CHAPTER VI.

HISTORY OF THE DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF INDIA BY THE PORTUGUESE, BETWEEN THE YEARS 1497 AND 1525: FROM THE ORIGINAL PORTUGUESE OF HERMAN LOPES DE CASTANEDA.

INTRODUCTION.

Although, in strict conformity to chronological arrangement, the discovery of America by COLUMBUS in 1492, ought to precede our account of the discovery of the maritime route from Europe to India by the Portuguese, which did not take place until the year 1498; it yet appears more regular to follow out the series of Portuguese navigation and discovery to its full completion, than to break down that original and vast enterprise into fragments. We might indeed have stopt with the first voyage of De Gama, which effected the discovery of India: But as the contents of this Chapter consists of what may be considered an authentic original record, and carries on the operations of the Portuguese in India to the year 1525, it seemed preferable to retain this curious original history entire. It is obvious that Castaneda must have used the original journals of De Gama, and other early Portuguese commanders, or of some persons engaged in the voyages and transactions; as he often forgets the historical language, and uses the familiar diction of a person actually engaged, as will appear in many passages of this Chapter.

The title of this original document, now first offered to the public in modern English, is "_The first Booke of the Historie of the Discoverie and Conquest of the East Indias by the Portingals, in the time of King Don John, the second of that name. By Hernan Lopes de Castaneda; translated into English by Nicholas Lichefield, and dedicated to Sir Fraunces Drake. Imprinted at London by Thomas East, 1582_."

Though the transactions here recorded are limited in the title to the reign of John II. they occupied the reigns of his immediate successor Emmanuel, or Manuel, and of John III. Castanedas history was printed in black letter at Coimbra, in eight volumes folio, in the years 1552, 1553, and 1554, and is now exceedingly scarce. In 1553, a translation of the first book was made into French by Nicolas de Grouchy, and published at Paris in quarto. An Italian translation was published at Venice in two volumes quarto, by Alfonso Uloa, in 1578[1]. That into English by Lichefield, employed on the present occasion, is in small quarto and black-letter. The voyage of De Gama is related by De Barros in his work, entitled Da Asia, and has been described by Osorius, Ramusio, Maffei, and de Faria. Purchas gives a brief account of it, I. ii. 26. The beautiful poem of the Lusiad by Camoens, the Portuguese Homer, is dedicated to the celebration of this important transaction, and is well known through an elegant translation into English by Mickle. In the present chapter, the curious and rare work of Castaneda, so far as his first book extends, is given entire; and the only freedom employed in this version, besides changing the English of 229 years ago into the modern and more intelligible language, has Been to prune a quaint verbosity, mistaken by Lichefield for rhetorical eloquence. The dedication of the early translator to the celebrated Sir Francis Drake, is preserved in its original dress, as a sufficient specimen of the language of England at the close of the sixteenth century.

DEDICATION.

_To the right Worshipfull Sir Fraunces Drake, Knight, N, L, G, wisheth all prosperitie._

They haue an auncient custome in Persia (the which is also observed throughout all Asia) that none will enterprise to visit the king, noble man, or perticularly any other person of countenance, but he carieth with him some thing to present him with all worthy of thanks, the which is not onely done in token of great humilitie & obedience, but also of a zealous loue & friendly affection to their superiours & welwillers. So I (right worshipfull following this Persian president) hauing taking vpon me this simple translation out of the Portingale tongue, into our English language, am bold to present & dedicate the same vnto you as a signification of my entire good will. The history conteineth the discouerie and conquest of the East Indias, made by sundry worthy captaines of the Portengales, in the time of King Don Manuel, & of the King Don John, the second of that name, with the description, not onely of the country, but also of every harbour apperteining to every place whervnto they came, & of the great resistance they found in the same, by reson wherof there was sundry great battles many times fought, and likewise of the commodities & riches that euery of these places doth yeeld. And for that I know your worship, with great peril and daunger haue past these monstrous and bottomlesse sees, am therfore the more encouraged to desire & pray your worships patronage & defence therof, requesting you with all to pardon those imperfections, which I acknowledge to be very many, & so much the more, by reason of my long & many years continuance in foreine countries. Howbeit, I hope to have truly observed the literal sence & full effect of the history, as the author setteth it forth, which if it may please you to peruse & accept in good part, I shall be greatly emboldened to proceede & publish also the second & third booke, which I am assured will neither be vnpleasant nor vnprofitable to the readers. Thus alwaies wishing your good worship such prosperous continuance and like fortunate successe as GOD hath hitherto sent you in your dangerous trauaile & affayres, and as maye euery waye content your owne heartes desire, doe euen so take my leaue. From London the fifth of March. 1582.

Your worships alwayes to commaund, _Nicholas Lichefild._

[1] Bibl. des Voyages, V. 2.

* * * * *

DEDICATION BY CASTANEDA.

_To The most high and mighty Prince, John III.

King of Portugal and Algarve, &c._

It hath seemed to me, most high and mighty prince, our dread king and sovereign, so important and weighty a matter to undertake a history of the great and valiant actions which our Portuguese have performed in the discovery and conquest of India, that I often thought to relinquish the attempt. But as these noble deeds were principally undertaken and performed for the glory of Almighty God, the conversion of the barbarous nations to the Christian faith, and the great honour of your highness; and as, by the power and mercy of the Omnipotent, such fortunate success has been granted to these famous enterprises, I have been encouraged to proceed. I therefore trust entirely to the aid and comfort of the divine goodness in publishing this work, giving the glory thereof to God alone, and its earthly praise to your excellent highness, and the king Don Manuel your father, of famous and happy memory.

Although these glorious deeds are well known and spread abroad over the world, they yet cannot be sufficiently made manifest unless set forth in writing, by means of which their memory may endure for ever, and remain always as if present to the readers; as history hath perpetuated the actions of the Greeks and Romans which are of such high antiquity. Of other transactions, nothing inferior to theirs, perhaps even far greater, which have been performed by other nations, there is little or no memory, because these do not remain recorded by history: Such are those of the Assyrians, Medes and Persians; of the Africans against the Romans; of the Suevi against Julius Caesar; of the Spaniards in recovering their country from the Moors; and principally of these invincible and pious kings of Portugal, your glorious ancestors, Don Alonso Henriques, Don Sancho his son, and Don Alonso, who acquired the kingdoms of Portugal and Algarve by great and wonderful deeds of arms. Of all which, there hardly remaineth any memory, for want of having been duly recorded by writing. So likewise of those actions which have been performed in India, only as it were of yesterday, the exact memory of them is confined to four persons; and if they were to die, all remembrance of these transactions must have ended to their great dishonour. Considering these things, I resolved to record these noble deeds which the subjects of your highness have performed in the discovery and conquest of India, which have never been surpassed in valour, or even equalled, in any age or country. Leaving all mention of the conquests of Cyrus and other barbarians, and even taking into the account the deeds of Alexander, so famous over all the world, which are as nothing compared to what has been performed since India became frequented by the Portuguese, no more than a dead lion can be likened to one alive. The conquests of Alexander were all by land, and achieved by himself in person, against nations who were little trained or accustomed to feats of arms. But the Portuguese conquest of India was performed by the captains of your highness, after a voyage by sea of a year and eight months, going almost around the globe, from the utmost limits of the west through the vast and bottomless ocean, seeing only the heaven and the water; a thing never before attempted by man, and hardly even imagined. After surmounting hunger and thirst, and daily exposure to furious storms, and a thousand dangers in the voyage; they had to encounter great and cruel battles on their arrival in India; not against men armed only with bows and spears, as in the time of Alexander, but with people of stout and tried courage and experienced in war, having ordinance and fire-workers more numerous even than the Portuguese, besides many other excellent weapons. The power of these men, against whom the subjects of your highness had to contend, was infinitely greater than that of King Porus, against whom Alexander had to encounter; yet the Portuguese, though few in number, uniformly had the victory, and never retired from the war as was done by Alexander.

Leaving the actions of the Greeks, and considering what was performed by the Romans with their innumerable armies and vast fleets, which seemed to cover the face of the sea, and by means of which they thought to have conquered the whole earth. Yet they never adventured beyond the Red Sea; neither was the greatest of their famous victories comparable to those battles which have been fought by our men in India; in which, most invincible prince, the great prosperity of your father and you is well known. As, without moving from your palace, discoveries and conquests have been achieved by your captains, more extensive than ever were discovered or conquered by any prince in person. There never was any conquest, either by the Barbarians, Greeks, or Romans, of any thing like equal difficulty with this of India; neither any kings or captains of any of these nations equal in valour and conduct to those of your father and yourself, as will manifestly appear from the whole tenor of the following history.

The great actions which the subjects of your highness have worthily accomplished, must be deemed to have been permitted and appointed by the providence of God; that so those barbarians, with their vain idols, and the false sectaries of Mahomet, might be brought into the catholic faith, as at this time great numbers have been added to the Christian religion. For, since these great exploits, your highness, as a most godly and Christian prince, hath taken especial care, and hath given command that the Christian doctrine of the _brotherhood of the company of Jesus_ should be taught in India, which you ordered to be brought from Rome, and have always supported at your expence. Thus likewise, you have erected, and founded the noble and sumptuous university of Coimbra, to augment the honour and reputation of your kingdom; where, besides many divines and colleges of poor begging friars to expound the evangelical law, there are temporal men also to instruct those of your subjects that defend and enlarge the commonwealth by deeds of arms, and those who adorn the same by means of learning.

All these heroic virtues of your highness being well known to me, have encouraged me to publish this work and others, which have some taste of learning, that they may remain a perpetual memorial of the noble deeds of so many gentlemen and knights of Portugal, your subjects. In this I have been much forwarded by having been in India, where I sojourned with my father, who was sent into that country by your highness as a judge. I spent all my youth in the pursuit of learning, and in the study of ancient historians. Being in India, I set myself with all diligence to learn and understand all that had been done in regard to the discovery and conquest of that country by the Portuguese, with the intention of making the same known and common to all men. By my inquiries, and through the information derived from sundry gentlemen and captains, both such as were actually present in the various transactions, and employed in their execution, as by others who were engaged in counselling and preparing the means of their being performed, I have derived much authentic information; as, likewise, by the perusal of many letters and memorials, which were written by men of credit and reputation, all of which I have examined as evidences of the authenticity of my work, both while in India and since my return into Portugal. As the matters I meant to write of were many, so it became necessary for me to acquire information from many sources; and as those whom I examined were upon oath, it is lawful for me to bring them forward as sure evidence. In these researches some of these men had to be sought after in almost every part of Portugal; and being separated in sundry places, my inquiries have occasioned great travel of my person, and much expence; to which I have devoted the greater part of my life, and have constituted the preparation for this work my sole recreation. Since my residence in the university of Coimbra, in the service of your highness, I have joined together all these informations; which, together with the duties of my office, have caused much toil both of body and mind. Having now accomplished the composition of this book and others, I most humbly offer the same to your highness; and, after many and most fortunate years of governing, I pray God to take you from the transitory seignory of this earth, and to receive you into the perpetual joys of Heaven.

_Hernan Lopes de Castaneda._

SECTION I.

_Previous steps taken by the King of Portugal, John II. preparatory to the Discovery of India._

Don John, the second of that name, and thirteenth king of Portugal, considering that all spices, drugs, precious stones, and other riches which came from Venice, were brought out of the east, and being a prince of great penetration, and high emprize, he was greatly desirous to enlarge his kingdom, and to propagate the knowledge of the Christian faith to distant regions. He resolved, therefore, to discover the way by sea to the country whence such prodigious riches were brought, that his subjects might thereby be enriched, and that his kingdom might acquire those commodities which had hitherto been brought by way of Venice. He was much encouraged to this enterprise, by learning that there were Christians in India, governed by a powerful monarch called Presbyter John, who was reported to be a Christian prince, and to whom he thought proper to send ambassadors, that an intercourse of friendship might be established between them and their subjects. He consulted, therefore, with the cosmographers of the time, whom he directed to proceed according to the example already given in sailing along the coast of Guinea, which had been formerly discovered by command of the prince his uncle, Master of the order of Christ. Accordingly, Bartholomew Diaz, one of the officers of the royal storehouse at Lisbon, was sent upon this expedition, who discovered that great and monstrous cape, now called of Good Hope, which was unknown to our ancestors. Finding it both terrible and dangerous, he yet passed 140 leagues beyond, to a river which he named _Rio del Infante_, whence he returned into Portugal. In this voyage, Diaz gave those names which they still retain, to the ports, harbours, and rivers where he took in fresh water, and erected certain marks, with crosses, and the royal arms of Portugal, the last of which was placed on a rock named _El pennol de la Cruz_, fifteen leagues on this side of the before mentioned river. Diaz returned from this voyage without having procured any intelligence concerning India, as all the inhabitants of the coast which he visited and discovered were ignorant black savages.

On the return of Diaz, king John resolved to attempt the discovery of India by land; for which purpose he had formerly sent friar Antonio de Lisboa by land, in company with a lay person; but as they were ignorant of the Arabic language, they could not travel into those parts, and went no farther than Jerusalem, whence they returned into Portugal, without having acquired any knowledge of the object of their journey. Yet the king continued to prosecute this discovery of India by land, for which he employed two of his own servants, Pedro de Covillian and Alonso de Payva, both versant in the Arabic language, who were instructed to search out the dominions of Presbyter John, and the country whence the spices and drugs were brought to Venice, and to inquire whether there were any navigation from the southern extremity of Africa to India. To these men he gave a chart, which was extracted from a map of the world, by Calsadilla, bishop of Viseo, an eminent astronomer. He gave them likewise a general letter of credit and safe conduct, requiring them to be assisted and protected, and supplied with money, in whatever kingdoms or countries they might travel; ordering them to receive 400 crowns from the chest of the orchard of Almeryn, for their charges. Of this sum, they took what they deemed necessary to bear their expences till their arrival at Valentia in Arragon, placing the rest in the bank of Bartholomew of Florence, to be repaid at Valentia.

Receiving their audience of leave from King John, in presence of Don Manuel, duke of Viseo, afterwards king, they departed from Santaxen on the 7th May 1487, and came to Naples on St Johns day of that year; whence they were forwarded by the sons of Cosmo de Medici, and went to Rhodes, and thence to Alexandria. From this place they travelled as merchants to Cairo, whence they went in company with certain Moors of Fez and Tremesen to Toro, a harbour on the Arabian coast of the Red Sea. They here learned many things respecting the Indies, and of the trade from the Red Sea to Calicut; and, going from Toro to a place on the coast of Ethiopia, they went to the port of Aden. The travellers here separated, Alonso de Payva passing over to the emperor of Ethiopia, erroneously called Presbyter John: For he, of whom Marco Polo speaks, under that title, as governing all the Indies, and whose country joins with the great khan of Kathay, was vanquished and slain in a battle by that sovereign; at which time his kingdom was put an end to, and no one of that race or title has since reigned. Yet Alonso de Payva actually believed that the emperor of Ethiopia was Presbyter John, having learnt that he was a Christian king over a Christian nation, as shall be more particularly declared hereafter. At their separation they agreed to meet again at Cairo, when each had executed his part of the royal orders.

Pedro de Covillian sailed from Aden for the Indies, in a ship belonging to the Moors of Cananor, and went to Calicut and the island of Goa, where he acquired complete information respecting the spices of India, the commodities which come from other places, and the towns of the Indies; the names of all which he inserted, but ill written, in his chart. From India he went to Sofala, where he procured information respecting the great island of St Lawrence, called the Island of the Moon by the Moors. Observing that the natives of Sofala were black, like those of Guinea, he concluded, that all the coast between was under subjection to the Negroes, and consequently that navigation was practicable from Guinea to Sofala, and thence to the Indies. Returning from Sofala, he went to Ormus, and thence to Cairo, where he learnt that Alonso de Payva was dead, and meant to have returned to Portugal. He chanced to meet at Cairo two Spanish jews, Rabbi Abraham, a native of Viseo, and Joseph, born in Lamego; who, after the departure of Covillian and Payva from Portugal, had told the king that they had been in Cairo, where they had received much information concerning Ormus, and of its trade with the Indies. From these Jews Covillian received letters from the king, directed to him and Payva, ordering them to return along with the Jews, if they had seen all that he had given them in charge. If they had not executed all his original instructions, they were now directed to send by the Jews an exact account of all the knowledge they had acquired, and to use their utmost efforts to visit Presbyter John, and to give all the information in their power respecting Ormus, to Rabbi Abraham, who had sworn by his law not to return to Portugal without visiting that place.

On receiving these letters, Covillian changed his intention of returning into Portugal, and dispatched Joseph there with letters to the king, giving an account of all that he had seen and learnt in India and Sofala, and transmitted the chart on which he had inserted all the places he had visited. In these letters he informed the king that the emperor of Ethiopia was assuredly the same with Presbyter John; but my opinion is that this is an error, as this sovereign has no such name in his own dominions, as I shall more clearly shew hereafter. On the departure of Joseph, Covillian and Rabbi Abraham went to Ormus, and thence back to the Red Sea; whence Covillian sent Abraham into Portugal, with letters to the king, containing all the information acquired in this part of the expedition, and intimating his determination to go into the dominions of Presbyter John. This he accordingly did, and came to the presence of the then emperor of Ethiopia, named Alexander, to whom he delivered the letters with which he had been entrusted by the king of Portugal for that monarch. Alexander received him courteously, and seemed much pleased with the letters of the king of Portugal, as being from so very distant a Christian prince, yet did not seem to attach much credit or importance to them. But he gave all honour, and many gifts to Covillian.

When Covillian was ready to depart from Ethiopia, and awaited leave for that purpose, which he had solicited, Alexander died, and was succeeded by a new emperor named _Nahu_, who could never be prevailed on to allow of his departure; neither could he procure leave for that purpose from the next emperor, David, the son of Nahu, so that Covillian had to remain in Ethiopia, and never returned into Portugal. From that time King John never heard more of him, and therefore concluded that he was dead; nothing having ever been received from him respecting his travels, except what was contained in the letters carried by the Jews, as before mentioned.

There came afterwards to Lisbon, a friar from this country of Presbyter John, who was received courteously by the king, and on whose reports of great things concerning that country, the king determined to proceed in making a discovery of the way to the Indies by sea. He accordingly gave orders to John de Bragança, his surveyor of the forests, to cut down timber for building two small ships for that voyage. But King John died, and was succeeded by King Manuel, of glorious memory, who had been chosen by Divine Providence to accomplish the discovery of these countries, by which the Christian faith hath been greatly extended, the royal house of Portugal much honoured, and the subjects wonderfully enriched.

SECTION II.

_Narrative of the first Voyage of Vasco de Gama to India and back, in the years 1497, 1498, and 1499_.

On the death of King John, he was succeeded by Don Manuel, a prince of a great mind, bent upon high enterprise, and prone to undertake and execute things beyond the ordinary reach of human knowledge, even more than was Alexander the Great. Being exceedingly desirous to prosecute the discovery of the Indies, which had been begun by his predecessor, and proceeding upon the information left him by King John, relative to that navigation, he commanded Fernan Lorenzo, treasurer of the house of Mina, to cause construct two ships for this voyage, from the timber which had been provided by King John. These were named the Angel Gabriel and the San Raphael, the former being of the burden of 120 tons, the latter 100. In addition to these, a caravel of 50 tons, called the Berrio, and a ship of 200 tons were purchased. In the year 1497, the king appointed Vasco de la Gama, as chief captain for the voyage, an experienced navigator, who had done great service, and a man of great valour, well fitted for executing the great enterprize intended by the king. Paulo de la Gama, brother to the captain-general, and Nicholas Coello, both men of valour and enterprise, were appointed the other captains of the squadron. Bartholomew Diaz was likewise commanded to accompany the squadron of discovery in a caravel to the Mirna: And as the three ships of war appointed for the voyage could not contain a sufficient supply of provisions for their crews, the ship of 200 tons, which had been purchased from Ayres Correa, was ordered to accompany de Gama to a place called St Blaze, at which the squadron was to take in water, where the victuals with which she was loaded were to be distributed to the other ships, after which she was ordered to be burnt.

Having received their orders, Vasco de la Gama and the other captains took their leave of the king at _Monte mayor_, and departed for Lisbon, where he embarked his company of 148 persons, at Belem, on Saturday the 8th of July 1497. At this embarkation all the religious belonging to the church of our Lady at Belem, went in procession in their cowls, bare- headed, and carrying wax candles, praying for the success of the expedition; accompanied by almost the whole people of Lisbon, weeping and deploring the fate of those who now embarked, as devoted to certain death in the attempt of so dangerous a voyage. Thus commended to God and good fortune, the officers and crews embarked and immediately set sail. Vasco de la Gama, the captain-general, took the command in the Angel Gabriel, of which Pedro de Alenquer was pilot, who had been in the same capacity with Diaz when he passed the Cape of Good Hope, and discovered the _Rio del Infante_. Paulo de Gama went captain of the San Raphael, Nicholas Coello of the caravel Berrio, and Gonsalo Gomes[1], a servant of Vasco de la Gama, commanded the large victualling ship. The captain-general gave out instructions, that in case of separation, they should keep their course for Cape Verd, which was appointed as their rendezvous.

Proceeding on the voyage, they came in sight of the Canaries in eight days, whence steering for Rio de Oro, they were separated by a tempest, during an exceedingly dark night, on which they all shaped their course for Cabo Verde. Paulo de la Gama, Nicholas Coello, Bartholomew Diaz, and Gonsalo Gomes rejoined, and sailed together for eight days, when they came in sight of the captain-general on Wednesday evening, and saluted him with many guns, and the sound of trumpets, all heartily rejoicing for their safe meeting and good fortune in this their first essay of danger. Next day, being the 20th of July[2], the fleet reached the islands of St Jago, and came to anchor in the bay of Santa Maria, where it remained seven days, taking in fresh water, and repairing the yards and other parts of their rigging which had been damaged in the late storm. On Tuesday the 3d of August[3], the captain-general went on his voyage, after taking leave of Diaz, who now returned to Portugal. Proceeding for the Cape of Good Hope with all his squadron, de la Gama _entered the gulf into the sea_[4], and sailed all August, September, and October, suffering many great tempests of violent wind and rain, so that they often expected instant death. At length, on Saturday the 4th November, they got sight of land at nine in the forenoon, at which they were greatly rejoiced; and being all together, the captains saluted the general, all dressed in their best array, and having their ships all decorated with flags. Not knowing the coasts they sailed along until the Tuesday following, when they had a perfect view of a low shore, in which was a great bay, that appeared convenient for the ships to take in water, into which they all entered and came to anchor. This place was afterwards named _Angra de Santa Elena_, or St Helen's bay[5]. The people of the country, as our men afterwards found, were small, black, ill-favoured savages, clothed in the skins of beasts, somewhat like French cloaks, having curious wrought wooden cases for their privities; and in speaking they seemed always, sighing. These natives were armed with oak staves, hardened in the fire, pointed with the horns of beasts, somewhat burnt or hardened with fire, which served them for swords. They lived on the roots of herbs, and on sea wolves and whales, which are very numerous in this country, likewise on sea crows and gulls. They also eat of certain beasts, which they call Gazelas, and other beasts and birds which the land produces; and they have dogs which bark like those of Portugal. The general, after the squadron was brought to anchor, sent Coello in a boat along the shore, in search of water, which he found four leagues from the anchoring ground, at a place which he named St. Jago,[6] whence all the ships provided themselves with fresh water.

Next day, the general with the other captains, escorted by some of the people, went on shore to view the natives, and to endeavour to learn what distance the Cape of Good Hope was from thence; for the chief pilot, who had been on the voyage with Diaz, had departed thence on returning, in the morning, into the open sea, with a fair wind, and had passed it during the night, and had not come near the shore when outward bound; wherefore he did not certainly know its situation, nor was he acquainted with its appearance, but conjectured it might be thirty leagues from where they then were at the utmost. When the general was on shore, he overtook one of the natives, who was going to gather honey at the foot of a bush, where it is deposited by the bees without any hive. With this person, he returned to the ship, thinking to have got an interpreter, but no one on board the squadron could understand his language. The general commanded this man to have meat and drink, and set him on shore next day well dressed, that he might return satisfied to his countrymen. Accordingly, the day following, this man came down to the shore abreast of the ships, with about fifteen more natives, and the general went ashore, carrying with him spices, gold, and pearls, to try if these people had any knowledge of these things. But from the little estimation with which these articles were viewed, it was concluded that the natives had no knowledge of them. The general distributed among the natives some small bells, tin rings, counters, and such toys, which they received joyfully; and from that time till next Saturday morning, great numbers of the natives resorted to the fleet, whence they went back to their towns. One Fernan Veloso craved leave of the general to accompany the natives to their habitations, that he might see their manner of living. On going along with them, the natives took a sea wolf which they roasted at the foot of a hill for their supper, after which they made Veloso return to the fleet, and it appeared to him that the natives had armed themselves, meaning to attack our people. On his return, Veloso saw that he was secretly followed, wherefore he hastened to the shore and hailed the ships. On this, the general who was then at supper, looked out towards the land, where he saw numbers of the savages following Veloso. He therefore gave orders for all the ships to be in readiness against an attack, and went himself on shore with several others unarmed, not dreading any harm. On seeing our boats coming towards the shore, the savages began to run away with much clamour; but when our people landed, they returned and set upon them furiously, throwing their darts, and using other weapons, which constrained our people to take to their boats in all haste, taking Veloso along with them; yet in this scuffle the general and three others were wounded. The Negroes returned to their towns; and during four days after, while our ships remained in the bay, they never saw any more of the natives, so that they had no opportunity to revenge the injury they had done.

"Some commerce took place between the Portuguese and the Hottentot natives around St Elena Bay, by means of signs and gestures; when the fleet received plenty of excellent fresh provisions, in exchange for clothes, hawks bells, glass beads, and other toys; but this friendly intercourse was interrupted through the imprudence of a Portuguese young man named Veloso. Delighted with the novelty of the scene, and anxious to see the manners of the natives more intimately, he obtained permission to accompany them to their huts, where a sea calf was dressed in the Hottentot fashion, to his great astonishment. Disgusted at their loathsome cookery, he rose abruptly, and was impatient to depart, and was accompanied by the natives on his way back to the ships with the utmost good humour. Veloso, however, became apprehensive of personal danger, and horridly vociferated for assistance on his approach to the shore. Coellos boat immediately put off to bring him on board, and the natives fled to the woods. These needless apprehensions on both sides were increased by mutual ignorance of each others language, and led to hostilities. While De Gama was taking the altitude of the sun with an astrolabe, some Hottentots sprung from an ambush, and threw their spears, headed with horn, very dexterously among the Portuguese, by which the general and several others were wounded. On this occasion, the Portuguese deemed it prudent to retreat to their ships[7]."

Having taken in fresh water and provisions in St Elena Bay, the squadron left that place on the forenoon of Thursday the 16th November, with the wind at S.S.W. and steered for the Cape of Good Hope, and on the evening of the following Saturday came in sight of that cape. But on account of the wind being contrary, he had to stand out to sea all day, and turned towards the land as night set in. In that manner he continued plying to windward until the following Wednesday, which was the 20th of November[8], when he doubled the cape with a fair wind, sounding the trumpets of all the ships, and making every demonstration of joy, but placing the chief confidence in God, that his providence would guide and protect them in accomplishing the enterprise in which they were engaged.

"In this part of the voyage the greatest proofs of courage and resolution were evinced by De Gama. While endeavouring to double this formidable and almost unknown cape, owing to contrary winds and stormy weather, the waves rose mountain high. At one time his ships were heaved up to the clouds, and seemed the next moment precipitated into the bottomless abyss of the ocean. The wind was piercingly cold, and so boisterous that the commands of the pilot could seldom be heard amid the din of the warring elements; while the dismal and almost constant darkness increased the danger of their situation. Sometimes the gale drove them irresistibly to the southwards, while at other times they had to lay to, or to tack to windward, difficultly preserving the course they had already made. During any gloomy intervals of cessation from the tempest, the sailors, exhausted by fatigue, and abandoned to despair, surrounded De Gama, entreating him not to devote himself and them to inevitable destruction, as the gale could no longer be weathered, and they must all be buried in the waves if he persisted in the present course. The firmness of the general was not to be shaken by the pusillanimity and remonstrances of the crew, on which a formidable conspiracy was entered into against him, of which he received timely information from his brother Paulo. With his assistance, and that of a few who remained stedfast to their duty, the leading conspirators, and even all the pilots, were put in irons; whilst De Gama, and his small remnant of faithful followers remained day and night at the helm, undismayed at the dangers and difficulties that surrounded them. At length, on Wednesday the 20th November, all the squadron safely doubled the tremendous promontory[9]."

Continuing the voyage along the coast beyond the cape, they saw great numbers of large and small cattle as they passed, all well grown and fat; but could perceive no towns, as the villages inhabited by the natives are all farther inland, the houses being of earth covered with straw. The natives were all somewhat black, clothed like those they had seen at St Elena Bay, speaking the same language, and using similar darts, together with some other kinds of arms, both for defence and assault. The country is very pleasant, being diversified with wood and water; and adjoining to the cape on the east side, they found a great harbour now called False Bay, almost six leagues wide at the mouth, and running about as much into the land. Having thus doubled the cape, the squadron came, on the Sunday after, being St Katherine's day, 25th November, to the watering-place of St Blaze[10], which is sixty leagues beyond the cape, and is a very large bay, exceeding safe in all winds except the north[11].

The natives here resembled those already seen in dress and arms. The country produces many large elephants, and numerous oxen, of vast size and extremely fat, some of which have no horns. On some of the fattest of these the natives were seen riding, on pannels stuffed with rye straw, as is used in Spain, and having a frame of wood like a saddle. Such of them as they choose to sell they mark by means of a piece of wood, like the shaft of one of their arrows, put through the nose. In this harbour, about three cross-bow shots from the shore, there is a rock much frequented by sea wolves, as large as great bears, very wild and fierce, with long, great teeth. These animals are very dangerous, and will attack men, and their skins are so hard as not to be pierced with spears, unless pushed with much force and valour. These animals resemble lions, and their young bleat like kids. One day that our men went to this rock for amusement, they saw at least three thousand of these animals, old and young. On this rock also, there are great numbers of birds as large as ducks which do not fly, having no feathers in their wings, and which bray like so many asses[12].

Having thus arrived at the Bay of St Blaze, and lying there at anchor, the general caused all the provisions to be taken out of the store-ship and divided among the others, and then burned the store-ship, as the king had ordered. In this business and other needful employments, for their safety in the remainder of the voyage, they were occupied in that bay for ten days. On the Friday after their arrival, about ninety of the natives made their appearance, some on the shore, and others on the hills, on which the general and the captains went to the shore, having their boats crews well armed, and even taking ordinance with them, to avoid the same accident which had happened at St Elena bay. When near the shore, the general threw some bells on the land, which the Negroes pickt up, and some of them came so near as to take the bells out of his hands. He much wondered at this familiarity, as Diaz had informed him when he was in those parts, the natives all ran away and would never approach near enough to be seen and conversed with. Finding them thus gentle, contrary to his expectation, he went on land with his men, and bartered red night- caps with the Negroes, for ivory bracelets which they wore on their arms. Next Saturday, the natives came to the shore to the number of more than two hundred, including their children, and brought with them twelve oxen, and four sheep. When our people went on shore, some of the natives began to play on four flutes, in four several tones, making good music; on which the general caused the trumpets to be sounded, and the natives danced with our people. Thus the day passed in mirth and feasting, and in purchasing their oxen and sheep. On Sunday a still greater number of the natives came down to the shore, having several women among them, and bringing a number of oxen for sale. After the sale of one of the oxen, some of our people noticed some young Negroes hidden among certain bushes, who had with them the weapons of the older people, from which it was conjectured that some treason was intended. Upon this, the general caused our people to remove to a place of greater security, and were followed by the Negroes to the landing place. The Negroes now gathered together, as if they meant to fight the Portuguese; on which the general, being unwilling to harm them, embarked in the boats with all his people, and then commanded two pieces of brass ordnance to be fired off, on which they were much amazed and scampered off in confusion, leaving their weapons behind. After this, the general ordered a cross or pillar, having the arms of Portugal to be set upon the shore, but the Negroes pulled it down immediately, even before our people retired.

After remaining ten days here, as before mentioned, the fleet set sail for the Rio del Infante, on Friday the 8th December, being the Conception of our Lady, and during this part of the voyage, there arose a great storm with _forewind_ on the eve of St Lucy, 12th December, that all the ships run under close reefed courses. During this storm, they parted company with Nicholas Coello, but rejoined the next night after. On the 16th December, when the gale abated, they discovered land near certain small rocks, sixty leagues from the harbour of St Blaze, and five leagues from the Pennon de la Cruz, where Diaz set up his last stone pillar[13], and fifteen leagues short of the Rio del Infante[14]. This country was very pleasant, and abounded in cattle, becoming more sightly and with higher trees the further our fleet sailed towards the east, as could be easily seen from the ships as they sailed along near the shore. On Saturday they passed close within sight of the rock _de la Cruz_, and being loath to pass the _Rio del Infante_, they stood out to sea till vespers, when the wind came round to the east, right contrary. On this, the general stood off, and on plying to windward, till Tuesday the 20th December, at sunset, when the wind changed to the west, which was favourable. Next day at ten o'clock, they came to the before-mentioned rock, being sixty leagues a-stern of the place they wished to have attained[15].

This rock is the cause of the great currents on this coast, which were so powerful, that the fleet had much ado with a brisk favourable wind to stem the current between that place and Rio Infante in three or four days; but at length they joyfully passed these currents without damage, as Diaz had done formerly, and the general, encouraged by his good fortune, gave thanks to God, saying, he verily believed it was the good pleasure of God that they should attain to the discovery of the Indies.

Thus continuing the voyage till Christmas day, they had discovered seventy leagues to the eastwards, and had arrived in the latitude in which India was said to be in his instructions. The fleet continued to sail for so long a time without going to land, as to be in want of water, insomuch that they had to dress their provisions in sea water, and were forced to reduce the allowance of drink to one pint of water per man each day. But on Friday the 11th January 1498, drawing near the land, the boats were sent out to view the coast, where they saw many Negroes, both men and women, all of whom were of great stature, and followed our boats along the coast. As these people appeared quiet and civil, the general called Martin Alonzo, who could speak many of the Negro languages, and desired him and another to leap on shore, which they immediately did. Alonzo and his companion were well received by the natives, especially by their chief, to whom the general sent a jacket, a pair of breeches, and a cap, all of a red colour, and a copper bracelet, of which he was very proud, and returned thanks to the general, saying, "that he might have any thing he wished for or needed that his country produced." All which, as Martin Alonzo understood their language[16], he reported to the general, who was much pleased that by this means an intercourse could be opened with the natives. Alonzo and another of our people were accordingly permitted by the general to go for one night along with the natives to their town, where the chief dressed himself out in his new garments, and was beheld with much admiration by his people in his finery, clapping their hands for joy. This salutation was repeated three or four times on their way to the town, and when there, the chief made the circuit of the whole village, that all the people might see and admire his new and strange attire. When this ceremonial was ended, the chief retired to his own house, where he commanded Alonzo and his companion to be well lodged and entertained, and gave them for supper a hen exactly the same as one of ours, and a kind of pap, or porridge, made of a yellow grain called _Mylyo_[17], of which likewise they made bread. Many of the Negroes repaired that night to their lodging to have a near view of the strangers; and next day, the chief sent them back to the ships, accompanied by some Negroes, laden with hens for the general, who returned thanks for the same by means of Alonzo his interpreter. During five days that our ships remained off this coast, no kind of harm was done or offered by the inhabitants, who seemed quiet and gentle, and to have many _noble men_, for which reason, he called this place _Terra da boa gente_, or the land of Good People[18]. The town in which Martin Alonzo was had its houses constructed of straw, yet well furnished within. The women were more numerous than the men, as in a company of forty women, there were only twenty men. These people were armed with long bows and arrows, and had darts headed with iron, having many copper bracelets, on their arms and legs, with copper ornaments in their hair. They have also iron daggers, with pewter handles and ivory sheaths; so that it is manifest they have plenty of copper and tin. They have likewise abundance of salt, which they make from sea water, which they carry in gourds to certain caves where the salt is made. They were so fond of linen, that they gave a great quantity of copper in exchange for an old shirt, and were so quiet and civil, that they brought water to our boats from a river about two cross-bow shots from the landing, which our people named Rio do Cobre, or Copper River.

"Osorius places the arrival of the Portuguese on this part of the coast a day earlier than Castaneda, and gives the following additional information. On the 10th January 1498, they discovered some small islands, about 230 miles from their last watering-place, having a very beautiful appearance, and consisting of verdant meadows, intermixed with groves of lofty trees, where they could see the inhabitants walking on the shore in great numbers. Here De Gama landed, and sent one of his men, who was well versant in the Negro languages to visit the king, and who was received with much civility, receiving presents of the produce of the country on his dismissal. Before leaving Lisbon, De Gama received ten malefactors on board who had been condemned to die, but were pardoned on condition of going on this voyage, for the purpose of being left wherever De Gama pleased, that they might examine the country, and be enabled to give him an account of the inhabitants on his return. On setting sail from this place, De Gama left two of these exiles on shore, to inform themselves of the character and manners of the natives[19].

From this place our fleet departed on the 15th January, and proceeding on their voyage, came to another country of very low land, having very thick tall trees; and proceeding onwards, they found a river which was very open at the mouth, near which he came to anchor on Thursday the 24th of January, as the general deemed it proper to examine this country, and to try if any intelligence could be here procured concerning India. That same evening, he and his brother Nicholas Coello[20] entered the river; and, at day-break next morning, the land was observed to be extremely low and covered with water, having many trees of great height, thickly loaded with various kinds of fruits, the country appearing very pleasant. They saw likewise certain boats with some of the natives coming towards the ship, at which the general was well pleased, as he conceived from their having some degree of maritime knowledge in these parts, that he could not now be very far from India, or at least should soon hear news of that country. The natives were Negroes of good stature, all naked, except each a small apron of cloth made of cotton. On reaching the ships, they came on board without hesitation, and behaved themselves as if they had been long acquainted with our people. They were well received, and were presented with bells and other toys, but did not understand any of the languages spoken by Martin Alonzo, or any of the other interpreters on board, so that the only intercourse was by signs. They departed after good entertainment, and afterwards they and many others returned to the ships in their boats, bringing with them such provisions as their country afforded. The natives seemed much satisfied with their reception; and besides those who came to the ships by water, many others came by land[21], among whom were several women who were tolerably handsome, especially the young maidens; but all were as naked as the men. They have three holes in their lips, in which they wear small pieces of tin by way of ornament. The natives took several of our men along with them to make merry at one of their towns, whence they brought water to our ships.

After the general had been three days in this river, two of the nobles, or head men of the natives, came on board to visit him, who were naked like the rest, except that their aprons were much larger, and one of them had a handkerchief on his head, embroidered with silk, while the other wore a nightcap of green satin[22]. Observing their cleanliness, or civility, the general treated these people courteously, and gave them victuals, apparel, and other things, of which they seemed to make but small account; and by certain signs, shewn by a young man, it was understood that his country was at a considerable distance, where he had seen ships as large as ours. This intelligence gave great hopes to our people that the Indies were not far off, which was much confirmed by the chiefs who had been on board, sending off for sale certain cloths made of cotton, on which there were marks of ochre. In respect of all these encouraging tokens, the general named this river _Ho rio dos bos Sinaes_, or River of Good Signs; and called the place San Rafael, after the name of his own Ship[23].

From the signs of the before-mentioned young men, that the country of the head men who had been on board was far off, where they had seen large ships, the general concluded that the Indies were still at a great distance; and therefore determined, in consultation with the other captains, to lay the ships aground, to give their bottoms a thorough repair, which was done accordingly. In this operation they employed thirty-two days, during which, our people were much afflicted with a grievous sickness, thought to proceed from the air of the country. Their hands and feet became swelled, and their gums became so sore and putrid that they could not eat, and the smell of their breath was quite intolerable[24]. With this pestilent infection our people were much discouraged, and many of them died, the survivors being in great trouble and perplexity. But De Gama took much care, and used much diligence for their recovery, and to comfort their affliction; continually visiting the sick, and giving them such wholesome and medicinal things as he had provided for his own use; through all which many recovered who would have died, and the rest were thereby greatly comforted, and encouraged.

Having repaired the ships, and provided them with all necessaries that could be procured at the river of Good Signs, the fleet departed from thence on Saturday the 24th of February.

"At this period, two accidents occurred which had nearly frustrated all the hopes of this expedition. De Gama being along side of the ship commanded by his brother, with whom he wished to speak, had hold of the chains, when the boat was carried from under him by the force of the current, but by immediate assistance, he and his boats crew were providentially saved. Soon afterwards, when the fleet was passing the bar of the river, the ship of De Gama grounded on a sand bank, and her loss was for some time considered as inevitable; but she floated again with the return of the tide, and to their inexpressible joy received no damage[25]."

As there was little or no wind, the fleet stood out to sea to avoid the shore, and about vespers on Sunday, they descried three small islands out to sea, about four leagues distant from each other. Two of these were replenished with trees, but the third was quite bare. Seeing no cause to delay the voyage in examining these islands, De Gama held on for six days, coming always to anchor at night. On the evening of Thursday, the first of March, they came in sight of four islands, two of which were near the land, and the other two farther out to sea; and the fleet steered through the channel next morning, the ship commanded by Coello, as being the smallest, going first. But endeavouring to enter a certain harbour, between the mainland and one of these islands, Coello missed the channel and ran aground, on which the other ships put about and went back. They soon perceived seven or eight boats under sail coming from the island which was a good league distant from Coello, at which sight they were much rejoiced, and Coello and his people received them with much demonstration of friendship and satisfaction, Coello went along with these people to the general, and presented them, saying, that here was a quite different kind of people from any they had seen hitherto. Then the general commanded _to let them go a seaboard with their boats_[26], as he proposed to go with them to their island to anchor with his ships, that he might see what kind of a country it was, and if he could learn any certain intelligence concerning India. But the boats continued to follow our ships, making signals, and calling to our people to wait for them; wherefore the ships came to anchor, and the boats came to our fleet. The people on board were of good stature and somewhat black, clothed in dresses of cotton, striped with sundry colours; some girdled to their knees, while others carried their apparel on their shoulders like cloaks. Their heads were covered with kerchiefs, somewhat wrought with silk and gold thread, and they were armed with swords and daggers like Moors. In their boats, also, they had certain musical instruments named _sagbuts_. They came immediately on board with as much confidence as if they were long acquainted, and entered into familiar conversation in the language of Algarve, and would not be known as Moors[27].

