the chase about four hundred leagues.

The river was now estimated by the Spaniards to be _fifteen_ leagues across, from which they concluded they were near the sea, yet did not venture to quit the main stream for fear of hidden danger. Thus holding on their course, on the nineteenth day of their voyage they came to the sea, computing that they had run little short of 500 leagues[191], from the place where they built their brigantines. Being ignorant whereabout they were, they cast anchor at an island, where they rested three days to recover from their long fatigues and continual watching, and to refit their brigantines. They here computed how far they had been up the country, and as already mentioned estimated the distance from where the brigantines were built to the sea at near 500 leagues: And as the river was there nineteen feet deep and a quarter of a league over, they conjectured that the source of the river might be still 300 leagues farther up the country, or 800 leagues in its whole course. When the Spaniards had been three days in this island, they observed seven canoes to issue from a place overgrown with tall reeds, and come towards them. When within hearing, a gigantic man, as black as a negro, stood up in the headmost canoe and addressed them in the following harangue: "Wherefore do you vagabond robbers stroll about this coast, disturbing its inhabitants? Get you gone speedily by one of the mouths of the great river, and let me not find you here after this night, or I will kill you all and burn your ships!" After this he withdrew among the reeds, and Alvarado sent Gonzalo Silvestre with 100 men in the remaining canoes to examine the inlet among the reeds. Of these men seventeen were armed with cross-bows and three had long bows taken from the Indians, as the want of musquets had induced the Spaniards to use the arms of their enemies, at which they were become skilful. On getting into the creek or inlet among the reeds, Silvestre found sixty small canoes drawn up in readiness to receive him, which he immediately attacked, and overset three of them at the first shock, wounding many of the Indians; and as all the rest of the canoes immediately fled, Silvestre and his party returned to the brigantines.

[Footnote 191: Five hundred Spanish leagues at 17-1/2 to a degree, or about four English miles, would amount to about 2000 miles of voyage down the Missisippi; but we have no sufficient warrant in the text to ascertain the league used by Herrera, neither is it probable that the Spaniards on this occasion could make any computation nearly accurate. The only reasonable conjecture on this subject is from the number of days employed in descending the river, which the text informs us was _nineteen_, three of which we may suppose were occupied in different stoppages. We know likewise from Imlays Description of Kentucky, p. 126, that the ordinary rate of descending the Missisippi is about 80 miles a day. On these data, the Spaniards made a voyage down that river of about 1280 English miles, from which we may conclude that they had wintered somewhere about the situation of New Madrid, in lat. 36° 30' N. or perhaps nearly opposite the junction of the Ohio with the great river.--E.]

Leaving the island, and going out into the open sea, the Spaniards now bore away to the westwards to endeavour to find their way to New Spain, always keeping the coast of Florida[192] on their starboard-side or right hand. They knew not whereabout they were, and had neither chart nor compass to guide their course, neither had they any instrument to find the latitude; but they satisfied themselves in the hope of reaching New Spain by following the coast. During all the first day and night, they continued to sail among the fresh water of the great river. After this they held on their course for fifteen days without any thing remarkable taking place; only that they were under the necessity of landing every day to procure water, as they had no vessels in which to carry any store on board. At the end of that period they got among a parcel of small islands, which were frequented by such multitudes of sea fowl that the entire surface was covered by their nests, so that there was scarcely room to tread. These furnished an ample supply of provisions, though their flesh had somewhat of a fishy taste. Next day they landed on a pleasant shore covered with trees, to procure water; and while looking about in search of shell fish, some pieces of bitumen were found resembling pitch, and upon farther search they were fortunate enough to find the source whence it flowed. On finding this convenience, they thought proper to repair or careen their brigantines, which had become leaky, which they did by means of this bitumen melted along with a proper quantity of hogs lard. This work occupied them for eight days, during which time they only saw eight Indians, to whom they gave some trinkets they had yet remaining, without asking any questions respecting the country where they now were, as all their hopes and wishes centered in arriving in New Spain.

[Footnote 192: It has been already noticed that the term Florida is used in the whole of this chapter in a very extended sense, being applied to all of North America to the north of the Gulf of Mexico. Immediately on leaving the great river or Missisippi, and sailing to the west, the coast is new known under the name of Louisiana.--E.]