The general ordered these people to be well entertained, and they eat and drank willingly of whatever was set before them; after which, by means of Fernan Alvarez, who could speak their language, he learned that the island to which they belonged was called Monsambicke, or Mozambique, on which was a town full of merchants, who traded with the Moors of India, who bring them silver, linen cloth, pepper, ginger, silver rings, many pearls, and rubies; and that, from a country behind, they procure gold. They offered likewise to conduct our people into the harbour, where they would learn the truth of these things more fully. On consulting with the other captains, the general determined upon going into this harbour, to examine more accurately into these reports, and to procure pilots to carry them on their voyage, as they had no one in the fleet who knew the way. Nicholas Coello was therefore ordered to make the first essay, and to take the soundings of the bar, his ship being the smallest. But in entering, he touched on the point of the island where he broke his helm, and was in great danger of being lost; but by good providence he got off with no farther injury. He now found the bar was quite safe, and got into the harbour, where he anchored two cross-bow shots from the town, which is in fifteen degrees towards the south[28]. The harbour is very good, the town is plentifully supplied with such provisions as the country produces, the houses being constructed of straw, and the inhabitants Moors, who trade to Sofala in large vessels that have neither decks nor nails, their planks being sewed together with _cayro_ or twine, made from the fibres of the cocoa nut rind, and their sails of mats made of the leaves of a species of palm. Some of these vessels use compasses of Genoa, and regulate their voyages by means of quadrants and sea charts. With these Moors the Moors of India trade, as likewise do those from the Red Sea, because of the gold which is to be had here. On seeing our people, the Moors of Mozambique thought the Portuguese had been Turks, whom they knew of from the Moors who dwell on the Red Sea; and those who were first at our ships carried intelligence to the xeque, or sheik, which is the title of the governor of this island for the king of Quiloa, in whose territories it is situated.

"Though we shall afterwards have occasion to investigate this eastern coast of Africa more fully, in editing particular voyages to its shores, some notices seem here to be proper[29]. Owing to his keeping at a distance from, the shore for security, the present voyage gives little knowledge of the eastern coast of Africa, and it is even difficult to assign the many stations at which De Gama touched between the Cape of Good Hope and Mozambique. We have already noticed the river of Good Signs, as being probably the northern mouth of the Delta of the Zambeze, now called _Quilimane_, from a fort of that name on its banks. The mouth of this branch runs into the sea in lat. 18° 25' S. In his passage from the _Terra de Natal_, or Christmas Land, so named from having been discovered on Christmas day, and named, in this account of De Gamas voyage, _the Land of Good People_, De Gama missed Cape Corientes, forming the S.W. point of the channel of Mozambique, or _Inner Passage_, as it is now called, and overshot Sofala, the southern extremity of Covilhams discoveries, at which he was probably directed to touch, as Covilhams chart might have been of some use to direct his farther progress to Aden, and thence to Calicut or Cananor, on the Malabar coast.

"The eastern coast of Africa is hitherto very little known to geography, its trade being entirely confined to the Portuguese, who have settlements at Sofala, the river Zambeze, Mozambique, Quiloa, and Melinda, and conceal all the circumstances respecting their foreign possessions with infinite jealousy. It is said to have once been in contemplation by the British government, to employ Sir Home Popham to make a survey of this coast, but this design was never executed. Commodore Blanket remained on this station for a considerable time, and much information may be expected from his journal, some drawings of the coast having been already made for charts, which are preparing, under the orders of the Admiralty. About the year 1782, a great mass of geographical information was collected on the continent of Europe and lodged in the British Museum, from which information may probably be derived respecting this coast, when that collection shall have been arranged and submitted to the public. According to D'Apres, all the eastern coast of Africa, for a great way south of the equinoctial, is lined by a range of islands, whence shoals extend to the distance of a league. These islets form an outer shore, with a winding channel within, and are in some places a league from the coast of the continent, though very apt to be mistaken for the real coast. Within this range the boats or almadias of the country ply backwards and forwards in great safety, in the intervening channel.

"Ptolemy places the _Prasum promontorium_, or Green Cape, the extreme southern boundary of ancient knowledge of the east coast of Africa, in lat. 15" 30' S. and the Portuguese universally assume Mozambique as Prasum, by which classical name it is distinguished in the Lusiad of Camoens, in reference to the voyage of De Gama, and the near coincidence of situation gives great probability to this supposition. [Greek: prason] signifies a leek, and is also used to denote a sea-weed of a similar green colour, and the name may either have been derived from the verdure of the point, or from the sea-weeds found in its neighbourhood. At all events, Prasum cannot be farther south than Cape Corientes, or farther north than Quiloa or the Zanguebar islands. The harbour of Mozambique has seldom less than eight or ten fathom water, which is so clear, that every bank, rock, or shallow can be easily seen.

"The Moors, so often mentioned, are supposed by Bruce to have been merchants expelled from Spain by Ferdinand and Isabella, who first fixed their residence on the western coast of Africa, and extending themselves eastwards, formed settlements in Arabia and Egypt, till the oppressions of Selim and Soliman, the Turkish emperors, interrupted their commerce, and obliged them to disperse along the coast of Abyssinia and eastern Africa. Besides the impossibility, chronologically, for the assigned causes having produced the supposed effect, there is no necessity for having recourse to this improbable hypothesis. From being best acquainted with their Moorish conquerors, the Spaniards and Portuguese have always been accustomed to name all the Arabians Moors, wherever they found them, and even gave at first the name of _black_ Moors to the Negroes, whence our old English term _Black-a-moors_. It is well known that the Arabs, especially after their conversion to Mahometanism, were great colonizers or conquerors; even the now half-christian kingdom of Abyssinia was an early colony and conquest of the pagan Arabs, and its inhabitants are consequently _white_ Moors in the most extended Portuguese sense. The Arab, or Moorish kingdoms along the African coast of the Indian ocean, are branches from the same original stem, and the early Mahometan missionaries were both zealous and successful in propagating Islaemism among the most distant pagan colonies of their countrymen. As all zealous Mussulmen are enjoined the pilgrimage of Mecca, and commerce mixes largely with religion in the holy journey, by which the faithful from every distant region often meet at Mecca, and induce each other to extend their commercial adventures to new regions, it may possibly have been, that some Moors originally from Spain, may even have reached Mozambique before the time of De Gama; but it is ridiculous to suppose that all the Moors on the African coast had been Spaniards. The overthrow of the great Moorish kingdom of Granada only took place five or six years before the present voyage.

"The island of Mozambique, which does not exceed a league in circumference, is described as low and swampy, and was inhabited by Moors who had come from Quiloa and Sofala. It was afterwards much resorted to by the Portuguese as a winter station, and became the key of their Indian trade. The African coast stretches out on both sides of the island into two points, that on the north-east called Pannoni, off which a shoal with three islets extends, some way into the sea. The southern point is called Mangale[30]."

When the Moorish governor of Mozambique[31] was informed of the arrival of the Portuguese, and that Coello was come to anchor in the harbour, he fully supposed that they were Turks or Moors from some distant place, and immediately came to visit him, apparelled in fine silk, with many attendants. Coello received him very courteously; but as neither he nor any in his ship could speak their language, the governor soon retired. Coello gave him, however, a red cap, on which he seemed to set little value, and presented him likewise with some black beads, which he carried away in his hand, both being given and received in token of friendship. On leaving the ship, he required Coello, by signs, to let him have the boat to carry him on shore, which Coello readily agreed to, and sent some of his men to the land along with him. These the governor carried to his house, and feasted them on dates and other things, and sent back with them a pot of preserved dates to Coello, with which he regaled the general and his brother when they had entered the harbour. On the arrival of the other two ships, the governor again sent off some of his people to visit them, still taking them for Turks, presenting many pleasant and delicate viands, and asking permission to visit them in person. The general, in return, sent the governor a present, consisting of red hats, short gowns, coral, brass basons, hawks bells and many other things, which he slighted as of no value, and asked why the general had not sent him scarlet, which he chiefly desired.

Soon afterwards the governor came off to visit the general; who, being apprized of his coming, ordered all the ships to be dressed out in their flags. He likewise made all the sick and infirm men to be kept out of sight, and brought a good many of the most alert men from the other ships, whom he ordered to be secretly armed, in case of any violence or treachery on the part of the Moors. The governor came on board, accompanied with many men, all well apparelled in silk, having many ivory trumpets and other musical instruments, on which they played almost without ceasing. The governor was a lean man, of good stature, dressed in a linen shirt down to his heels, over which he wore a long gown of Mecca velvet, having a cap of silk of many colours, trimmed with gold, on his head, at his girdle he wore a sword and dagger, and had silk shoes. The general received him on entering the ship, and led him to an awning, trimmed up in the best manner they were able. The general then begged him not to be offended that no scarlet had been sent, having brought none with him, and that his ships only contained such merchandize as were fit to be bartered for victuals for the people; and that his only object at present was to discover the way to the Indies, for which purpose he had been sent by a great and mighty king, his master. All this was conveyed through the interpretation of Fernan Martin[32]. The general then ordered an entertainment of the best meats and wines which the ship afforded, to be set before the governor and his principal attendants, of all which they partook willingly, even drinking wine with good will. The governor asked whether they came from Turkey, as he had heard say that the Turks were a fair people like them, and desired to see our country bows, and the books of our law. To this the general answered, that he and his men were not from Turkey, but from a kingdom in their neighbourhood; that he would most willingly shew his bows and other weapons, but had not the books of our law, as they were not needed at sea. Then some cross-bows were brought, which were bent, and shot off in presence of the governor, also some of our harness or defensive armour, with all of which he was much pleased, and greatly astonished.

During this conference, the general learnt that the port of Calicut in India was 900 leagues distant from Mozambique; and, as there were many shoals in the course, that it was very necessary to have a pilot from this place. He learned also that there were many cities along the coast. He likewise understood, that the kingdom of Prester John was far from this place, in the inland country[33]. Considering the expediency of having a pilot, the general requested to have two from the governor, who agreed to the demand, on condition that they should be well used. The reason of wishing to have two was, lest one might die during the voyage, and our people were much pleased with this promise. The governor came a second time to visit the general, and brought with him both the pilots whom he had promised; to each of whom were given thirty crowns and a coat, each crown being worth five shillings, under this condition, that whenever one of them should go on shore, the other should remain on board, that one might always stay by the ship while in harbour.

Notwithstanding these friendly meetings, speeches, and assurances, it soon appeared, after the departure of the governor, that the Moors had learned, during their intercourse with our people, that they were Christians, on which the former friendship and good will of the Moors towards them was changed to wrath and fury, and they henceforwards used every endeavour to kill our men, and to take possession of the ships. The governor, therefore, and his people, used every effort for this mischievous purpose, and had certainly succeeded, if the Almighty had not moved the heart of one of the Moorish pilots who had been received into the Portuguese fleet, to reveal the same to the general; who, fearing lest the infidels might suddenly execute their purpose, as being numerous in comparison to his small company, determined to remain no longer in the harbour. Wherefore, on Saturday the 10th March 1498, being seven days after his arrival, he quitted the harbour of Mozambique, and cast anchor close to an island, at the distance of a league from that place; intending, on Sunday, to hear mass on shore, that they might confess and receive the sacrament, which had not been done since leaving Lisbon.

After the ships were come to anchor in this place of safety from being burnt by the Moors, which the general greatly dreaded, he determined to go back to Mozambique in his boat, to demand the other pilot who had been promised, but who still remained on shore. Leaving his brother with the fleet, in readiness to come to his aid if needful, the general went towards Mozambique with his boat, accompanied by Nicholas Coello, and the Moorish pilot. On their way they saw six _zambucos_ or boats, filled with Moors, coming towards them, armed with long bows and arrows, and also with shields and spears. The Moors called to our people to come along with them to the town; and the Moorish pilot, who explained their signals, advised the general to do so, as the governor would not otherwise deliver the other pilot, who still remained on shore. The general was much displeased at this advice, believing the pilot only wished him to approach the shore, that he might be able to run away, and therefore ordered him to be secured as a prisoner. He likewise gave orders to fire at the Moorish boats from his ordnance. When Paulo de la Gama heard the shot, believing the general to be in more danger than he actually was, he immediately came with the ship Berrio under sail to his aid. On seeing this, the Moors fled away in such haste that the general could not overtake them, and therefore returned with his brother to where the other ships were at anchor.

Next day, being Sunday, the general and all his men went on shore, where they heard mass, and received the sacrament very devoutly, having confessed the evening before. After this they re-embarked and set sail the same day. Having no hope of procuring the other pilot, the general ordered to release him whom he had confined, and carried him on the voyage. But he, willing to be revenged for the indignity he had experienced, determined on carrying the Portuguese fleet to the island of Quiloa, which was all peopled with Moors; and, as it seemed, intended to inform the king of that place that our ships belonged to the Christians, that he might destroy them and kill the crews. For this purpose, he craftily persuaded the general not to be in trouble for want of the other pilot, as he would carry him to a great island, on hundred leagues from thence, which was inhabited half by Moors, and half by Christians, who were always in war with each other, and where he might easily find pilots to conduct him to Calicut. Though the general was much pleased with this information, he yet did not give implicit credit to the Moor, but promised him high rewards if he carried him in safety to that country, and so went forward on the voyage with a scant wind.

On the Tuesday the fleet was still in sight of the land from which they took their departure, and remained becalmed all that day and the next. On Wednesday night, a gentle breeze sprung up from the eastward, on which the fleet stood off to seaward, but on Thursday morning, on again making the land, they were four leagues to leeward of Mozambique, whence plying to windward, they came back that evening to the island where they had heard mass on the Sunday before, where they cast anchor and remained eight days waiting for a fair wind. While here at anchor, a white Moor, who was a _molah_ or minister among the Moors of Mozambique, came on board the generals ship, representing that the governor was much grieved at the breach of peace and friendship between them, which he would now gladly renew. To this the general made answer, that he would make no peace with the governor unless he sent him the other pilot whom he had hired and paid. With this answer the _molah_ departed, and never came back. After this, while still waiting for a fair wind, there came another Moor on board, accompanied with his son, a boy, and asked the general to give him a passage to the city of Melinda, which he said was on his way to Calicut. He said that he was a native of the country near Mecca, whence he had piloted a ship to Mozambique, and would gladly go with him, that he might return to his own country; and farther, he counselled the general not to remain in expectation of any answer from the _zeque_, who he was sure would make no peace with him, on account of his hatred to the Christians. The general was rejoiced at the coming of this Moor, expecting to acquire information from him concerning the straits of the Red Sea, and of the towns on the coast between Mozambique and Melinda, by which he had to sail, and therefore gave orders to receive this Moor and his son on board.

As the ships were rather short of water, the general and the other captains determined upon entering the harbour of Mozambique, to take in what they needed; but ordered strict watch to be kept, lest the Moors should set the ships on fire. They entered therefore again into the harbour on Thursday; and when night came, they went in their boats in search of water, which the Moorish pilot assured them was to be found on the firm land, and offered to guide them to the place. Leaving Paulo de la Gama in charge of the ships, and taking Nicholas Coello and the pilot along with him in the boats, the general went on shore about midnight to the place where the pilot said that water was to be had. But it could not be found; whether that the pilot misled them in hope of escaping, or finding he could not escape, did so out of malice. Having spent the whole night fruitlessly in search of water, and day beginning to dawn, the general returned to the ships for more force, lest the Moors might set upon him and his small company at a disadvantage. Having furnished his boats with a larger force of armed men, he returned to the shore, still accompanied by Coello and the Moorish pilot, who, seeing no means of escaping, now pointed out the watering-place close by the shore. At this place they observed about twenty Moors armed with darts, who shewed as if they meant to prevent them from taking water. The general therefore gave orders to fire three guns, to force them from the shore, that our men might be able to land unopposed. Amazed and frightened by the noise and the effect of the shot, the Moors ran away and hid themselves in the bushes; and our people landed quietly, and took in fresh water, returning to the ships a little before sunset. On arriving, the general found his brother much disquieted, because a Negro, belonging to John Cambrayes, the pilot of Paulo de la Gama, had run away to the Moors, though himself a Christian.[34]

Upon Saturday the 24th of March, being the eve of the annunciation of our Lady, a Moor appeared early in the morning on the shore, abreast of the ships, calling out in a loud and shrill voice, "that if our men wanted any more water they might now come for it, when they would find such as were ready to force their return." Irritated at this bravado, and remembering the injury done him in withholding the promised pilot, and the loss of the Negro, the general resolved to batter the town with his ordnance in revenge, and the other captains readily agreed to the measure. Wherefore they armed all their boats, and came up before the town, where the Moors had constructed a barricade of boards for their defence on the shore, so thick that our men could not see the Moors behind. Upon the shore, between that defence and the sea, an hundred Moors were drawn up, armed with targets, darts, bows, arrows, and slings, who began to sling stones at the boats as soon as they came within reach. They were immediately answered with shot from our ordnance, on which they retired from the shore behind their barricade, which was soon beaten down, when they ran into the town, leaving two of their men slain. The general and his men now returned to the ships to dinner, and the Moors were seen running from that town to another; and so much were they afraid of the Portuguese, that they abandoned the island, going by water to another place on the opposite side. After dinner, our people went with their captains on shore, to endeavour to take some of the Moors, with the hope of procuring restitution of the Negro belonging to Cambrayes, who had run away from the ships, and they were likewise desirous of recovering two Indians, who were said by the Moorish pilot to be detained as captives in Mozambique.

On this occasion, Paulo de la Gama seized four Moors who were in a boat; but a great many Moors in other boats escaped, by hastening on shore and leaving their boats behind, in which our men found much cotton cloth, and several books of their Mahometan law, which the general ordered to be preserved. The general and the other captains ranged in their boats along side of the town, but did not venture on shore, not having sufficient force, nor could they get any speech of the Moors. Next day they went on shore at the watering-place, where they took what was needed without any opposition from the Moors. Being now hopeless of recovering the Negro, or of procuring the Indian captives, it was determined to depart; but the general resolved to be revenged on the town and people for their enmity. For which reason, he went against it next day with ordnance, and destroyed it in such sort that the Moors had to abandon it, and flee into another island within the country.[35] This being done, the fleet weighed anchor on Tuesday the 27th of March, and departed from Mozambique, whence they proceeded to two little rocks, which they called St George, and where they came to anchor in waiting for a wind, which was now contrary. Soon afterwards the wind came fair and they departed, but the wind was so light, and the currents so strong, that they were forced in a retrograde course.

The general was much pleased to find that one of the Moors taken by his brother at Mozambique was a pilot, and was acquainted with the navigation to Calicut. Proceeding on their voyage, they came, on Sunday the first of April, to certain islands very near the coast, to the first of which they gave the name of _Ilha da Açoutado_, because the Moorish pilot of Mozambique was here severely whipt by order of the general, for having falsely said that these islands were part of the continent, and likewise for not shewing the way to the watering-place at Mozambique, as before related. Being cruelly whipt, the Moor confessed that he had brought them to this place expressly that they might perish on the rocks and shoals of these islands, which were so numerous and so close together, that they could hardly be distinguished from each other. On this the general stood out to sea, and on Friday the 4th of April,[36] standing to the north- west, he came in sight, before noon, of a great land, with two islands near the coast, around which were many shoals. On nearing the shore, the Moorish pilots recognized it, and said that the Christian island of Quiloa was three leagues astern; on which the general was much grieved, believing certainly that the natives of Quiloa had been Christians, as represented by the pilots, and that they had purposely taken a wrong course that the ships might not come there. The pilots, to conceal their treachery, alleged that the winds and currents had carried the ships farther than they reckoned. But in truth, they were more disappointed in this than even the general, as they had reckoned upon being here revenged upon the Portuguese, by having them all slain. In this God preserved our people from the intended danger most miraculously, for if they had gone to Quiloa they had all surely perished; as the general was so fully persuaded of the natives being Christians, as reported by the pilot, that he would doubtless have landed immediately on his arrival, and have thereby run headlong to a place where he and all his people would have been slain. Both parties being thus sorry for having missed Quiloa, the general because he hoped to have found Christians, and the Moorish pilots because of their intended treachery, it was determined to put back with the intention of seeking for it; but still the wind and currents opposed their purpose, and they tried a whole day in vain. This doubtless proceeded from the providence of God, and his merciful goodness to our men, who were thus preserved by miracle from the malicious and devilish intentions of the two Moorish pilots of Mozambique.

The fleet being thus baffled and tossed to and fro, it was determined to bear away for the island of Mombaza, in which the pilots said there were two towns, peopled both by Moors and Christians. But they gave out this as before to deceive our people, and to lead them to destruction; for that island was solely inhabited by Moors, as is the whole of that coast. Understanding that Mombaza was seventy miles distant, they bore away for that place, and towards evening, they came in sight of a great island towards the north, in which the Moorish pilots pretended there were two towns, one of Christians and the other of Moors; making this false assertion to make our people believe that there were many Christians on this coast. While pursuing their voyage towards Mombaza for some days, the ship San Raphael chanced one morning, two hours before day, to get aground on certain shoals, two leagues from the shore of the continent. Paulo de Gama immediately made signals to apprize the other ships of his situation and their danger; on which they had the good fortune to avoid the shoals and got safely to anchor. The boats from the other ships were immediately sent off to assist Paulo de Gama in the St Raphael; and, on seeing that the tide was then low, the general was much rejoiced, as he well knew she would float again with the tide of flood; whereas, before, he was much afraid she might be totally lost. He therefore gave orders to carry all their anchors out to deep water, to prevent her from getting farther on the shoal. By the time this was done day broke, and soon after at low water the St Raphael was quite dry on a sand bank, having taken no harm in striking. While waiting for the tide of flood, our people named these sands _Os baixos de Sam Rafael_, or the Shoals of St Raphael, and named certain islands and hills of the continent, then in sight, the islands and hills of St Raphael.

While the ship remained thus dry, and the people walking about on the sand, they saw two boats full of Moors, who came to our ships, bringing many sweet oranges, much better than those of Portugal. These men told the general not to fear any damage to the ship which was aground, as she would float uninjured with the next flood; and the general was so much pleased with this good heartening, that he gave them several presents, which they accepted with many thanks; and understanding that our fleet intended to put in at Mombaza, they requested to be carried thither. The general granted their request, and permitted them to remain on board, the others returning from our ships to their own country.[37] When it was full sea, the St Raphael floated and got off the shoal, and the fleet proceeded on its voyage.

Following the coast to the north-eastwards, the fleet came to anchor outside of the bar of the harbour of Mombaza, about sunset of Saturday the 7th of April. Mombaza is on an island very near the shore of the continent, and has plenty of provisions, such as millet, rice, and cattle, both large and small, all well grown and fat, especially the sheep, which are uniformly without tails; and it abounds in poultry. It is likewise very pleasant, having many orchards, abounding in pomegranates, Indian figs, oranges, both sweet and sour, lemons, and citrons, with plenty of pot-herbs, and it has an abundant supply of excellent water. On this island there is a city having the same name, Momabza, standing in lat. 4°S. which is handsomely built on a rocky hill washed by the sea. The entrance of the haven has a mark or beacon, and on the very bar there is a little low fort, almost level with the water.[38]

Most of the houses of this place are built of stone and lime, having the ceilings finely constructed of plaster, and the streets are very handsome. This city is subject to a king of its own, the inhabitants being Moors, some of whom are white and others brown[39]. The trade of this city is extensive, and its inhabitants are well dressed, especially the women, who are clothed in silk, and decorated with gold and precious stones. The harbour is good and much frequented by shipping, and it receives from the African continent, in its neighbourhood, great quantities of honey, wax, and ivory.

The general did not enter the harbour that night because it grew late, but commanded to hoist the flags in compliment, which the people did with much mirth and joy, in hope that they had come to an island in which there were many Christians, and that next day they might hear mass on shore. They had likewise great hope that the sick, who were almost the whole crews, might here recover their health; though, indeed, they were much reduced in number, many having died during the voyage. Soon after our ships came to anchor, although night approached, a large boat, containing about a hundred men, all armed with swords and targets, was seen coming towards the fleet. On reaching the generals ship, they would have all come on board with their weapons, but the general only permitted four of their principals to come aboard, and even they unarmed; causing them to be told in their own language, that they must excuse his precaution, being a stranger, and not knowing therefore whom he might trust. To those whom he permitted to come on board he gave courteous entertainment, presenting them with such conserves as he had, of which they readily partook; and he requested of them not to take ill that he had thus refused entrance to so many armed men. They said that they had merely come to see him, as a new and rare thing in their country, and that their being armed was merely because such was the custom of the country, whether in peace or war. They also said, that the king of Mombaza expected his arrival, and would have sent to visit him, if it had not been so late, but certainly would do so next day. Their king, they added, was rejoiced at his arrival, and would not only be glad to see him, but would load his ships with spices. They also said that there were many Christians on the island, who lived by themselves; at which the general was much pleased, believing their story, which agreed with what the two pilots had said. Yet he entertained some jealous doubts, for all their fair speeches, and wisely suspected the Moors had come to see if they could lay a train to take our ships. In this he was perfectly right, as it afterwards appeared that this was their sole intent. The king of Mombaza had received perfect intelligence that we were Christians, and of all that we had done at Mozambique, and plotted to be revenged, by taking our ships and killing our men.

Next day, being Palm Sunday, still prosecuting his wicked purpose, the king sent some white Moors with a message to the general, declaring his great joy at our arrival, inviting him into the harbour, and engaging to supply him with all things he might be in need of; and, in token of amity, sent him a ring, a sheep, and many sweet oranges, citrons, and sugar canes. These white Moors were likewise instructed to pretend that they were Christians, and that there were many Christians in the island. All this was so well counterfeited, that our people actually believed them to be Christians, on which account the general received them with much courtesy, and made them some presents, sending a message to the king that he would certainly come farther into the harbour next day. He also sent a present to the king of a fine branch of coral. And, for the greater security, he sent along with these white Moors, two of our banished men, who had been embarked expressly for such hazardous undertakings, or for being left on shore where it might be deemed expedient, to become acquainted with the circumstances of various places, and to be taken on board again. These men, and the Moors who had been on board, were met in landing by a number of people, curious to see and examine them, who accompanied them all the way to the kings palace, where they had to pass through three several doors, each guarded by an armed porter, before they came to the place where the king was. They found the king in no very great state, yet he received them well, and commanded the Moors who had brought them on shore to show them the city. In going through the streets, our men saw many prisoners in irons; but, not knowing the language, they could not ask who or what these were, yet believed they might be Christians, us our general was informed by the Moorish pilots, and the kings two messengers, that there were Christians on the island, and that the Christians and the Moors had wars together. Our men were likewise carried to the house in which the merchants of India dwelt, who were said to be Christians. These people, learning that our men were Christians, shewed much joy at receiving them, embracing and banqueting them, and shewed them a piece of paper on which the figure of the Holy Ghost was painted, which they worshipped on their knees, with great shew of devotion, as if they had been what they pretended. The Moors then informed our men by signs, that there were many other Christians at another place, too far for carrying them there; but that they should be conducted to see them when our ships came into the harbour. All this was done craftily to entice our people into the harbour, where they were determined to destroy them all.

After our two men had seen the city, they were conducted back to the king, who ordered them to be shewn ginger, pepper, cloves, and wheat, giving them samples of them all to be carried to the general, with assurance that he had great store of all these commodities, and would give him his loading if he desired it. They were likewise told, that he had great plenty of gold, silver, amber, wax, ivory, and other riches, which he would sell at lower prices than they could be bought in any other place. This message was brought off on Monday to the general; who, hearing the kings offer to furnish him with a loading of these commodities, was much rejoiced, and was much pleased with the information brought by the two convicts, and their good report of the people, city, and country, and more especially on account of the _two_ Christians whom they had seen in the house of the Indian merchants. After a consultation with the other captains, it was determined to enter the port next day, and to accept the spices offered by the king of Mambaza, after which, to continue the voyage to Calicut; and, if they could not procure similar articles there, to return contented with what might be got in this place. In the meantime, several of the Moors visited our ships, conducting themselves with much gentleness and humility, and evincing an appearance of friendship and kindness to our people, as if they had been long and familiarly acquainted.

When the tide of flood was sufficiently advanced on the following morning, the general gave orders to weigh anchor, intending to carry the ships into the harbour. But the Almighty Disposer of events, not willing that he and his company should fall into the snare which the Moors had laid for their destruction, interposed to avert the danger, and to work their safety. For, when the generals ship had weighed anchor, and was about to enter the port, she touched on a shoal by the stern; upon which, he immediately let fall his anchor again, which was likewise done by the other captains. Seeing this, the Moors who were on board concluded that he would not enter the harbour that day, and instantly took to their boat, which was alongside, and made for the city: At the same time, the pilot of Mozambique leapt from the stern of the admirals ship into the water, and was taken into the boat by the Moors. The admiral called out to them to bring him back, but all in vain; on which he began to suspect that the Moors and their king had evil intentions towards him and his people, and was thankful for the accident which had detained him from the harbour, and preserved him from the purposed treachery. After explaining his apprehensions to the other captains, he commanded, in the evening of this day, that two of the Moors who had been made prisoners at Mozambique should be put to the torture, to endeavour to ascertain whether any treachery was intended, and to force them to disclose the same. This was done by dropping melted bacon upon their flesh; and they immediately confessed that treason was intended, and that the pilots had escaped by swimming from the ship, as fearing the same had been discovered. On this confession, the general resolved on no account to enter the harbour; yet determined to put another Moor to the torture, to learn if he were in confederacy with the rest. But this Moor, on seeing preparations made for the purpose, although his hands were bound, leapt into the sea; which was likewise done by another Moor before day-light.

Having thus discovered the secret mischiefs which had been prepared against him, the general gave thanks to God, by whose good providence he and his people had been delivered from imminent hazard of death among the infidels; whereupon he and his company joined in the _Salve regina_ with great devotion. After this, lest the Moors might attempt any thing against their safety during the night, he ordered a strong and vigilant armed watch to be kept. It is worthy of notice, that all the sick among our people, who were indeed many, began presently to get well from their first coming to Mombaza; so that in this time of their great necessity and danger, they found themselves sound and strong, beyond all human hope, and far above the ordinary course of nature; for which reason it can only be attributed to the marvellous and supernatural power of God, miraculously done at this peculiar instant time of need, for the preservation of these poor and distressed persons, whose only hope of safety was in him. After the night watch was set, those of the Berrio felt the cable by which they lay at anchor swagging, as if shaken by a great tunny, of which there were many in this place, very large and excellent food: But, on giving more attention to the circumstance, they perceived that this was occasioned by their enemies the Moors, some of whom were swimming about the cable, and were cutting it with knives or falchions, that the ship might drift on shore and fall a prey to them. On seeing this, our men scared them away by crying out, and gave notice to the other ships to be on their guard against similar attempts. Some people from the San Raphael went immediately to the assistance of the Berrio, and found some of the Moors about the chains and tacklings of the foremast, who cast themselves into the sea, and swam, along with those who had attempted to cut the cable, to certain boats that were in waiting at a short distance, in which, as our people afterwards learnt, there were a great number of the Moors, who now rowed away to the city in all haste.

Our fleet still remained off the harbour of Mombaza, all the Wednesday and Thursday following; during both of which nights the Moors came off in boats, which always lay close by the shore, whence some of them swam to the ships, endeavouring to cut our cables: But our men kept such strict watch, that they were unable to succeed. Our people, however, were always in much fear and perplexity, lest the Moors might burn our ships; and it was wonderful they did not make the attempt by means of the ships they had in the harbour, which, in all human probability, they had succeeded in, killing and destroying us all. It was conjectured that they were deterred from making this attempt, from fear of the ordnance in our ships; but whatever might appear to us as the cause of their not using open force, it was assuredly the good pleasure and favour of God, that put their hearts in fear against making an open attack, by which we were preserved from the execution of their cruel purposes towards us.

The reason of the general remaining during the two days off Mombaza was, that he might endeavour to procure two pilots from thence to carry him to Calicut, without which assistance the voyage would have been very difficult, as our pilots had no knowledge of that country. But finding none were to be had, he took his departure from that place on Friday morning, though with a very light wind. On leaving the anchorage, he was forced to leave one of his anchors behind, as the crew was so completely exhausted by hauling up the rest, that they were unable to weigh this one. It was afterwards found by the Moors, and carried into their city, where it was deposited near the kings palace. When Don Francisco de Almeida, first viceroy of the Indies, took this place from the Moors, this anchor was there found, as I shall afterwards relate in the second book of this work.

Departing thus from Mombaza, the fleet continued its voyage along the coast to the north-east, and having very light wind, was obliged to come to anchor in the evening near the shore, about eight leagues from Mombaza. Towards the dawn of next day, two sambuccos, or little pinnaces, were seen about three leagues to the leeward of the fleet, and out at sea; on which, in hope of procuring some pilots who could carry him to Calicut, the general ordered the anchors to be weighed, and he and the other captains gave chase to the sambuccos the whole of that day. Towards vespers, the general came up with and captured one of these pinnaces, but the other escaped to the land. In the captured pinnace there were seventeen Moors, among whom was an old man who seemed master over the rest, and had his young wife along with him. In this boat there was great store of silver and gold, and some victuals. On the same evening the fleet came to anchor off Melinda, which is eighteen leagues from Mombaza, and is in lat. 3° S. This place has no good harbour, being only an almost open roadstead, having a kind of natural pier or reef of rocks on which the sea beats with much violence, owing to which the ships have to ride at a considerable distance from the shore. The city stands in a broad open plain, along the shore, surrounded with many palms, and other sorts of trees, which are green the whole year. It has also many gardens and orchards, abounding with all kinds of herbs and fruits, and many fountains of good water. Their oranges are particularly excellent, very large and sweet. They have also abundance of millet and rice, plenty both of cattle and sheep, and great store of fine poultry, which are very cheap. Melinda is a large city, with fair streets, and many good houses of stone and lime, containing several storeys, with windows, and having terraced roofs made of lime and earth. The native inhabitants are black, of well proportioned bodies, having curled hair; but many strangers resort thither and dwell in the city, who are Moors from Arabia, who conduct themselves in a commendable manner, especially the gentlemen or better sort. These, from the girdle upwards, go naked; but below the girdle they are dressed in silk, or fine stuffs of cotton, though some wear short cotton cloaks, after the old fashion. On their heads they wear certain cloths embroidered with silk and gold. They wear also rich daggers, ornamented with silken tassels of many colours, and very handsome swords. They are all left-handed, and go constantly armed with bows and arrows, taking great delight in archery, at which they are very expert. They account themselves good horsemen; yet there is a common saying on this coast, _the horsemen of Mombaza, and the women of Melinda_, as in Mombaza they are excellent horsemen, and the women of Melinda are very handsome, and dress richly.

In this city also there are many Gentiles from the kingdom of Cambaya in India, who are great merchants and trade to this place for gold, which is found in this country, as likewise ambergris, ivory, pitch, and wax; all of which commodities the inhabitants of Melinda exchange with the merchants of Cambaya for copper, quicksilver, and cotton cloth, to the profit and advantage of both parties. The king of this city is a Moor, who is served with far more state than any of the kings on this coast to the southwards. Being arrived over against this city, the general and all the people of the fleet were much rejoiced at seeing a city resembling those of Portugal, and gave thanks to God for their safe arrival. Being desirous of procuring pilots to navigate the fleet to Calicut, the general commanded to come to anchor, meaning to use his endeavours for this purpose. For, hitherto, he could not learn from the Moors he had lately captured, whether any of them were pilots; and though he had threatened them with the torture, they always persisted in declaring that none of them had any skill in pilotage.

Next day, being Easter eve, the old Moor who had been made prisoner in the pinnace, told the general that there were four ships belonging to Christians of the Indies at Melinda, and engaged, if the general would allow him and the other Moors to go on shore, he would provide him, as his ransom, Christian pilots, and would farther supply him with every thing he might need. Well pleased with the speeches of the old Moor, the general removed his ships to within half a league of the city, whence hitherto no one came off to our fleet, as they feared our men might make them prisoners; for they had received intelligence that we were Christians, and believed our ships were men of war. On the Monday morning, therefore, the general commanded the old Moor to be landed on a ledge, or rock, opposite the city, and left there, expecting they would send from the city to fetch him off; which they did accordingly as soon as our boat departed. The Moor was carried directly to the king, to whom he said, as instructed by the general, what he chiefly desired to have. He farther said, that the general desired to have amity with the king, of whom he had heard a good report, hoping by his aid, and with the will of God, he might be enabled to discover the route to India. The king received this message favourably, and sent back the Moor in a boat to the general, accompanied by one of his own servants and a priest, saying, that he would most willingly conclude a treaty of amity with him, and should supply him with what pilots he needed. These messengers likewise presented the general from the king, with three sheep, and a great many oranges, and sugar canes, which he thankfully accepted; desiring the messengers to acquaint their master, that he gladly agreed to the profered amity, and was ready to confirm the same between them, and promised to enter their harbour next day. He farther desired them to inform the king, that he was the subject of a great and powerful sovereign in the west, who had sent him to discover the way to Calicut, with orders to enter into peace and amity with all kings and princes on whose territories he might happen to touch by the way. That it was now _two years_[40] since he left his own country, and that the king his master was a prince of such puissance and worth as he was convinced the king of Melinda would be glad to have for a friend. He then dismissed the messengers, sending as a present to their king a hat of the fashion of the time, two branches of coral, three brass basons, two scarfs, and some small bells.

On the second day after Easter, the general removed his ships nearer the city. The king knowing this, and believing that the king of Portugal must be a high-spirited prince, and the general a worthy subject, who had hazarded himself in so long and dangerous a voyage, became desirous of seeing such men; wherefore, he sent a more honourable message to the general, saying, that he proposed next day to visit him in person, intending that their meeting should be on the water; and sent him a present of six sheep, with a considerable quantity of cloves, ginger, pepper, and nutmegs. Upon this message, the general removed his fleet still nearer the city, and came to anchor close to the four ships of the Indies, of which the old Moor had made mention as belonging to Christians. When the owners of these ships learnt that we were Christians, they came immediately to visit our general, who happened then to be in the ship of Paulo de la Gama. These men were of a brown colour, but of good stature and well proportioned, dressed in long white cotton gowns, having large beards, and the hair of their heads long like women, and plaited up under their turbans or head-dresses. The general received them with much kindness and attention, asking, by means of an interpreter, who understood the language of Algarve, or Arabic, whether they were Christians. These men had some knowledge of that language, though it was not their own tongue, but had learnt it in the course of their trade and conversation with the Moors of Melinda, of whom they advised the general to beware, lest their inward intentions might be far different from their outward shew. Willing to make trial if these men were really Christians, the general caused a picture to be shewn them, on which our Lady was painted weeping, surrounded by some of the apostles, but without informing them what this was meant to represent. Immediately on this being set before them, they fell down and worshipped the picture, praying for some time. The general then asked if they were of Calicut; on which they answered they were of Grangalor[41], still farther off, and could give him no information respecting Calicut. From this time, so long as our fleet remained at Melinda, these people came every day on board the ship of Paulo de la Gama, to pay their devotions before this picture, offering to the images which it represented gifts of pepper and other things. These Indian Christians, according to their own account, eat no beef.

On the last day of the week after Easter, and in the afternoon, the king of Melinda came off in a great boat to our fleet. He was dressed in a cassock of crimson damask lined with green satin, and wore, a rich cloth or turban on his head. He sat in a chair, of the ancient fashion, very well made and wrought with wire, having a silk cushion; and on another chair beside him, there lay a hat of crimson satin. An old man stood by him as his page, who carried a very rich sword with a silver scabbard. In the boat there were many sacbuts, and two ivory flutes eight spans long, on which they played by a little hole in the middle, agreeing and according well with the music of the sacbuts. The king was likewise attended by about twenty Moorish gentlemen, all richly dressed. When the king had nearly attained our ships, the general went to meet him in his boat, gaily decorated with flags and streamers, himself dressed in his best apparel, and attended by twelve of the principal officers of the squadron, leaving his brother in charge of the ships. On the boats meeting, the two parties made every demonstration of friendship and respect; and the Moorish king immediately offered to come on board the generals boat, that he might see him the better. The general accordingly received him with all respect, and the king shewed as much honour and courtesy to the general as if he had been likewise a king. The Moorish king, after examining the dress and appearance of the general and his men with the utmost attention, asked the general the name of his king, which he commanded to be immediately written down. He particularly inquired respecting the power of the king of Portugal, and the general gave the most satisfactory answers to all his questions; particularly detailing the reasons of his being sent to discover Calicut, that Portugal might be thence supplied with spices, which were not to be had in his own country. The king, after giving him some information on these points, and respecting the straits of the Red Sea, promised to furnish the general with a pilot to carry him to Calicut, and then earnestly solicited him to accompany him to the city, where he might solace and refresh himself in the palace, after the fatigues and dangers of so long a voyage; and promised, if the general would do so, that he the king would visit him on board. To this the general prudently answered that he was not authorised by his instructions to go on shore, and that he could not answer for deviating from the orders of his sovereign. On this the king observed, that if he were to visit the ships, he could not well answer for his conduct to the inhabitants of his city; yet, he was grieved that the admiral refused to go into the city, which should be at his will and pleasure, and that of the king his master, to whom he should either write or send an ambassador, if the general would call in at Melinda on his return from Calicut. The general gave the king thanks for his politeness, and promised to return that way; and, while this conversation was going on, he sent for the Moors who had been taken in the pinnace, whom he presented to the king, saying, he would most gladly perform any other service that lay in his power to the king. The king was greatly pleased with this gift, which he valued as much as if the admiral had given him another city equal to Melinda.