They proceeded on their voyage keeping as close as possible to the shore, for fear of being driven out to sea by the north wind, and likewise for the convenience of fishing, as they had nothing else now to eat, for which reason they always made some stay wherever they found good fishing-grounds. They continued always in this manner, coasting the land which lay to starboard, the wisest among them being quite ignorant whereabout they were, yet always satisfied that by holding this course they must at length get to New Spain if not swallowed up by the waves. At the end of fifty-three days after leaving the great river, the north wind of which they had been so long in dread began to blow with great fury[193]. On this occasion five of the vessels which kept close under the land sought shelter in a creek; but the other two, being somewhat farther out at sea, were in great danger of perishing. They were all stark naked, having only clouts hung before them, and were almost drowned with wet and benumbed with cold, as part of them had continually to bale out the water from their vessels while the rest handed the sails. At length the gale somewhat moderating, they were able to shape a course to the westwards, and having been twenty-six hours in great distress without food or sleep, they discovered land about sunset. One young man who had been twice before upon the coast said that he now knew the land, though he could not say in what country it was: But he said that part which seemed black was a high bluff impracticable shore, while that which had a white appearance was a clean soft sandy beach, and advised them to endeavour to make for that part before night, as if the wind should drive them on the black coast there would be no probability of saving their lives. The officers of the brigantine in which this young man was endeavoured by signs to make known what was intended to the other vessel, and then made direct for the white coast followed by the other, and before sunset ran both vessels aground on the sandy beach, after which they lightened both vessels by carrying every thing on shore, and propped them up to keep them from oversetting. Having thus landed, two men undertook to go in quest of the other brigantines.

[Footnote 193: By this time their course must have long been almost due south along the coast of the new kingdom of Leon, and province of Nuevo Santander.--E.]

Next day three parties were sent out in different directions to discover the country. The two parties which went along the coast to the right and left soon returned with some broken pieces of earthen ware, of the kinds which are made at Talavera and Malaga in Spain, which gave them much satisfaction to think that they must now be in the neighbourhood of their countrymen. Gonzalo Silvestre, who went up the country with the third party, at the end of a quarter of a league saw some Indians fishing on a lake[194], and two others gathering fruit from the trees. The Spaniards endeavoured to lay hold of these two Indians, but one of them escaped by swimming over the lake. Silvestre found likewise in a cottage two small baskets of fruit, a turkey, a cock and two Spanish hens, and some conserve of _maguey_. Still holding fast the Indian, Silvestre went back to his comrades at the sea-side, and to all the inquiries they made of the Indian as to where they were, his only answer was _Brezos! Brezos!_ which, as they afterwards learnt, was meant to signify that he belonged to a Spaniard named Christoval de Brezos. On rejoining his companions, Silvestre found them rejoicing at the sight of the broken earthen dishes; but they were still more gratified at seeing the Spanish poultry, and the Indian being now reassured on finding he was in the hands of Spaniards, told them they were in the province of Panuco, and that the other brigantines had gone up the river Tampico to that city, which was ten leagues off. He said likewise that he belonged to one Christoval de Brezos; and that a cacique resided only at the distance of a league and a half who could read and write. Accordingly they gave the Indian some toys and sent him to the cacique; and in four hours afterwards the cacique came to them attended by eight Indians, loaded with fowls, fish, fruit, and Indian corn, and brought them paper, pens, and ink, that they might write an account of their arrival and situation to the governor of Panuco.

[Footnote 194: Probably the lake of _Tamiagua_, a few miles south from the river _Tampico_, into which, as will be found in the sequel, the other five brigantines had got at the beginning of the storm. In this case, the two brigantines had run upon a spit which separates that lake or lagoon from the sea.--E.]

The two men who had gone in search of the five brigantines, found them in the river Tampico, so that the whole company met at the end of eight days, all barefooted and almost entirely naked, having only some scanty coverings of the skins of deer, bears, and other animals. The governor of Panuco treated them with much attention, and sent advice of their situation to the viceroy of Mexico, who ordered them to be sent without delay to that city, and sent them four horse-loads of shirts, shoes, and other necessaries, besides medicines and sweetmeats. After recovering from their fatigues, the men were ready to destroy their officers for not having settled in Florida, where there was such plenty of pearls and rich furs. On their march to Mexico, which was made in several detachments to avoid mischief, the people everywhere ran to see them pass as so many monsters. At Mexico they were clothed and kindly treated by the rich inhabitants; and as discord soon broke out again among them, for having abandoned so fine a country as Florida, the viceroy appeased them by promising to undertake the enterprise speedily in person along with them, when they should all have good pay, and that he would provide for them in the mean time. When clothed, some of the adventurers returned into Spain, others remained in Mexico, and others went into Peru, while some entered into monasteries; and thus all these brave soldiers were dispersed.

Those persons who had been sent by the late general, Ferdinand de Soto, when he first advanced into the interior of Florida, to bring him supplies from the Havannah, faithfully obeyed his orders, as they sailed from thence four several years, and plied all along the coast to find him, but could never hear any tidings of him or any of his men, till, in the year 1543, arriving at Vera Cruz in October, they learnt that the remains of the expedition had been conducted to Mexico.--_This relation has been faithfully taken from that which was transmitted to the king, immediately after the close of that unfortunate enterprise_.

END OF THE FIFTH VOLUME.