Having ended their conversation, and confirmed their mutual friendship, the king rowed through among our ships, examining them with much pleasure and admiration, and was saluted in passing by many discharges of the ordnance, at which he and his attendants seemed much delighted. On this occasion, the general attended upon him in his own boat out of respect, and the king observed, that he never was so much pleased with any men as with the Portuguese, and would most gladly have some of them to help him in his wars. To this the general answered, that if his highness were to have experience of what they were able to perform, he would like the Portuguese still better; and that they should certainly give him aid, if it should please the king of Portugal to send any of his war ships to Calicut, which he did not doubt would be the case, if it were Gods will to permit the discovery of that place. After the king had satisfied his curiosity, he requested of the general, since he would not go himself into the city, to permit two of his men to go and see the palace, offering to leave his own son, and one of his chief priests, which they named Caçis[42], in pledge for their safe return. To this request the general consented, and sent two of our men along with the king: He, at his departure, requested that the general would next day, in his boat, come close to the shore, when he should be gratified with a sight of the native horsemen going through their evolutions. After this they separated.

Next day, being Thursday, the general and Nicholas Coello went in their boats well armed along the shore, according to the invitation of the king, keeping at a small distance from each other for mutual defence in case of need, where they saw many men skirmishing on the shore. As our boats approached the royal palace, certain of the kings attendants brought him in a chair down some stone stairs which led to the water; and, being then very near the generals boat, the king entered into friendly conversation with him, and once more entreated him to land and go to the palace; saying, that his father, who was lame, was exceedingly desirous to see him, and even offered, that, while the general remained on shore, he and his children would go on board the ships as hostages for his security. But our general, still dreading that some bitter treachery might lurk beneath this honied speech, continued to excuse himself from landing, as he had not permission from his own prince to do so, and must obey him, in all things. After this, taking his leave of the king, he rowed past the ships of the Indian merchants, which he saluted in passing with his ordnance; and when they saw us pass, they held up their hands, exclaiming Christe! Christe!

That night, having obtained leave from the king, our men made them a great feast, with much diversion, also of squibs, firing of guns, and loud cries. The fleet remained at anchor for two days without any message from the shore, on which account the general was much distressed, fearing the king had taken offence at his refusal to go on shore, and might break the peace and amity between them, and not send him any pilot. But on Sunday the 21st of April, a person who was in high credit with the king, came off to visit the general, who was much disappointed when this person brought no pilot, and again began to entertain suspicions of the kings intentions. When the king learnt this, and that the general remained merely for the purpose of having a pilot, he sent him one who was a Gentile, called _Gosarate_[43] in their language, and whose name was _Canaca_, sending an apology at the same time for not having sent this person sooner. Thus the king and the general remained friends, and the peace continued which had been agreed between them.

"De Barros and Faria give this pilot the name of _Malemo Cana_, and say that he belonged to one of the Indian ships of Cambaya, then at Melinda. De Barros adds, that he shewed De Gama a very small chart of the coast of India, laid down with meridians and parallels, but without rhumbs of the winds. This pilot shewed no surprise on seeing the large wooden and metal astrolabes belonging to the Portuguese, as the pilots of the Red Sea had long used brass triangular instruments and quadrants for astronomical observations, and that he and others who sailed from Cambaya, and the ports of India, navigated by the north and south stars, and the constellations of the eastern and western hemispheres; and, though they did not use these instruments in navigation, they employed one made of three pieces of board, similar to the _balhestillia_, or cross-staff of the Portuguese.

"In a collection of papers published in 1790, called _Documentos Arabicos_, from the royal archives of Lisbon, chiefly consisting of letters between the kings of Portugal and the tributary princes of the east in the sixteenth century, the _zeque, sheik_, or king of Melinda, with whom De Gama afterwards made a treaty of alliance, and whose ambassador he carried into Portugal, was named Wagerage[44]."

Having thus procured a pilot, and provided all things necessary for the voyage, De Gama departed from Melinda for Calicut, on Friday the 26th of April 1498[45], and immediately made sail directly across the gulf which separates Africa from India, which is 750 leagues[46]. This golf runs a long way up into the land northwards; but our course for Calicut lay to the east[47]. In following this voyage, our men saw the north star next Sunday, which they had not seen of a long while; and they saw the stars about the south pole at the same time. They gave thanks to God, that, whereas it had been represented to them, that in this season, which was the winter of the Indies, there were always great storms in this gulf, they now experienced fair weather. On Friday the 18th of May, twenty- three days after leaving Melinda, during all which time they had seen no land, they came in sight of India, at eight leagues distance, the land seeming very high. Canaca, the pilot, tried the lead and found forty-five fathoms, upon which he altered his course to the south-east, having fallen in with the land too far to the north. Upon the Saturday, he again drew near the land, but did not certainly know it, as the view was obscured by rain, which, always falls in India at this season, being their winter. On Sunday the 20th of May, the pilot got view of certain high hills which are directly behind the city of Calicut, and came so near the land that he was quite sure of the place; on which he came up with great joy to the general, demanding his _albrycias_, or reward, as this was the place at which he and his company were so desirous to arrive. The general was greatly rejoiced at this news, and immediately satisfied the pilot, after which, he summoned all the company to prayers, saying the _salve_, and giving hearty thanks to God, who had safely conducted them to the long wished-for place of his destination. When prayer was over, there was great festivity and joy in the ships, which came that same evening to anchor two leagues from Calicut. Immediately upon anchoring, some of the natives came off to the ships in four boats, called _almadias_, inquiring whence our ships came, as they had never before seen any resembling their construction upon that coast. These natives were of a brown colour, and entirely naked, excepting very small aprons. Some of them immediately came on board the general, and the Guzerat pilot informed him these were poor fishermen; yet the general received them courteously, and ordered his people to purchase the fish which they had brought for sale. On conversing with them, he understood that the town whence they came, which was in sight, was not Calicut, which lay farther off, and to which they offered to conduct our fleet. Whereupon the general requested them to do this; and, departing from this first anchorage, the fleet was conducted by these fishermen to Calicut.

Calicut is a city on the coast of Malabar, a province of the second India, which begins at the mount of Delhi, and ends at Cape Comory, being sixty- one leagues in length, and fifteen leagues broad[48]. The whole of this country is very low, and apt to be covered with water, having many islands in its rivers, which flow into the Indian Sea. This country of Malabar is divided from the kingdom of Narsinga by a very high hill. The Indians report that this land of Malabar was covered by the sea of old, which then reached to the foot of the hills, and thence to a hill, where now the islands of the Maldives are found, which were then firm land; and that in after times it destroyed that latter country, and laid bare the country of Malabar, in which are many pleasant and rich cities, dependent upon trade, which they carry on principally with Calicut, which exceeds all cities of our days in riches and in vice. Its foundation and rise was as follows: In ancient times, this country of Malabar was entirely ruled by one king, who dwelt in the city of _Coulan_. In the reign of the last king of this race, named _Saranaperimal_[49], who died 600 years ago, the Moors of Mecca discovered India, and came to the province of Malabar, then inhabited by idolaters, and governed by an idolatrous king. From the time of the coming of these Moors, they began to reckon their years as we do, from the birth of our Saviour[50]. After the coming of the Moors into Malabar, they insinuated themselves so much into the confidence of the before-mentioned king, that he became a convert to their law, renouncing the religion of his country, and embracing Mahometism with such zeal, that he resolved to go and end his days in the temple of Mecca. Having thus resolved, out of love to the Mahometan sect, to abandon his kingdom, he called his kindred together, and divided all his territories among them, reserving only twelve leagues of country near the place where he intended to embark, not then inhabited, which he bestowed upon one of his cousins who acted as his page. To this kinsman he gave his sword and turban, as ensigns of dignity; commanding all the other nobles, among whom he had distributed the rest of his territories, to obey this person as their emperor, the kings of Coulan and Cananor only excepted; whom also, and all the others, he debarred from coining money, which was only to be done by the king of Calicut. Having thus given away his whole dignities and possessions, and set every thing in order, he embarked from the place where Calicut now stands; and because this king embarked from that place on his pilgrimage to Mecca, the Moors have ever since held Calicut in so high devotion, that they and all their posterity would never take their lading from any other port. From that time forwards, they discontinued trade with the port of Coulan, which they had used formerly, and that port therefore fell to ruin; especially after the building of Calicut, and the settlement of many Moors in that place[51].

As the Moors are merchants of most extensive dealings, they have rendered Calicut, as the centre of their trade, the richest mart of all the Indies; in which is to be found all the spices, drugs, nutmegs, and other things that can be desired, all kinds of precious stones, pearls and seed-pearls, musk, sanders, aguila, fine dishes of earthen ware, lacker[52], gilded coffers, and all the fine things of China, gold, amber, wax, ivory, fine and coarse cotton goods, both white and dyed of many colours, much raw and twisted silk, stuffs of silk and gold, cloth of gold, cloth of tissue, grain, scarlets, silk carpets, copper, quicksilver, vermilion, alum, coral, rose-water, and all kinds of conserves. Thus, every kind of merchandize from all parts of the world is to be found in this place; which, moreover, is very quiet, being situated along the coast, which is almost open and very dangerous. Calicut is surrounded by many gardens and orchards, producing all the herbs and fruits of this country in great abundance, having also many palms and other sorts of trees, and abounds in excellent water. This part of India produces but little rice, which is a principal article of food in these parts, as wheat is with us; but it procures abundance of that and all other kinds of provisions from other countries. The city is large, but the dwellings consist only of straw huts; their idol temples, and chapels, and the kings palace excepted, which are: built of stone and lime and covered with tiles; for, by their laws, no others are permitted to build their houses of any other material than straw. At this time, Calicut was inhabited by idolaters of many sects, and by many Moorish merchants, some of whom were so rich as to be owners of fifty ships. These ships are made without nails, their planks being sewed together with ropes of _cayro_, made of the fibres of the cocoa-nut husk, pitched all over, and are flat-bottomed, without keels. Every winter there are at least six hundred ships in this harbour, and the shore is such, that their ships can be easily drawn up for repairs.

"The subjects of the following digression are so intimately connected with the first establishment of the Portuguese in India, as to justify its introduction in this place, which will greatly elucidate the narrative of Castaneda; and its length did not admit of being inserted in the form of notes. It is chiefly due to the ingenious and Reverend James Stanier Clarke, in his Origin and Progress of Maritime Discovery, extracted by him from various sources."

"The name of this country, Malabar, is said to be derived from _ulyam_, which signifies, in the original language of that part of India, _skirting the bottom of the hills_, corrupted into Maleyam or Maleam, whence probably came Mulievar, and Mala-bar. In a MS. account of Malabar, it is said that little more than 2300 years ago, the sea came up to the foot of the _Sukien_ mountains, or the western _gauts_. The emerging of the country from the waters is fabulously related to have been occasioned by the piety or penitence of Puresram Rama, who prayed to _Varauna_, the God of the ocean, to give him a track of land to bestow on the Bramins. Varauna accordingly commanded the sea to withdraw from the _Gowkern_, a hill near Mangalore, all the way to Cape Comorin; which new land long remained marshy and scarcely habitable, and the original settlers were forced to abandon it on account of the numerous serpents by which it was infested: But they afterwards returned, being instructed to propitiate the serpents by worshipping them."

"At first this country was divided into four _Tookrees_ or provinces, these into _Naadhs_ or districts, and these again into _Khunds_ or small precincts. The Bramins established a kind of republican or aristocratical government, under a few principal chiefs; but jealousies and disturbances taking place, they procured a _Permaul_ or chief governor from the prince of Chaldesh, a sovereignty in the southern Carnatic: Yet it is more likely that this sovereign took advantage of the divisions among the chiefs of Malabar, to reduce them under his authority. These permauls or viceroys were for a long while changed every twelve years; till at length one of them, named Sheo-Ram, Cheruma Perumal, or Shermanoo Permaloo, the Sarana-perimal of Castaneda, became so popular that he set his master _Kishen Rao_, the rajah of Chaldesh, at defiance, and established his own authority in Malabar. An army was sent into Malabar to reduce the country again to obedience, but it was defeated, and from this event, which is said to have happened 1000 years ago, all the rajahs, chief _nayres_, and other lords of Malabar, date the sovereignty and independence of their ancestors in that country."

"After some time, Shermanoo-Permaloo, either became weary of his situation, or from attachment to the Mahometan religion, resolved to make a division of Malabar among his dependents, from whom the present chieftains are descended. Such is the current story among the inhabitants of Malabar; yet it is more probable that his dependent chieftains, disgusted with his conversion to the religion of Mahomet, revolted from his authority, and contrived this story of his voluntary surrender and division of his dominions, to justify their own assumptions. After this division of his kingdom, it is said that an _erary_, or person of the cast of cow-herds, originally from the banks of the Cavery, near Errode in the Carnatic, who had been a chief instrument of the success of Shermanoo-Permaloo in the war against rajah Kishen Rao, made application to Shermanoo for some support. Having very little left to give away, Shermanoo made him a grant of his own place of abode at Calicut, and gave him his sword; ankle-rings, and other insignia of command, and presented him with water and flowers, the ancient symbols of a transfer of property. It is said that this cowherd rajah was ordained principal sovereign over the other petty princes among whom Malabar was divided, with the title of Zamorin, and was authorized by Shermanoo to extend his dominion over all the other chieftains by force of arms. His descendants have ever since endeavoured, on all occasions, to enforce this pretended grant, which they pretend to hold by the tenure of possessing the sword of Shermanoo Permaloo, and which they carefully preserve as a precious relic."

"From the period of the abdication of Shermanoo, to that of the arrival of the Portuguese at Calicut, the Mahomedan religion had made considerable progress in Malabar; and the Arabian merchants received every encouragement from the Samoories or Zamorins, as they made Calicut the staple of their Indian trade, and brought large sums of money yearly to that place, for the purchase of spiceries and other commodities. As the rajahs of Cochin and other petty sovereignties on the coast, were exceedingly jealous of the superior riches and power of the zamorins, and of the monopoly of trade enjoyed by Calicut, they gave every encouragement to the Portuguese to frequent their ports; from whence arose a series of warfare by sea and land, which has finally reduced them all under subjection to the Europeans."

"According to an Arabian author, _Zeirreddien Mukhdom_, who is supposed to have been sent to assist the zamorins and the Mahomedans in India, in their wars with the Portuguese, Malabar is then said to have been divided among a multiplicity of independent princes or rajahs, whom he calls _Hakims_, some of whom commanded over one or two hundred men, and others one, ten, fifteen, or even as high as thirty, thousand, or upwards. The three greatest powers at that time were, the _Colastrian_[53] rajah to the north, the zamorin of Calicut in the centre, and a rajah in the south, who ruled from Coulan, Kalum, or Coulim, to Cape Comorin, comprehending the country now belonging to the rajah of Travancore."

"We now return from this digression, to follow the narrative of the Portuguese Discovery and Conquest of India, as related by Castaneda."

So great was the trade and population of Calicut and the surrounding country, and the revenues of its sovereign through these circumstances, that he was able to raise a force of thirty thousand men in a single day, and could even bring an hundred thousand men into the field, completely equipt for war, in three days. This prince, in the language of the country, was styled the Zamorin, or Samoryn, which signifies Emperor; as he was supreme over the other two kings of Malabar, the king of Coulan and the king of Cananor. There were indeed other princes in this country, who were called kings, but were not so. This zamorin or king of Calicut was a bramin, as his predecessors had been, the bramins being priests among the Malabars. It is an ancient rule and custom among these people, that all their kings must die in a pagoda[54], or temple of their idols; and that there must always be a king resident in the principal pagoda, to serve those idols: Wherefore, when the king that serves in the temple comes to die, he who then reigns must leave his government of temporal affairs to take his place in the temple; upon which another is elected to take his place, and to succeed in ruling the kingdom. If the king who is in possession of the temporal authority should refuse to retire to the pagoda, on the death of the king who officiated in spirituals, he is constrained to do so, however unwilling.

The kings and nobles of Malabar are of a brown complexion, and go naked from the waist upwards, all the under parts of their bodies being clothed in silk or cotton Vestments; yet they sometimes wear short gowns on their upper parts, called _basus_, of rich silk, or cloth of gold, or of scarlet, splendidly ornamented with precious stones, of all which the zamorin hath great store. They shave their beards, leaving only the hair on their upper lips, and do not shave the head like the Turks. In general, the natives of this country, even of the higher ranks, use little state in their households, and are very sparing in their diet; but the zamorin is served with considerable splendour. These kings or nobles never marry; but every one has a mistress of the Nayre cast, which, among the Malabars, are considered as the gentry; even the zamorin has only a mistress, who has a house of her own near the palace, and a liberal allowance for the charges of her household and maintenance at her own disposal. Upon any dislike or difference, he may always leave her for another. The children are only considered as the offspring of the mother, and have no right or title to inherit the kingdom, or any thing else belonging to the father; and when grown up, are only held in that rank or estimation which belongs to the blood or parentage of their mother. Brothers succeed to brothers; and in lack of these, the sons of their sisters, who do not marry, and have no certainty respecting the fathers of their children; as they are very free and dissolute in their manners, choosing paramours as they please.

These sisters of the zamorin, and other kings of Malabar, have handsome allowances to live upon; and when any of them reaches the age of ten, their kindred send for a young man of the Nayre cast, out of the kingdom, and give him great presents to induce him to initiate the young virgin; after which he hangs a jewel round her neck, which she wears all the rest of her life, as a token that she is now at liberty to dispose of herself to any one she pleases as long as she lives.

When these kings are at war with each other, they often go personally into the field, and even join personally in fight upon occasion. When one of them dies, the body is carried out into the fields, and burned on a pile of sanders, and of another sweet smelling wood called _aguila_, all his brothers and kindred, and all the nobles of the country being present at the ceremony; which is uniformly postponed to the third day after death, that all may have time to gather from a distance, and may have an opportunity of being assured whether his death was natural, or caused by violence: Since, if he died by the hand of any one, all are bound to prosecute revenge. After the body is burnt, and the ashes buried, the whole company shaves every part of their bodies, even to the youngest child of these idolaters. This is their token of mourning; and during the ensuing thirteen days, they all refrain from chewing betel, any one infringing this law being punished by cutting his lips. During this period of thirteen days, he who is to succeed to the throne must abstain from all exercise of government, that any one who pleases may have an opportunity of urging any valid objection why he should not acquire the vacant government. After, this the successor is sworn before all the nobles of the country, to preserve and enforce all the laws and customs of their ancestors, to pay the debts of his predecessor, and to use his utmost endeavours to recover any portion of the kingdom that may have been lost. While taking this oath, having his sword in his left hand, he holds in his right hand a burning candle, on which is a gold ring, which he touches with his fingers. After this they throw some grains of rice over him, using many other ceremonies, and numerous prayers, and then worship the sun three times. When all these ceremonies are gone through, all the _Caymayles_, or lords of noble birth, taking hold of the candle, take an oath to be true and faithful subjects to the new king.

After the end of the thirteen days mourning, they all begin to chew betel, and to eat flesh and fish as formerly, the new king alone excepted. He is bound to mourn for his predecessor during a whole year, chewing no betel, eating no flesh or fish, neither shaving his beard nor cutting; his nails during all that time. He must eat only once a-day, washing himself all over before this single meal, and devoting certain hours of every day to prayer. After the expiry of the year, he uses a certain ceremony for the soul of the king his predecessor, much like our solemn dirge; at which 100,000 persons are often assembled, among whom he distributes large alms. When this ceremony is ended, the prince is confirmed as inheritor of the kingdom, and all the people depart.

The zamorin of Calicut, and the other kings of Malabar, have each one especial officer, to whom the administration of justice is confided, and whose authority in all matters of government is as ample as that of the king himself. The soldiers employed by these kings are called _Nayres_, who are all gentlemen, and who follow no other office or employ but that of fighting when needed. They are all idolaters, armed with bows, arrows, spears, daggers of a hooked form, and targets, and they march in a very regular and warlike manner; but they go entirely naked and barefooted, wearing only a piece of painted cotton cloth, which reaches from the girdle to the knees, and a cloth or kerchief on their heads. All these men live continually at the charge of the king and nobles of the country, from whom they have small stipends for their maintenance; and they esteem themselves so highly on account of their gentility of blood, that they will not touch an husbandman, nor allow any such to enter into their dwellings. When any husbandman goes through the streets they must continually call out aloud _hoo hoo_; for if commanded by a nayre to make way, they may be slain if they refuse. The king cannot raise any one to the rank of a _nayre_, who are all such by descent. These _nayres_ serve very faithfully under those who give them their wages, not sparing by day or night to use their best endeavours to serve their chiefs, nor making any account of want of food or sleep, or of fatigue, when their service is required or may be effectual. Their expences are so small, that on half-a-crown, which is their only monthly pay, they can sufficiently maintain themselves and a boy, whom each has as a servant.

By the laws of this country, these nayres cannot marry, so that no one has any certain or acknowledged son or father; all their children being born of mistresses, with each of whom three or four nayres cohabit by agreement among themselves. Each one of this confraternity dwells a day in his turn with the joint mistress, counting from noon of one day to the same time of the next, after which he departs, and another comes for the like time. They thus spend their lives without the care or trouble of wives and children, yet maintain their mistresses well according to their rank. Any one may forsake his mistress at his pleasure; and in like manner, the mistress may refuse admittance to any one o£ her lovers when she pleases. These mistresses are all gentlewomen of the Nayre cast; and the nayres, besides being prohibited from marrying, must not attach themselves to any woman of a different rank. Considering that there are always several men attached to one woman, the nayres never look upon any of these children born of their mistresses as belonging to them, however strong a resemblance may subsist, and all inheritances among the nayres go to their brothers, or the sons of their sisters, born of the same mothers, all relationship being counted only by female consanguinity and descent. This strange law prohibiting marriage, was established, that they might have neither wives or children on whom to fix their love and attachment; and that being free from all family cares, they might the more willingly devote themselves entirely to warlike service. And the more to animate these gentlemen in the service of the wars, and to encourage them to continue in the order of nayres, they are privileged from all imprisonments, and from the punishment of death on all ordinary occasions, except for the following crimes; killing another nayre, or a cow which is an object of worship, sleeping or eating with an ordinary woman, or speaking evil of the king. When the king has received authentic information of any of these offences having been committed, he issues a written mandate to one of the nayres, commanding him to take two or three other nayres in his company, and to slay the nayre who has committed this offence against the laws. In obedience to this warrant, they attack him with their swords and put him to death where-ever they happen to find him, and then affix the royal order upon his body, that all may know the reason of his death.

It is not permitted to any nayre to assume arms, or to enter into any combat, till he has been armed as a knight. When a nayre becomes seven years old, he is set to learn the use of all kinds of weapons, their masters first pulling and twisting their joints to make them supple, and then teaching them to fence and handle their arms adroitly. Their principal weapons are swords and targets; and these teachers, who are graduates in the use of the weapons, are called _Panycaes_, who are much esteemed among the nayres, and all their former scholars, however advanced in life or however high their dignity, are bound at all times to give them due honour and reverence when they meet; likewise, every _nayre_ is obliged to take lessons from these professors for two months yearly, all their lives: By this means they are very skilful in the use of their weapons, in which they take great pride. When a nayre desires to be armed as a knight, he presents himself before the king, accompanied by all his kindred and friends, and makes an offering of sixty gold fannoms [55]. On which he is asked by the king if he is willing to observe and follow the laws and customs of the nayres, to which he answers in the affirmative. Then the king commands him to be girt with a sword, and laying his right hand on his head, utters certain words as if praying in so low a voice that he is not heard. The king then embraces the young nayre, saying aloud in their language, "Take good care to defend the Bramins and their kine." On this the nayre falls down and does reverence to the king; and from that time he is considered as a knight, or member of the fraternity of nayres. When any of the nayres enters into the peculiar service of the king or of any individual noble, he binds himself to die with and for him, and they keep their oaths. For, if their master should happen to be slain in any war or otherwise, they will fight till they are all slain; and if they cannot accomplish their purpose at the time, or happen to be absent at the slaughter of their master, they go afterwards in search of the person who has done the deed, and never leave off till they are themselves slain.

The Malabars are much given to soothsaying, and have lucky and unlucky days. They worship the sun moon and stars, the fire, cows, and the first thing they meet on going out of a morning, believing every manner of vanity. The devil is often in them, but they say it is one of their gods or _pagods_, as they call him. But whosoever or whatsoever it may be, it constrains them to utter terrible words, which are believed by the king. When the devil enters into a nayre, he goes with a naked sword before the king, shaking and trembling and giving himself many wounds, saying, "I am such or such a god, and am come to tell thee such and such a thing," crying out, and behaving himself like a madman or one possessed. If the king makes any doubt of what he says, he continues to roar still louder and to slash himself more severely, till the king gives credit to his assertions. There are other tribes or lineages of people among the Malabars, of various sects and divers customs, of whom it were too tedious to speak in this place, who are all under obedience to the several kings and nobles. The Moors alone are exempted from this obedience, on account of the large customs they pay for their merchandize, owing to which they are held in high estimation at Calicut.

Having come to anchor on the outside of the bar or reef of Calicut, the general sent one of the Portuguese convicts on shore, in one of the almadias which had conducted the ships to this port; instructing him to see what kind of a place it was, and to make trial of what kind of a reception might be looked for, seeing we were Christians, and as the general believed that the people were likewise Christians. When this man landed, he was immediately surrounded by great numbers of the natives, staring at him as a stranger. These people asked of the fishermen what man this was whom they had brought on shore? to which they answered, that they supposed him to be a Moor, and that he belonged to the three ships which were riding without the bar. But the people of Calicut wondered much to see a person who was clothed so very differently from the Moors who came from the Red Sea. Some of these people who had knowledge of Arabic spoke to this man, but he could not understand or answer them, at which they were much astonished. Yet, believing him to be a Moor, they conducted him to a house where two Moors dwelt who came originally from Tunis and had established themselves in Calicut. On his appearance, one of these Moors whose name was Bontaybo[56], who could speak Spanish, immediately recognized him for a Portuguese, having often seen people of our nation at Tunis in the reign of King John, in a ship named La Reyna which often traded to that port. As soon as Bontaybo saw the Portuguese, he exclaimed in Spanish, _Devil take you, what brought you here_? He farther inquired which way he had travelled so as to arrive at Calicut? To this the banished man answered, telling how many ships our general had brought with him; at which Bontaybo was much amazed, wondering how they could possibly come by sea from Portugal to India. He then asked what they sought at so great a distance from home? And was answered that they came in search of Christians and spices. Bontaybo then asked why the kings of France and Spain and the Doge of Venice had not sent their ships likewise? Because, said our man, the king of Portugal would not allow them. To this Bontaybo said, he was much in the right. After some farther conversation in this way, Bontaybo gave him good entertainment, commanding certain cakes of wheat flour and honey, called _apes_ by the Malabars, to be set before him; and then said that he would accompany him to the ships to wait upon the general.

Bontaybo accordingly came on board our general, whom he immediately addressed in Spanish, saying, "Good luck! good luck! many rubies, many emeralds. Thou art bound to give God thanks for having brought thee where there is abundance of all sorts of spices, precious stones, and all the other riches of the world." On hearing this, the general and all the people were greatly astonished, not expecting to meet any one so far from home who understood their language; and even shed tears of joy for this happy circumstance, and their safe arrival. They all then joined in humble and hearty thanks to the Almighty, by whose favour and assistance alone this great happiness and good fortune had been accorded to them. The general embraced Bontaybo, whom he made to sit beside him, and questioned him if he were a Christian, and how he came to Calicut. Bontaybo told him frankly that he was a Moor from Tunis in Barbary, and had come to Calicut by way of Cairo and the Red Sea, and explained how he came to know the Portuguese, as has been already mentioned. He farther declared, that he had always been well disposed towards the Portuguese nation, having always found them worthy of confidence and friendship in all their dealings; and, having been a friend to them in times past, he would not discontinue his good will, and was ready and willing to do every thing in his power to serve them, and to assist them in the objects for which they had now come to Calicut. The general gave him many thanks for his good will, and promised to reward him liberally for the friendly aid he might give to him and his expedition, expressing his extreme satisfaction at being so fortunate as to meet such a person in this place, believing that God had sent him here to promote the great objects of this voyage, for which he passed through so many and long continued dangers, being quite sensible that he must have reaped little profit from all his labours without such friendly assistance.

The general then requested information from Bontaybo, as to the character of the king or zamorin of Calicut, and whether, in his opinion, he would willingly receive him as ambassador from the king of Portugal. Bontaybo represented the zamorin as a prince of good and honourable dispositions, who, he was convinced, would gladly receive the general as ambassador from a foreign king; more especially, if the objects of his voyage were to establish a trade with Calicut, and if the general had brought with him any merchandize proper for that purpose; since the advantages which the zamorin derived from the customs upon trade formed the chief source of his revenue. He farther informed the general, that the zamorin resided at this time at Panane, a village on the coast about five leagues from Calicut; and advised that the general should send a message there to notify his arrival, and the reasons of his coming. The general was well pleased with this advice and presented certain gifts to Bontaybo, along with whom he sent two of his men to Calicut, requesting Bontaybo to direct them on their way to Panane, which he did accordingly. When these messengers came into the presence of the zamorin, one of them, named _Fernan Martyn_, declared to him, by means of an interpreter, "That he waited upon his highness on the part of his general, who had arrived in the port of Calicut with three ships, having been sent there by the king of Portugal with letters to his highness, which the general begged permission to present to him." On hearing this message, and before giving any answer, the zamorin commanded each of the two messengers to be presented with a piece cotton cloth and two pieces of silk, such as he used in his own apparel; after which he inquired of Fernan Martyn what king it was who had sent him these letters, and how far his dominions were from thence. Fernan fully answered these inquiries, adding, that he was a Christian prince, and that those whom he had sent in the ships now at Calicut were Christians; and related what great and numerous dangers they had passed through during their voyage. The zamorin was much amazed at the incidents of the voyage which Fernan related at some length, and expressed his satisfaction that so powerful a prince of the Christians should think of sending an ambassador to him from so great a distance. He then desired Fernan to inform the general, that he heartily welcomed him and his people into his dominions, advising him to bring his ships to anchor near a village called _Pandarane_ some way below where the ships then lay, as a far better harbour than Calicut which is an open and very dangerous road for shipping. The zamorin desired likewise that the general might come by land from that place to Calicut, where he would be ready to receive him. After this, the zamorin sent a pilot to navigate the ships to the harbour of Pandarane; but, on coming to the bar of that port, the general did not think it advisable to enter so far within the harbour as the pilot proposed, fearing lest he might expose himself to danger by reposing too great confidence in these people, and placing himself too much within their power. In this he acted with much prudent foresight, by which he wisely avoided the injuries which were afterwards attempted against him at this place.

On his arrival at Pandarane, the general received a message from the kutwal[57] of Calicut, intimating that he and other nobles awaited him on shore by order of the zamorin, to conduct him to the city, and that he had permission to land whenever he pleased[58]. But as the day drew near a close, the general returned an answer excusing himself from landing that night. He immediately called a council of the other captains and principal officers of the fleet, to take their advice on the present emergency, to whom he intimated his intention of going to visit the king of Calicut on purpose to settle a treaty of trade and amity. Paulo de Gama, his brother, strongly objected to his venturing on shore; alleging that although the natives of the place were Christians, as they still believed them, yet there were many Moors among them who were much to be feared as his mortal enemies; since these people at Mozambique and Mombaza, where they had only passed by their ports, endeavoured to destroy them all, they were much more to be feared at Calicut where we had come on purpose to enter into competition with them in trade, by which their profits would be diminished. It was therefore the more probable that they would use every effort to destroy the general, on whom our whole hope of safety and success depended; and, however much the zamorin might regret the commission of such a deed, he could not restore him to life: besides which, the Moors were inhabitants of the place, where they had much interest, whereas the general was an utter stranger. Likewise, it was quite impossible for them to be assured that the king of Calicut might not have leagued with the Moors for his death or captivity; either of which would ruin their voyage and prove the destruction of them all, and all the toils and dangers they had passed through would prove in vain. To prevent all this danger, he strongly urged that the general should on no account go on shore, but should depute one of the captains, or some other person in the fleet in his stead; alleging that commanders in chief ought never to subject themselves to personal danger, unless in cases of the most urgent necessity.

All the officers were of the same opinion. But the general answered, that even if he were perfectly assured that his landing were to occasion his instant death, he would not refrain from going to visit the king of Calicut, to endeavour to settle amity and trade, and that he might procure some spices and other commodities from the place, by means of which their discovery of Calicut might be proved on their return into Portugal: As otherwise, if we returned without any of the productions of the Indies, their discovery would be discredited, and their honour and veracity called in question. "Think not therefore," said he, "but I will rather die, than leave it in hazard that the long time we have already spent, and may yet employ, shall be lost, and others sent to ascertain the truth of our discoveries, while envious persons may have it in their power to discredit our services. Neither do I run into such hazard of death, nor expose you to such dangers as you suppose; seeing that I am going to a city inhabited by Christians, and to a king who wishes the concourse of many merchants in his dominions, as the more of these that frequent his port so much the greater must be his revenue from the customs upon trade. It is not my intention to stay long on shore, so as to give opportunity to the Moors to complot against me; as I propose only to talk with the king and to return in three days, by which time you may have every thing in readiness for our departure. If I should have the good fortune, by the will of God, to establish trade and amity with the king of Calicut, I would not exchange the honour and credit of that transaction for any treasure that could be given me; neither can the king of Calicut settle this affair so well with any other person, as he will honour me the more for being the captain-general of this fleet and the ambassador of our king. Should any other go in my stead, the king might look upon himself as slighted and insulted, under an idea that I do not esteem him worthy to be visited by myself, or that I do not trust him on his word and assurance. Besides, it is not possible for me to give sufficiently ample instructions to any one I might send, to enable him to do what may be necessary under every circumstance that may arise, as I myself might do. Even if it should chance that they kill me, it were better this should happen in the discharge of my duty, than that I should preserve my life by neglecting to perform it. You, my friends, remain at sea in good ships: And if you hear of any mischance befalling me, my desire is that you shall immediately depart and carry home news of our discovery. As for our present subject, there need be no farther argument; as I am determined, with the blessing of God, to proceed to visit the king at Calicut."

When this determination was made known the captains made no farther objections, and chose out twelve persons to accompany him, among whom were Diego Diaz his secretary, Fernan Martinez the interpreter, John de Sala who was afterwards treasurer of the Indies, and nine others; and Paulo de Gama, his brother, was appointed to act as captain-general during his absence. The general, before going on shore, gave pointed orders that no person should on any account be permitted to come on board the ships; but that all who were desirous of any intercourse with them should remain in their boats or almadias. He likewise directed that Nicholas Coello should come every day with his boat well armed as near the shore as he could with safety, on purpose to keep up an intercourse between the ships and himself. All these things being settled, the general went on shore with his twelve attendants, all in their best attire; their boat furnished with much ordnance, dressed out with flags and streamers, and sounding trumpets all the way from the ships to the shore. On landing, the general was received with every demonstration of respect by the kutwal, attended by 200 nayres, and a great concourse of natives, both of the country and from the city of Calicut. After compliments were passed, the general was placed in an _andor_ or litter, which the king of Calicut had sent for his use. In this country it is not customary to travel on horseback, but in these andors. This vehicle is like a horse-litter, except that they are very plain with low sides, and are carried by four men on their shoulders, who run post in this manner, carrying the king or any noble person when on a journey, and going at a great rate. The person in the andor may either sit or lie as he pleases; and certain servants carry umbrellas, which they call _bueys_, to shelter the person in the andor from the sun and rain. There are other andors which have a curved cane over them like a bow, and are so light that they can be carried by two men.

The general being mounted in one andor and the kutwal in another, they set out for a town called Capocate[59], all the rest being on foot; but the kutwal appointed certain people of the country to carry the baggage of our men, which was restored to them at Capocate, where the party stopped for refreshment, the general and his people being in one house and the kutwal in another. Our people were here provided with boiled fish, with rice and butter, and some of the country fruits which are very good, though quite different from ours. One of these fruits is called _lacas_, and another Mango, and they have figs likewise. The water was excellent, and as good as any in Portugal. After resting and refreshing themselves at Capocate, the general and his suite were embarked in a vessel called an _ensangada_, consisting of two almadias lashed side by side. The kutwal and his train embarked in many other boats; and the whole went up a river which discharges itself into the sea at this place. The numbers of people that came to the river side to view our men as they passed was quite countless, by which it appears that the country was well inhabited. After going about a league up this river, our people came to a place where many large ships were drawn up on the shore. The whole party here disembarked and proceeded by land, the general and kutwal in andors as before, being surrounded by thousands who were curious to see the strangers, even many women pressing into the crowd with their children slung at their backs.

From this place the kutwal carried the general to one of their pagodas or idol temples, into which they entered, and which the kutwal said was a church of great holiness. This the general believed to be the case, fancying it to be a church of the Christians; which he the more readily believed, as he saw seven little bells hung over the principal door. In front of this entry, there stood a pillar made of wire as tall as the mast of a ship, on the top of which was a weathercock likewise made of wire. This church was as large as a moderate convent, all built of freestone, and covered, or vaulted over with brick, having a fine outward appearance as if its inside were of splendid workmanship. Our general was much pleased with this church, as he actually believed himself in a Christian country, and gladly entered along with the kutwal. They were received by the priests, who were naked from the waist upwards, having a kind of petticoats of cotton hanging down from the girdle to their knees, and pieces of calico covering their arm-pits, their heads legs and feet bare. They were distinguished by wearing certain threads over their right shoulders, which crossed over their breasts under their left arms, much in the way in which our priests used formerly to wear their stoles when they said mass. These men are called kafrs[60], and are idolaters, serving as priests in the pagodas of Malabar; and on the general going into the pagoda, they took holy water with a _sprinkle_ from a font, and threw it over the kutwal and him and their attendants. After this, they gave them powdered sandalwood to throw upon their heads, as used to be done amongst us with ashes; and they were directed to do the same on their arms. But our people, as being clothed, omitted this latter part of the ceremony, complying with the other.

In this pagoda they saw many images painted on the walls, some of which had monstrous teeth projecting an inch from their mouths, and some had four arms; all of them so ugly that they seemed like devils, which raised doubts among our people whether they were actually in a Christian church. In the middle of the pagoda stood a chapel, having a roof or dome of freestone like a tower, in one part of which was a door of wire, to which there led a flight of stone steps. On the inside of this tower an image was observed in a recess of the wall, which our men could not see distinctly, as the place was somewhat dark, and they were not permitted to go near, as none were allowed to approach except the priests. But from certain words and signs, our people understood this to be an image of the Virgin; on which the general and his attendants went upon their knees to say their prayers[61]. John de Sala, however, being very doubtful that this was not a Christian church, owing to the monstrous images on the walls, said, as he fell on his knees, "_If this be the devil, I worship God_," on which the general looked at him with a smile. The kutwal and his people, as they approached the chapel, prostrated themselves three times on their faces with their hands extended before them, after which they arose and said their prayers standing.

From this place they went forwards to the city of Calicut, and were taken at their arrival into another pagoda similar to the former. After this, on entering the city, the crowd was so great that they could hardly make their way through the streets. The general was astonished to see such multitudes, and praised GOD for having brought him in safety to this city, humbly beseeching his divine mercy so to guide him on his way that he might accomplish the objects of his expedition, and return safely into Portugal. At length the pressure of the crowd became so great that the bearers were unable to get forwards, and the whole company were forced to take shelter in a house. They were here joined by the kutwals brother, a nobleman who was sent by the king to accompany the general to the palace, and had many nayres along with him. The procession again set out, preceded by many trumpets and sacbuts sounding all the way; and one of the nayres carried a _caliver_, which he fired off at intervals. After they were joined by the kutwals brother, the mob gave way for the procession to pass, and shewed as much reverence as if the king himself had been present. There went in the procession at least 3000 armed men, and the multitudes of spectators, in the streets, at the doors and windows, and on the roofs, were quite innumerable. The general was well pleased at his honourable reception, and said pleasantly to those of his company, "_They little think in Portugal how honourably we are received here_."

The procession arrived at the palace an hour before sunset. Though only constructed of earth, the palace was very extensive and seemed a handsome structure, having great numbers of trees interspersed among the different buildings, with pleasant gardens full of fine flowers and odoriferous plants, and many fountains; as the zamorin never goes out of the palace while resident in Calicut. On arriving at the palace, several caymals and other noblemen came out to receive the general, who led him to a large square immediately in front of the gates, whence they passed through four several courts, at the gate of each of which there were ten porters who were obliged to lay about them with sticks among the people to clear the way. On coming to the gate of the house in which the king resided, they were met by the chief bramin, or high priest of the royal household, a little old man, who embraced the general, and conducted him and his people into the palace. At this time the people pressed forwards with much eagerness to get a sight of the king, which they very seldom do as he goes very rarely out of the palace; and the multitude was so great that some of them were stifled in the throng, which would likewise have been the case with two of our men, if they had not gone on before, with the assistance of the porters, who severely hurt many of the mob, and forced them to make way. On passing the last gate, the general and his attendants entered along with the noblemen into a great hall, surrounded with seats of timber raised in rows above one another like our theatres, the floor being covered by a carpet of green velvet, and the walls hung with silk of various colours. The king was of a brown complexion, large stature, and well advanced in years. He lay on a sofa covered with a cloth of white silk and gold, and a rich canopy over his head. On his head he had a cap or mitre adorned with precious stones and pearls, and had jewels of the same kind in his ears. He wore a jacket of fine cotton cloth, having buttons of large pearls and the button-holes wrought with gold thread. About his middle he had a piece of a white calico, which came only down to his knees; and both his fingers and toes were adorned with many gold rings set with fine stones; his arms and legs were covered with many golden bracelets. Close to his sofa there stood a gold shallow bason on a gold stand, in which was _betel_, which the king chewed with salt and _areka_. This last is a kind of fruit about the size of a nut, and is chewed all over India to sweeten the breath, and is supposed to carry off phlegm from the stomach and to prevent thirst. The king had likewise a gold bason on a golden stand, into which he spat out the betel when chewed; and a gold fountain with water for washing his mouth. The king was served with betel by an old man who stood close to the sofa; all the others who were in the presence held their left hands to their mouths, that their breaths might not reach the king; and it is thought unseemly for any one to spit or sneeze in the presence.

When the general entered the hall in which the king sat, he stooped or bowed down three times according to the custom of the country, lifting up his hands as one that praised God. The king immediately made signs for the general to draw near, and commanded him to be seated on one of the seats; and the rest of the Portuguese came forwards, making similar reverences, and were likewise commanded to sit down opposite the king. Water was then presented to all the company to wash their hands, which was very refreshing, for, though it was then winter, they were very hot. They were then presented with figs and jakas, and the king was much pleased to see them eat, laughing at them and conversing with the old man who served him with betel. Our people being thirsty, called for water, which was brought to them in a golden ewer, and they were directed to pour the water into their mouths as it is reckoned injurious to touch the cup with their lips. They accordingly did as they were directed; but some poured the water into their throats and fell a coughing, while others poured it beside upon their faces and clothes, which much amused the king. After this, the king desired the general by an interpreter, to speak to those who were present as to the purpose of his coming to Calicut. But the general was not satisfied with this, and signified that he was ambassador from the king of Portugal, a powerful prince, and that Christian princes were not used to receive the embassies of other sovereigns by means of a third person, but by themselves in person in the presence only of a few of their principal persons: and this being the usage of his country, he chose to deliver his message only to the king himself. The king agreed to this, and commanded the general and Fernan Martinez who acted as interpreter, to be conducted into another chamber, which was adorned with as much magnificence as the first.

As soon as the king entered this chamber, he took his seat on a sofa, attended only by his interpreter, the chief bramin, the old man who served him with betel, and the comptroller of his household. The king then asked the general, from what part of the world he was come, and what were his desires. He answered, that he was ambassador from the king of Portugal, the most powerful of the Christian sovereigns in the west, both in extent of dominions, numbers of people, and riches. That he and his predecessors, hearing that there were Christian kings and princes in the Indies, of which the zamorin of Calicut was the chief, were exceedingly desirous of sending some of their captains to discover the way, that they might enter into friendship with the king of this country as brothers; and for this reason he had been sent to his highness: Not that the king his master had any need of his riches, having abundance already and more than was needed both of gold and silver and other valuable things. That all the former captains who had been sent at great charges upon this discovery, after having employed a year or more in vain and having consumed all their victuals, had returned again into Portugal. But that the present king Don Manuel, being anxious to bring this great enterprize to a successful conclusion, had entrusted him with command of three ships well supplied with provisions, commanding him not to return to Portugal without discovering the way to the Christian king of Calicut, and would certainly order his head to be cut off if he returned without fulfilling his orders. The said king his master had given him two letters to deliver to his highness, which he would present next day as it was now somewhat late; when he would convince his highness that the king of Portugal was his friend and brother, and should request of highness, in confirmation of friendship, to send an ambassador to the king of Portugal, as was the custom among Christian princes. The zamorin expressed his satisfaction with this embassy, and told the general that he made him welcome to his capital; and, since the king of Portugal desired to be his friend and brother, he would be the like to him, and should send an ambassador to him as desired. The zamorin then made inquiry into many circumstances respecting Portugal; how far distant it was from Calicut, how long the general had been upon the voyage, and other things: And as it grew late, the king allowed him to retire, first asking him whether he would reside with the Moors or the Malabars; but as the general chose rather to have a house to himself, the king gave orders to a Moor who was his factor, to accompany him, and to provide him with every thing necessary for his accommodation.

Leaving the palace late, it being now towards ten o'clock, the kutwal and the rest who had accompanied him there, escorted him back to where he was to lodge; and as they were on their way, all on foot, there fell such rain that the streets ran in torrents, insomuch that the factor gave orders to some of the people to carry our general on their backs. The general was displeased at this and at the delay, and asked angrily at the factor if he meant to carry him all night through the streets. The factor made answer that he could not do otherwise, as the city was large and much scattered. He then conducted him into his own house to rest for some time, and procured a horse for him to ride; but, as the horse had no saddle, the general preferred going on foot. At length he was brought to a very good lodging, to which his people had previously brought all his baggage.

Next day, being Tuesday, the general was greatly rejoiced to see so promising a commencement of his business, and resolved upon sending a present to the zamorin; upon which he sent for the kutwal and the kings factor, to whom he shewed the present which he proposed sending. This consisted of four _capotas_ or cloaks of scarlet cloth, six hats, four branches of coral, twelve _almasares_, a box containing seven brass vessels, a chest of sugar, two barrels of oil, and a cask of honey. The kutwal and factor laughed in derision at this present, saying, that this was no fit present for their king, the poorest merchant presenting one more valuable. They desired him rather to send gold, as the king would accept, of nothing else. The general was offended at this, saying, if he had been a merchant he would have brought gold; but, being an ambassador, he had brought none. That what he now offered were his own goods, and not belonging to the king his master; who, being uncertain if he should ever reach Calicut, had given him nothing to offer as a present to the zamorin. But, at his next coming, knowing now certainly the route, the king his master would send gold and silver and otter rich articles. To this they answered, that these things might be, but it was the custom of this country for every stranger who had speech of the king to make him a present in proportion to the greatness of his rank. The general replied it was very proper their customs should be observed, and therefore he desired to send this present, which he could not make more valuable, for the reasons already assigned; and if they would not suffer it to be carried to the king, he should send it back to his ships. They answered he might do so, for they would not consent to have such a present sent to the king. The general, much displeased, said he would go speak with the king himself, and would then return to the ships, meaning to have informed the king of all that had passed in regard to the intended present. This they said was very proper; but, as they would be detained long at court in attending him, they were obliged in the mean time to go upon other business, and would return to escort him to court, as the king would be angry if he went without them, he being an entire stranger; and besides, he could not go in safety unaccompanied, because of the great numbers of Moors who resided in that city. Giving credit to their words, the general consented to this arrangement, and said he would wait for their return, which he expected would be without delay: But they did not return all that day, as they had been gained over by the Moors to thwart the purposes of the general.

The Moors in Calicut had received information of the transactions of the Portuguese at Quiloa, and of the taking of the _sambuco_ off Melinda; and knowing that we were Christians, were very jealous of our arrival at Calicut. Bontaybo had told the Moors that our purpose was not merely to discover Calicut from curiosity, but that spices were in great estimation in Portugal, which abounded in gold and silver, and to which all kinds of merchandize was at present transported that went from Calicut by way of the Red Sea; and finally, that the settlement of a direct trade by the Portuguese with Calicut would tend greatly to the profit of the zamorin. All this the Moors very well understood: But, considering that we were Christians, they believed, if we should establish trade with Calicut, that their own commodities would fall in price, and most of their profits be destroyed. Wherefore they consulted together how to induce the zamorin to take the general prisoner, to seize our ships, and to kill all our men; that they might not return into Portugal with any intelligence concerning Calicut. Upon this they associated themselves with some of those who were in greatest credit with the zamorin, to whom they procured access, and represented to him, That he ought not to be deceived by the Christians, for the general was no ambassador as he pretended, but a pirate who went about to rob and plunder whereever he came. They asserted having received undoubted intelligence of this from their factors in Africa; where after entering into a friendly correspondence with the _xeque_, who even visited the general in his ship, gave him many presents, and provided him with a pilot to bring him to Calicut, he had battered the town with his ordnance, and killed several of his subjects. That he had afterwards taken some _sambucos_ laden with merchandize, treating the xeque and his subjects like enemies. In like manner they misrepresented the conduct of the general at Mombaza and Melinda, turning every thing that had occurred to his dishonour. They reasoned from these misrepresentations, that he could not be an ambassador sent to maintain peace and amity, as he would not, in that case, have been guilty of these base hostilities, and would assuredly have brought the king a present worthy of the sovereign he pretended to come from.

The king was much amazed at this discourse, and told the Moors that he would consider and determine what was proper for him to do. The Moors also told the kutwal of all that they had said to the king, with whom he was in great credit, and requested of him to persuade the king not to listen to this embassage. The kutwal then went to the king, who told him all that the Moors had said, and the kutwal advised him to do as the Moors had requested. On this the king changed his good intentions towards the general, yet endeavoured to conceal his purposes. The Moors then waited on the general under pretence of friendship, offering to instruct him how best to conduct himself, saying that it was customary for all persons who came from other places to Calicut on business with the king to bring him a present. On this the general shewed them the present he had proposed making, which the kutwal and the factor had made so light of; and, with whom they agreed, saying it was by no means a fit present, and would rather seem a mockery, and give offence. Even Bontaybo agreed in this opinion; and asked the general why he had not brought better things, as he knew that Portugal abounded in all manner of rich commodities. But the general excused himself as formerly, by saying that it was quite uncertain whether he might ever have come to Calicut.

The general remained the whole of this day in his lodgings, much displeased that the kutwal and factor had not returned according to promise, and was at one time resolved to have gone to court without them; yet thought it better to wait till next day. In the afternoon of the Wednesday, the kutwal and factor made their appearance, when he mentioned his dissatisfaction at their long absence; but they talked of other things, and gave him no answer on that subject. At length they accompanied him to the palace; but the king, having greatly changed his mind towards him, made him wait three hours for admission, and then ordered that only two of his people should be admitted into the presence along with himself. Though the general considered this separation of his people as not looking well, he went into the presence attended by Fernan Martinez and Diego Diaz, his interpreter and secretary. The king did not receive him so well as formerly, and said with a severe countenance that he had expected him all the preceding day. Not willing to give him the true cause of his absence, lest it might lead to a conversation respecting the present, the general said he had tarried at home to recover from the fatigue of his long voyage. On this the king observed, that he pretended to have been sent on an embassy of friendship from a rich and powerful king, and that he did not well understand what kind of friendship was intended, since he had sent him no present. To this the general answered, That it was not to be wondered that the king his master had sent no present to his highness, considering the extreme uncertainty of his being able to come to this place by a way never before attempted, and unknown till now. But, now that the way was discovered, and God spared him to return to Portugal, his master would assuredly send him princely gifts, worthy of them both: And if his highness would have the goodness to give credit to the letters which he had brought from the king his master, he would there learn the intentions of the king of Portugal in sending him to Calicut. Instead of desiring to see the letters, the king asked him whether he was sent in search of stones or of men; and if sent to discover men, how came it that the king his master had sent no present? And since it was manifest that he had brought him nothing, he demanded of him to send him the golden image of the Virgin, which he understood was in his ship.

The general, much concerned to find the king so much changed towards him, on account of not bringing him a present and amazed at this strange demand, said that the image of the Virgin Mary of which his highness had been told, was only of wood gilt, and not of gold; and besides, as this holy image had protected him during his long perils on the sea, and had brought him so far in safety, he was unwilling to part with it. The zamorin made no reply to this, but immediately demanded that he should produce the letters from the king of Portugal. One of these was written in the Portuguese language, and the other in Arabic; and the general explained that this had been done, because the king his master did not know which of these might be understood in the dominions of his highness: And, since he now knew that Portuguese was not understood in India, whereas Arabic was, he requested that some Christian of the Indies who understood Arabic might be employed to interpret the letter, because the Moors were known to be enemies to the Christians, and he was afraid lest they might purposely give it a wrong interpretation. The king gave orders to this purpose, but no Indian could be found who was able to read the letters, or at least who would acknowledge that he could read them. Seeing that it was now necessary that it should be read by the Moors, the general requested that Bontaybo should be one of those appointed for the purpose, placing more reliance on him than the others, as he was an acquaintance. The king accordingly commanded the letter to be read by him and other three Moors; who, having first read it over to themselves, interpreted it aloud to the king, to the following effect: "As soon as it became known to the king of Portugal, that the king of Calicut was one of the mightiest kings of all the Indies and a Christian, he was anxious to establish a treaty of amity and commerce with him, that he might procure spices, which were in great abundance in his country, and to procure which the merchants of many parts of the world trade thither: And, if his highness would give a licence to send for spices, he would send many things from his kingdom which were not to be had in the dominions of his highness; or if these things were not satisfactory, of which the general could shew him some samples, he was willing to send money, both gold and silver, to purchase the spices. And finally referring his highness to the general for farther information."

On hearing this letter interpreted, and being desirous that his revenues might increase by the resort of many merchants to his dominions, the zamorin evinced his satisfaction at what he had heard; and assuming a more friendly deportment towards the general, asked him what were the articles of merchandize that could be had from Portugal. De Gama named many different kinds; particularly mentioning such as he had samples of along with him, and likewise their money, and requested permission to go on board his ships that he might bring these things to his highness, offering to leave four or five of his men in his lodgings during his absence. Giving now more credit to the general than to what had been said by the Moors to his prejudice, the king told De Gama he might go on board when he pleased, taking all his men with him, as there was no call for any of them remaining on shore. He likewise said the general might freely bring his goods on shore, and sell them to the best advantage. The general was greatly satisfied with this permission, of which he had no hopes at the first, on seeing the unfriendly reception he had met with at the commencement of his audience. He went back, therefore, to his lodging, accompanied by the kutwal; and the day being near a close, he deferred returning on board that night.

De Faria gives a somewhat different account of what passed at this second audience[62]. "It was wonderful that the zamorin, not knowing how to be properly assured of the truth, should rely on the faith of him who was accused by his ministers. For, as if he had really known in what detestation the Portuguese hold a lie, although to their own advantage, he sent for De Gama, and told him plainly that he had been informed his embassy was all a counterfeit, and that he was some banished man or a fugitive: Yet at the same time offered, even if it were so, to give him a kind reception, and to make him handsome appointments in his service; and promised to rely entirely on his word for information respecting the truth of the whole story. De Gama heard the king to an end with a firm countenance, and declared himself highly sensible of the confidence reposed in him. He then proceeded to answer all that had been alleged against him, which he completely overturned by irrefragable argument in a long and eloquent speech, preserving the utmost gravity and composure throughout the whole. The zamorin eyed him steadfastly the whole time, hoping to be enabled to judge of the truth or falsehood of his assertion by his countenance; and concluded, from the unconcernedness of his looks, the eloquence of his words, and the firm gravity of his whole demeanour, that no deceit could lurk under such appearances of sincerity, that the Moors had accused him maliciously, and had imposed on his ministers. He therefore frankly allowed De Gama permission to return to his ships, and to land his merchandize, if he had any: Saying, that while that was doing, he would prepare a satisfactory answer to the letter of the king of Portugal."

On the next day, being the last of May, the kutwal sent a horse to the general to carry him to Pandarane; but having no furniture, he requested to be supplied with an _andor_, which was sent accordingly, when De Gama immediately set out for Pandarane, all his people accompanying him on foot. The kutwal remained at Calicut, but a considerable number of nayres escorted the general on his way. When the Moors learnt that the general was gone to the ships, they went together to the kutwal, making large offers of money to him, if he would pursue the general, and detain him a prisoner under some feigned pretence; when they would take some opportunity of having him slain, in such way that the blame should not attach to the kutwal. And when he objected that the zamorin might punish him for detaining the general contrary to his orders, they engaged so to deal with the zamorin as to obtain his pardon for that offence. Induced by a large bribe, and encouraged by this promise, the kutwal followed De Gama in such haste that he soon passed our men, who lagged behind on account of the great heat. On overtaking De Gama, he asked by signs why he was in such haste, and where he was running to? The general answered in the same manner, that he was running to avoid the heat. On coming to Pandarane, as his men were not come up, the general declined going into the town till they should arrive, and went into a house to get shelter from the rain. The people did not get to the town till near sunset, having lost their way; on which the general said if it had not been for their absence he would have been by this time on board. The general immediately desired the kutwal to order him to be furnished with an almadia or pinnace, to carry him and his people on board; but the kutwal said it was now late, and the ships so far away that he might miss them in the dark, for which reason he had better stay till next day. The general then said, if he were not immediately furnished with an almadia, he would return to the king and complain that he was detained contrary to his license, and even mentioned as if he meant to return immediately to Calicut. To dissemble the more, the kutwal said he might have thirty instead of one, if he needed them, and pretended to send out to procure almadias, while at the same time he commanded the owners to hide themselves that they might not be found.

In the mean time, while messengers were dispatched on pretence to seek almadias, the general, having a strong suspicion that evil was intended towards him, walked leisurely along the water side, and sent off Gonzales Perez and two other mariners, to go on before and endeavour to find Nicholas Coello with his boats, and to caution him to keep out of the way, lest the kutwal might send off to seize his boats and men. While Perez and the others were absent on this errand, it drew far into the night; and not choosing to go off till he learnt what success Perez had met with, he at length agreed to stay all night. Having placed De Gama in the house of a Moor for the night, the kutwal pretended that he would go in search of the three mariners who were absent; but he did not return till next morning. The general then required to have an almadia to carry him and his people on board. Before answering, the kutwal spoke some words to his nayres in their own language, and then desired the general to give orders to have the ships brought near the shore oh which he should have leave to depart. On this the general became still more afraid that some treachery was intended; yet answered boldly, that he would give no such order while he remained on shore, as that would make his brother believe he was a prisoner and had issued this order under restraint, on which he would immediately depart for Portugal without him. The kutwal then threatened stoutly that he should never be allowed to go off, unless he complied with this demand. The general, in return, declared he should immediately return to Calicut if not allowed to go on board, and make a complaint of his conduct to the king. The kutwal even dared him to do this, yet took care it should not be in his power, as he had ordered the doors to be kept shut and guarded by armed nayres, to prevent any of the Portuguese from going out. Yet it was the will of God that the kutwal dared not to kill the general or any of his men, although the Moors had bribed him with a great sum of money, and notwithstanding his great credit with the zamorin. His anxiety to have the ships brought near the shore was, that the Moors might be able to board them and kill all their people; and, seeing it in this light, the general was equally determined to prevent their nearer approach. Finding he could not prevail on the general to command the ships to be brought near the shore, and having no pretence to justify either keeping him prisoner or offering him any wrong, the kutwal next endeavoured to persuade him to order the sails and rudders on shore; at which the general only laughed, saying the king had given full permission to go on board without any such conditions, and assured him the king should be fully informed of all his unjust proceedings.

The general and his people now pretended to be in want of necessaries from the ships, and requested leave to send some of his people on board, while he should remain on shore; but this the kutwal refused, and our people began to be seriously alarmed. At this time Gonzalo Perez returned, supposing the general at liberty and that he waited for him and his companions. Perez informed De Gama that he had seen Coello, who waited for him with the boats near the shore. The admiral was exceedingly anxious that the kutwal should not know of this circumstance, lest he might send out a number of armed almadias to capture them; and therefore urged Perez to return secretly to give Coello warning to return to the ships and keep constantly on the alert for fear of an attack. When Coello got this intelligence, he immediately set off, and the kutwal caused him to be pursued by several almadias full of armed men, but he made his escape. The kutwal made another attempt to induce the general to order his brother to bring the ships near the shore, but in vain; for the general told him, his brother, even if he were to write such an order, would not obey, or, were he disposed to do so, the other officers in the ship would prevent him. The kutwal observed that he could not give credit to this, as he was sure any thing he commanded would be obeyed. But no arguments could prevail on the general to this measure, which he was satisfied was meant for facilitating the destruction of the fleet to gratify the Moors.

The whole of this day was spent in this manner, and in the night our people were confined in a large paved yard surrounded with walls, and under even a stronger guard than attended them during the day; and even the general began to fear as well as the men, that they would be separated from one another. Yet he trusted, when the zamorin should come to know the usage they had received, he would give orders for their release. That night, the kutwal came to sup with the general and sent a supply of fowls and rice. Finding that he could not prevail over the constancy of De Gama, he determined at last to set him at liberty. Next day, therefore, being Saturday the second of June, he desired the general, since he had promised to the king to bring his merchandize on shore, that he ought to do so; as it was the usage of all merchants who came to Calicut to land their goods and crews, and not to return to their ships till all was sold; and he promised, when this was done, to give him free liberty to depart. Although the general gave very little credit to his fair words, he yet said, if the kutwal would provide almadias for the purpose, he would order his goods on shore; but was certain his brother would not allow the boats to leave the ships while he was detained on shore. The kutwal was now content to get the goods into his power, as he understood from the general they were of great value, and allowed the general to send off a message to his brother. He therefore sent off a letter by two of his men, in which he gave his brother an account of his situation, confined to his lodging but otherwise well used, and desiring him to send some of the merchandize on shore to satisfy the kutwal; but, directing him, in case he was much longer detained, to believe that he was kept prisoner by order of the zamorin; whose only object was to get the Portuguese ships into his power, not having time to arm his own ships for that purpose. For this reason, if not set at liberty immediately after the goods were landed, he required his brother to return without delay to Portugal, and inform the king of all that had happened; that the trade of so fine a country might not be lost to his country. And farther, to inform the king in what state he remained, trusting that his royal master would send such an armament as would enforce his restoration to liberty.

On receiving this letter, and a circumstantial relation from the messenger of all that had happened on shore, Paulo de Gama immediately sent the goods; but said in answer to the general, that he could not answer to his honour to return to Portugal without him, and he trusted God would enable the small force he had still in the fleet, with the aid of his ordnance, to compel the kutwal to liberate him. On the merchandize being landed, the general delivered it over into the custody of Diego Diaz as factor, with Alvora de Braga as his clerk, whom he left in a house provided for them by the kutwal; after which he went on board the ships. He then refused to send any more goods on shore, till those already there were sold and paid for, and determined not to run himself again into danger by venturing on shore after what had already past. At this the Moors were grievously vexed, as they thought it more easy for them to have destroyed him on land than on board the ships. On purpose to entice him to land once more, the Moors made a mock of his goods, pretending they were good for nothing, and did all in their power to prevent them from selling. Thinking that the zamorin knew nothing of all these transactions, he sent him an account of the whole five days afterwards, by his factor, of all that had happened, and of the injurious conduct of the Moors respecting the sale of the goods. The king seemed much offended by these proceedings, sending the general word that he would punish all those who had used him ill, yet the kutwal remained unpunished. The king likewise sent seven or eight merchants of Guzerate, who were idolaters, to buy the goods, accompanied by an honest nayre, to remain with Diaz at the factory to defend him against the Moors. Yet all this was only done colourably, that the Moors might not appear to suborn the merchants; for these men bought nothing, and even beat down the price of the commodities, to the great satisfaction of the Moors; who now boasted that no person would buy our goods any more than they. Yet none of the Moors durst venture to our factory, after they heard a nayre was stationed there by the kings order. If they did not love us before, they hated us ten times worse now, and when any of our men landed, they used to spit on the ground in contempt, calling out Portugal! Portugal! But by the especial order of the general, our people took no other notice than merely laughing at their insolence.

As none of the merchants would buy our goods, the general supposed that this was occasioned by their being lodged at Pandarane, where none of the merchants of Calicut resided; and requested leave, by a messenger, from the zamorin, to have the goods removed to the city. This permission was immediately granted, and the king issued orders to the kutwal to see them removed, and even to pay the persons who carried them, that nothing belonging to the king of Portugal might be subject to any charges in his country. The general would not trust himself any more on shore, although Bontaybo, who frequently came off to visit him, advised him to wait on the king, lest the great credit of the Moors might again prevail over his mind. But considering this man as a Moor, the general never put much trust in him, nor informed him of his intentions; yet always received him kindly, and gave him money and other gifts, that he might bring him intelligence of what was passing on shore.

After the Portuguese merchandize was removed to Calicut, the general permitted one man daily from each of the ships to go on shore, to see the city and to purchase any thing they had a mind for; always taking especial care that one party returned on board before another landed. Our people were courteously received and entertained by the natives, and were even lodged in their houses occasionally. They bartered several things on shore, such as bracelets of brass and copper, pewter, and other European articles, for the productions of the country, as freely and quietly as if they had been in Lisbon. Fishermen, and others of the idolaters came off to the ships, selling fish, cocoa-nuts, and poultry, for biscuit or money; while others came off with their children, merely to have a sight of our ships. On all these occasions, the general commanded them to be well treated and to have food given them, to conciliate the people and to secure the friendship of the zamorin. This continued till the tenth of August, during which time the ships had always some of the natives on board.

Seeing the quietness of the people, and their familiarity with his men, who never met with any injury from the Moors or nayres, the general believed the zamorin was willing to preserve friendship and peace with the subjects of Portugal, and determined upon establishing a factory in Calicut for the sale of his commodities, although very little of what was landed had as yet been sold. By this means, he hoped to lay a sure foundation for the establishment of trade, against the next expedition which the king his master might send, if GOD pleased to send him home with the intelligence of the discovery. Accordingly, with the advice and concurrence of the captains and other principal officers of the fleet, he sent a present by Diego Diaz to the zamorin, consisting of scarfs of different colours, silks, corals, and various other articles. Diaz was desired to say to the king, that the general begged his highness to excuse his presumption in sending such a present in token of his entire devotion to his service, having nothing worthy of the acceptance of so great a prince. That the time now drew near when it would be necessary to depart on his return to Portugal; and therefore, if his highness meant to send an ambassador to the king of Portugal, he had better give orders that he might soon be ready to embark. Presuming upon what his highness had already agreed to, and on the kindness hitherto shewn to him and his people by his highness, he requested permission to leave a factor and clerk in Calicut along with his merchandize, as a memorial of peace and amity between his highness and the king of Portugal, as a testimony of the truth of the embassy with which he had been entrusted, and in pledge of farther embassy from the king his master as soon as the discovery was made known. He likewise prayed his highness to send on board as a full confirmation of his having actually made the voyage to India, a _bahar_ of cinnamon, another of cloves, and a third of some other spices, which should be paid for by the factor out of the first sales of the goods in his possession. It was four days after Diaz received this order before he could get access to the zamorin, though he went every day to the palace for this purpose. At length he was admitted to audience; and on seeing Diaz with his present, the king asked him what he wanted in so stern a manner that he was afraid of being killed. After delivering the message from the general and wishing to deliver the present, the king refused to see it, and commanded that it should be delivered to his factor. The answer he gave to the message was, that since the general wished to depart he might do so, but must first pay him 600 _serasynes_[63], according to the custom of the country.

Diaz, on his return to the factory with the present intended for the king, was accompanied by many of the nayres, which he thought was from respect: but immediately on entering the house, the nayres remained at the door, forbidding him or any other person to go out. After this, a proclamation was made through the city, forbidding any boat or almadia to go on board our fleet on pain of death. Yet Bontaybo went off secretly, and gave warning to the general not to venture on shore or to permit any of the people to land; as he had learned from the Moors, that any who might do so would surely lose their lives. Bontaybo said farther, that all the fair words of the king proceeded from dissimulation, that he might entice the general and his people on shore to kill them all; all which evil intentions were occasioned by the Moors, who made the king believe that the Portuguese were thieves and pirates, who had come to Calicut to steal such merchandize as should be brought there; and who had come to spy out the land, that they might return with a great armament to invade his dominions. All this was confirmed by two Malabar idolaters, and the general was in great uncertainty how best to proceed on the present emergency. That same night, after dark, a Negro slave belonging to Diaz came off, with the information that Diaz and Braga were made prisoners, and with an account of the answer which the king had given to his message, what he had ordered to be done with the present, and of the proclamations which were made through the city. Diego Diaz, being anxious to have these things communicated to the general, had bribed a fisherman to carry this man on board, as he could not well be recognized in the night owing to his colour. The general, though much offended at these injurious proceedings, was unwilling to depart till he might see the end of these things, and therefore waited to see whether anyone might come off to the ships. Next day, being Wednesday the 15th of August, only one almadia came off, in which there were four boys, who brought fine precious stones for sale. Although the general believed they were spies, he received them kindly, and gave no hints of having heard that Diaz was made a prisoner; expecting that others of more importance might come on board through whom he might procure the enlargement of Diaz and Braga. By these boys he wrote to Diaz, but couched in such a manner that it might not be understood if it fell into any other hands. The letter was delivered according to its direction, and the boys told the king of their reception on board, by which he believed that the general knew not of the imprisonment of his people. On this he sent off other persons to the ships, who were strictly enjoined not to disclose the treatment which the factor had experienced. This was done out of policy to deceive the general and to detain our ships, till the king might be able to send his own fleet to set upon him, or till the ships might arrive from Mecca to take him prisoner.

Some of the Malabars continued to come off daily, all of whom the general commanded to be well entertained, as he saw none of sufficient importance to be detained. But, on the Sunday, six principal Malabars came on board, attended by fifteen men in another pinnace. Believing that the king would liberate Diaz and Braga in return for these men, he made them all prisoners; and sent a letter in the Malabar language, by two of the native boatmen, to the kings factors, demanding his factor and clerk in return for those men he had detained on board. On perusal of this letter, the kings factor communicated the same to the king, who commanded him to take the Portuguese to his own house, that he might not appear to have had any hand in their detention; and then to restore them to the general in return for the Malabars, whose wives had made a great clamour about the detention of their husbands.

Seeing that his people were not sent on board, the general weighed anchor on Wednesday the 23d of August and set sail, meaning to try if this shew of going away would have the effect of recovering Diaz and Braga, in return for these Malabars whom he had detained. The wind being contrary, he came to anchor in an open road, four leagues from Calicut, where the ships remained till the Saturday. As there was no appearance of getting back his people, De Gama again set sail; but for want of wind had to come again to anchor, almost out of the sight of land. An almadia now came to the ships with certain Malabars, who said that Diaz and the others were in the kings palace, and would be assuredly sent on board next day. Not seeing the detained Malabars, these people believed they had been all put to death. This affected delay proceeded entirely from craft, that they might gain time to fit out the Calicut fleet, and for the arrival of the ships from Mecca, when their combined force might environ and destroy the Portuguese. The general ordered these messengers to go back to Calicut, and not to return without his men or letters from them, as otherwise he should sink them; and that if a satisfactory answer was not sent him without delay, he would cut off the heads of all the Malabars whom he had detained. The Malabars returned to Calicut with this message; and a wind springing up, the general made sail, and came to anchor off Calicut about sunset.

Next day, seven almadias came off to the fleet, in one of which were Diego Diaz and Alvora Braga, the others being filled with many of the natives. These people, however, were afraid to come on board, and put Diaz and Braga into the boat which was astern of the generals ship, and then put off to a little distance, waiting for the generals answer. Diego told the general, that when the king learnt of his having sailed, he sent for him to the palace, assuming a pleasant countenance as pretending to be ignorant of his imprisonment, and asked him why the general had kept his subjects as prisoners on board. On being told the reason, he said the general was in the right. He then asked if his own factor, who was present, had extorted any presents; for he well knew that one of his predecessors had been put to death not long before, for taking bribes from merchant strangers. After this, the king desired Diaz to request the general to send him the stone pillar having the cross and the arms of Portugal, which he had promised to set up; and to know whether he would leave Diaz as factor in Calicut. Diaz likewise presented a letter for the king of Portugal, which was written on a palm leaf by Diaz, and signed by the zamorin, to the following effect:

"Vasco de la Gama, a gentleman of thy house, came to my country, of whose arrival I was very glad. In my country there is abundance of cinnamon, cloves, pepper, and precious stones. The commodities I wish to procure from your country are, silver, gold, coral, and scarlet."

Convinced of the duplicity of the zamorin, De Gama made no answer to the message; but sent back all the nayres whom he had detained, desired them to tell the king he should return the others who were in custody, on receiving back his merchandize. He sent however the stone pillar which had been required. On the next day Bontaybo came on board, saying that the kutwal, by order of the zamorin, had seized all his property, alleging that he was a Christian who had come overland to Calicut as a spy from the king of Portugal. Bontaybo said, he was sure this bad treatment had proceeded from the suggestion of the Moors; and, as they had seized his goods, he was sure they meant personal violence, on which account he had made his escape. The general gave him a kind reception, offering to carry him to Portugal, promising that he should recover double the value of his goods, besides, that he might expect to be well rewarded by the king of Portugal. To this arrangement Bontaybo gladly consented, and had a good cabin assigned him by order of the general. About ten o'clock the same day, three almadias full of men came off to the ships, having some scarfs laid on their benches, as being part of our goods; and these were followed by four other almadias, one after the other. The Malabars pretended that they had brought off all the goods, which they offered to put into his boat, and required him in return to deliver up the rest of the prisoners. But convinced this was a mere deception, the general desired them to go away, as he would have none of their merchandize, and was resolved to carry the Malabars to Portugal as witnesses of his discovery. He added, if God spared his life, he should convince them whether the Christians were thieves, as the Moors had made the king of Calicut believe, who had therefore treated him with so much injustice. He now commanded several cannon to be fired, on which they were afraid and made off.

It was certain, if the kings ships had been afloat that they would have been sent to attack our ships; but they were all hauled upon shore on account of the winter season. Wherefore we may attribute it to Providence that our ships happened to arrive here at this season, that thereby they might escape and carry home news of having discovered the Indies, to the great advancement of the Catholic faith.

Although greatly rejoiced at having made the discovery of the route to Calicut and the Indies, he was much distressed at the behaviour of the zamorin, believing that the next expedition that might be sent out would be subject to great danger; but as he was unable to do any thing more at this time, he consoled himself with the knowledge he had thus acquired of the safe navigation, and that he had procured specimens of the spices, drugs, precious stones, and other commodities which were to be procured at this place. Having now nothing to detain him here, he departed from Calicut, carrying with him the Malabars whom he had made prisoners; as he hoped by their means a good agreement might be entered into with the zamorin on sending out the next fleet from Portugal. On the Thursday after his departure, being becalmed about a league from Calicut, about sixty _tonys_, or boats of the country, came off to the fleet filled with soldiers expecting to have taken all our ships. But the general kept them off by frequent discharges of his artillery, though they followed him an hour and a half. At length there fell a heavy shower of rain attended with some wind, by which the fleet was enabled to make sail, and the enemies returned to the land. He now proposed to direct his course for Melinda; but made little way along the coast, by reason of calms. At this time, having in mind the good of the next ships which might come to Calicut, he thought fit to send a soothing letter to the zamorin, which was written in Arabic by Bontaybo; in which he apologized for having carried off the Malabars, as evidences of his having been at Calicut. He said he was sorry that he had left no factor, lest the Moors might put him to death; and that he had been deterred by the some cause from having frequently landed himself. That, notwithstanding all that had happened, the king his master would be glad to have the friendship of the zamorin, and would assuredly send him abundance of all those commodities he might need; and that the trade of the Portuguese to his city would henceforth redound to his great profit. This letter was entrusted to one of the Malabars, who was set on shore and ordered to deliver it to the zamorin.

Continuing his course along the coast, the fleet came on the ensuing Thursday among certain rocky islands, from one of which that was inhabited there came off several almadias, having fish and other victuals for sale. The general treated these people kindly, giving them shirts and other articles to their great contentment; and, with their approbation, set up a cross on the island, which was named _El padron de Sancta Maria_. As soon as night approached, and the wind began to blow from the shore, the fleet made sail, always keeping near the land. On the Thursday after, being the 19th of September, they came in sight of a pleasant high land, off which lay six little islands, where he came to anchor. Going here on shore in search of fresh water, a young man was met with, who was or pretended to be a Christian. This person carried our men to a river, where they found a spring of excellent water issuing out of the rock; and for his services they gave him a red nightcap. Next morning four natives came off in a small boat, with many gourds and cucumbers for sale. These people said that their country produced cinnamon, and two of our people were sent onshore to see whether this were true, who brought with them two green boughs which were said to be cinnamon, of which they had seen a large grove, but it turned out only to be the wild kind. At their return, these men were accompanied by more than twenty natives, who brought hens, gourds, and cows milk for sale, and who said, if the general would send some of his men on shore, he might have abundance of dried cinnamon, hogs, and poultry: But he dreaded treachery, and would not allow any of his people to go on shore. Next forenoon, when some of our men went to a part of the shore at some distance from the ships to cut wood, they suddenly came in sight of two boats lying close to the land, and returned with intelligence of what they had seen; but the general would not send to inquire what these might be until after dinner. In the mean time, one of the men in the top gave notice that he saw eight large ships out at sea, which were then becalmed. The general gave immediate orders to have every thing in readiness in case of an attack, and as the wind served both fleets, they soon came within two leagues of each other. The enemies perceiving our fleet approaching, fled towards the shore; but one of their rudders breaking, the men belonging to that ship escaped in their boats, and Coello immediately took possession, expecting to find it laden with rich commodities. Nothing was found however, except cocoa-nuts and a kind of sugar called _melasus_, which is prepared from palms or date trees. He also found on board many bows and arrows, swords, spears, and targets. The other seven ships were run aground, so that our ships could not get near them, as drawing too much water; but our people followed in their boats, and drove them out of their vessels by firing upon them with their ordnance. Next day, while our fleet was at anchor, seven men came off from the land in an almadia, who reported that these eight ships had been sent by the zamorin from Calicut to capture our fleet, as they had been informed by some of the fugitives[64].

From this place the general removed to the island of _Ansandina_, at a short distance, where he was told he might procure good water. This island is very small, and only a league from the continent. It contains several woods, and two cisterns, or conduits, built of freestone, one of which is six feet deep, supplied with excellent water from certain springs; and the sea around has great quantities of fish. Before the Moors traded with India, this island was well inhabited by the native idolaters, having many goodly buildings, and especially some fine pagodas. But when the Moors resorted to this coast from the Red Sea, they used to take in their wood and water at this place, and abused the inhabitants so intolerably that they abandoned the place, and pulled down most of their pagodas and all their other buildings. These Gentiles were natives of that part of the continent which belongs to the king of _Narsingas_, and used often to repair thither to perform their devotions to three black stones which were in a chapel of one of the pagodas, which still remains. This island is called _Ansandina_[65] in the Malabar language, which signifies the Five Islands, and is so named because there are other four islands round about.

Coming to anchor here, the general sent Coello on shore with an armed escort, to examine the country, and to see if there were any convenient place for new-graving their ships bottoms, as they had been long at sea and had a long run before them. Every thing being found convenient, and the measure approved of by all the captains, it was determined to lay their ships successively aground for this purpose. The ship called the Berrio was first laid on shore; and while occupied in repairing and cleaning her bottom, many of the natives came off from the continent to sell victuals to our people. While this was going forwards two small brigandines were seen rowing towards our ships, ornamented with flags and streamers on their masts, beating drums and sounding trumpets, and filled with men who plied their oars. At the same time, five similar vessels were seen creeping along shore, as if lying by to help the others if needful. The Malabars who supplied our people with provisions, warned the general to beware of these vessels, which belonged to pirates who roamed about in these seas, robbing all they met under pretence of peace[66]. The general believed he might have taken these two vessels, if he had allowed them to come close up with his ships, but did not choose to run any risk; wherefore, as soon as they came within gun-shot, he ordered all the cannon belonging to the two ships which remained afloat to be fired at them; on which, calling out in a loud voice, _Tambarane! Tambarane!_ which is their name for God, they fled away. Nicholas Coello, who was in his boat, followed after them, firing off his ordnance; but the general, fearful of any mischance, called him back by signal.

Next day, when the general and all his men were on shore at work upon the Berrio, twelve natives, who appeared to be men of some consequence, came to the island in two small _paraos_, and presented a bundle of sugar canes. These people asked permission to go on board the ships, as they had never seen any such before; but the general was much offended with this, fearing they might be spies. While engaged in conversation with these men, other two _paraos_ made their appearance, having as many men. But those who came first, seeing the general displeased, advised these new comers not to land. When the Berrio was repaired, the generals ship was brought aground to receive the same attentions.

While the general and the other captains were on shore, busied in the repairs of the San Michael, there came one day a man in a little _parao_, seemingly about forty years old, and not of that country, as he was dressed in a _sabaco_, or gown of fine cotton reaching to his heels, his head covered with a kerchief or towel, which partly covered his face, and wearing a faulchion or crooked cymeter at his girdle. Immediately on landing, he went up and embraced the general, as if he had seen or known him before, and treated the other captains with the same politeness. He told them he was a Christian, born in Italy, and had been brought when a child into the Indies. That he now dwelt with a Moorish lord named _Sabayo_, who ruled a certain island called Goa, about twelve leagues from thence, and who had 40,000 horsemen on that island. That, as his dwelling was now among the Moors, he conformed externally to their worship, though in his heart a Christian. That learning certain men had come in ships to Calicut, such as had never been seen before in the Indies, and that no one understood their language, he immediately understood that they must be _Frangnes_,[67] for so the Christians are named in the Indies. That he was desirous of seeing them, and had asked leave of _Sabayo_ to come and visit them; which, if he had not obtained, he would have died of vexation. That Sabayo had not only granted him leave for this purpose; but desired, if he found the strangers to be from his country, to offer them any thing they might stand in need of which his country produced; particularly spices and provisions. And besides, if they would come and live with him, Sabayo would entertain them honourably, and give them sufficient to live on. The general asked many questions concerning the country of Sabayo and other things, to which he made answer. After which he requested to have a cheese from the general, to send on shore to a companion, as a token of having been well received. The general suspected some mystery in this man, yet ordered a cheese and two new loaves to be given him, which he sent away to his companion. He continued talking with great volubility, and sometimes so unguardedly as to raise suspicions of his being a spy. On this Paulo de la Gama, who particularly suspected him, inquired of some of the natives if they knew who this man was; they immediately told him he was a pirate, who had boarded many other ships while laid aground. On receiving this information, the general ordered him to be carried on board his ship, then aground, and to be whipped well till he should confess whether all that he had said was true or false; also, what was his purpose in coming thither, and whether he were actually a Moor or a Christian. He still insisted that he was a Christian, and that all he said was true, declaring the information given by the natives to be entirely groundless. The general now ordered a more cruel torment to be inflicted to extort confession, causing him to be hoisted up and down by the members: when at length he declared he would tell the truth. He then acknowledged himself a spy, sent to discover how many men the general had, and what were their weapons, as he was much hated on all that coast for being a Christian; and that many _atalayas_ or foists were placed in all the bays and creeks of the coast to assail him, but dared not till they were joined by forty large armed vessels that were getting ready to fall upon him. But he said he knew not certainly when these vessels might be ready. The general now ordered him to be confined under hatches, intending to carry him into Portugal, as a fit person to give the king his master intelligence respecting the Indies, and ordered him to get refreshing victuals, and that his cure should be looked well after.

On receiving this information of the designs of his enemies, the general would stay no longer than was necessary for completing the repairs of his own ship, which was got ready in ten days. About this time, the general was offered 1000 _fanons_ for the ship which had been taken by Coello; but he refused to sell any thing to his enemies, and ordered her to be burnt. When the generals ship was ready, and the fleet had taken in a supply of water, they departed from the island of _Ansandina_, or Anchediva, on the 5th of October 1498, steering directly out to sea on their course for Melinda. After sailing about 200 leagues from that island, the Moor[68] whom they had taken prisoner, seeing no prospect of escape, now made a full and true confession. He acknowledged that he lived with Sabayo, the lord of Goa, to whom word was brought that the general was wandering about in those seas, like one who knew not where he was, upon which orders were given to fit out a powerful fleet to make him prisoner. In the mean time, learning that the general was at the isle of Anchediva, Sabayo commanded him to go thither to visit him, to get intelligence of his strength and intentions, and to endeavour to entice him to Goa; where it was Sabayos intentions to make him and all his people prisoners, and to employ them in his wars against the neighbouring princes, as they were reported to be valiant men. After this confession, the general gave this man better treatment, allowing him both clothes and money. Some time afterwards he became a Christian, by the name of Gaspar de la Gama, taking his name of Gaspar from one of the three kings of the Magi[69], and his surname from the general, who stood god-father at his baptism.

The general pursued his course for Melinda, where he proposed to take on board an ambassador from the xeque of that place. In the early part of this voyage he endured severe storms and contrary winds, which were succeeded by calms, during which the heat of the sun was quite insufferable, and the voyage much delayed, insomuch, that water began to grow scarce, and the people had to be put on short allowance. Owing to these circumstances, the people were afflicted with the same disease in their gums, from which they had formerly suffered such great distress in the river of Good Signs[70], on the outward voyage. Their arms and legs also swelled, and many tumours broke out over their bodies, proceeding from a pestilent stinking humour, which threw them into a flux, of which thirty persons died. From the continuance of calms and contrary winds, and the mortality among the people, the whole company became amazed, and believed they should never be able to get out from their present distressing situation; insomuch, that they solicited the general to return to Calicut, or some other part of India, and submit to what God might appoint, rather than to die on the sea of these terrible diseases, for which there was no remedy, especially as both provisions and water began to fail. De Gama reasoned with them to little purpose, as they had been now four months at sea, and there hardly remained, sixteen persons in each ship able to do duty, some of whom even were afflicted with the diseases of which the others had died. It is even said that Paulo de la Gama and Nicholas Coello had agreed to return to India, if any wind should spring up that would have served for the voyage.

At length a favourable wind sprung up unexpectedly, and in sixteen days they came in sight of land on Wednesday the 2d of February 1499, at which the mariners were much rejoiced, and soon forgot all their past troubles and dangers. As they came near the land towards evening, the general gave orders to keep their heads out to sea during the night, to avoid rocks or shoals. As there were no person on board who knew where they were, a Moor alleged they had steered direct for Mozambique; saying there were certain islands 300 leagues from the shore, and directly over against that place, where the natives were continually subject to the disease which had been so fatal to our men. When morning came, they stood towards the land, when they came before a large and goodly city, surrounded with walls, having fair and lofty houses, and a large palace on a height in the middle of the city, seeming to be a magnificent building. This city is called Magadoxo, and stands on one side of the Gulf of India on the coast of Ethiopia[71], an hundred and thirteen leagues from Melinda, the situation of which I shall explain hereafter. Knowing this to be a city of the Moors, he would not stop at this place, but commanded many shots of ordnance to be fired as he sailed past. Not being sure how far it was to Melinda, and fearing to overshoot that port, he lay too every night; and on Saturday the 5th of February, lying over against a village of the Moors, named Pate[72], 103 leagues from Magadoxo, there came off eight _terradas_, or boats of that country, filled with soldiers, and making direct for our fleet, from whence we shot off so many pieces of ordnance, that they soon fled back to the shore, and our people could not follow for want of wind. Next Monday, being the 7th of February, the fleet arrived at Melinda. The king immediately sent off his congratulations to the general on his arrival, with a present of fresh provisions. De Gama sent Fernan Martinez on shore to return the compliments of the king, to whom he sent a present. On account of the great number of sick on board, the fleet stopped here for ten days, during which time he caused a land- mark to be erected on shore, with leave of the king, as a token of friendship. Having provided provisions and water for the ships at this place, he departed on the morning of Wednesday the 17th of February, taking with him an ambassador from the king of Melinda, to negotiate a treaty of perpetual peace and friendship with the king of Portugal.

Considering that there were not sufficient men remaining for navigating all the ships, the general and the other captains agreed to burn one of them, and the San Rafael was chosen to be sacrificed, because she was all open, and had not been brought aground at Anchediva when the other two were repaired. Accordingly, after taking out all her stores and merchandize, which employed them during five days, she was burnt at certain shoals, called the Shoals of St Raphael[73]. During these five days, the fleet procured a considerable quantity of hens from a village on the coast called _Tangata_. Leaving this place, the two remaining ships came on the 20th February to the island of Zenziber, which is in six degrees of S. latitude, at ten leagues distance from the continent. This is a considerable island, having other two in its neighbourhood, one called _Pemba_, and the other _Moyfa_. These islands are very fertile, having abundance of provisions, and great quantities of oranges. The inhabitants are Moors, who are by no means warlike and have few weapons, but are well clothed in silk, and cotton vestments, which they purchase at Mombaza from the merchants of Cambaya. The women are ornamented with jewels of gold and silver, the former being procured at Sofala, and the latter from the island of St Lawrence, or Madagascar. Each of these three islands has a separate king, who, with all their subjects, are of the Mahometan religion.

When the king of the island of Zenziber was informed of the arrival of our ships, he sent immediately to compliment the general, accompanied with great presents of the fruits and other productions of the country, and requested his friendship, to which the general gladly agreed and sent suitable answers. After remaining here eight days for refreshments, the general departed on the 1st of March, and came to anchor beside the isle of St George in the bay of Mozambique. Next day he caused a mark to be erected on this island, where he went on shore and heard mass; and departed thence without any intercourse with the inhabitants of Mozambique. On the 3d of March, he came to the island of St Blas, where the ships remained for some time to take in water, and to provide a stock of sea wolves, and _solitarios_, which were salted to serve as provision for the remainder of the voyage, and for which they were most thankful to God. Departing from thence, they were driven back by a westerly wind right contrary; but Providence sent them a fair wind, by means of which they doubled the Cape of Good Hope with infinite pleasure on the 20th of March, all the remainder of the crews being now strong and in good health, with the cheering prospect of speedily returning to Lisbon. They now had a fair wind, which lasted them twenty days, and sped them on towards St Jago. The fair wind now failed them and delayed their voyage. Trying the lead on Thursday the 25th of April, they found twenty-five fathom; and the least water they had all that day was twenty fathom, on which account the pilots concluded they were on the shoals of the Rio Grande.

Of the rest of this voyage, till the arrival of the general at the island of St Jago, I have found no account; except that, when, approaching that place, Nicholas Coello parted company one night with the general, and made direct for Portugal, that he might carry the first intelligence to the king of the discovery of India; and arrived at _Cascais_ on the 10th of July 1499[74]. He went immediately to the king, whom he informed of all that had befallen the general in his discovery of the Indies, and of the commodities which had been brought from thence; of which discovery, and of the prospect which it held out of a direct trade with India by sea, the king was as glad as when he had been proclaimed king of Portugal.

After the separation of Coello, De Gama pursued his voyage for the island of St Jago, both because his brother Paulo was sick with consumptive complaints, and because his ship was in very bad condition; all her seams being open. At that island, he freighted a caravel, in hope of being able to get his brother home to Portugal, and left John de Sala in charge of his own ship, to have her repaired and new rigged before proceeding for Lisbon. The general and his brother left St Jago in the hired caravel for Lisbon; but the disease of Paulo de Gama increased so rapidly, that he was forced to put in at the island of Tercera, where Paulo de Gama departed this life like a good Christian and a worthy gentleman. When he had buried his brother, Vasco de Gama set sail for Portugal, and arrived at Belem in September 1499; having been two years and two months absent on this voyage. Of 108 men whom he had taken with him, only fifty[75] came home alive; which was a large proportion, considering the great and numerous dangers they had gone through.

When the general had returned thanks to God for his preservation and success, he sent notice of his arrival to the king, who sent Diego de Sylva y Menesis, Lord of Portugalete, and many other gentlemen, to conduct him honourably to court, which they did through a prodigious concourse of people, eager to see the man who had made so wonderful a voyage, and whom they had long thought dead. Being come into the presence, the king honoured him as one who, by the discovery of the Indies had done so much for the glory of God, for the honour and profit of the king of Portugal, and for the perpetual fame of the Portuguese name in the world. The king made him afterwards a knight, and gave him and his heirs permission to bear the royal arms of Portugal, as also to set at the foot of the escutcheon two does, which are called gamas in the Portuguese language. He also gave him a perpetual pension or rent-charge of 300,000 rees[76] yearly, out of the tythe fish in the village of _Sinis_, in which he was born, and a promise of being made lord of that village; and till these grants were executed in form, he allowed him 1000 crowns a-year; which, after the royal grants were made, reverted to the house of the _Contratation_ of the Indies. It was also granted, that when the trade with India should be established, he might bring home spices to the value of 200 ducats yearly, without paying any duty. He also gave him other possessions and rents, and a note of remembrance or promise to make him a lord[77]. Nicholas Coello was promoted to be a gentleman of the royal household, and received possessions and rents to bear his charges[78]. The king himself, in consequence of these discoveries, assumed the new title, of _Lord of the conquest and navigation of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia, and the Indies_.

[1] By Mr Clarke this person is named Gonçalo Nunez.

[2] Mr Clarke alleges, that Lichefield, our original translator, has fallen into an error in this date, which ought to have been the 28th July.--E.

[3] If Saturday were the 5th July, on which the fleet sailed from Lisbon, the 3d of August must have been on Thursday. But it does not seem necessary to insist upon such minute critical accuracy; which, besides, is unattainable.--E.

[4] This strange expression probably means, that Gama stretched directly across the gulf of Guinea, not creeping as usual along the coast, and endeavoured to make a direct course for the Cape of Good Hope.--E.

[5] Our old English translator, Lichefield, strangely mistakes in calling this place the _island_ of Sancta Haelena; which is assuredly St Elena bay, in lat. 32° 40' S. It has since been sometimes named St Martin's bay, but the proper and general name is the bay of St Elena, the S. W. point of entry being called St Martin's Point.--E.

[6] Perhaps the Berg river, at the bottom of St Elena bay.--E.

[7] This paragraph is added to relation of Castenada from the works of Faria and Osorius.--Clarke.

[8] If the Thursday on which they came in sight of the Cape were the 16th, the Wednesday following must have been the 22nd of the month.--E.

[9] This paragraph is an addition to the text of Castaneda from Osorius-- Clarke, I. 342

[10] From the circumstances in the text, this watering-place of St Blaze is probably what is now called St Katherines or St Sebastians Bay; yet that place hardly exceeds forty-seven Portuguese leagues east from the cape. The sixty leagues of the text would carry us almost a degree farther east, to what is now called Kaffercroyts river. Clarke removes this place still farther to Flesh Bay, otherwise called Angra de St Braz, or Aguada de St Braz by De Barros. This latter place is seventy Portuguese leagues, or above eighty marine leagues east from the cape. --E.

[11] This account seems erroneous, whether St Katherines or Flesh Bay be the one in question, as both ought to be safe in north winds, and the winds between the S and E points give both a lee shore.--E.

[12] Probably a species of Penguins: Lichefield calls them _stares_, as large as ducks; Osorius says the natives called them _satiliario_, and that they were as big as geese.--E.

[13] Probably Rock Point, forming the western boundary of Algoa or Zwartkops bay, in long. 27° E. bring the rocky extreme promontory of the Krakakamma ridge.--E.

[14] It is infinitely difficult to guess the course of these early voyages, without latitudes or longitudes, and only estimated distances by dead reckoning in uncertain leagues; but the Rio del Infante of this voyage and that of Diaz, is probably that now called Great-fish river, in the Zuureveld of Graaff Reynet, in long. 28° 20' E• which, however, is twenty-six Portuguese leagues, or thirty geographical leagues from Rocky Point, instead of the fifteen leagues of the text.--E.

[15] The sixty leagues in the text are inexplicable on any rational supposition, as they seem to have again made the Rocks de la Cruz, or rather Rocky Point, said just before to be only fifteen leagues from Infante river, to which they were then bound.--E.

[16] The Portuguese ships appear to have been now on the coast of Natal, or the land of the Caffres, certainly a more civilized people than the Hottentots of the cape. But the circumstance of Alonzo understanding their language is quite inexplicable: as he could hardly have been lower on the western coast than Minz, or perhaps Congo. Yet, as a belt of Caffres are said to cross the continent of Africa, to the north of the Hottentots, it is barely possible that some Caffre slaves may have reached the western coast.--E.

[17] This grain was probably what is now well known under the name of millet.--E.

[18] According to Barros, _Aguada da boa Paz_.--Clarke.

[19] Gibb's Orosius, I. 50.

[20] The text here ought probably to be thus amended, "He and his brother, _with_ Nicholas Coelle," &c.--E.

[21] These probably swam off to the ships.--E.

[22] De Faria alleges that the people of this river were not so black as the other Africans, and wore habits of different kinds of stuffs, both cotton and silk, of various colours, and that they understood Arabic; and adds, that they informed De Gama there were white people to the eastwards, who sailed in ships like those of the Portuguese. Osorius likewise says, that one of the natives spoke Arabic very imperfectly, and that De Gama left two of his convicts at this place, which he called San Rafael.--Clarke.

[23] There is no circumstance in the text from which the situation of this river can even be conjectured. Clarke, p.440, alleges that it was Soffala; and yet, in a note in his preceding page, says, "That De Gama seems to have passed Cape Corientes during the night, and to have kept so far from land, on account of a strong current setting on shore, as not to have noticed Sofala." In the notes on the Lusiad, this river of Good Signs is ascertained to have been one of the mouths of the Zambeze, or Cuama River, which divides Mocaranga from the coast of Mozambique; the different mouths of which run into the sea between the latitudes of 19° and 18° S.--E.

[24] They were evidently afflicted with the scurvy; and accordingly De Barros refers the disease to its proper cause, "Having been for so long a time confined to the use of salt fish and corrupted biscuit.-- Clarke."

[25] Addition to the narrative of Castaneda, from De Barros.--Clarke.

[26] This obscure expression seems to mean that De Gama wished them to precede the ships, and point out the way into the harbour.--E.

[27] This expression has probably been misunderstood by the original translator. It appears that these Moors of Mozambique spoke Arabic, here called the language of Algarve, and finding themselves understood and answered by the strangers, mistook the Portuguese for Moors.--E.

[28] Mozambique is in lat. 15° 35' S. and in 41° of E. Long--E.

[29] The observations here inserted, and marked with inverted commas, are made by the Editor of the present collection. They are much too long for insertion in the form of a note, and appeared of too much importance to be omitted; being chiefly from Clarke, I. 447.--E.

[30] For the materials of this addition to the text of Castaneda, we are chiefly indebted to the Progress of Maritime Discovery, p. 447, 458. --E.

[31] His name, as given by Osorius, was _Zacocia_, and De Barros adds, that he wore richly embroidered clothes, and had his sword ornamented with diamonds.--Clarke.

[32] This is probably the same person named Fernan Alvares on a former occasion.--E.

[33] It is added by De Barros, that three _Abexijs_, or Abyssinians, from the territory of _Preste Joano_, came on board the fleet, along with the Moors who brought provisions; and, seeing the image of the angel Gabriel painted on the ship of that name, and being accustomed to such representations of angels in their own country, they made their adorations to this holy picture.--Clarke.

[34] Mr Clarke, Progr. of Marit. Disc. I. 464, strangely misrepresents this story; saying, "that _the pilot_ of Paulo de la Gama had deserted to the Moors, though a Christian."--E.

[35] According to De Burros, after the inhabitants abandoned the town, the zeque sent De Gama a pilot to navigate Coello's ship, from whom De Gama learnt that Calicut was a months voyage from Mozambique.--Clarke, I. 464.

[36] If Sunday, as above, were the first of April, the Friday following must have been the 6th.--E.

[37] The text is here obscure; but it would appear that only some of the men belonging to these two boats remained on board, and the rest returned to the coast. Not that the Moorish pilots from Mozambique were here dismissed, as the text of Lichefild's translation seems to insinuate.--E.

[38] Motta, in the Portuguese East Indian Pilot, places this town in lat. 3º 50'S. He says the entrance is much incommoded with shoals, and so narrow in some places as not to exceed the length of a ship. This city is said to have once stood on a peninsula, converted into an island by cutting a canal across the isthmus.--Clarke, I. 469.

[39] This may be understood that part of the inhabitants were unmixed Arabs, comparatively whites; while others were of a mixed race between these and the original natives, perhaps likewise partly East Indian Mahometans, of a similar origin.--E.

[40] This is surely an oversight in Castaneda or his translator, for _one_ year.--E.

[41] It is difficult to ascertain what place in India is here meant. Cranganore comes nearer in sound, but is rather nearer Melinda than Calicut; Mangalore is rather more distant. The former a degree to the south of Calicut, the latter not quite two to the north; all three on the Malabar coast. On a former occasion, Castaneda says these merchants were of Cambaya or Guzerat, above eleven degrees north of Calicut.--E.

[42] This seems to be the same office with that named Kadhi, or Khazi, by the Turks and Persians, which is rather the title of a judge than of a priest, which is named Moulah.--E.

[43] It is probable that this passage should be thus understood, "The king sent him a pilot, who was an idolater from Guzerate, &c."--E.

[44] The addition to, or observations on the text, inserted in this place within inverted commas, are from Clarke, I. 486, 487.--E.

[45] In Lichefild's translation this date is made the 22d; but the Friday after Sunday the 21st, must have been the 26th of the month.--E.

[46] The difference of longitude between Melinda and Calicut is thirty- four degrees, which at 17-1/2 leagues to the degree, gives only 575 Portuguese leagues, or 680 geographical leagues of twenty to the degree. Thus miserably erroneous are the estimated distances in old navigators, who could only compute by the dead reckoning, or the log. --E.

[47] The course from Melinda to Calicut is about E. N. E. the former being about three degrees to the S. and the latter almost eleven degrees to the N. of the line.--E.

[48] This vague account of the extent of Malabar is erroneous or corrupt, as sixty-one Portuguese leagues would barely reach from Cape Comorin to Calicut. The extreme length of the western maritime vale of India, from Cambay to Cape Comorin, exceeds 250 Portuguese leagues.--E.

[49] The proper name of this prince who is said to have thus divided the kingdom of Malabar, was Shermanoo-Permaloo.--Clarke, I. 395.

[50] This must be erroneous, as the Mahometans reckon from the year of the Hegira, or flight of Mahomet from Mecca, which commences in 622 of the Christian era.--E.

[51] This story seems an Arabian tale, perhaps partly founded upon some real revolution in the government of Malabar. But it would much exceed the bounds of a note to enter upon disquisitions relative to Indian history.--E.

[52] Laker is a kind of gum that proceedeth of the ant. This marginal note, in Lichefild's translation of Castaneda, indicates the animal origin of lac, which has been elucidated of late by Dr Roxburgh.--E.

[53] From the sequel in the narrative of Castaneda, this Colastrian rajah seems to have been the sovereign of Cananor.--E.

[54] This word pagoda, applied by the Portuguese, to denote an Indian, temple, is said to be derived from a Malabar or Indian word, _Pagabadi_, signifying any idol.--Astley, I. 51.

[55] This is described by Castaneda as a coin equal in value to three crowns.

[56] By De Faria, this man is named Monzayde.--Astl. I. 30.

[57] The title of kutwal is of Arabic origin, and properly signifies the governor of a fort or castle, but the office may be different in different places. In some instances, the kutwal seems to have been the deputy-governor, sheriff, or judge of a town.--Astl. I. 30.

[58] Such are the expressions used by Lichefild; but I suspect the sense here ought to have been, That the kutwal required De Gama to land immediately, that he might go to Calicut, on purpose to be presented to the zamorin.--E.

[59] In Astley, I. 81. this place is named Kapokats.--E.

[60] Kafr is an Arabic word, signifying an infidel or unbeliever; and is applied by the Mahometans to all who do not believe the doctrines of Mahomet, and especially to all who worship images, including the Roman Catholics. The priests mentioned in the text were obviously bramins. The origin of the term here used by mistake, was obviously from the interpretation of Bontaybo, the friendly Moor; and explains the mistake of De Gama in believing the Malabars to have been Christians. Bontaybo applied the same significant term of kafr to the image worshippers of all denominations, without discriminating one species of idolater from another.--E.

[61] On this part of the text, the author, or the original translator, makes the following singular marginal reflection:--"The general deceived, committeth idolatry with the Devil."--E.

[62] Astley, I. 24. a.

[63] Called in Astley _sharafins_.--Astl. I. 36.

[64] De Faria says that this fleet belonged to a pirate named Timoja, of whom frequent mention will be made hereafter; and that the eight ships were so linked together, and covered over with boughs of trees, that they resembled a floating island.--Astl. I. 38. a.

[65] More probably Anche-diva, or Ange-diva.--Astl. I. 38. b.

[66] These vessels seem more probably to have been the squadron of Timoja. --Astl. I. 38. c.

[67] Frangnes, Franghis, or Feringays, a common name all over the East for Europeans; assuredly derived from the Francs or French, long known as the great enemy of the Mahometans, by their exploits in the crusades.--E.

[68] De Faria says this person was a Jew, and that he made the sign of the cross from the shore to be taken on board.--Astl. I. 39. b.

[69] Or rather one of the three kings of Collen.--Astl. I. 39.

[70] Since called Cuama.--Astl. I. 39. c.

[71] Magadoxo is in lat. 2° 20' N. and about 45° 40' E. long.--E.

[72] Pate stands on the coast of Zanguebar, on the Rio Grande, one of the mouths of the river Zebee, in lat. 1° 50' S. and about 41° 20' E. long. --E.

[73] De Faria says this ship was lost on the shoals called after her name but the men were saved.--Astl. I. 40. a.

[74] De Faria alleges that Coello was separated by a storm near Cape Verd, and arrived at Lisbon, thinking De Gama had got home before him.--Astl. I. 40. b.

[75] De Faria says fifty-five, and that they were all rewarded by the king.--Astl. I. 40. c.

[76] The translator values this pension at 200l. a-year, perhaps equal in present value to 2000l.--E.

[77] This does not appear to have been actually done until his return from India the second time, as will be mentioned hereafter.--E.

[78] According to Astley, but without quoting any particular authority, De Gama had a grant from the king of the title of Don for himself and his descendants, and a pension of 3000 ducats: Coello was raised to the rank of Fidalgo, or gentleman, and had an appointment of 100 ducats yearly.--Astl. I. 40.

SECTION III.

_Voyage of Pedro Alvarez Cabral to India in 1500; being the second made by the Portuguese to India, and in the course of which Brasil was Discovered._

The certainty of a navigable communication with India, and the vast riches that were to be had in that country, being now ascertained, the king resolved to prosecute the discovery, on purpose to spread the gospel among the idolaters, and to augment his own revenues and the riches and prosperity of his subjects. For these purposes, he determined to attempt the settlement of a factory in Calicut by gentle means; hopeful that they might be persuaded to a friendly intercourse, and might afterwards listen to the word of God.

He therefore commanded that a fleet of ten ships and two caravels should be got ready against next year, to be well laden with all the commodities which De gama had reported to have current sale in Calicut. There went others also to Sofala and Quiloa, where also he commanded factories to be established, both on account of the gold which was to be found there, and that the ships might have a place to touch and refresh at in their way to and from India. Over the fleet intended for Calicut, he appointed Pedro Alvarez Cabral, a gentleman of an honourable house, to be captain-general, Sancho de Toar being captain of his ship. The names of the other captains, so far as have come to my knowledge, were Nicholas Coello, Don Luis Continho, Simon de Myseranda, Simon Leyton, Bartholomew Diaz, who discovered the Cape of Good Hope, and his brother Diego Diaz, who had been purser to Vasco do Gama in the former voyage. Of the caravels, Pedro de Tayde[1] and Vasco de Silviera, were captains. Arias Correa was appointed supercargo of the whole fleet, and was ordered to remain as factor in Calicut, having Gonsalo Gil Barboso and Pedro Vas Caninon as his clerks. Two ships were to remain with the merchandize at Sofala, where Loriso Hurtado was to be factor. In the whole of this fleet there embarked 1500 men[2].

The general was instructed, besides settling the factories, that if the zamorin would not quietly consent or give sufficient lading to the ships, he should make cruel war upon him for his injurious conduct to Vasco de Gama. If the zamorin consented to the establishment of a factory and trade, the general was secretly to request him not to allow any of the Moors of Mecca to remain or to trade in Calicut, or any other harbour in his dominions, and to promise that the Portuguese should hereafter supply all such commodities as used to be brought by the Moors, of better quality and cheaper than theirs. That he should touch at Melinda, to land the ambassador who had been brought from thence by De Gama, together with a present for the king of that place. Along with this fleet, the king sent five friars of the order of St Francis, of whom Fra Henrique was vicar, who was afterwards bishop _Siebta_, and who was to remain in the factory to preach the Catholic faith to the Malabars[3].

The fleet being in full readiness, the king went in procession, on Sunday the 7th of March 1500, to hear mass at the monastery of Belem, accompanied by the captain-general, whom he took along with himself behind the curtain in the royal seat, to do him the more honour. After mass, Don Diego Ortis, bishop of Viseu, preached a sermon, in which he gave high praise to Cabral for undertaking the command of this expedition, as serving not only the king his temporal master, but the eternal GOD his spiritual Lord, drawing many comparisons in his favour from the Grecian and Roman histories. Mass being ended, a banner of the royal arms of Portugal was delivered to the bishop, who solemnly blessed it, and returned it to the king, who delivered it to Cabral, that it might be displayed at his main-top. The bishop then, gave a bonnet to the general, which had been blessed by the pope, and placed a rich jewel with his own hands on his head, and gave him his blessing. When these ceremonies were ended, the king accompanied the captain-general to the water side, where he and the other captains of the fleet took leave of the king, kissing his hands, the king giving them Gods blessing and his own; after which all went on board, and the whole fleet saluted the king by discharging all the ordnance of all the ships: But the wind being foul, the fleet could not depart that day, and the king returned to Lisbon.

Next day, being the 9th of May 1500, having a fair wind, the fleet weighed by signal from the general, and set sail at eight in the morning[4]. "_The whole fleete having wayed, did then begin to cut and spread their sayles with great pleasure and crie, saieng altogether_, Buen viage, _that is to say, a luckie and prosperous voyage. After all this, they beganne all to be joyfull, every man to use his severall office: The gunners in the midst of the ship, hailing the maine sheets with the capsteine: The mariners and ship boys, some in the forecastell haling bollings, braces, and martnets: Others belying the sheets both great and small, and also serving in trimming the sayles, and others the nettings and foretop sayles: Other some vering the trusses, and also beleying brases and toppe sayle sheets, and coyling every sort of ropes. It was wonderful to see such a number of diversities of offices in so small a roome, as is the bredth and length of a ship_."

Going on their voyage with a quarter wind, they came in sight of the Canaries on the 14th of March, and passed St Jago on the 22d. On the 24th of the same month, the caravel commanded by Vasco de Tayde parted company, and was never seen afterwards[5]. After waiting two days for the missing ship, the fleet proceeded on its voyage, and on the 24th of April, came in sight of land. This was cause of much joy, as it was supposed to be a country which had not been discovered by De Gama, because it lay to the west[6] of their course. Cabral immediately sent off the master of his ship in a small boat to examine the country, who reported that it appeared pleasant and fertile, with extensive woods and many inhabitants. The fleet was brought to anchor, and the master sent again on shore to examine more narrowly into the state of the country and its inhabitants. His account was that the natives were well proportioned, and of a swarthy colour, armed with bows and arrows, and all naked. A storm arising at night, the fleet weighed anchor and stood along; the coast, till they found a good harbour, in which they all came to anchor, naming it _Puerto Seguro_, or the Safe Port, as it was quite secure in all weathers. Our men took two of the natives in an almadia or canoe, who were brought to the admiral, but no one could understand their language. They had therefore apparel given them, and were set on shore much pleased. This encouraged the rest of the natives to mix with our people in a friendly manner; but finding nothing to detain him here, the general determined to take in a supply of water, not knowing when he might have another opportunity. Next day, being in Easter week, a solemn mass was said on shore under a pavilion, and a sermon was preached by Fra Henrique. During service, many of the natives gathered around, who seemed very merry, playing and leaping about, and sounding cornets, horns, and other instruments. After mass, the natives followed the general to his boat, singing and making merry. In the afternoon our men were allowed to go on shore, where they bartered cloth and paper with the natives for parrots and other beautiful birds, which are very numerous in that country, and with whose feathers the natives make very shewy hats and caps. Some of our men went into the country to see the towns or dwellings of the natives, and reported that the land was very fertile, and full of woods and waters, with plenty of fruits of various kinds, and much cotton.

As this was the country now so well known by the name of Brasil, I shall not say any more about it in this place, except that the fleet remained here for eight days; during which a great fish was thrown ashore by the sea, greater than any _tonel_, and as broad as two. It was of a round form, having eyes like those of a hog, and ears like an elephant, but no teeth; having two vents under its belly, and a tail three quarters of a yard broad, and as much in length. The skin was like that of a hog, and a finger in thickness. The general ordered a high stone cross to be erected at this place, and named his new discovery _La tierra de Santa Cruz_, or the Land of the Holy Cross. From hence he sent home a caravel, with letters to the king, giving an account of his voyage hitherto, and that he had left two exiles[7] in this place, to examine the country; and particularly to ascertain if it were a continent, as appeared from the length of coast he had passed. He sent likewise one of the natives, to shew what kind of people inhabited the land. Considering the great length of the voyage he had to perform, Cabral did not deem it proper to spend any more time in examining this new country, but departed from Puerto Seguro[8] on the 2d of May, steering his course for the Cape of Good Hope, which was estimated to be 1200 leagues distant, and having a great and fearful gulf to cross, rendered dangerous by the great winds which prevail in these seas during most part of the year.

On the 12th of May a great comet appeared in the heavens, coming from the east, and was visible during ten days and nights, always increasing in splendour. On Saturday the 23d of May, there arose a great storm from the north-east, attended with a high sea and heavy rain, which forced the whole fleet to take in their sails. On its abatement they again spread their foresails; and falling calm towards night, the ships astern spread out all their sprit-sails to overtake the rest. On Sunday the 24th the wind again increased, and all the sails were furled. Between ten and eleven o'clock of that day a water-spout was seen in the north-west, and the wind lulled. This deceived the pilots as a sign of good weather, wherefore they still carried sail: But it was succeeded by a furious tempest, which came on so suddenly that they had not time to furl their sails, and four ships were sunk with all their men, one of which was commanded by Bartholomew Diaz, the discoverer of the Cape of Good Hope. The other _seven_[9] were half filled with water, and had been all lost if a part of their sails had not given way to the tempest. Soon afterwards the storm veered to the south-west, but still continued so violent that they had to drive all that day and the next under bare poles, and the fleet much separated. On the third day the wind became more moderate, coming round to the east and north-east, attended by a heavy swell, and the waves run higher than had ever been seen before, yet the fleet joined again to their great joy. This wind and high sea continued for twenty days, during all which time the ships had to lie to, and were so tossed that no one thought it possible to escape being swallowed up. During day, the sea was black as pitch, and at night it appeared like fire. The general, with Simon de Myranda and Pedro de Tayde, bore up to windward during this long continued gale; while all the rest submitted to the wind and went at Gods mercy.

When the storm abated, the general found that, with only two other ships in company, he had doubled the Cape of Good Hope without having seen it. On the 16th of July they fell close in with the coast of Africa, in lat. 27°S. but the pilots did not know the coast, and the general would not allow any one to go on shore. They could see great numbers of people on the land, yet none came down to the shore to view the ships. Having no hope of procuring provisions from the natives, the seamen caught great plenty of fish at this place; after which the general pursued his course close along shore, where he constantly saw many people, and great numbers of cattle feeding along the banks of a river which fell into the sea in that neighbourhood.[10] Proceeding in this manner, the general came to Sofala, with which the pilots were unacquainted, near which lay two islands,[11] close by one of which two vessels lay at anchor. These immediately made for the shore on seeing the Portuguese ships, and being pursued were taken without resistance. The principal person belonging to these vessels was a near relation[12] of the king of Melinda, and was going from Sofala to Melinda with gold. The people were so much afraid on seeing our ships, that they threw a great part of the gold into the sea, and most of them escaped on shore. The general was much concerned at his loss, especially that it should have fallen on the subject and relation of a prince who was in friendship with the king his master; and after shewing him every civility, restored the two vessels with all the remaining gold. The Moor asked Cabral if he had any witches on board, who could conjure up his gold from the bottom of the sea? Cabral answered, that the Christians believe in the true God, and do not practice or give credit to witchcraft.

Learning from this Moor that he had overshot Sofala, and not being inclined to turn back, the general continued his voyage to Mozambique; where he arrived on the 20th of July and took in a supply of water, and procured a pilot to carry him to the island of Quiloa, towards which he directed his course. In this part of the voyage he saw several fertile islands, belonging to the king of Quiloa, who is a powerful prince; his dominions extending from Cape Corientes almost to Mombaza, along nearly 400 leagues of coast, including the two islands near Sofala, that city itself and several others to Mozambique, many more all the way to Mombaza, with a great number of islands; from all which he derives large revenues.[13] Yet he has few soldiers, and lives in no great state. His constant residence is in an island named Quiloa, near the continent of Ethiopia, an hundred leagues from Mozambique. This island is full of gardens and orchards, with plenty of various kinds of fruits, and excellent water, and the country produces abundance of _miso_[14] and other grain, and breeds great numbers of small cattle; and the sea affords great plenty of excellent fish. The city of Quiloa is in lat. 9°25'S. and long. 40°20'E. handsomely built of stone and lime, and pleasantly situated between fine gardens and the sea, having abundance of provisions from its own island and from other places on the continent. The king and the inhabitants of the city are Moors of a fair colour using the Arabic language, but the original natives of the country are Negroes. The Moors of Quiloa are richly dressed, especially the women, who wear many golden ornaments. They are great merchants, enjoying the principal trade in gold at Sofala, whence it is distributed over Arabia Felix, and other countries; and many merchants resort thither from other places. Hence there are always many ships in this port, which are all hauled upon the beach when not in use. These ships[15] have no nails, but are sewed together by rope made of _cairo_, and have their bottoms payed with wild frankincense, as the country produces no pitch. The winter here begins in April and ends in May.

On arriving at Quiloa, and receiving a safe-conduct for that purpose, the general sent Alonso Hurtado, attended by seven of the principal officers, to wait upon the king, signifying that Cabral had come here with the fleet of the king of Portugal to settle a trade in the city, and had great store of merchandize fit for that purpose; and to say that he was desirous to confer with his highness on this subject, but had been forbidden by the king his master to go on shore. The king agreed to give Cabral an audience afloat; and, on the following day Cabral waited for the king in his boat, which was covered over with flags, and attended by all the other captains in their boats; as now Sancho de Toar and other two ships had joined company again. The king came in an almadia, accompanied by many principal Moors in other boats, all decked with flags, and with many trumpets, cornets, and sackbuts, making a great noise. On the arrival of the king, the whole Portuguese ordnance was fired off, by which the king and his train were much alarmed, not having been accustomed to such a salute. After mutual civilities, the letter from the king of Portugal was read, proposing the settlement of trade between the two nations, to which the king of Quiloa assented, and agreed that Alonso Hurtado should wait upon him next day with an account of the kinds of merchandize the Portuguese had to dispose of, for which he promised to give gold in exchange. But when Hurtado went next day on shore, the king made many excuses for not performing his promise, pretending to have no need of the commodities, and believing that the general came to conquer his country. The true reason was because he was a Moor and we were Christians, and he was unwilling to have any trade or intercourse with us. After this the general remained three or four days, to see if the king would change his mind; but he continued inflexible, and strengthened himself with armed men, as jealous of being attacked.

Finding that nothing could be done here, the general went on his voyage, and arrived at Melinda on the 2d of August. At this port he found three ships at anchor belonging to Moorish merchants of Cambaya; but, though laden with great riches, he would not meddle with them, out of respect for the king of Melinda. On coming to anchor the general saluted the king with all his ordnance; on which the king sent a complimentary message of welcome, with a present of many sheep, hens, and ducks, and great quantities of fruits. The general sent a message in return, intimating that he had come here by orders of the king of Portugal, to know if his highness had any service which the fleet could perform for him, and to deliver a letter and a rich present from the king of Portugal, which he would send whenever his highness pleased to give his commands. The king was much pleased with this message, and detained the messenger all night, most part of which he spent in making inquiries respecting the kingdom of Portugal. As soon as it was day, the king sent two principal Moors to wait upon the general, declaring his joy at his arrival, and desiring, if he had need of any thing in the country, to command all there as his own. The general then sent Aries Correa, the factor-general of the fleet, on shore to deliver the letter and presents, accompanied by most of the principal officers, and having all the trumpeters of the fleet sounding before him. The present consisted of the rich caparison of a riding-horse, of the most splendid and shewy fashion. The king sent the nobles of his court to receive Correa in great state, and several women who had censers or perfuming pans which filled the air with a delightful odour. The king received Correa in his palace, which was very near the water side, sitting in his chair of state, and accompanied by many noblemen and gentlemen. The letter, which was written hi Portuguese on one side and Arabic on the other, being read, and the present laid before the king, he and his nobles all in one voice gave thanks to God and Mahomet for granting them the friendship of so great a prince. During the three days which the fleet continued here, Correa remained on shore at the kings particular request, in which he constantly employed himself in inquiries concerning the customs of the king of Portugal and the conduct of his government.

The king of Melinda was very anxious to have Cabral to come on shore to the palace, but he excused himself as having been ordered by his master not to land at any port, with which the king was satisfied, yet desired to have an interview on the water. On this occasion, though the palace was very near the sea, he went on horseback to the shore, having his horse decorated with the rich caparisons sent him by the king of Portugal, which were obliged to be put on by one of our men as none of the natives knew their use. On coming to the shore, certain principal natives waited at the foot of the stair, having a live sheep, which they opened alive, taking out the bowels, and the king rode over the carcase of the sheep. _This is a kind of ceremony that the witches there do use_.[16] After this he went to the water side, with all his train on foot, saying in a loud voice certain words of incantation. The interview with the general took place on the water in great ceremony, and the king gave him a pilot to carry the fleet to Calicut. Cabral left two banished men at Melinda to inform themselves of all the circumstances of the country to the best of their abilities. One of these, called _Machado_, when he had learned the Arabic language, went afterwards by land to the straits of the Red Sea, and from thence by Cambaya to _Balagarte_, and settled with the _sabayo_ or lord of Goa, passing always for a Moor. This man was afterwards very serviceable to Albuquerque, as will be seen hereafter.

Leaving Melinda on the 7th of August, he came to Ansandina or Anche-diva, on the 20th of that month, where he waited some days for the fleet of Mecca, which he meant to have attacked. While there, the whole of the crews confessed and received the sacrament. No ships appearing, the fleet left Anchediva and sailed for Calicut, coming to anchor within a league of that place on the 13th of September. Several almadias came off immediately to sell victuals: And some of the principal nayres, with a Guzurat merchant, brought a message from the zamorin,[17] declaring his satisfaction at the arrival of the general at his city, in which every thing he might need was at his command. The general made a polite answer to the king, with thanks for his civility, and gave orders to bring the fleet nearer to the city, in doing which all the ordnance was fired as a salute, to the great astonishment of the natives, the idolaters among them saying that it was impossible to resist us. Next day one Gaspar[18] was sent on shore to the zamorin, desiring to have a safe-conduct for a deputation from the general to wait on his highness; and along with Gaspar the four Malabars who had been carried away from Calicut by Don Vasco de la Gama were sent on shore. These men were all finely dressed in Portuguese habits, and the whole inhabitants of the city came out to see them, rejoiced to find they had been well treated. Though the zamorin was well pleased with the safe return of his subjects, he refused allowing them to come into his presence as they were only fishermen, or of a low cast; but he sent for Gaspar, whom he received with civility, and whom he assured that our people might come on shore in perfect safety. On receiving this intelligence, Cabral sent Alonso Hurtado to the zamorin, intimating that the Portuguese fleet had come on purpose to settle trade and friendship, and that the general wished for an audience in which to arrange these matters with his highness. But had orders from the king his master not to go on shore without sufficient pledges for his security; among whom he demanded the kutwal of Calicut and Araxamenoca one of the chiefs of the nayres.[19] On this occasion Hurtado was accompanied by a person who could speak the language, to act as his interpreter.

The zamorin was unwilling to send the hostages required, alleging that they were old and sickly, and offered to send others who were better able to endure the hardships of living on board. Yet he afterwards, at the instigation of the Moors, was against sending any hostages; as they made him believe that the general shewed little confidence in his promise, which was derogatory to his honour and dignity. This negociation lasted three days, as Hurtado insisted on this as a necessary preliminary. At length, desirous of having trade settled with us, owing to the advantages which would accrue to his revenue, the zamorin agreed to give the hostages required. On which, leaving the command of the fleet in his absence to Sancho de Toar, Cabral directed that the hostages should be well treated, but on no account to deliver them to any one even although demanded in his name. On the 28th of December, Cabral went on shore magnificently dressed and attended by thirty of his principal officers and others, the kings servants, in as much state as if he had been king of Portugal; carrying with him rich furniture for his apartments, with a cupboard of plate containing many rich pieces of gilt silver. He was met by many principal nayres, sent by the zamorin to wait upon him, and attended by a numerous train, among whom were many persons sounding trumpets sackbuts and other musical instruments. The zamorin waited for him in a gallery close by the shore, which had been erected on purpose; and while the general went towards the shore, accompanied by all the boats of the fleet, dressed out with flags and streamers, the hostages were carried on board his ship, where they were loath to enter till they should see the general on shore, lest he might return and detain them; but were at last reassured of their safety by Aries Correa. On landing, Cabral was received in great state by several _caymals, pinakals_, and other principal nayres; by whose directions he was placed in an _andor_ or chair, in which he was carried to the _serame_ or hall of audience, where the king waited his arrival.

The serame or gallery, was all hung round with rich carpets, called _alcatifas_; and at the farther end the zamorin sat in an alcove or recess resembling a small chapel, with a canopy of unshorn crimson velvet over his head, and having twenty silk cushions under him and about him. The zamorin was almost naked, having only a piece of white cotton round his waist, wrought with gold. On his head he wore a cap of cloth of gold resembling a helmet. In his ears he had rich jewels of diamonds, sapphires, and pearls, two of the latter being as large as walnuts. His arms, from the elbows to the wrists, were covered with golden bracelets, set with numberless precious stones of great value; and his legs, from the knees to the ankles, were similarly adorned. His fingers and toes had numerous rings, and on one of his great toes he wore a ruby of great size and wonderful brilliancy. One of his diamonds was bigger than a large bean. All these were greatly surpassed by his girdle of gold and jewels, which was altogether inestimable, and was so brilliant that it dazzled the eyes of the beholders. Beside the zamorin was a rich throne or state chair, all of gold and jewels; and his _andor_, in which he had been carried from the palace was of similar richness, and stood near him. He was attended by twenty trumpeters, seventeen of whom had silver trumpets, and three of them gold, all the mouth-pieces being finely wrought and set with jewels. Although in full day, the hall was lighted by many silver lamps, in the fashion of the Moors. Close by the king there stood a spitting basin of gold, and several silver perfuming-pans, which produced an excellent odour. Six paces from the king, he was attended on by his two brothers, who were the nearest heirs to the kingdom; and a little farther off were many noblemen, all standing.

On entering the hall, and seeing the splendid state of the zamorin, Cabral would have kissed his hand, as is the custom of Europe; but was informed that this was not customary among them, and therefore sat down in a chair near the king, which was appointed for him as an especial honour. He then delivered his letter of credit from the king of Portugal, written in Arabic, and then said, that the king his master, willing to cultivate trade and friendship with the zamorin and his subjects, had given him orders to require permission to establish a factory or house of trade in Calicut, which should always be supplied with every kind of merchandize that was in demand; and requested the zamorin to supply a sufficient loading of spices for the ships under his command, which he was ready to pay for, either by means of the commodities he had on board, or in ready money. The zamorin seemed or affected to be pleased with the embassy, and said that the king of Portugal was welcome to every thing in his city of which he was in need. At this time the present from the king of Portugal to the zamorin was brought forwards; which, among other things, contained, a richly wrought basin and ewer of silver gilt; a gilt silver flaggon and cover of similar workmanship; two silver maces; four cushions, two of which were cloth of gold, and the other two of unshorn crimson velvet; a state canopy of cloth of gold, bound and fringed with gold; a carpet of rich crimson velvet; two very rich arras hangings, one ornamented with human figures, and the other with representations of trees and flowers. The zamorin was much satisfied with this present, and said the general might either retire to his lodgings for rest and refreshment, or might return to his ships as he thought best; but, as the hostages were men of high cast and could not endure the sea, who could neither eat or drink while on board consistent with their customs, it became necessary that they should come on shore. Wherefore, if the general would return to his ship and send these men on shore, and inclined to come back next day to conclude all matters relative to the trade of Calicut, the same hostages should be again sent on board. As the general placed confidence in these assurances of the zamorin, he went on board, leaving Hurtado and other seven of his people in charge of his valuables that were left on shore. When at the water side and ready to embark, a servant of one of the hostages, who was dispatched by the comptroller of the zamorins household, went before in an almadia or small pinnace, and gave notice to the hostages that the general was coming on board. On which they leapt into the sea, meaning to escape to land in the almadia with the servant: But Aries Correa went immediately with some of the Portuguese mariners in a boat, and retook two of the hostages, with three or four of the Malabars belonging to the almadia: The rest of the hostages, among whom was the kutwal, got to the city.

When Cabral came on board and learnt what had happened, he ordered the two remaining hostages to be secured below deck, and sent a complaint to the zamorin against the conduct of the hostages, laying all the blame on the comptroller. He desired the messenger to inform the zamorin of the situation of the two remaining hostages, and to say that they should be liberated whenever the Portuguese and the goods on shore were sent back to the ships. Next day the zamorin came to the shore accompanied by 12, 000 men, and sent off the Portuguese people and their commodities to the ships in thirty almadias, with orders to bring back the hostages. But none of the Malabars in the almadias dared to approach the ships, being afraid of the Portuguese, and returned therefore to the land without delivering our people and commodities. Next day, the general sent some of his own boats to land the pledges, but at some distance from the almadias; on which occasion Araxamenoca, one of the hostages, leapt into the sea with an intention to escape, but was retaken; and while our people were busied in securing him, the other hostage made his escape. The general was astonished at the want of truth and honour in these people, and gave orders to keep Araxamenoca in strict custody; but finding at the end of three days that the zamorin did not send for him, and that during all this period he refused all sustenance, Cabral took compassion on him and sent him to the zamorin, requesting that two of our men who remained on shore might be sent on board, which was complied with.

After waiting three days without any message from the zamorin, the general sent one Francisco Correa to inquire if he inclined to confirm the agreement between them, in which case he would send Aries Correa on shore to treat with his highness, for whose safety he required hostages. The zamorin answered that he was perfectly willing to have the trade established, and that the general might send Aries Correa or any other person on shore for that purpose, and transmitted two grandsons of a rich merchant of Guzerate as hostages. Aries Correa went accordingly on shore, and was accommodated by the orders of the zamorin with a convenient house for himself and his goods, which belonged to the Guzerate merchant, who was likewise commanded to assist Correa in regard to the prices of his merchandize and all other things relating to the trade and customs of the place. But this man being a friend to the Moors of Mecca, thwarted him in all things instead of giving him assistance. The Moors were determined enemies to our people, both for being Christians, and lest their credit and advantageous traffic in Calicut might suffer by the establishment of our trade in that port. Wherefore, by means of their confederacy with the Guzerate merchant, they took our goods at any price they pleased, and intimidated the Malabars from trading with us. The Moors concluded that the establishment of our factory would lower the price of such commodities as they had to sell, and would inhance the value of the spiceries, drugs, and jewels which they took in exchange. On this account they thwarted Correa in all his transactions, offering higher prices than ordinary for every article, by which he was constrained to buy every thing at a very dear rate. If at any time he wished an audience of the zamorin, the Moors always contrived to be present, that some of them might speak against him. In this conduct they were assisted by _Samicide_[20], a Moor, who was admiral of Calicut; who likewise hindered any of our people of the factory from going on board the fleet, and detained any of our boats that approached the shore, pretending to do this by command of the zamorin.

On learning this sinister conduct of the Moorish admiral of Calicut, and suspecting some intended treachery, the general gave orders to the fleet to weigh their anchors, and to remove out of the harbour, lest they might be attacked by the zamorins fleet, and that he might take counsel with the other captains for the safety of the expedition. On learning this, the zamorin inquired the reason from Correa, who urged the injurious behaviour of the Moors, and told him all that they had done. The zamorin immediately gave orders that the Moors should discontinue their villanous conduct towards us, and even removed the Guzerate merchant from our factory, appointing one _Cosebequin_[21] in his place, who, though a Moor, was a very honest man and behaved to us in a friendly manner. This man was of great credit in Calicut, being the head of all the native Moors of that country, who are always at variance with the Moors of Cairo and of the Red Sea, of whom the admiral Samicide was the chief. The Zamorin gave farther orders, that our factory should be removed to a house close to the shore which belonged to Cosebequin, that our merchants might have greater freedom to buy and sell, without any interruption from the Moors. For the greater security, a deed of gift was made of this house by the zamorin to the king of Portugal and his successors for ever, a copy of which, signed and sealed by the zamorin, was enclosed in a casket of gold that it might be conveyed to Portugal; and permission was given to display a flag of the royal arms of Portugal from the top of the factory[22]. On receiving intelligence of these favourable measures, Cabral brought back the fleet into the harbour of Calicut, and sent his compliments of thanks to the zamorin for his gracious and favourable dispositions. After this, our factory had tolerably good fortune in conducting its trade by the assistance of Cosebequin: and the natives, finding our factory favoured by the zamorin, behaved so very civilly to our people that they could go about wherever they pleased, with as much freedom and safety as in Lisbon.

During the subsistence of this friendly intercourse, a large Moorish ship was descried from Calicut on its voyage from Cochin for Cambaya; and the zamorin requested our general to make prize of the ship, alleging that it contained a peculiarly fine elephant which he wished to possess, and which had been refused to him although he had offered more than its value. The general answered that he would do this willingly to gratify his highness; but, as he was informed the ship was large and well manned, both with mariners and soldiers, it could not be expected to surrender without resistance, in which some men might be slain on both sides, and it was therefore necessary he should have the sanction of his highness to kill these people in case of resistance, which was accordingly granted. Upon which the general sent Pedro de Tayde in his caravel, accompanied by a valiant young gentleman named Duarte, or Edward Pacheco, and by sixty fighting men, with orders to take this ship. Along with them the zamorin sent certain Moors, that they might witness the manner of fighting used by the Portuguese. The caravel gave chase to the Moorish ship till night, and then lost sight of her; but in sailing along shore by moon-light, they saw her riding at anchor, ready for defence, judging her to be about 600 tons burthen, and to contain 300 fighting men. Pacheco, according to his orders, did not think proper to lay the Moorish ship on board, but commanded his ship to be brought to, intending to sink the Moorish ship by means of his ordnance, in case of necessity. The Moors made light of our small force, which they greeted with loud cries and the sound of musical instruments, after which they played their ordnance against our caravel. They were bravely answered by our men, and one of our balls struck them between wind and water, so that the Moorish ship took in much water; and many of their men being killed and wounded by our shot, they bore away for the bay of Cananor, which was very near, and came there to anchor beside other four Moorish ships. Pacheco followed them and continued to batter them with his guns, and had assuredly taken them had not certain _paroas_ belonging to the Moors come from the port of Cananor to their assistance. The night growing very dark, Pacheco quitted the bay lest his caravel might be set on fire by the Moors, and came to anchor close to an island at a short distance, having had nine of his men wounded by arrows during the engagement.

Next morning Pacheco again attacked the Moorish ship, which at last yielded, to the great displeasure of the natives of Cananor, who had flocked to the seaside intending to have succoured the Moors; but, on Pacheco sending a few shots among them, they all dispersed. Pacheco came next day to Calicut with his prize, where the zamorin came down to the water side to see the Moorish ship, giving great praise to our people for their prowess, being much astonished that so great a ship should be taken by one so much inferior in size and number of men. The general commanded this ship to be delivered to the zamorin, together with the seven elephants that were on board, which were worth in Calicut 30,000 crowns. He also sent a message to the zamorin, saying that he need not be astonished at this action as he would perform much greater actions to serve his highness. The zamorin returned thanks for what had been done, and desired the brave men who had performed this gallant action to be sent him, that he might do them honour and reward them as they deserved; and he bestowed large presents upon Pacheco in particular. Some affirm that the performance of this gallant feat by so small a number of our men against such great odds, raised fear and jealousy of the Portuguese in the mind of the zamorin, and made him anxious to get them away from his country; for which cause he gave his consent to the treachery which was used against them, as I mean to shew in the sequel[23].

The Moors of Calicut were more terrified than ever at the Portuguese in consequence of the capture of this ship, and were much offended by the favour bestowed by the zamorin upon our men for their gallantry on this occasion. They believed that all this was done, out of, revenge against themselves, for the injuries they had done us, and was intended to induce them to retire from Calicut; especially as our people brought there as great store of merchandize as they did, and bought as many spices. Taking all this into consideration, they procured an audience of the zamorin, to whom one of their number made the following oration in the name of all the Moors.

_"Emparather[24]_ of all the Malabars, as great as the mightiest sovereign of the Indies, and most powerful among the princes of the earth. We are astonished that you should debase yourself by receiving into your country these enemies of your law and strangers to the customs of your kingdom, who seem pirates rather than merchants. We should not wonder at your so doing were your city in want of the commodities they bring, or could not otherwise dispose of the spiceries they purchase: But we, whom you have long known and whose fidelity you are well assured of by experience, have always done both to the great increase of your revenue. You appear to forget all this, by receiving those whom you do not know into your favour, and employing them to revenge your injuries, as if your own numerous and faithful subjects were incompetent for the purpose. In this you dishonour yourself, and embolden these strangers to hold your power in contempt, and to act as we know they will hereafter, by robbing and plundering all merchant ships that frequent your port, to the ruin of your country, and who will at length take possession of your city. This is the true intent of their coming into these seas, and not to trade for spices as they pretend. Their country is almost 5000 leagues from hence, and the voyage out and home is attended by many dangers through unknown and stormy seas, besides the great cost of their large ships with so many men and guns; Hence at whatever prices they may dispose of their spices in Portugal, it is obvious such a trade must be carried on with great loss; which is a manifest proof that they are pirates, and not merchants, who come here to rob, and to take your city. The house you have given them for a factory, they will convert into a fort, from whence they will make war on you when you least expect it. All this we say more from the good will we owe you, than for any profit; for, if you do not listen to our advice, there are other cities in Malabar to which we will remove, and to which the spices will be conveyed for us."

To this harangue the zamorin gave a favourable answer, saying that he would give attention to all they had said, of which indeed he already had some suspicions. That he had employed the Portuguese to seize the ship to try their courage, and had allowed them to load their ships, that the money they had brought to purchase goods might remain in the country; and finally, that he would not forsake them in favour of the strangers. The Moors were by no means satisfied with all this, because the zamorin did not order us to depart from Calicut, and did not stop our trade, which was their chief purpose. Though disappointed in these views, they continued to intermiddle in our affairs, particularly by buying up the spices and sending them elsewhere, in hope of irritating our people, and bringing on a quarrel, that they might have a pretext to attack us. This they were much inclined to bring about, as, being greatly more numerous than our men, they hoped the zamorin would take part with them against us. They likewise used all possible means to draw over the common people of Calicut to their side, and to excite them to enmity, against us, by making them believe that our people had injured them.

Through those devices, our factor was unable to procure more spices than sufficed to load two ships in the course of three months, from which the general was convinced that the friendly assurances of the zamorin was little to be depended on; and if he had not been afraid of not being able to procure a sufficient supply elsewhere, he would have gone to another port: But, having already consumed a long time and been at heavy charges, he determined to remain at Calicut, and sent a message to the zamorin, complaining of the delays, which ill accorded with the promises of his highness, that the whole fleet should be loaded in twenty days, whereas three months were now elapsed and the loading of two ships only was procured. He urged the zamorins promise that the Portuguese ships were to be first loaded; whereas he had assured information that the Moors had bought up great quantities of spices at lower prices, and sent them to other places, and begged the zamorin to consider that it was now time for the ships to begin their voyage to Portugal, and that he anxiously wished for dispatch. On receiving this message, the zamorin pretended to be much surprised that our ships were still unprovided with a loading, and could not believe that the Moors had secretly bought up and removed the spices, contrary to his orders; and even gave permission to the general to take those ships belonging to the Moors which were laden with spices, paying the same prices for the spices which had been given by the Moors. This intelligence gave much satisfaction to the Moors, as a favourable opportunity for drawing on hostilities with the Portuguese; and, accordingly, one of the principal Moorish merchants began immediately to load his ship: openly with all kinds of drugs and spices, and suborned several Moors and Indians, who pretended to be the friends of our factor, to insinuate that he would never be able to find a sufficient loading for our fleet, if he did not seize that ship. Correa listened to this insidious advice, which he communicated to the general, urging him to take that Moorish ship, as he had license from the zamorin to that effect. The general was exceedingly unwilling to proceed to this extremity, afraid of the influence of the Moors with the zamorin, and of producing hostilities with the natives. But Correa remonstrated against delay, protesting that the general should be responsible for all losses that might accrue to the king of Portugal through his neglect. Over-persuaded by this urgency of the factor, the general sent all the boats of the squadron on the 17th of December to take possession of the Moorish ship.

When this intelligence was received on shore, the Moors thought this a favourable opportunity of destroying our people, and immediately raised a great outcry against the Portuguese, incensing the people of the city to join with them in complaining to the zamorin; to whom they went in a tumultuous manner, representing that we had bought and shipped a much larger quantity of drugs and spices than the value of all our merchandize, and not contented with this, were for taking all like thieves and pirates; they blamed the zamorin for permitting us to trade in the city, and requested his license to revenge themselves upon us for the loss of their vessel. The faithless and inconstant king save them the license they required; on which they immediately armed themselves, and ran furiously to our factory, which was surrounded by a wall eight or ten feet high, and contained at that time seventy Portuguese, among whom was Fra Henriques and his friars. Of our people in the factory, only eight were armed with crossbows, all the rest being only armed with swords, with nothing to defend them but their cloaks. On hearing the tumult, our people went to the gate of the factory, and seeing only a few assailants, they thought to defend themselves with their swords against a mischievous rabble, but the numbers of the Moors soon increased, and galled our people so severely with their spears and arrows, that they were forced to shut the gates, after killing seven of the enemy, hoping to be able to defend themselves by means of the wall. In this conflict four of our men were slain, and several wounded, and all the remainder mounted the wall to defend it by means of the crossbows, judging that the assailants were at least four thousand men, among whom were several nayres.

Cores now found himself unable to defend the factory against so great a force, and therefore hoisted a flag as signal to the fleet. The general was at this time sick in bed, having been just blooded, and was not therefore able to go in person to relieve the people in the factory; but immediately sent all the boats of the fleet, well manned, under the command of Sancho de Toar. But he was afraid to venture on land with so small a force against so great a multitude, or even to approach too near the shore, lest the enemies might assail him in their almadias and tonis. He lay off, therefore, at a considerable distance, where he remained a spectator of the valiant defence made by our people at the factory, whence they killed great numbers of the assailants. But their enemies always increased in numbers, and they at length brought up certain engines to beat down part of the wall, in which they at length succeeded. On this, our men issued out by a door which led towards the sea side, in hopes of being able to fight their way to the boats, in which attempt Corea was slain, and fifty more of our men were either killed or made prisoners, twenty only escaping who swam to the boats, most of whom were much wounded. Among these were Fra Henriques, and Antonio, the son of Aries Corea, then only eleven years old; who hath since done many noble feats of arms in the Indies and other places, as I shall afterwards declare in the _Fourth_ Book of this history.

The general was much concerned at this event, not only for the loss of his men, but on seeing how little confidence could be reposed on the promises of the zamorin after all the presents he had received, and the services which had been performed for him. He had now spent three months at Calicut, during which he had only loaded two of his ships, and knew not how to procure loading for the rest; especially as he could not expect a favourable reception at Cochin on account of having captured the ship with the elephant as before related. Considering the treason which had been practised on our men, the general determined upon taking a signal revenge, if the zamorin did not make an ample excuse for what had taken place, and make a full reparation by immediately providing the rest of the ships with lading. The zamorin, however, had no such intentions, being much pleased with what the Moors had done, and even ordered all the goods in our factory to be seized, to the value of 4000 ducats. He likewise ordered all of our people who had been taken on shore to be made captives, four of whom died of their wounds. Seeing that no message or excuse was sent by the zamorin all that day, the general held a council with his officers as to the proper steps to be taken on the present emergency; when it was determined to take immediate and ample revenge, without giving time to the zamorin to arm his fleet. On this, orders were issued to take possession of ten large ships which lay in the road or harbour of Calicut, which was done after some resistance, many of their crews being killed or drowned, and others made prisoners who were reserved to serve as mariners on board our fleet. Some spices and other merchandize were taken in these ships, and three elephants, which were killed and salted as provisions for the voyage; and it appeared that 600 Moors were slain in defending these ships. After every thing of value was taken from the Moorish ships, they were all burnt in sight of the city. Many of the Moors embarked in their almadias to attempt succouring their ships, but our men soon put them to flight by means of their ordnance.

The zamorin and the whole city of Calicut were much mortified to see so many ships destroyed, and them unable to help, but their astonishment and terror were much increased by the events of the ensuing day. During the night, the general ordered all the ships of the fleet to be towed as near as possible to the shore by means of the boats, and spread out at some distance from each other, that they might be able to reach the city with their ordnance; which, as soon as day broke, was directed to play upon the city in every direction, doing vast damage among the houses. The natives brought down to the shore such small pieces of ordnance as they possessed, which they fired off against us, but without being able to do us any injury; whereas not a shot of ours missed taking effect, either among the multitude of our enemies which flocked to the shore, or on the buildings of the city, both the houses of the inhabitants and the temples of their deities receiving incredible damage. So great was the consternation, that the zamorin fled from his palace, and one of his chief nayres was killed by a ball close beside him. Part even of the palace was destroyed by the cannonade. Towards afternoon two ships were seen approaching the harbour, which immediately changed their course on seeing how our fleet was employed; on which the general ceased firing against Calicut, and made all sail after these two ships to Pandarane, where they took shelter among other seven ships lying at anchor close to the shore and filled with Moors. Finding that our fleet could not get near enough to attack them, owing to shallow water, and considering that it was now late in the season for his voyage back to Lisbon, the general resolved to be contented with the revenge he had already taken upon Calicut, and made sail for Cochin, where he was informed there was more pepper to be had than even at Calicut, and where he hoped to enter into a treaty with the rajah of that place.'

On his way towards Cochin, Cabral took two ships belonging to the Moors, which he set on fire, after taking out of them some rice which they had on board. On the 20th of December the fleet arrived at Cochin, which is nineteen leagues to the south of Calicut, and is in nine degrees towards the north[25]. Cochin is in the province of Malabar, on a river close to the sea, and is almost an island, so that it is very strong and difficult of access, having a large and safe harbour. The land in its neighbourhood is low and intersected by branches of the river into many islands. The city itself is built much after the same manner with Calicut, and is inhabited by idolaters, with a good many Moorish strangers, who come hither to trade from many countries, two of whom were so rich as to have each fifty ships employed. This country does not abound in provisions, but produces large store of pepper, even Calicut being mostly supplied from hence: But as Calicut is greatly more resorted to by merchants, it is therefore much richer than Cochin. The king is an idolater, of the same manners and customs with him of Calicut; but his country being small he is very poor, and has not even the right to coin money, being in many respects subordinate to the zamorin; who, on his accession to the throne always goes to Cochin, and takes possession of that kingdom, either retaining it in his own hands, or restoring the rajah as he may think proper. The rajah of Cochin, consequently, is bound to assist the zamorin in all his wars, and must always be of the same religion with his paramount.

Having come to anchor in the harbour of Cochin, the general sent one Michael Jogue[26] on shore with a message to the rajah, as he feared to send Caspar on shore, lest he might run away. This person, though an idolater and a stranger, had come aboard our fleet with the intention of becoming a Christian, and of going into Portugal, and our general had him baptised by the name of Michael. He was ordered to give the rajah of Cochin an account of all that had happened at Calicut, and that Cabral had brought great store of merchandize to barter for the commodities of Cochin; or if the rajah were not satisfied with these, he was willing to give ready money for what he wanted; requesting to be furnished with loading for four of his ships in either way, as most agreeable to the rajah. To this message the rajah[27] made answer, that he was exceedingly glad of the arrival of the Portuguese, of whose power and valour he had already heard, for which he esteemed them highly, and that they were welcome to purchase what spices his country afforded, either in barter for their goods, or for money, as they thought proper. He added, that the general might freely send any agents he pleased on shore to make purchases and sales, and sent two principal nayres as hostages for their safety; conditioning only, that they might be changed daily for others, because any of that cast who chanced to eat even once on shipboard could never appear again in the rajahs presence. Cabral was well pleased with this promising beginning, and immediately appointed Gonzalo Gil Barbosa as factor, who had been assistant to Aries Correa, giving him Laurenço Morena as clerk, and Madera de Alcusia as interpreter, with four of the banished men as servants.

On receiving notice of the landing of Barbosa, the rajah sent the register[28] of the city to meet him, accompanied by many of the nayres, or principal men of the court, who brought him to visit the rajah, who was much inferior in dress and appearance of state to the zamorin, even the hall of audience having only bare walls, seated around like a theatre, in which the rajah sat with very few attendants. Barbosa presented to the rajah, in name of our general, a basin of silver filled with saffron, a large silver ewer filled with rose water, and some branches of coral, which the rajah received with much satisfaction, desiring his thanks to be returned to the general; and after some conversation with the factor, and interpreter, he gave orders for them to be properly lodged in the city. The general gave especial orders that no more than the seven persons already mentioned should remain on shore, thinking it imprudent to risk a greater number, in case of experiencing a similar misfortune with what had lately happened at Calicut. But there was here no cause for distrust, as the rajah of Cochin was a person of truth and honour, as appeared by his good usage of our men, the quick dispatch that was used in loading our ships with spices, and the orders he gave to his people to afford every assistance, which they did with much alacrity and zeal: so that it seemed ordained of God, that the trade should be transferred from Calicut to Cochin, for the advancement of the Catholic faith in the Indies, and the enrichment of the crown of Portugal[29].

After the ships were laden, two Indians came to wait upon the general, who said that they were brothers, and Christians, born in Cranganore near Cochin, who were desirous of going to Portugal, and thence to visit the Pope at Rome, and the holy sepulchre at Jerusalem[30]. Being asked by the general what kind of a city Cranganore was, whether it was entirely inhabited by Christians, and whether these Christians followed the order of the Greek or Roman church, one of them gave the following answers.

Cranganore is a large city in the province of Malabar on the mainland, standing near the mouth of a river, by which likewise it is encompassed, inhabited both by idolaters and Christians, and by some Jews who are held in small esteem. It is much frequented by strangers, among whom are merchants from Syria, Egypt, Persia, and Arabia, who come thither to purchase pepper, a great deal of which commodity is gathered in its territories. It has a king of its own, to whom all the Christian inhabitants pay a certain tribute, and have a quarter of their own in the city, where they have a church resembling ours, in which there were crosses, but no images of the saints, and no bells, being summoned to prayers by the priests as in the Greek church. These Christians hail their popes, with twelve cardinals, two patriarchs, and many bishops and archbishops, all of whom reside in Armenia, to which country their bishops always went for consecration. He had been there himself along with a bishop, where he was ordained a priest. That this rule was observed by all the clergy of the Indies and of Cathay, who have to go to the pope or Catholicos of Armenia for consecration. Of their two patriarchs, one resides in the Indies, and the other in Cathay[31], their bishops residing in different cities as it may seem convenient. Their tonsure is made in form of a cross.

The cause of their having a pope is said to have been on the following account: 'When St Peter was residing at Antioch, there happened a great schism, occasioned by Simon Magus, on which Peter was called to Rome to assist the Christians in overthrowing that heresy; and, that he might not leave the eastern church without a shepherd, he appointed a vicar to govern at Antioch, who should become pope after the death of Peter, and should always assist the pope of Armenia. But, after the Moors entered into Syria and Asia Minor, as Armenia remained always in the Christian faith, they came to be governed by twelve cardinals. Marco Polo, in writing concerning Armenia, mentions this pope or Catholicos, and says there are two sects of Christians, the Nestorians and Jacobites, their pope being named Jacobus, whom this Joseph named their Catholicos. The priests of Cranganore are not shaven in the same manner with ours, but shave the whole head, leaving a few hairs on the crown and they have both deacons and subdeacons. In consecrating the elements, they use leavened bread and wine made of raisins, having no other in the country. Their children are not baptized till they are eleven days old, unless they happen to be sickly. They confess as we do, and bury their dead after a similar manner. They do not use the holy oil to the dying, but only bless them; and when any one dies, they gather a large company and feast for eight days, after which the obsequies are celebrated. If any person dies without making a testament, their lands and goods go to the nearest heir; but the widow is entitled to her dower if she remain a year unmarried. On going into church they use holy water. They hold the writings of the four Evangelists in great veneration. They fast during Lent and Advent with much solemnity, and on Easter Eve they neither eat nor drink the whole day. They have regularly sermons on the night of Holy Friday, and they observe the day of the Resurrection with great devotion. Likewise the two following days, and the ensuing Sunday, are particularly kept holy, because on that day St Thomas thrust his hand into the side of our Saviour. Ascension Day, Trinity Sunday, the Assumption and Nativity of the Blessed Virgin, Candlemas Day, Christmas Day, all the days of the apostles, and all the Sundays throughout the year, are kept with much devotion. They sanctify in a particular manner the first day of July every year in honour of St Thomas, but they could give no reason why this was done. They have also native friars and nuns, who live with much regularity. Their priests also live chastely, as those who do otherwise are debarred from executing their functions. They allow of no divorce between married people, who must live together till death. They receive the sacrament regularly three times in every year. They have among them certain learned men, or great doctors, who keep schools, in which they teach the Scriptures, and likewise some excellent interpretations which were left in old times by their ancient doctors. Their dress is similar to that of the Moors. Their day consists of forty hours; and, having no clocks, they judge of the time of the day by the sun, and in the night by the motion of the stars[32]. The general was very glad to receive this Joseph and his brother, and gave orders to provide them with a good cabin in his ship.

While Cabral remained at Cochin, he received messages from the kings of Cananor and Coulan, both considerable princes in the province of Malabar, requesting him to come to their ports, where he should be supplied cheaper than at Cochin, and giving him many offers of friendship. He made answer, with his hearty thanks, that he could not now visit their ports, having already begun to take in his loadings bet that he should certainly visit them on his return to India. Immediately after the Portuguese ships were laden, a fleet of twenty-five great ships, and other small vessels was descried in the offing; and notice was sent by the rajah of Cochin to our general, that this fleet contained fifteen thousand fighting men, and had been fitted out on purpose to make him and all his people prisoners. At the same time the rajah offered to send men to his assistance, if he stood in need; but the general answered he had no need of any such aid at the present, as he trusted, with God's blessing, to convince his enemies they were ill advised in seeking now to attack him, having already given them a trial of his strength; alluding to what he had already done to them at Calicut. The enemy continued to hover off at sea, but did not venture to come nearer than a league, though they seemed in fighting order. Seeing this shyness, the general weighed anchor, and went out with all his fleet against them, having on board the two nayres who were hostages for the factory on shore, but his intentions were to have returned with them to Cochin. Soon after leaving the harbour, a great storm arose with a foul wind, so that he was forced to come to anchor without attaining to the enemy. Next morning, being the 10th January 1501, the wind came fair, and being desirous to attack the fleet of Calicut, the general made sail towards them; but missing the ship commanded by Sancho de Toar, who had parted from the fleet in the night, and that being the largest and best manned ship of the fleet, he deemed it prudent to avoid fighting with so large a force, especially as many of his men were sick. The wind, likewise, was now quite fair for beginning his voyage home, and was quite contrary for going back to Cochin to land the hostages. He determined, therefore, to commence his voyage, and stood out to sea; the enemy following him during the whole of that day, but returned towards Calicut when night drew on. Cabral now turned his attention to the forlorn nayres, who had been five days on board without eating, and by dint of much and kind entreaty, he at length prevailed on them to take food.

On the 15th of January, the fleet came in sight of Cananore, which lies on the coast of Malabar, thirty-one leagues north of Cochin. This is a large city with a fine bay, the houses being built of earth, and covered with flat stones or slates, and it contains many Moors who trade thither for many kinds of goods. The neighbourhood produces hardly any more pepper than is necessary for its own consumpt; but has plenty of ginger, cardamoms, tamarinds, mirabolans, cassia-fistula[33], and other drugs. In several pools of water near this city there are many very large alligators[34], similar to the crocodiles of the Nile, which devour men when they come in their way. They have very large heads with two rows of teeth, and their breath smells like musk, their bodies being covered all over with hard scales like shells. In the bushes near this city there are many large and very venomous serpents, which destroy men by means of their breath. There are bats likewise as large as kites, which have heads like a fox and similar teeth, and the natives often eat these animals. The city of Cananore abounds in fish, flesh, and fruits, but has to import rice from other places. The king or rajah is a bramin, being one of the three kings of Malabar, but is not so rich and powerful as the zamorin, or even as the rajah of Coulan. The general came to anchor at this port, both because he had been invited by the rajah, and because he wished to take on board some cinnamon, of which commodity he had not as yet any on board. He accordingly purchased 400 quintals, and might have had more if he would, but refused it; on which the people of the place concluded that he had no more money. On this coming to the knowledge of the rajah, he sent him word that he would trust him with any quantity he had a mind for of that or any other commodity, till his return from Portugal, or the arrival of any other in his stead. The rajah was induced to make this offer, from his knowledge of the just dealings of the Portuguese, and their faithful performance of their promises. The general sent his hearty thanks to the rajah for his liberality, promising to inform the king his master of his good will, and assuring his highness that he might depend on his constant friendship.

Cabral now took on board an ambassador from the rajah of Cananore for the king of Portugal, who was sent to conclude a treaty of amity between them. Departing from Cananore, and standing across the gulf, he took a great ship richly laden on the last of January: But on learning that it belonged to the king of Cambaya, he permitted it to proceed on its voyage uninjured; sending word to that sovereign, that the Portuguese did not come to the Indies to make war on any one, excepting indeed with the zamorin of Calicut, who had scandalously broken the peace which had been made between them. He therefore only took a pilot out of this ship, to conduct him through the gulf between India and Africa. While continuing their voyage, and approaching the African shore, a great storm arose on the 12th of February, by which in the night the ship of Sancho de Toar was driven on shore, and taking fire was entirely burnt, the men only being saved. As the tempest still continued, they were unable to stop at Melinda, or any other place till they came to Mozambique, where they cast anchor, in order to take in water and to refit their ships, the seams of which were all open. From this place, the general dispatched Sancho de Toar to discover Sofala, with orders to make the best of his way from that place to Portugal, with an account of its productions.

The ships being refitted, Cabral resumed the voyage to the Cape of Good Hope, near which they again experienced a violent storm, in which one of the ships was separated from the fleet, after firing signals of distress, and was never seen again during the voyage. At length, after many great storms and dangers, which it were tedious to recount, Cabral doubled the Cape on Whitsunday the 22d of May; whence continuing his voyage with a fair wind, he came to anchor at Cape Verd, where he found Diego Diaz, who had separated from the fleet on the outward bound voyage. Diaz had been driven into the Red Sea, where he wintered and lost his boat, and as most of his men died from sickness, his pilot could not venture to carry him to India. He endeavoured therefore to find his way back to Portugal; but after leaving the Red Sea, his men were so consumed with hunger, thirst, and sickness, that only seven of his crew remained. After remaining some time at Cape Verd waiting in vain for the missing ships, Cabral proceeded on his voyage, and arrived safe at Lisbon on the last day of July, in the year 1501. Soon after his arrival, the ship which had separated in a storm off the Cape of Good Hope, came in; and shortly after that, Sancho de Toar arrived from Sofala. He described Sofala as a small island close on the continent of Africa, inhabited by a black people called Caffres; and reported that much gold is brought to this place from certain mines on the adjacent continent; on which account Sofala is much frequented by Moors from India, who barter merchandize of small value for gold. He brought along with him to Lisbon a Moor whom he had received as an hostage or pledge for the safety of one of his own men, whom he had left there to acquire a knowledge of the country and its language; and from this Moor they got ample information respecting the people and trade of those parts of Africa, which I shall afterwards communicate. Including this last ship, there returned six to Portugal out of the twelve which had sailed on the voyage for India, the other six having been lost.

[1] It will appear in the sequel that there was another captain named Vasco de Tayde.--E.

[2] Astley says only 1200,--Astl. I. 40.

[3] According to Astley, there were eight Franciscan friars besides the vicar, eight chaplains, and a chaplin-major; and that their orders were to begin with preaching, and in case that failed, to enforce the gospel by the sword. In other words, to establish the accursed tribunal of the inquisition in India, to the eternal disgrace of Portugal, and of the pretended followers of the ever-blessed Prince of Peace.--E.

[4] The remainder of this paragraph is given in the precise words and orthography of the original translator, Nicholas Lichfild, as a curious specimen of the nautical language of Britain in 1582.--E.

[5] According to De Faria, this vessel parted in a storm near Cape Verd, and returned to Portugal.--Astl. I. 41. a.

[6] By some unaccountable mistake, the translation of Castaneda by Lichefild says to the _east_.--E.

[7] It appears that Cabral had twenty malefactors on board for such purposes, who had received pardon on condition of submitting to be landed on occasions of danger.--E.

[8] Puerto Seguro is in lat. 16°S. and about long. 39° 40'W. This country of Brasil derived its name from the dye-wood so called.--E.

[9] Originally, according to Castaneda, there were only ten ships and two caravels: Both the caravels have been already accounted for as having left the fleet; and after the loss of four ships, six only ought to have remained. Astley makes the whole fleet originally to have consisted of thirteen vessels, which will allow of seven now remaining. --E.

[10] This part of the voyage is very indistinctly described. From the lat. of 27°S. where Cabral is said to have fallen in with the eastern coast of Africa, to Sofala, in lat. 19°S. the coast stretches out nearly five degrees to the east, to Capes Corientes and St Sebastian, with many rivers, the great bays of Delogoa and Asnea, and the islands of Bocica or Bozarnio, all of which must have been seen by Cabral during the slow navigation close along shore, but all of which are omitted in the text.--E.

[11] Named Inhazato. Sofala is in lat. 13°S. and almost 36°E. from Greenwich.--E.

[12] According to De Faria, this person was uncle to the king of Melinda, and was named Sheikh Foteyma.--Astl. I. 41. b.

[13] In modern maps this extensive line of coast is divided into the following separate territories, Inhambane, Sabia, Sofala, Mocaranga, Mozambico, and Querimba; which will be illustrated in future portions of this work.--E.

[14] This word _miso_ is probably an error of the press for mylyo, by which the African grain named millet is distinguished in other parts of Castaneda. The _small cattle_ of the text are probably meant for sheep, as they are frequently thus contradistinguished in other parts of the original from _great cattle_, not here mentioned.--E.

[15] These vessels were probably precisely similar to the Arab _dows_ of the Red Sea and Persian Gulf, which will be afterwards more particularly described.--E.

[16] Thus the translation of Castaneda by Lichefild. It was more probably a superstitious ceremony to guard against witches.--E.

[17] In an account of this voyage by a Portuguese pilot, inserted in the collection of Ramusio, the name of the reigning zamorin is said to have been Gnaffer. Ramus. I. 125.

[18] Probably the person who was carried prisoner from Anchediva by De Gama, in the former voyage.--E.

[19] According to De Faria, the hostages demanded on this occasion were six principal men of the Bramin cast, whose names were brought from Portugal by Cabral, by the advice of Bontaybo or Moncayde, the Moor who went off with De Gama.--Astl. I. 43. b.

[20] Named by De Faria, Coje Cimireci.--Astl. I. 44, a.

[21] Called Coje Bequi by De Faria; or rather Khojah Beki, or Beghi: But most of the foreign names are so corruptly given that it is difficult to rectify them.--Astl. I. 44. b.

[22] According to De Faria, this house was granted not without great difficulty, and was taken possession of by Correa with sixty men.-- Astl. I. 45.

[23] According to De Faria, this event was occasioned by the Moorish admiral of Calicut, without the knowledge of the zamorin, who instigated Cabral to the attempt in hope of injuring the Portuguese, and sent information to the Moors to be on their guard. He adds that Cabral, having discovered the fraud, restored the ship and cargo to the owners, whom he satisfied for their damages, in order to gain the favour of the rajah of Cochin.--Astl. I. 45.

[24] Perhaps meant by Lichefild instead of emperor; or it may be some native term of dignity.--E.

[25] The latitude of Cochin is almost 10º N. while Calient is about 11º 10'.--E

[26] This Michael Jougue or Joghi, is said to have been a bramin, or Malabar priest; one of these devotees who wander about the country, girt with chains and daubed with filth. Those wanderers, if idolaters, are named Jogues; and Calandars if Mahometans.--Astl. I. 47. a.

[27] The rajah who then reigned at Cochin is named Triumpara, or Trimumpara, by De Faria, De Barros, and other early writers.--Astl. I. 47. b.

[28] In other parts of Castaneda, this officer is called the kutwal--E.

[29] According to De Barros, the rajah of Cochin was offended by the conduct of the zamorin, on several accounts, and among the rest for monopolising the trade on the Malabar coast.--Astl. I. 43. a. We may easily conceive that one strong ground of favour to the Portuguese at Cochin, was in hopes by their means to throw off the yoke of the zamorin.--E.

[30] One of these Christians died during the voyage, but the other, named Joseph, arrived in Portugal. This is the _Josephus Indus_, or Joseph the Indian, under whose name there is a short voyage in Grynæus: which properly speaking is only an account of Cranganore and its inhabitants, particularly the Christians and their ceremonies, with some account of Calient, Kambaya, Guzerat, Ormuz, and Narsinga, very short and unsatisfactory.--Astl. I. 48. b.

[31] Called Caitaio in the original, but obviously Cathay, or Northern China, in which we have formerly seen that there were Nestorian Christians.--E.

[32] In Lichefilds translation, the account of the day of these Indian Christians runs thus, which we do not pretend to understand: "They have their day, which they do call _Intercalor_, which is of _forty_ hours."

This account of the Christians found in India by the Portuguese, is exceedingly imperfect and unsatisfactory; but it would lead to a most inconvenient length to attempt supplying the deficiency. Those of our readers who are disposed to study this interesting subject, will find it discussed at some length in Mosheim, and there is a good abstract relative to these Oriental sects given by Gibbon, in the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire.--E.

[33] Named Canyfistola in Lichefilds translation.

[34] Lagartos in the original.

* * * * *

Note.--In the Novus Orbus of Simon Grynaeus, p. 202-211, there is an article entitled, _Short Account of India, by Joseph, an Indian Christian, who accompanied Cabral[A] to Lisbon in 1501_. We were inclined to have inserted this account at this part of our collection as an ancient and original document: But, on an attentive perusal, it is so jejune, contused, and uninstructive as not to merit attention. It evidently appears to have been penned by some person in Cabral's ship during the voyage home, from repeated conferences with Joseph: But, as the writer of this article informs us himself, many particulars were unknown to Joseph, because he had little intercourse with the idolaters, or because the reporter could not understand the answers which Joseph made to his inquiries.--E.

[A] In Grynaeus, Pedro Alvarez de Cabral, is named Peter Aliares.--E.

SECTION IV.

_Voyage of John de Nueva, being the third made by the Portuguese to India_.

Is the same year 1501, supposing all differences to have been settled amicably at Calicut by Cabral, and that a regular trade was established both there and at Sofala and Quiloa, the king of Portugal dispatched three ships and a caravel from Lisbon, under the command of John de Neuva, a native of Galicia in Spain, who was accounted a valiant gentleman; having under his orders, Francisco de Navoys, Diego Barboso, and Hernando de la Pyna, as captains of three of the ships. Two ships of this fleet were destined to carry merchandize to Sofala[1], and the other two to Calicut, and all the four contained only eighty men[2]. The instructions given to Nueva were, that he was to touch at the island of St Blas, where he was to wait ten days if any of his ships had separated. He was then to proceed for Sofala, where, if a factory were settled he was to deliver the goods destined for that place before going to India. If a factory were not already settled there, he was to do every thing in his power for that purpose, leaving Alvaro de Braga there as factor, with the merchandize embarked in the caravel for that market. From Sofala, he was to proceed to Quiloa; and thence directly to Calicut. He was farther directed, in case of meeting with Cabral, to obey him as general, and desire him to settle a factory at Sofala, if his own attempt should fail.

Nueva left Lisbon on this voyage in March, four months before the return of Cabral, and arrived in safety at the isle of St Blas; where he found a letter in an old shoe suspended from the branch of a tree, written by Pedro de Tayde[3], informing him that the fleet of Cabral had passed this island on its way back to Portugal, and giving an account of what had happened at Calicut, of the good treatment the fleet had received at Cochin, where some of our men remained, and of the friendly disposition of the king of Cananor[4]. On consulting with the other captains, it was judged improper to leave the caravel at Sofala, in these circumstances, as their whole force did not exceed eighty men; wherefore they proceeded directly for Quiloa, where they found one of the exiles who had been left there by Cabral, from whom they received a particular account of all that had happened at Calicut, and of the loss of several of his ships, all of which he had learnt from some Moors. From Quiloa Nueva sailed on to Melinda, where the king confirmed the intelligence he had received from the exile at Quiloa[5]. Thus fully instructed in the state of matters, Nueva deemed it prudent to keep all the ships of his small squadron, and sailed across from Melinda to Anchediva, where he came to anchor in November, intending to take in a supply of water at that place. While here, seven large ships belonging to Cambaya, which were bound for the Red Sea, appeared off the anchoring ground, and seemed at first disposed to attack our ships; but being afraid of the Portuguese ordnance, they continued their voyage. From Anchediva Nueva proceeded for Cananor, where he had an audience of the rajah, from whom he received particular notice of all that had happened in Calicut to Cabral, and of the offer which the rajah had made to load all his ships at Cananor. The rajah assured him of his earnest desire of doing every thing in his power to serve the king of Portugal, and pressed him to take in his loading at that port; but Nueva declined this offer for the present, until he had consulted with the factor at Cochin, for which port he took his departure from Cananor. On his way between Cananor and Cochin, Nueva took a ship belonging to some of the Moorish merchants at Calicut, after a vigorous resistance, and set it on fire.

On his arrival at Cochin, the factor who had been left there by Cabral came on board with the rest of his company, and acquainted him that the rajah was greatly offended with Cabral for leaving the port without seeing him, and for carrying away the hostages; yet had always kindly entertained and the other members, of the factory, lodging them every night in the palace for security, and always sending a guard of nayres along with any of them who had occasion to go out during the day, on purpose to defend them from the Moors who sought their destruction, and who had one night set fire to the house in which they lodged before their removal to the palace. He also informed Nueva that the Moors had persuaded the native merchants to depreciate the price of the Portuguese merchandize, and not to take these in exchange for pepper, so that unless he had brought money for his purchases he would have little chance of procuring a loading. On this intelligence, and considering that he had not brought money, Nueva immediately returned from Cochin to Cananor, expecting to procure his loading at that port, in consequence of the friendly dispositions of the rajah towards the king of Portugal[6]. On his return to Cananor, he found that money was as necessary there for his purchases as at Cochin: But, when the rajah, was informed of his difficulties from want of money, he became his security to the native merchants for 1000 quintals or hundred weights of pepper, 450 quintals of cinnamon, and fifty quintals of ginger, besides some bales of linen cloth[7]. By this generous conduct of the rajah, Nueva procured a loading for his ships, and left his European merchandize for sale at Cananor under the management of a factor and two clerks.

On the 15th December, while waiting for a fair wind to begin his homeward voyage, the rajah sent notice to Nueva that eighty _paraws_ were seen to the northward, which were past mount _Dely_, and that these vessels were from Calicut, sent expressly to attack the Portuguese ships; and the rajah advised him to land his men and ordnance for greater security: But the general was not of this mind, and sent word to the rajah that he hoped, with the assistance of God, to be able to defend himself. Next day, being the 16th of December, before dawn, about an hundred ships and paraws full of Moors came into the bay, sent on purpose by the zamorin, who was in hopes to have taken all our ships and men. As soon as Nueva perceived this numerous armament, he hoisted anchor and removed his squadron to the middle of the bay, where he ordered all his ships to pour in their shot against the enemy without intermission. Doubtless, but for this, the enemy would have boarded his ships, and they were so numerous it would have been impossible for him to have escaped; but as the Moors had no ordnance, they could do our people no harm from a distance, and many of their ships and paraws were sunk, with the loss of a vast number of men, while they did not dare to approach for the purpose of boarding, and not a single person was killed or hurt on our side. The enemy towards evening hung out a flag for a parley; but as Nueva feared this might be intended as a lure, he continued firing, lest they might suppose he stopped from weariness or fear. But the Moors were really desirous of peace, owing to the prodigious loss they had sustained, and their inability to escape from the bay for want of a fair wind. At length, most of his ordnance being burst or rendered unserviceable by the long-continued firing, and seeing that the Moors still kept up their flag of truce, Nueva ceased firing and answered them by another flag[8]. Immediately on this, a Moor came to Neuva in a small boat, to demand a cessation of hostilities till next day. This was granted, on condition that they should quit the bay and put out to sea, which they did accordingly. Although the wind was very unfavourable, Nueva stood out to sea likewise, which the enemy could hardly do, as their ships and paraws can only make sail with a fair wind. Notwithstanding all that had happened, Nueva was constrained to come to anchor close to the fleet of the enemy, and gave orders to keep strict watch during the night. At one time they were heard rowing towards our fleet, and it was supposed they intended setting our ships on fire; on which Neuva ordered to veer out more cable, to get farther off. Perceiving that the boats of the enemy continued to follow, he commanded a gun to be fired at them, on which they made off; and the wind coming off shore and somewhat fair, they made sail for Calicut.

Nueva, after returning thanks to God for deliverance from his enemies, took his leave of the rajah of Cananor, and departed for Portugal, where he arrived in safety with all his ships[9].

After the departure of Nueva from Cananor, one of his men named Gonsalo Pixoto, who had been made prisoner and carried to Calicut, came to Cananor with a message from the zamorin to Nueva, making excuses for all that had been done there to Cabral, and for the attempt against his own fleet at Cananor, and offering, if he would come to Calicut, to give him a full loading of spices, and sufficient hostages both for his safety and the performance of his promise.

[1] It afterwards appears that one vessel only was destined for this particular trade: Perhaps the second was meant for Quiloa.--E.

[2] According to Astley, I. 49. the crews of these four vessels consisted in all of 400 men.--E.

[3] Called de Atayde by Astley.--E.

[4] According to Astley, I. 49. Nueva discovered in this outward voyage the Island of Conception, in lat. 8° S. But this circumstance does not occur in Castaneda.--E.

[5] Before arriving at Melinda, Nueva gave chase to two large ships belonging to the Moors, one of which he took and burnt, but the other escaped.--Astl. I. 49.

[6] According to De Faria, Nueva took in a part of his loading; at Cochin, with a view perhaps to preserve the credit of the Portuguese nation at that place.--Astl. I. 50. a.

[7] In the original this linen cloth is said to have been made of _algadon_, a word left untranslated by Lichefild, probably _al-cotton_, or some such Arabic word for cotton: The linen cloth, therefore, was some kind of calico or muslin.--E.

[8] According to De Faria, five great ships and nine paraws were sunk in this action. De Barros says ten merchant ships and nine paraws.--Astl. I. 50. c.

[9] On this part of the voyage, Astley remarks, on the authority of De Faria, that Nueva touched at the island of St Helena, which he found destitute of inhabitants; though it was found peopled by De Gama in his first voyage, only four years before. What is called the island of St Helena in De Gamas first voyage, is obviously one of the head-lands of St Elens bay on the western coast of Africa. The island of St Helena is at a vast distance from the land, in the middle of the Atlantic ocean.--E.

SECTION V.

_The Second Voyage of De Gama to India in 1502; being the Fourth made by the Portuguese to the East Indies_.

As the king of Portugal felt it incumbent upon him to revenge the injurious and treacherous conduct of the zamorin, he gave orders to prepare a powerful fleet for that purpose; the command of which was at first confided to Pedro Alvares de Cabral, but, for certain just considerations was taken from him and bestowed on Don Vasco de la Gama. Every thing being ready, De Gama sailed from Lisbon on the 3d of March 1502, having the command of thirteen great ships and two caravels[1]. The captains of this fleet were, Pedro Alonso de Aguilar, Philip de Castro, Don Lewis Cotinho, Franco De Conya, Pedro de Tayde, Vasco Carvallo, Vincente Sodre, Blas Sodre, the two Sodres being cousins-german to the captain-general, Gil Hernand, cousin to Laurenço de la Mina, Juan Lopes Perestrello, Rodrigo de Castaneda, and Rodrigo de Abreo; and of the two caravels Pedro Raphael and Diego Perez were commanders. In this powerful squadron they carried out the materials of a third caravel, which was directed to be put together at Mozambique, and of which Hernand Rodrigues Badarsas was appointed to be commander. Besides this first fleet of seventeen sail, a smaller squadron of five ships remained in preparation at Lisbon, which sailed on the 5th of May under the command of Stephen de la Gama[2].

When De Gama had doubled the Cape of Good Hope, and was arrived at _the farther end of the currents_[3], he went himself with four of the smallest vessels to Sofala, sending on the remainder of the fleet to wait his arrival at Mozambique. This visit to Sofala was in consequence of orders from the king, to examine the situation of the city and to endeavour to find a proper situation for a fort, that the Portuguese might monopolize the trade in gold at that place. He remained there twenty-five days, during which he settled a treaty of amity with the king, and had leave to establish a factory; after which mutual presents were interchanged, and De Gama departed for Mozambique. In going out of the river from Sofala, one of the ships was lost, but all the men were saved. At Mozambique he made friendship with the king, who had proved so unfriendly in the first voyage, and even obtained leave to settle a factor with several assistants, who were left on purpose to provide victuals for such ships as might touch here on the voyage to or from India. Here likewise the caravel destined for that purpose was set up and provided with ordnance and a sufficient crew, and was left for the protection of the factory. On leaving Mozambique, De Gama sailed for Quiloa, having orders to reduce the king of that place to become tributary, as a punishment for his unfriendly conduct towards Cabral. On his arrival in that port, Ibrahim the king came on board to visit the admiral, afraid of being called to account for the injuries he had done to Cabral. De Gama, knowing that he was not to be trusted, threatened to make him a prisoner under the hatches, if he did not immediately agree to pay tribute to the king of Portugal[4]. The king from fear engaged to pay 2000 miticals of gold yearly, and gave one Mehemed Aleones, a principal man among the Moors whom he hated, as an hostage for the payment. The reason of his dislike to Mehemed was this: Ibrahim was himself an usurper, having seized the government in prejudice to the right heir, and was afraid that Mehemed intended to dethrone him. When the king found himself at liberty, in consequence of this arrangement, he refused to send the promised tribute, in hope that De Gama might put the hostage to death, by which means he might get rid of his enemy: But the Moor, on finding the tribute did not come, was fain to pay the same himself, by which means he procured his own liberty. While at Quiloa, the fleet was joined by the squadron of five ships under Stephen de Gama.

Leaving Quiloa, De Gama proceeded with the whole fleet for Melinda, where he took in water and visited the king[5]. Going from thence for India, and being arrived off Mount Dely, to the north of Cananor, he met a ship belonging to the Moors of Mecca, and bound for Calicut, which was taken by our men after a stout resistance[6]. When the ship surrendered, De Gama went on board and commanded the owners and all the principal Moors to come before him, whom he ordered to produce all their goods on pain of being thrown overboard. They answered that they had nothing to produce, as all their goods were in Calicut; on which De Gama ordered one of them to be bound hand and foot and thrown into the sea. The rest were intimidated by this procedure, and immediately delivered up every thing belonging to them, which was very valuable; all of which was committed to the charge of Diego Hernando Correa, the factor appointed for conducting the trade at Cochin, by whose directions they were transported into one of the Portuguese ships. De Gama ordered all the children belonging to the Moors to be taken on board one of his own ships, and vowed to make them all friars in the church of our Lady at Belem, which he afterwards did[7]. All the ordinary merchandize belonging to the Moors was divided among his own men; and when all the goods were removed, he ordered Stephen de la Gama to confine the Moors under the hatches, and to set the ship on fire, to revenge the death of the Portuguese who were slain in the factory at Calicut. Soon after this was done, the Moors broke open the hatches, and quenched the fire; on which the admiral ordered Stephen de Gama to lay them, aboard. The Moors rendered desperate by this inhuman treatment, defended themselves to the utmost, and even threw firebrands into our ship to set it on fire. Night coming on, Stephen had to desist, but was ordered to watch the Moorish ship carefully that it might not escape during the dark, and the Moors all night long were heard calling on Mahomet to deliver them out of the hands of the Christians. When day appeared, the admiral again ordered Stephen de la Gama to set the ship on fire, which he did accordingly, after forcing the Moors to retreat into the poop. Some of the Moors leapt into the sea with hatchets in their hands, and endeavoured to swim to our boats; but all of these were slain in the water by our people, and those that remained in the ship were all drowned, as the vessel sunk. Of 300 Moors, of whom thirty were women, not one escaped alive; and some of our men were hurt.

De Gama came soon afterwards to Cananor, where he sent on shore the ambassadors, and gave them a message for the king, informing him of his arrival, and craving an audience. Upon this the rajah ordered a platform of timber to be constructed, which projected a considerable way into the water, covered over with carpets and other rich cloths, and having a wooden house or pavilion at the end next the land, which was likewise covered like the bridge, and was meant for the place of meeting between the rajah and the admiral. The rajah came first to the pavilion, attended by 10,000 nayres, and with many trumpets and other instruments playing before him; and a number of the principal nayres were arranged on the bridge or platform, to receive the admiral in an honourable manner. The admiral came in his boat, attended by all: the boats of the fleet decked out with flags and streamers, carrying certain ordnance in their prows, and having many drums and trumpets making a very martial appearance. The admiral disembarked at the outer end of the platform, under: a general salute from the ordnance of the boats, and was accompanied by all his captains and a number of men well armed. There were carried before him two great basins of silver gilt, filled with branches of coral and other fine things that are esteemed valuable in India. The admiral was received at the head of the platform by the nayres placed there on purpose, and was conducted to the rajah, who waited; for him at the door of the pavilion, and welcomed him with an embrace. They then walked together into the pavilion, in which two chairs were placed out of compliment to the admiral, on one of which the rajah sat down, though contrary to his usual custom, and desired the admiral to be seated on the other. At this interview a treaty of friendship and commerce was settled, and a factory allowed to be established at Cananor. In consequence of this, the admiral gave orders for some of the ships to load here, while others were to do the same at Cochin[8].

Having settled all things to his mind at Cananor and Cochin, the admiral proceeded with his fleet to the harbour of Calicut, where he took several paraws in which were about fifty Malabars who could not escape; but he forbore making any farther hostilities against the city, till he might see whether or not the zamorin would send him any message. Soon afterwards there came a boat with a flag to the admirals ship, a which was a person in the habit of a Franciscan friar, who was taken at first sight for one of those who had accompanied Ayres Correa, and who they supposed had remained a prisoner. On entering the ship, he saluted them, saying _Deo gratias_; but was immediately recognized as a Moor. He excused himself for coming in that disguise, to secure permission of getting on board, and said that he brought a message from the zamorin to the admiral, about settling a trade in Calicut. To this the admiral made answer, that he would by no means treat on this subject, unless the zamorin would previously satisfy him for all the goods which had been seized in the factory, when he consented to the death of Correa and the rest who were there slain. On this subject three days were spent ineffectually in messages between the zamorin and the admiral, as the Moors used every influence to prevent any friendly agreement. At length, perceiving that all these messages were only meant to gain time, the admiral sent notice to the zamorin that he would wait no longer than noon for his final answer, and if that were not perfectly satisfactory and in compliance with his just demands, he might be assured he would wage cruel war against him with fire and sword, and would begin with those of his subjects who were now prisoners in his hands. And, that the zamorin might not think these were only words of course, he called for an hour-glass, which he set down in presence of the Moorish messenger, saying that as soon as the sand had run out a certain number of times, he would infallibly put in execution all that he had threatened. All this, however, could not induce the zamorin to perform his promise; for he was of an inconstant and wavering disposition, and influenced by the counsels of the Moors. The outward shew he had made of peace was only feigned, or occasioned by the fear he had of seeing so great a fleet in his port, from which he dreaded to sustain great injury; but the Moors had now persuaded him into a contrary opinion, and had prevailed on him to break his word.

When the time appointed by the admiral was expired, he ordered a gun to be fired, as a signal to the captains of his ships to hang up the poor Malabar prisoners, who had been distributed through the fleet. After they were dead, he ordered their hands and feet to be cut off and sent on shore in a paraw, accompanied by two boats well armed, and placed a letter in the paraw for the zamorin, written in Arabic, in which he signified that he proposed to reward him in this manner for his deceitful conduct and repeated breach of faith; and, in regard to the goods belonging to the king of Portugal which he detained, he would recover them an hundred fold[9]. After this, the admiral ordered three of his ships to be warped during the night as near as possible to the shore; and that these should fire next day incessantly on the city with all their cannon, by which vast injury was done, and the royal palace was entirely demolished, besides several other houses belonging to the principal inhabitants of the place. The admiral afterwards departed for Cochin, leaving Vincente Sodre with six well armed ships to command the coast, who was to remain in India when the rest of the fleet returned to Portugal, and was likewise directed to go upon a voyage of discovery to the straits of Mecca, and the coast of Cambaya[10].

From Calicut the admiral sailed for Cochin; and immediately on his anchoring in that port, the rajah[11] sent on board certain hostages to remain as his sureties; and when the admiral landed, the rajah went in person to meet him. At this interview, the rajah delivered up to the admiral Stephen Gyl and others who had remained in his country, and the admiral presented a letter from the king of Portugal to the rajah, returning thanks for the kindness he had shewn to Cabral, and declaring his satisfaction at the settlement of a factory for trade at Cochin. The admiral also delivered a present from the king of Portugal to the rajah, consisting of a rich golden crown set with jewels, a gold enamelled collar, two richly wrought silver fountains, two pieces of figured arras, a splendid tent or pavilion, a piece of crimson satin, and another of sendal[12]; all of which the rajah accepted with much satisfaction. Yet, not knowing the use of some of these things, the admiral endeavoured to explain them; and particularly, ordered the pavilion to be set up to shew its use, under which a new treaty of amity was settled. The rajah appointed a house for the use of the Portuguese factory, and a schedule of prices were agreed upon, at which the various spices, drugs, and other productions of the country were to be delivered to the Portuguese factors, all of which were set down in writing in form of a contract. The rajah likewise delivered present for the king of Portugal, consisting of two gold bracelets set with precious stones, a sash or turban used by the Moors of cloth of silver two yards and a half long, two great pieces of fine Bengal cotton cloth, and a stone as large as a walnut taken from the head of an animal called _bulgoldolf_, which is exceedingly rare, and is said to be an antidote against all kipds of poison[13]. A convenient house being appointed for a factory, was immediately taken possession of by Diego Hernandez as factor, Lorenzo Moreno, and Alvaro Vas as clerks, and several other assistants.

While the ships were taking in their cargoes at Cochin, a message was brought to the admiral from the zamorin, engaging, if he would return to Calicut, to make a complete restitution of every thing that had been taken from the Portuguese, and that a treaty of friendship and commerce would be immediately arranged between them. After considering this message, the admiral ordered the messenger to prison, meaning to take revenge on him in case the zamorin should prove deceitful in this instance as he had already been in many others[14]. After this precaution, he went to Calicut, more for the purpose of endeavouring to recover the merchandize, than from any expectation of procuring the friendship of the zamorin. For this reason he took only his own ship[15], leaving Stephen de Gama in the command at Cochin in his absence. The captains of the fleet were much averse to this rashness; yet could not persuade him to take a larger force, as he said he would be sufficiently protected by the squadron of Vincente Sodre, which was cruizing on the coast, whom he could join on any emergency. On his arrival at Calicut, the zamorin immediately sent notice that he would satisfy him next day for all the goods which had been taken from Cabral, and would afterwards renew the trade and settle the factory on a proper footing. But as soon as he understood that the admiral had come with so small a force, he commanded thirty-four paraws to be got in readiness with all expedition, for the purpose of taking his ship. And so unexpectedly did these assail him, that the admiral was forced to cut one of his cables and make out to seaward, which he was fortunately enabled to do, as the wind came off from the land. Yet the paraws pursued him so closely, that he must infallibly have been taken, if it had not been for the squadron of Sodre making its appearance, on sight of which the paraws gave over the chase and retired to Calicut.

On his return to Cochin, die admiral immediately ordered the messenger of the zamorin to be hanged[16]. The failure of this treacherous attempt against De Gama gave much concern to the zamorin; who now resolved to try if he could induce the rajah of Cochin to refuse a loading to the Portuguese, and to send away their factory from his port. With this view he transmitted a letter to that prince, in the following terms:

"I am informed that you favour the Christians, whom you have admitted into your city and supplied with goods and provisions. It is possible you may not see the danger of this procedure, and may not know how displeasing it is to me. I request of you to remember the friendship which has hitherto subsisted between us, and that you now incur my displeasure for so small a matter in supporting these Christian robbers, who are in use to plunder the countries belonging to other nations. My desire is, therefore, that for the future you may neither receive them into your city, nor give them spices; by which you will both do me a great pleasure, and will bind me to requite your friendship in whatever way you may desire. I do not more earnestly urge these things at the present, being convinced you will comply without further entreaty, as I would do for you in any matter of importance."

The rajah of Cochin answered in the following terms: That he knew not how to expel the Christians from his city, whom he had received as friends, and to whom he had passed his word for trade and amity. He denied that his friendly reception of the Christians could be construed as any offence to the zamorin, as it was the custom in the ports of Malabar to favour all merchants who resorted thither for trade; and declared his resolution to maintain his engagements inviolate to the Portuguese, who had brought great sums of gold and silver, and large quantities of merchandize into his dominions in the course of their trade. The zamorin was much offended by this answer of the rajah of Cochin; to whom he wrote a second time, advising him earnestly to abandon the Portuguese if he had any respect for his own welfare. The rajah of Cochin was not to be moved, either by the persuasions or threatening of the zamorin, and sent a reply to his second letter, in which he declared he should never be induced to commit a base or treacherous action by fear of the consequences, and was resolved to persist in maintaining his treaty of trade and amity with the Portuguese. Finding that he could not prevail on the rajah of Cochin to concur with him, he commanded twenty-nine large ships to be fitted out in order to assail the Portuguese fleet when on its return homewards, expecting that he should be able to destroy them with more ease when fully laden.

The rajah of Cochin gave no intimation to the admiral of the letters and messages which had been interchanged between him and the zamorin, until he went to take leave; at which time, he declared he would hazard the loss of his dominions to serve the king of Portugal. The admiral, after many expressions of gratitude for his friendly disposition and honourable regard for his engagements, assured him that the king his master would never forget the numerous demonstrations he had given of friendship, and would give him such assistance as should not only enable him to defend his own dominions, but to reduce other countries under his authority. He desired him not to be in fear of the zamorin, against whom there should henceforwards be carried on so fierce war, that he would have enough of employment in defending himself, instead of being able to attack others. In this the general alluded to the aid which the rajah might expect from the ships that were to remain in India under the command of Vincent Sodre. All this conversation took place in presence of many of the principal nayres, of which circumstance the rajah was much pleased, as he knew these people were in friendship with the Moors, and had opposed the grant of a factory to us at Cochin[17].

Having completed the loading of ten ships, the admiral sailed from Cochin on his homeward-bound voyage; and when about three leagues from Pandarane, he descried the Moorish fleet of twenty-nine large ships coming towards him. After consulting with the captains of his fleet, and the wind being favourable for the purpose, he immediately bore down to engage them. The ships commanded by Vincente Sodre, Pedro Raphael, and Diego Perez, being prime sailers, closed up first with the enemy, and immediately attacked two of the largest ships of the Moors. Sodre fought with one of these alone, and Raphael and Perez assailed the other. Almost on the first onset, great numbers of the enemies were so dismayed that they leapt into the sea to escape by swimming. On the coming up of De Gama with the rest of the fleet, all the enemies ships made off as fast as they could towards the shore, except those two which were beset at the first, and were unable to escape, which were accordingly taken possession of. De Gama, considering that all his ships were richly laden, would not pursue the flying enemy, being afraid he might lose some of his ships on the shoals; but our men went in their boats and slew about 300 of the Moors who had endeavoured to save themselves by swimming from the two captured ships. These vessels were accordingly discharged of their cargoes; which consisted of great quantities of rich merchandize, among which were six great jars of fine earthen ware, called porcelain, which is very rare and costly and much admired in Portugal; four large vessels of silver, and many silver perfuming pans; also many spitting basons of silver gilt: But what exceeded all the rest, was a golden idol of thirty pounds weight, with a monstrous face. The eyes of this image were two very fine emeralds. The vestments were of beaten gold, richly wrought and set with precious stones; and on the breast was a large carbuncle or ruby, as large as the coin called a crusado, which shone like fire.

The goods being taken out, the two ships were set on fire, and the admiral made sail for Cananor, where the rajah gave him a house for a factory, in which Gonzalo Gill Barbosa was settled as factor, having Sebastian Alvarez and Diego Godino as clerks, Duarte Barbosa as interpreter, and sundry others as assistants, in all to the number of twenty. The rajah undertook to protect these men and all that might be left in the factory, and bound himself to supply lading in spices to all the ships of the king of Portugal at certain fixed prices[18]. In return for these favourable conditions, the admiral engaged on behalf of the king of Portugal to defend the rajah in all wars that might arise from this agreement; conditioning for peace and friendship between the rajahs of Cochin and Cananor, and that the latter should give no aid to any one who might make war upon the former, under the pain of forfeiting the friendship of the Portuguese. After this, the admiral gave orders to Vincente Sodre to protect the coast with his squadron till the month of February; and if any war should break out or seem probable between the zamorin and Trimumpara, he was to winter in Cochin for the protection of that city; otherwise he was to sail for the straits of the Red Sea, to make prize of all the ships belonging to Mecca that traded to the Indies.

All these matters being properly arranged, De Gama departed from Cananor for Portugal on the 20th December 1502[19]; with thirteen ships richly laden, three of which had taken in their cargoes at Cananor, and the other ten at Cochin. The whole fleet arrived in safety at Mozambique, where the ship commanded by Stephen de Gama having sprung a great leak, was unladen and laid on shore to be repaired. Seven days after their departure from Mozambique, the ship commanded by Lewis Cotinho sprung a great leak, and they were forced to endeavour to return to Mozambique to repair her; but, the wind being contrary, they had to do this in a creek on the coast. Continuing their voyage, they were assailed by a sudden tempest off Cape Corientes, in which the ship commanded by Stephen de Gama had her sails all split by the storm, owing to which she was separated from the fleet, and no more seen till six days after the arrival of the admiral at Lisbon, when she came in with her mast broken. The storm having abated, during which the fleet took shelter under the lee of Cape Corientes, the admiral prosecuted his voyage to Lisbon, and arrived safe at Cascais on the 1st September 1503. All the noblemen of the court went to Cascais to receive him honourably, and to accompany him to the presence of the king. On his way to court, he was preceded by a page carrying a silver bason, in which was the tribute from the king of Quiloa. The king received him with great honour, as he justly merited for his services in discovering the Indies, and in settling factories at Cochin and Cananor, to the great profit of the kingdom; besides the great fame and honour which redounded to the king, as the first sovereign who had sent to discover the Indies, of which he might make a conquest if he were so inclined. In reward for these brilliant services, the king made him admiral of the Indies, and likewise gave him the title of Lord of Videgueyra, which was his own.

* * * * *

Note.--As De Gama did not return again to India till the year 1524, which is beyond the period contained in that part of Castaneda which has been translated by Lichefild, we shall have no occasion to notice him again in this part of our work. For this reason, it has been thought proper to give the following short supplementary account of his farther services in India.

"In 1524, Don Vasco De Gama, now Count of Videgueyra, was appointed viceroy of India by John III. king of Portugal, and sailed from Lisbon with fourteen ships, carrying 3000 fighting men. Three were lost during the voyage, with all the men belonging to two of them. While in the Gulf of Cambaya, in a dead calm, the ships were tossed about in so violent a manner that all onboard believed themselves in imminent danger of perishing, and began to consider how they might escape. One man leapt over-board, thinking to escape by swimming, but was drowned; and such as lay sick of fevers were cured by the fright. The viceroy, who perceived that the commotion was occasioned by the effects of an earthquake, called aloud to his people, _courage my friends, for the sea trembles from fear of you who are on it_. To make some amends for the misfortunes of the voyage, Don George de Meneses, one of the captains, took a large ship belonging to Mecca, worth 60,000 crowns, a large sum in those days. After his arrival at Goa, the viceroy visited some forts, and issued the necessary orders for regulating the affairs of his government; but he had not time to put any of his great designs into execution, as he died on Christmas eve, having only held the government of Portuguese India for three months. De Gama is said to have been of middle stature, with a ruddy complexion, but somewhat gross. His character was bold, patient under fatigue, well fitted for great undertakings, speedy in executing justice, and terrible in anger. In fine, he was admirably fitted for all that was entrusted to his conduct, as a discoverer, a naval and military commander, and as viceroy. He is painted with a black cap, cloak, and breeches, edged with velvet, all slashed, through which appears the crimson lining. His doublet is of crimson satin, over which his armour is seen inlaid with gold. He was the sixth successive governor of India, and the second who had the rank of viceroy."--Astl I. 54. b.

[1] According to Astley, much difference of opinion took place in the council of Portugal, whether to continue the trade to India for which it was requisite to employ force, or to desist entirely from the attempt; but the profits expected from the trade, and the expectation of propagating the Romish religion and enlarging the royal titles, outweighed all considerations of danger; and it was resolved to persist in the enterprize.--Astl. I. 50.

[2] The distribution, of this force is somewhat differently related by Astley. Ten ships only are said to have been placed under the immediate command of Vasco de Gama; five ships under Vincente Sodre, who had orders to scour the coast of Cochin and Cananor, and to watch the mouth of the Red Sea, on purpose to prevent the Moors, or Turks and Arabs, from trading to India; the third, as in the text, was under Stephen de Gama, but with no particular destination mentioned; and the whole were under the supreme command of Vasco de Gama, as captain- general.--Astl. I. 50.

[3] Such is the expression in the translation by Lichefild; but which I suspect ought to have been, "and had passed Cape Corientes."--E.

In Astley, the following incident is mentioned: When off Cape Verd, Vasco de Gama met a caravel bound from La Mina, on the western coast of Africa, carrying much gold to Lisbon. He shewed some of this to the ambassadors whom Cabral had brought from Cananor, and who were now on their return to India. They expressed much surprize at this circumstance; as they had been told by the Venetian ambassador at Lisbon, that the Portuguese could not send their ships to sea without assistance from Venice. This insinuation proceeded from envy, as the Venetians were afraid of losing the lucrative trade with India which they had long enjoyed through Egypt. --Astl. I. 51.

[4] According to De Faria, De Gama began by cannonading the city of Quiloa; but on the king consenting to become tributary, all was changed to peace and joy--Astl. I. 51. a.

[5] According to Astley, De Gama was forced beyond Melinda, and took in water at a bay eight leagues farther on; and going thence towards India, he spread out his fleet that no ship might escape him; in consequence of which he took several, but was most severe on those belonging to Calicut. --Astl. I. 51.

[6] In Astley this ship is said to have belonged to the soldan of Egypt, and was very richly laden, besides being full of Moors of quality, who were going on pilgrimage to Mecca.--Astl. I. 51.

[7] DeFaria says there were twenty of these children, whom De Gama caused to be made Christian friars, to make amends for one Portuguese who turned Mahometan.--Astl. I. 51. c.

[8] Castaneda, or rather his translator Lichefild, gets somewhat confused here, as if this factory were settled at Cochin, though the whole previous scene is described as at Cananor.--E.

[9] De Faria says the bodies of these unfortunate Malabars were thrown into the sea, to be carried on shore by the tide.--Astl. I. 52. a.

[10] By the straits of Mecca are here meant the straits of Bab-el-mandeb, or the entrance from the Indian Ocean into the Red Sea; and by the coast of Cambaya, what is now called Guzerat.--E.

[11] The rajah or king of Cochin has already been named Triumpara, or Trimumpara, on the authority of De Barros, De Faria, and other ancient authors; yet De Faria, in other instances, calls him Uniramacoul--Astl. I. 52. b.

[12] It is difficult to say what may have been meant by this last article. In old French writings _Rouge comme Sendal_ means very high red, or scarlet; from which circumstance, this may have been a piece of scarlet satin or velvet.--E.

[13] Of the animal called bulgoldolf in the text we have no knowledge, nor of this stone of wonderful virtue; but it may possibly refer to the long famed bezoar, anciently much prized, but now deservedly neglected.--E.

[14] According to De Faria, this messenger was a bramin, who left his son and nephew at Cochin as hostages, and accompanied De Gama to Calicut, where he carried various messages between the zamorin and the admiral. --Astl. I. 53. b.

[15] De Faria says he was accompanied by a caravel.--Astl. 1.53. b.

[16] The son and nephew of the messenger, according to De Faria.--Astl. I. 53. c.

[17] In addition to the narrative of Castaneda, De Barros, Maffi, and De Faria relate, that ambassadors came to De Gama while at Cochin from the Christian inhabitants in Cranganore and that neighbourhood, who they said amounted to 30,000. They represented, that they knew he was an officer of the most Catholic king in Europe, to whom they submitted themselves; in testimony of which, they delivered into his hands the rod of justice, of a red colour, tipped with silver at both ends, and about the length of a sceptre, having three bells at the top. They complained of being much oppressed by the idolaters; and were dismissed by De Gama with promises of a powerful and speedy assistance.--Astl. I. 53. d.

[18] De Faria alleges that the persons who were appointed to settle matters relative to trade at this port, differed much upon the price of spices: on which occasion many threatening messages were sent to the rajah, who at length through fear complied with all the demands of the Portuguese. He says that the rajahs of Cochin and Cananor were as refractory and adverse at first as the zamorin; and that when De Gama arrived at Cochin, the three princes combined to make him winter there by fraud, and joined their fleets to destroy him. That on the failure of this combination, a durable peace was made with Trimumpara; and the rajah of Cananor, fearing the Portuguese might not return to his port, sent word to De Gama that he was ready to comply with all his demands, --Astl. I. 54, a.

[19] In Castaneda this date is made 1503; but from an attentive consideration of other dates and circumstances in that author, this must have been a typographical error.--E.

SECTION VI.

_Transactions of the Portuguese in India, from the departure of De Gama in December 1502, to the arrival of Alonzo de Albuquerque in 1503._

As soon as the zamorin was assured of the departure of De Gama for Europe, he determined on putting his threats in execution against the rajah of Cochin, for which purpose he gathered an army at the village of Panani, not far from Cochin[1]. This was soon known to the inhabitants of Cochin, who were exceedingly afraid of the great power of the zamorin, and were much dissatisfied with their sovereign for incurring the displeasure of that prince out of respect to the Christians, whom they inveighed against with much bitterness on all occasions, and openly insulted wherever they were seen. Some that were in high credit with the rajah said openly, that as the zamorin was much more powerful than their state, our men ought to be delivered up to him, as the war was entirely on our account, for whom the kingdom ought not to be put in hazard. But the rajah, much offended at these people, declared that he was resolved to defend the Portuguese against the zamorin, trusting that God would favour him in so just a cause. Yet many of his subjects were much inclined to have seized the Portuguese belonging to the factory, but durst not, as the rajah gave them a place of considerable strength to dwell in, and appointed a guard for their security.

At this time Vincente Sodre arrived with his squadron in the bay of Cochin, after having done much damage on the coast of Calicut, both by land and sea. The Portuguese head factor sent Laurenzo Moreno to inform Sodre of the preparations which were making by the zamorin for the attack of Cochin, and requiring him in the name of the king of Portugal to land with his men for its defence. But Sodre answered, that his orders were to defend the sea and not the land; for which reason, if the zamorin had prepared to attack Cochin by sea, he would certainly have defended it; but as the war was to be carried on by land, he could not interfere, and the rajah must defend himself. The factor sent a second message, entreating him, in the name of God and on his allegiance to the king of Portugal, not to abandon the factory in this state of danger, as the power of the rajah was inadequate to defend Cochin against the zamorin; and as the sole object of the war was for the destruction of the factory and the ruin of the Portuguese trade, it certainly was his duty, as captain-general for the king of Portugal in these seas, both to defend the factory and to give every assistance in his power to the rajah. But Sodre was immoveable, pretending that he had been ordered to discover the Red Sea, where he expected to make many rich prizes, and set sail from Cochin for Cape Guardafui, preferring the hope of riches to his duty in defending the factory of Cochin.

The zamorin collected his army, as already mentioned, at the village of Panani, where, besides his own subjects and allies, several of the principal subjects of the rajah of Cochin joined his standard, deserting their own sovereign, and carrying along with them all the power they were able to muster: Among these were the caimalls or governors of Chirapipil and Cambalane, and of the large island which is opposite to the city of Cochin. At this place, the zamorin made a long speech to his assembled chiefs, in which he endeavoured to justify his enmity to the Portuguese, whom he represented as thieves, robbers, and pirates, and as having first commenced hostilities against him without cause. He contrasted the quiet and friendly conduct of the Moors, who had traded for 600 years with Malabar, having never done injury to any in all that time, and had greatly enriched the country, and had raised his city of Calicut to be the greatest emporium in all the Indies: Whereas the Portuguese had taken and destroyed his ships, made his ambassadors prisoners, insisted on having their ships laden before those belonging to the Moors, had taken a ship of the Moors, burnt ten of his ships in his own harbour, had destroyed his city and forced him to escape for safety from his palace; taking law and vengeance for pretended grievances into their own hands, instead of applying regularly to him for redress. And, since the rajah of Cochin was fully informed of all these things, yet persisted in favouring the Portuguese in despite of all remonstrances, he had resolved to make war upon him, to deprive him of his dominions, and to drive these Christian intruders out of India.

This address gave much satisfaction to all the assembled chiefs, and most especially to the lord of Repelim, who entertained a rooted enmity against the rajah of Cochin, who had dispossessed him of an island called Arrnuul. The only person who opposed the zamorin on this occasion was Nambeadarin[2], who was brother and next heir to the zamorin. He strongly urged the impolicy of driving the Christians from Malabar, to which merchants resorted from all places of the world, seeing that the Portuguese had made richer presents to the zamorin, than he had ever received before, and had brought much gold and silver into the country for the purchase of commodities, which was not usually done by such as came to make war. He represented the attempt of the hostages to escape who had been given for the safety of the Portuguese chief, and whom the zamorin was pleased to call ambassadors, as the first cause of jealousy and distrust; yet they were afterwards reconciled, and took the large Moorish ship at the desire of the zamorin, to whom they presented the great elephant. He said their conduct in trade and otherwise while in Calicut was quite satisfactory to all except the Moors, who were envious against them for interfering in their trade, and accused them falsely of taking pepper against the will of the owners, which in fact they had done themselves to prevent the Christians from loading their ships; nay that this was so evident that even the zamorin had licensed the Portuguese to take the pepper from the Moorish vessels. After which the Moors had risen against them, slaying their men and seizing all their goods. Yet, after all these outrages, they had given the zamorin a whole day in which to offer reparation, and had not sought revenge of their injuries treacherously like the Moors. That he saw no cause of going to war against the rajah of Cochin for receiving the Portuguese into his city like any other merchants who might frequent his harbour, as had likewise been done by the rajahs of Cananor and Koulan, who would not have done so if they had been robbers and pirates. And if the zamorin meant to drive the Portuguese from the Indies, besides making war on Cochin, it would be necessary for him to do the same against Canauor and all the other princes on the coast.

The zamorin was a good deal staggered by the discourse of Nambendarin, who had much credit and authority with him; insomuch, that it is thought he would have desisted from prosecuting the war, if it had not been for the Moors and the caymals, who represented that it would be a great disgrace to his character to recede after the assemblage of so great an army, and that it was to be expected the rajah of Cochin might now agree from fear to do what the zamorin had desired him. The zamorin then desired his sorcerers to point out a fortunate day for marching forward with his army, which they did accordingly, and promised him an assured victory. With this assurance, on which he placed great reliance, the zamorin departed from Panani, and took possession of Repelim, which is four leagues from Cochin.

The rajah of Cochin had regular intelligence of all that passed in the camp of the zamorin by means of spies, and was in great trouble respecting the event, not having sufficient force for his defence, as many on whom he most relied had gone over to the enemy. Even those who remained served against their inclination, more especially the inhabitants of Cochin, who abhorred our people, and said openly that it were proper the rajah should either deliver them up to the zamorin or send them away from Cochin, to avoid the impending war. Many of the inhabitants of Cochin deserted the place for fear of the consequences. The members of the Portuguese factory were much alarmed by all these circumstances, and requested permission from the rajah to withdraw to Cananor, where they might remain in safety till the arrival of the next fleet from Portugal; hoping by this means to remove the cause of war, and to satisfy the subjects of the rajah. Trimumpara was displeased at this request, as not reposing sufficient confidence in his word, and declared he would rather forfeit his kingdom, and even his life, than deliver them up to the zamorin or any other who sought to injure them; and that, although he might lose Cochin in the war, there still were places of sufficient strength in which to keep them safe till reinforcements should arrive from Portugal. That although the zamorin had a great army, yet victory did not always follow numbers, as a few valiant men were often victorious over great odds, especially having justice on their side. He therefore desired the factory to remain, and to pray God to give him the victory. The Portuguese now offered to give him such aid as their small number would allow; but he declined allowing them to expose themselves to any danger on the present occasion, as his credit depended upon the preservation of their lives, that they might witness, for his faithful adherence to the treaty of amity which he had formed with their nation. Upon this he placed them under the safeguard of certain naires in whom he had confidence. After this, the rajah called all his nobles into his presence, together with the chief naires, who were the cause of all the murmurs against the Portuguese, and addressed the assemblage to the following effect:

"I am much concerned to find that truth and loyalty should be wanting among men of your quality. I do not wonder at the present misconduct of the lower orders, who are often constrained by their poverty and wretchedness to commit all manner of wickedness. But that naires, who have always been noted for fidelity, should desire me to forfeit the promise which I have made, to the captain-general in behalf of the Portuguese, to defend them to the utmost of my power against all violence as my own subjects, astonishes and distresses me beyond measure. Under these assurances of protection, which were given with your consent, these men were left in my city; and yet, because you see the zamorin coming against me with more men than I have, you would have me to break my promise. Were I so unjust, you of all men ought to abhor me. If you dwelt with any sovereign on the assurance of his word, how would you conceive of him, if he were to treat you as you would now have me to act by these Christians? Is it because you are afraid of the great power of the zamorin? Be assured it were better for us all to die in the discharge of our duty, and the preservation of our promise, than to live dishonoured. To me no evil can be greater than to break my word, nor can there be a greater dishonour to yourselves than to be the subjects of a false and treacherous king. These Christians have brought much profit to me and my country, and the zamorin might have kept them in his own city, if he had permitted their factory to settle there in peace. Were it his intention to drive the Christians out of India, and to make war on all who receive them into their dominions, he ought to have begun this war with the rajah of Cananor: But his cause of war is the envy he has conceived at seeing me benefited by the trade which he has lost through his own misconduct, and because he believes in his pride that I am unable to withstand. But I trust in God and the justness of my cause, that with your assistance, I shall obtain the victory, and shall be able to protect the Christians, and preserve my honour inviolate." This speech had great effect upon the assembled naires, who were astonished at the constancy and resolution of the rajah. They all therefore craved pardon for the fears they had entertained, and promised to live and die in his service. The rajah immediately called the factor and the rest of the Portuguese into his presence, to whom he gave an account of all that had taken place between him and the naires; and named before them the prince _Naramuhin_[3], his brother and next heir, as general of the army which was destined to act against the forces of the zamorin, commanding every one to obey him in every respect as if he were himself present. Naramuhin accordingly marched with 5500 naires, and entrenched himself at the ford which forms the only entry by land into the island of Cochin, and which is only knee- deep at low water.

When the zamorin received notice of the army of Cochin having taken post at this ford, he was somewhat afraid, more especially as he knew Naramuhin was considered to be the bravest and most fortunate warrior in Malabar. He therefore made a fresh attempt to induce the rajah of Cochin to accede to his demands, of delivering up the Portuguese and their goods, otherwise threatening to conquer his dominions, and to put all the inhabitants to the sword. Although the rajah of Cochin was quite sensible of the inferiority of his military force, and was convinced what the zamorin threatened might readily happen, he yet determined to remain firm to his engagements, and sent the following answer:

"If you had required with civility what you have proudly commanded me, I should not have esteemed your valour lessened by your courtesy: For with men of wisdom and power there is no need for insolent vaunts. I have not as yet so sinned against God, that I should humble myself to vain boasting, or think that he should grant you the victory over me and those brave men who fight on my side. In spite of all your pride, I trust even with the small number I have to defend me in my just quarrel, that I shall be enabled to overcome you and all my enemies. However much you may have practised deceit and injustice, it has ever been my rule to avoid shame and dishonour, and I will never consent to deliver up the Christians or their goods, which I have engaged to defend."

The zamorin was much offended by this answer from the rajah of Cochin, and vowed to destroy his whole country in revenge: Leaving, therefore, the isle of Repelim on the last day of March, he entered on the territories of Cochin, yet refrained from doing any injury, as he now occupied those parts which belonged to the chieftains who had joined him against their own sovereign. On the 2d of March, the army of the zamorin made an attempt to force a passage by the ford which was defended by prince Naramuhin; yet, in spite of all his prodigious superiority of numbers, he was forced to retire with considerable loss. Disappointed in this first essay, the zamorin encamped close by the ford, and sent the lord of Repelim next day with a still stronger force than had been employed in the first assault, to attempt forcing the passage. He even joined several armed paraws in this attack; but Naramuhin made a resolute defence, in which he was bravely seconded by Laurenzo Moreno and several other Portuguese, and effectually resisted every effort of the zamorins troops, who were obliged to retreat with much loss. Several such assaults were made on the ford, in all of which the zamorin lost many men, and was constantly repulsed, insomuch that he became fearful of a sinister end to his unjust enterprise, and even repented of having begun the war. He sent, however, a fresh message to the rajah, requiring him to deliver up the Christians as a preliminary of peace. But the rajah replied, that as he had refused to do so unjust an action when he had some reason to dread the superior power of the zamorin, it was absurd to expect any such thing now, when the advantage in the war was evidently of his side. He then advised the zamorin to beware of continuing the war, as he would not now satisfy himself with defence, but even hoped to give him a signal overthrow. And this certainly had been the case, if the subjects of the rajah had not shamefully deserted him in this war and given assistance to the enemy. The zamorin almost despaired of success, and would have given over the enterprize, if he had not been advised by some of his chiefs to assail several other towns belonging to the dominions of Cochin, so as to distract the attention of Naramuhin, and to weaken his force by obliging him to send detachments for their defence. But that brave prince provided against every emergency, and made so judicious a disposition of his forces, that he repulsed every effort of the enemy, and slew many of their men.

Foiled in every attempt with severe loss, by the bravery and excellent dispositions of Prince Naramuhin, the zamorin corrupted the paymaster of the troops of Cochin, who changed the usual order of payment which had been daily made in the camp, and obliged the soldiers to come up to Cochin for that purpose. Naramuhin was obliged to submit to this arrangement, by giving leave to the naires to go for their wages, yet charged them punctually to return to the camp before day. But the treacherous paymaster kept them waiting till after day-light, by which means the prince was left with very few troops to defend the ford. Taking advantage of this concerted stratagem, the zamorin made an assault upon the ford with his whole force by sea and land, and constrained Naramuhin to retire with his small band into a grove of palm trees, where he was surrounded by the whole army of Calicut, yet fought the whole day against such terrible odds with the utmost resolution, several times throwing his enemies into disorder, of whom many were slain. But at length, overpowered by numbers, he and two of his cousins who fought along with him were slain, together with most of his faithful followers.

When this melancholy event was announced to the rajah of Cochin, he fainted from extreme grief, and was for some time thought to have actually expired. At this time, the naires were much exasperated against our men, to whom they attributed the overthrow and death of prince Naramuhin, and the desperate situation of their country, and seemed much inclined to have put the Portuguese to death, or to have delivered them up to the zamorin. On the recovery of the rajah, and learning the designs of his people against our men, he called the Portuguese into his presence; he gave them assurance that even this reverse of his affairs should not alter his resolution of protecting them, both against the zamorin and his own subjects. He then addressed his assembled naires, urging them not to stain his honour and their own by injuring the Portuguese, whom he and they had sworn to protect. He exhorted them to persevere honourably and bravely in defending their country and preserving their honour inviolate to the Christians, and comforted them with the assurance that the Portuguese fleet would soon arrive with sufficient reinforcements to drive out the zamorin and to restore him to his dominions. In the meantime, he proposed that they should retire with what force remained, into the isle of Vaipi, which was of difficult access; and where they could defend themselves till the arrival of the Portuguese fleet, more especially as the winter was at hand, which would stop the progress of the war for some time. The naires were astonished at the resolution of their sovereign, and promised faithfully to obey his commands in all things.

The zamorin made a new attempt to shake the resolution of the rajah in his present adversity, by offering peace on condition of delivering up the Portuguese and their goods; which the rajah rejected with disdain as he had done all his former overtures. On this the zamorin gave orders to destroy the whole country with fire and sword, on which intelligence most of the inhabitants of Cochin withdrew to other places. There were at this time in Cochin two Milanese lapidaries belonging to the factory, named John Maria and Pedro Antonio, who had been brought to India by Vasco de Gama. These men deserted to the zamorin, to whom they conveyed intelligence of the consternation which reigned among the inhabitants of Cochin, and of the small number of men that remained with the rajah. These men also made offer to the zamorin to make ordnance for him resembling those of the Portuguese, which they afterwards did as will appear in the sequel of this history, and for which service they were highly rewarded. The zamorin now moved forwards with his army to take possession of Cochin, and was resisted for some time by the rajah, who was himself slightly wounded. But finding it impossible any farther to resist against such prodigious odds, he withdrew to the strong island of Vaipi, carrying all our men along with him and every thing belonging to our factory. The zamorin, on taking possession of the deserted city of Cochin, ordered it to be set on fire. He then sent a part of his army against the isle of Vaipi, which was valiantly defended by the rajah and his men and in which defence the members of our factory contributed to the best of their ability. But the winter coming on, and bad weather setting in, the zamorin was obliged to desist for the present season, and withdrew his army to Cranganor with a determination to renew the war in the ensuing spring, leaving a strong detachment in the island of Cochin, which he ordered to throw up entrenchments for their defence.

After his shameful desertion of Cochin, Vincente Sodre went with his fleet towards the kingdom of Cambaya; meaning to capture the rich ships of the Moors which trade to India from the Red Sea. He there took five ships, in which in ready money only was found to the value of 200,000 _perdaos_. Most of the Moors were slain in the battle, and the ships burnt. From Cambaya he sailed for Cape Guardafu; and as his ships were foul, he proposed to lay them aground to be careened at the islands of _Curia Muria_[4]. Sodre arrived there with his squadron on the 20th April 1503; and though these islands were well inhabited by Moors, he resolved to venture on land, considering that these islanders were by no means warlike, and stood in fear of our men. The islanders accordingly behaved in a peaceable manner, and sold our people such provisions as they had to spare. Sodre laid one of his caravels aground for repair, on which he was informed by the Moors that their coast was subject to violent storms in the month of May, during which no ships were able to keep the sea, but were unavoidably driven on shore and wrecked. Wherefore they advised him strenuously to remove to the other side of the island, which would then be a sure defence against the storm, after which had blown over he might return to their part of the coast. Sodre made light of their advice, conceiving they meant him some harm; and told them that the ships of the Moors having only wooden anchors, might be easily driven ashore, whereas his anchors were of iron and would hold fast. Pedro Raphael, Hernan Rodriguez Badarsas, and Diego Perez were convinced of the council of the Moors being good, and therefore quitted these islands on the last day of April; but Sodre would not listen to their advice and remained with his brother at Curia Muria. According to the prediction of the Moors, a violent storm came on early in May, by which the two remaining ships were driven from their anchors and dashed to pieces. Vincente Sodre and his brother, with many others lost their lives, and nothing whatever was saved out of these two ships. The loss of these two brothers was considered as a punishment of Providence, for basely abandoning the rajah of Cochin and the factory in their imminent danger.

Those who were saved returned towards Cochin to succour our people, and chose Pedro de Tayde[5] as their general. In their passage from Curia Muria towards Cochin, they encountered several severe storms, and were often in great danger of perishing. Being unable to reach Cochin on account of the winds, they were forced to take refuge in the island of Anchediva. A few days after their arrival, a ship came there from Portugal, commanded by Antonio del Campo, who had left Lisbon alone some time after Vasco de Gama, and had been much delayed on his voyage in consequence of the death of his pilot. He had encountered severe weather on the coast, and was forced after much trouble and danger to take refuge in Anchediva. The united squadron wintered in this island, where they suffered severe hardships from scarcity of provisions.

[1] This army is said to have amounted to 50,000 men. Panani is six leagues from Cochin.--Astl. I. 54.

[2] This person is named Naubea Daring by Astley, and is said to have been nephew to the zamorin.--Astl. I. 56.

[3] In Astley this prince is called the nephew of the rajah of Cochin.-- Astl. I. 55.

[4] These are a cluster of islands, otherwise called Chartan and Martan, on the coast of Yemen, between the latitudes of 17° and 18° north.--E.

[5] Of the four officers mentioned in the text, three are enumerated at the commencement of the former voyage of De Gama as commanders of separate vessels. The fourth, Badarsas, is not in that list of captains, and may have been appointed captain of Vincente Sodres flag- ship.--E.

SECTION VII.

_Voyage of Alonso and Francisco de Albuquerque to India in 1503; being the fifth of the Portuguese Expeditions to the East Indies._

Is the year 1503, supposing that the admiral Don Vasco de Gama had quietly settled factories in Cochin and Cananor, the king of Portugal did not consider it necessary to send any great fleet to India. He therefore determined to send only six ships in two separate squadrons, under separate generals. Alonso de Albuquerque, who was afterwards governor- general or viceroy of India, commanded one of these squadrons, having under him as captains, Duarte Pacheco and Hernan Martinez Mascarennas, who is said to have died during the voyage. The other squadron, likewise of three ships, was under the command of Francisco de Albuquerque, cousin to Alonso, having as captains Nicholas Coello and Pedro Vas de la Vega, the former of whom sailed under De Gama in the first discovery of India. This latter squadron sailed from Lisbon fifteen days after the other, yet arrived first in India. Both squadrons encountered severe storms during the voyage, in which the ship commanded by De la Vega was lost. Francisco de Albuquerque, and Nicholas Coello, arrived at Anchediva in the month of August, where they found De Tayde and the other captains who had wintered there, as related in the former section. They here received notice of the war between the zamorin and the rajah of Cochin, and of the sinister events which had occurred at that place; for which reason Francisco stood over with the whole fleet, now consisting of six sail, to Cananor, where he expected to receive more exact intelligence of the state of affairs in Cochin. They were here received with great joy by the Portuguese factory; and even the rajah of Cananor came on board the generals ship in person, and gave him a distinct recital of what had happened at Cochin, and of the present situation of Triumpara.

Alonso de Albuquerque lost no time in going to Cochin, where he arrived on the night of Saturday the 2d of September 1503. Immediately on his approach, the troops of Calicut who guarded the entrenchments thrown up by the zamorin, abandoned their posts in the island of Cochin and fled to Cranganor, according to orders to that effect from the zamorin, who had received notice of the arrival of our fleet at Cananor. On Sunday morning Francisco came to anchor close to Cochin, when he was joyfully received by the inhabitants, playing on various instruments of music, and was soon afterwards visited by the Portuguese factor, who brought him a message from the rajah. On the Monday morning, leaving his ships in good order, Francisco took several boats well armed, and went to the island of Vaipi to visit the rajah, ordering two caravels to follow for security, in case of any of the Calicut paraws making their appearance. The rajah received our general with infinite satisfaction, greeting them with the exclamation, Portugal! Portugal! as soon as our boats were within hail; which was answered by our people shouting out, Cochin! Cochin! and down with the zamorin! On landing, the rajah embraced Francisco de Albuquerque with tears in his eyes, saying he only desired to live till restored to his dominions, that his subjects might be satisfied of his just conduct in suffering so much for the service of the king of Portugal. In the name of that sovereign, Francisco gave hearty thanks to Triumpara for his fidelity, and promised him ample revenge on his enemies. And as his finances were much reduced, he made him a present of 10,000 crowns from the chest belonging to the expedition, to serve his present necessities, until he might be again able to draw the rents of his own dominions. This gift was exceedingly acceptable to the rajah, whose affairs were then at a very low ebb; and gave much satisfaction to the natives, who were by it greatly reconciled to the protection which their rajah had given to our men.

The rajah was immediately brought back in triumph to Cochin, amid the joyful acclamations of his subjects, who henceforwards treated our men with esteem and respect. The news of the rajahs return to Cochin, and of the money which had been given him by our general, was speedily communicated to the zamorin; who, in expectation of the renewal of the war, sent orders to his caymals or governors on the frontiers towards Cochin to make every preparation for defence. On the very day on which the rajah returned to Cochin, Francisco de Albuquerque resolved to commence hostilities by an attack on the island directly over against Cochin, where he found the inhabitants quite unprepared and off their guard, as they had no idea of being so soon attacked: In this unprepared state, a great number of the Calicut troops were slain, and several of the towns on the island destroyed, after which the Portuguese returned to their ships without loss. Next day Francisco made a fresh assault on the same island with six hundred men, and was opposed by the caymal or governor for the zamorin, with a force of two thousand nayres, part of whom were spearmen, but the greater number armed with bows and arrows, and some with swords and targets. After some resistance, but in which none of them were hurt, our people made good their landing, and galled the Indians so sore with their cross-bows, that they soon fled. The Portuguese pursued quite across the island, and forced their enemies to continue their flight across the water, leaving many of their men behind both killed and wounded. Having now no enemy to oppose them in the island, the Portuguese laid it entirely waste, and burnt all the towns and villages it contained.

Adjoining to this island there lay another, named _Charanaipin_[1], which belonged to a caymal who was subject to the rajah of Cochin, but had revolted to the zamorin at the commencement of the war. From some spies employed by the rajah of Cochin, it was understood that this caymal had a force of three thousand nayres, seven hundred of whom were archers, and forty were, armed with matchlocks[2]; besides which all their towns were well fortified with trenches. He had likewise several paraws provided with ordnance, with which he was supplied by the zamorin, and these were stationed in one of the harbours of the island, to defend it against the Portuguese. Notwithstanding all these preparations, of which he was well informed, Francisco Albuquerque went against this island the day after he had reduced the former, and commenced his attack against the harbour in which the paraws were stationed. The enemy were soon driven by our ordnance from their boats, yet many of them continued in the water up to their girdles to resist the landing of our troops, annoying them as much as possible with stones, spears, and arrows. They were at length driven from the water by our ordnance, but rallied again on the shore, and bravely resisted our people in landing for a long time. They were at length driven to take shelter in a grove of palm trees, in which they defended themselves for a short space, and were at the last driven to seek for safety in a disorderly flight, in which they were pursued by our men. In the pursuit, Pedro de Lares, who was constable to Francisco de Albuquerque, being separated from the rest, was attacked by three nayres all at once. One of these let fly an arrow which hit Pedro on his breast- plate but without hurting him; on which Pedro levelled his piece and shot him dead. The second nayre he likewise slew by another shot. The third nayre wounded him in the leg with a weapon called a _gomya_, and then endeavoured to run away, but Pedro killed him, with his sword. On the enemy being put to flight, Francisco divided his forces into three bodies, two of them Portuguese, and the third composed of nayres in the service of the rajah of Cochin, and marched all over the island plundering and burning the towns and villages without resistance.

While thus employed, a considerable number of paraws arrived with reinforcements from Calicut, from which a powerful body of nayres landed in that part of the island where Duarte Pacheco happened to be posted with a very inferior force, and had assuredly destroyed him and his men, but that Francisco de Albuquerque came very opportunely to his aid. Finding greater resistance than he expected, and fearing lest the caymal might attack him in the rear, while engaged in front with the nayres of Calicut, Francisco detached a part of his troops under Nicholas Coello, assisted by Antonio del Campo and Pedro de Tayde, to assault the residence of the caymal, who was slain bravely fighting in its defence. At this place one of our men was slain and eighteen wounded. In the mean time, Francisco de Albuquerque and Duarte Pacheco defeated the reinforcements from Calicut, and forced them to take refuge on board their paraws, leaving many of their men slain and wounded on the shore. After this signal victory, by which the greater part of the three thousand nayres belonging to the caymal and many of those from Calicut were slain, Francisco de Albuquerque conferred the honour of knighthood on several of his officers who had signalized themselves on the occasion. He then wasted the whole island with fire and sword.

Francisco determined in the next place, to attack the country of the lord of Repelim, for which purpose he departed with his troops by water from Cochin, and reached a town in that territory, four leagues from Cochin, about eight o'clock next morning. Near two thousand nayres, five hundred of whom were armed with bows and arrows, were stationed, on the beach of the isle of Repelim to repel this attack; but were soon forced by our ordnance to retire into a grove of palms, on which Francisco landed with his troops, the van being led by Nicholas Coello. The enemy resisted for some time under the shelter of the trees, and wounded some of our people; but were at length forced to take to flight, after losing a good many of their men, who were shot by our cross-bows and _calivers_[3]. Our troops followed the nayres, who took refuge in the towns of the island, in which much greater slaughter was made of the enemy than in the field, as they were crowded together and more exposed to our shot. On taking possession of the town, Francisco gave it up to be plundered by the nayres of Cochin, who assisted him on this expedition, that they might not consider the conduct of the Portuguese on this occasion proceeded from any inclination for plundering the country, but from a desire to revenge the injuries which had been done to their own rajah.

On his return from this victory, Francisco was joyfully received by the rajah of Cochin, who desired him to desist from any farther operations against the enemy, as he considered himself sufficiently revenged. But Francisco requested his permission to continue the war, as he was still unsatisfied till he had taken effectual vengeance on the zamorin, and accounted it no trouble to fight in the service of the rajah. He seized, however, the present opportunity of the high favour in which he stood with the rajah, to solicit permission for constructing a fort at Cochin, for the protection of the Portuguese factory during the absence of the ships. This request was immediately complied with; the rajah even offered to be at the sole charge, and Francisco lost no time in proceeding to construct the intended fort. As there were neither stones, lime, nor sand to be procured, it was necessary to build the castle of timber; which the rajah ordered to be immediately provided for the purpose, and brought to the spot appointed, which was close to the river side, as best adapted for resisting the assault of the Calicut fleet in any future attempt against Cochin. The rajah sent likewise a great number of his subjects to carry on the work; saying that our people had already had enough to do in the operations of the war: But Francisco commanded our people to work in constructing the fortifications, the foundations of which were laid on the 26th September 1503. The inhabitants of Cochin were astonished at the diligence with which our people laboured at this work, saying there were no such men in the world, as they were equally good at all things.

On the 30th September, four days after the commencement of the fort, Alonso de Albuquerque arrived with his ships at Cochin, having been delayed on his voyage by severe storms and contrary winds, yet brought all his men with him in excellent health. Francisco was much pleased at his arrival; and a portion of the fort being allotted to those newly arrived, it was soon finished. Though built of timber, this castle was as strong and handsome, as if it had been constructed of stone and lime. It was of a square form, each face being eighteen yards, with bulwarks or bastions at each corner mounted with ordnance. The walls were made of two rows of palm trees and other strong timber, firmly set in the ground, and bound together with iron hoops and large nails, the space between the two rows of timber being rammed full of earth and sand, and the whole surrounded by a ditch always full of water[4]. The day after this fort was finished, which was named Manuel in honour of the king of Portugal, the captain- general with all his people made a solemn procession, in which the vicar of the fort bore the crucifix under a canopy carried by the captains of the fleet, preceded by trumpets and other instruments of music. The fort was solemnly blessed, and consecrated by the celebration of mass; after which friar Gaston preached a sermon, in which he exhorted his hearers to be thankful to God, who had permitted the inhabitants of the small western kingdom of Portugal to construct a fortress in this distant region, among so many enemies of the Catholic faith. He expressed a hope that this might be the forerunner of many other establishments of a similar nature, to the advancement of the true religion among the heathen, and the glory of Portugal. He likewise desired his hearers to keep always in mind the high obligations they owed to the rajah for the good service he had rendered to the king of Portugal on this occasion. A faithful report was carried to the rajah of this part of the discourse, who was much gratified, and gave thanks for the same to the two generals.

After completing the fort, the Portuguese renewed the war, and made an attack on two towns belonging to the lord of Repelim on the coast, about five leagues from Cochin, having learned from spies that they were but slightly garrisoned. On this expedition the generals took a body of seven hundred men, and departing from Cochin about two hours before day, they arrived at their destination about nine o'clock next morning. These towns had a population of six thousand people, besides children, and were only defended by three hundred nayres, all bowmen. Alonso de Albuquerque with part of the forces landed at the nearest town, and Francisco with the remainder of the forces at the other, which was only about a cannon-shot distant from the former. In the first town the enemy was completely surprised and run away, and the place was set on fire without resistance. On seeing the people run away, our men pursued and slew many of the fugitives, and when wearied of the pursuit they plundered and destroyed the country. In the mean time the alarm was spread over the neighbourhood, and about 6000 nayres assembled, who made an attack upon our men as they were embarking, so that they were in great danger: In particular, Duarte Pacheco, not being able to find his boat in the place where he had left it, was closely pursued; and though he and his company defended themselves valiantly, and killed many of the enemy, eight of his men were wounded with arrows. So superior was the number of the enemy on this occasion, that Pacheco and his men had assuredly been all slain, if the rest of the troops had not again landed to his rescue; on which the enemy lost heart and run away, leaving the field of battle strewed over with their slain. After the defeat of the nayres, our men set fire to fifteen paraws, which were drawn up on the beach, and carried away seven which were afloat.

The lord of Repelim was much grieved at the destruction of his towns; and being afraid of our people making an attack on another about a league farther up the river, he sent a strong detachment of his nayres for its security. The generals, however, resolved to follow up their victory, and to do all the evil in their power to the territories of this lord. For this purpose, after allowing their men some time for rest, they departed about midnight, while it was still so dark that they could not see each other in the boats, expecting to come upon their enemies by surprise by dawn of next morning. The boats in which Alonso de Albuquerque and his party were embarked got considerably a-head of the rest, and arrived at the town which it was intended to attack a good while before day. Weary of waiting for the rest, he landed his men, and gave orders to set the town on fire. At first they were successful in this rash enterprise, as the ordinary inhabitants were a cowardly unarmed people. But the garrison of above two thousand nayres, having assembled on the alarm, attacked Alonso and his men with great fury and forced them to retreat to their boats, after killing one man and wounding several others of the party, which only consisted originally of forty men. Alonso and his soldiers would not have been able to make good their retreat, if the sailors who remained in charge of the boats had not fired off a falcon[5], or small piece of ordnance, on which the nayres gave over the pursuit. By this time day broke, and Francisco de Albuquerque approached with the rest of the boats; and seeing the perilous situation of Alonso, he commanded the ordnance in the boats to be played off against the enemy, on which they fled from the shore. At this time Pacheco, who was somewhat astern of the rest, observed a great number of armed nayres marching along a narrow passage to reinforce the others at the town; and brought his boat so near the pass, that he completely stopt their passage that way. The whole of our men were now landed, and soon constrained the enemy to take flight with considerable loss; after which they set the town on fire, but did not think it prudent to pursue the runaways, as they were not acquainted with the country.

After this exploit, Duarte Pacheco and Pedro de Tayde went with their divisions to destroy another town at some distance, in their way towards which they fought and defeated eighteen paraws belonging to the zamorin, and then set the town on fire. From thence they stood over to the island of _Cambalan_, the caymal of which was an enemy of the Cochin rajah, where they destroyed a large town. From that place, Pacheco went with five armed paraws of Cochin to burn another town, where he met with considerable resistance, and slew a great number of the enemy, seven of his own people being wounded. After setting the town on fire, he retired towards Cochin, and was forced to fight with thirteen armed paraws of Calicut, which he defeated with the assistance of Pedro de Tayde and Antonio del Campo, who fortunately joined him in this emergency. On their defeat, the Calient paraws retired into a creek, where one of them ran aground and was taken by Pacheco; but our men being worn out with hard rowing, were unable to pursue the rest, and returned to Cochin. On receiving an account of these transactions, the rajah was much satisfied with the revenge which had been taken of his enemies, and requested of our generals to discontinue the war, to which, however, they were by no means inclined.

On account of the war, no pepper was brought from the country to sell at the factory in Cochin, neither dared the merchants to go out in search of that commodity, insomuch that the factory had only been able to procure 300 _bahars_[6], and the factor requested the generals to go in quest of some which was to be procured at a place about nine leagues from Cochin. For this purpose the two generals and all their captains set out from Cochin under night, that their intentions might not be discovered by the enemy. On the way Pacheco destroyed a whole island, in which he fought against six thousand of the enemy with his own company only, and the two generals put thirty-four paraws to flight. After this Pacheco and del Campo destroyed a town on the continent, where they defeated two thousand nayres, many of whom were slain, without any loss on their side. After this, the generals sent on the _tony_[7] for the pepper, which carried such merchandize as was meant to be given in exchange; and for its protection Pacheco and three other captains accompanied it with two hundred men, and five hundred Cochin paraws[8]. In passing a narrow strait or river, our people were assailed from the banks by a vast number of the natives armed with bows and arrows, but were defended by their targets, which were fixed on the gunwales of their boats. Leaving one of his captains with fifty Portuguese t protect the tony, Pacheco with the other two captains and the troops belonging to the rajah, made towards the shore, firing off his falcons against the enemy, whom he forced to quit the shore with much loss; after which he landed with his troops, most of whom were armed with hand-guns. The enemy, who were full two thousand strong, resisted for a quarter of an hour, but at length took to flight after having many slain. Pacheco pursued them to a village, where the fugitives rallied and were joined by many nayres, insomuch that they now amounted to six thousand men, and our people were in great jeopardy, as the enemy endeavoured to surround them, and to intercept their return to the boats. But our men defended themselves manfully, and fought their way back to the shore, where the natives divided on each hand, being afraid of the shot of the falcons, which slew great numbers of them, and our men re-embarked without having a single man killed or wounded.

The zamorin was much displeased at the successes of our people against his confederates, and by the loss of many of his paraws in these several actions, and was even afraid lest the Portuguese might eventually dispossess him of his dominions. He used every exertion therefore to prevent us from procuring pepper, being in hopes, if our ships were constrained to return to Portugal without loading, that they would come no more back to India. He used his influence therefore even with the merchants of Cochin to refuse supplying pepper to our ships, which they did so effectually, under pretence of the war, that, in spite of the influence of the rajah, and notwithstanding high offers of reward from Francisco de Albuquerque, the factory had only been able to procure 1200 quintals or 4000 bahars[9] of pepper; and even that was got with hard fighting, some hurt to our own men, and infinite loss of lives to the enemy. Unable to procure any more pepper in Cochin, Alonso de Albuquerque went to Coulan in search of that commodity, accompanied by Pedro de Tayde and Antonio del Campo, knowing that the government of that state was desirous of having one of our factories established in their city, and had solicited both Pedro Alvares Cabral and the lord admiral De Gama to that effect; and Alonso was determined to go to war with the people of Coulan unless they gave him loading for his ships.

Coulan is twelve leagues from Cochin, and twenty-four from Cape Comorin. Before the building of Calicut, Coulan was the principal city of Malabar, and the port of greatest trade on that coast. Its buildings, more especially the temples and shrines of their idols, are larger and more splendid than those of Cochin. The haven is excellent, the country is well stored with provisions, and the condition of the people resembles in all things what has been formerly said of the inhabitants of Calicut. The inhabitants are idolatrous Malabars, having among them many rich Moorish merchants, more especially since the war broke out between us and the zamorin, as many of these merchants had left Calicut to reside at Coulan. They trade with Coromandel, Ceylon, the Maldive islands, Bengal, Pegu, Camatia, and Malava. The rajah or king of this state rules over an extensive kingdom, in which there are many rich cities and several good harbours; by which means he has a large revenue, and is able to maintain a great military force, but the men are mostly of a low stature: He entertains in his palace a guard of three hundred women, armed with bows and arrows, who are very expert archers, and they bind up their breasts very tight with bandages of silk and linen, that they may not stand in the way of using their bows. This rajah usually resides in a city named Calle, and is generally at war with the king of Narsinga[10].

In the city of Coulan, which is governed by certain officers or aldermen, there is a church which was built by the apostle St Thomas, who came here to preach the Catholic faith, and made many converts both among the idolaters and others, who have handed down the Christian belief from generation to generation, so that there are at least twelve thousand families of Christians scattered abroad in the country, in which they have churches in many places. The king who then ruled in Coulan, being much displeased at the numbers of his subjects who were converted to Christianity, banished St Thomas from his dominions, who then went to a city called Malapur or Meliapour, on the coast of the dominions of Narsinga, and was followed by the Christians of Coulan, and even by many of the idolaters. He is said to have retired into a solitude in the mountains, where he died, and whence his body was removed for interment in a vault of the church he had built at Coulan. This church is now deserted and entirely overgrown with trees and bushes, and is kept by a poor Moorish zealot, who subsists on alms which he receives from Christian pilgrims, and even some of the idolaters give alms at this tomb.

On the arrival of Alonso de Albuquerque at the harbour of Coulan, the governors of the city came on board to visit him, and settled a treaty with him, in which it was stipulated that we were to have a factory in the city, and that they should provide a loading with all possible dispatch for the three ship he had along with him. While one of his ships was taking in a lading in the harbour, the other two always kept out at sea watching all ships that passed, and obliging every one they could descry to come and give an account of themselves to Albuquerque as captain- general under the king of Portugal. He offered no injury to any of these, unless to such as belonged to the Moors of the Red Sea, all of which that fell in his way were first plundered and then burnt, in revenge for the injuries they had done to the Portuguese. When the house for the factory was finished, and the ships laden, Alonso left there Antonio de Sola as factor, with two clerks, Rodrigo Aranso and Lopo Rabelo, an interpreter named Medera, and two friars to serve as chaplains, together with other assistants, being twenty in all; after which he returned to Cochin.

About this time Francisco de Albuquerque received a message from _Cosebequin_, a friendly Moor of Calicut who has been formerly mentioned, giving him notice that the zamorin was determined to make another attack on Cochin so soon as the Portuguese fleet had departed for Europe, and to fortify it in such a manner as should prevent them from having any farther intercourse with that country. With this view the zamorin had entered into treaties with all the rajahs and leading nayres or nobles of Malabar, and it was even rumoured that those of Cananor and Coulan had secretly entered into terms with him against the Portuguese and the rajah of Cochin[11]. He said farther that the Moorish merchants had promised large assistance for carrying on the war, as they were exceedingly desirous to exclude the Christians from trading to India. About the same time a letter came from Rodrigo Reynel to the same effect, saying that the zamorin was levying troops, and had caused a great number of cannon to be prepared for the war: Reynel likewise said that the Moors of Cochin were decidedly in the interest of the zamorin, and were therefore to be looked to with much jealousy. The rajah likewise informed Albuquerque, that from certain bramins who had come from Calicut he was informed of the intentions and preparations of the zamorin for reducing Cochin; and as he had little reliance on his own subjects, he requested some Portuguese troops might be left for his defence. Francisco gave the rajah assurance of protection, and even that the Portuguese would add to his dominions at a future period, in reward for his fidelity and friendship to their nation, and as a compensation for the injuries he had suffered in their cause.

The rajah was much pleased with this assurance; and as Francisco found he could have no more pepper at Cochin, he determined upon returning to Portugal, when he had appointed a fit person to remain as captain-general in India. He found this matter difficult, as none of his captains were willing to remain with the small force which he was able to leave behind. At length Duarte Pacheco willingly accepted the charge, and the rajah was much pleased with his appointment, having already sufficient proof of his valour. Pacheco was accordingly left at Cochin with his own ship and two caravels commanded by Pedro Raphael and Diego Perez, and a pinnace, with ninety men in health besides others who were sick.[12] As much ordnance and ammunition was likewise given him as could possibly be spared from the homeward bound ships. All these things being settled, Francisco de Albuquerque sailed for Cananor, where he proposed to endeavour to procure the liberty of Rodrigo Reynel and the others who were at Calicut. But the zamorin sent him word that there was no necessity to take this person away, who was desirous of remaining in India; and if the captain-general would remain he should have the pepper which was promised.[13] At this time Alonso de Albuquerque returned from Coulan, and joined Francisco at Cananor; and a letter was brought from Rodrigo Reynel, giving information that the zamorin was certainly resolved to attempt the conquest of Cochin, as soon as the Portuguese ships should leave the coast; and that his only intention in making an offer of pepper was with a view to prevent them from burning the ships which were then in the harbour of Calicut.

All matters being arranged, the Portuguese fleet sailed from Cananor on the 31st of January 1504. Alonso de Albuquerque and Antonio del Campo came to Lisbon on the 23d of August, and presented to the king 400 weight of seed pearls, which are called _Alhofer or Ragges_, 144 pound weight of great pearls, and eight of the oysters from which the pearls are procured. [14] He gave likewise to the king a diamond as big as a large bean, and many other jewels; and two Persian horses of wonderful swiftness. Francisco de Albuquerque and Nicholas Coello, who left Cananor some time after Alonso, were cast away on the voyage and never more heard of. Pedro de Tayde was driven to Quiloa, where his ship was lost on the bar and most of his men drowned. From Quiloa he went to Mozambique in a _zambucco_, where he afterwards died; but left a letter in which he gave a particular account of the state of affairs in India, which he ordered to be, delivered to the first captain who might put in there from Portugal[15].

* * * * *

Antonio de Saldanna, the last of the three commanders who were sent to cruise in the north of the Red Sea, having lost Diego Fernandez Peteira, came to anchor at a place called St Thomas, on the east side of the Cape of Good Hope, which was made famous by the name of _Aquada del Saldanna_, or Saldannas watering-place, on account of his having lost several of his men there in endeavouring to land. At this time Ruy Lorenzo was parted from him in a storm which drove him to Mozambique, whence he held on his course for Quiloa, where he took some small prizes. Being ambitious to distinguish himself, he went to the island of Zanzibar, twenty leagues short of Mombasa, where he took twenty small vessels. After this he appeared before the town of Mombasa, the king of which place sent out a number of armed almadias or paraws to take his ship: But Lorenzo armed his long boat with a crew of thirty men, which took four of the almadias and killed a great many of the Moors. The king sent an army of 4000 men to the shore under the command of his son, who was killed with some others at the first volley; on which one of the Moors ran out from the ranks with a flag of the Portuguese arms, craving a parley. Peace was soon concluded, by which the king agreed to pay 100 _meticals_ of gold yearly as a tribute to the king of Portugal[16].

From Mombasa, Lorenzo sailed for Melinda, the king of which place was much oppressed by him of Mombasa, on account of his connection with the Portuguese. On his way he took two ships and three small vessels called _zambuccos_, in which were twelve magistrates of Brava, who submitted their city to the king of Portugal, and engaged to give 500 meticals of yearly tribute. On his arrival at Melinda, he found that a battle had been fought between the kings of Melinda and Mombasa, in which neither could claim the victory. Antonio de Saldanna likewise arrived at Melinda about this time, and by his mediation peace was restored between these princes. Saldanna and Lorenzo went thence to the mouth of the Red Sea, where they defeated some Moors at the islands of _Kanakani_[17] beyond Cape Guardafu. On the upper coast of Arabia, they burnt one ship belonging to the Moors which was laden with frankincense, and they drove another on shore which carried a number of pilgrims for Mecca.

[1] This seems to be the island named Chirapipil on a former occasion.--E.

[2] Thus I understand the expression in Lichefilds translation of Castaneda, "Forty were armed with, shot."--E.

[3] Caliver is the old name of the matchlock or carabine, the precursor of the modern firelock or musket.--E.

[4] A very ordinary precaution in India, to guard the passage of the wet ditch in fortified places, both against desertion and surprise, is by keeping numbers of crocodiles in the water.--E.

[5] A falcon or faulcon is described as a small cannon of two pound shot. The following enumeration of the ancient English ordnance, from Sir William Monsons Naval Tracts, in the reigns of Elizabeth and James the First, is given in Churchills Collection, Vol. III. p. 803. I suspect the weight of the basilisk, marked 400 pounds in this list, may be a typographical error for 4000.--E.

Names. Bore. Weight. Shot. Powder. Random inches. libs. libs. libs. paces. Cannon-royal 8-1/2 8000 66 30 1930 Cannon 8 6000 60 27 2000 Cannon-serpentine 7 5500 53-1/2 25 2000 Bastard cannon 7 4500 41 20 1800 Demi-cannon 6-3/4 4000 30-1/2 18 1700 Cannon-petro 6 3000 24-1/2 14 1600 Culverin 5-1/2 4500 17-1/2 12 2500 Basilisk 5 400* 15 10 3000 Demi-culverin 4 3400 9-1/2 8 2500 Bastard culverin 4 3000 5 5-3/4 1700 Sacar 3-1/2 1400 5-1/2 5-1/2 1700 Minion 3-1/2 1000 4 4 1500 Faulcon 2-1/2 660 2 3-1/2 1500 Falconet 2 500 1-1/2 3 1500 Serpentine 1-1/2 400 3/4 1-1/2 1400 Rabanet 1 300 1/2 1/3 1000

[6] Two weights of that name are described as used in India for the sale of pepper and other commodities, the small and the large bahar; the former consisting of three, and the latter of four and a half peculs. The pecul is said to weigh 5 1/2 pounds avoirdupois: Consequently the smaller bahar is equal to 16 1/2, and the larger to 24 3/4 English pounds. A little farther on in the present work of Castaneda, 4000 bahars are said to equal 1200 quintals; which would make the bahar of Cochin equal to thirty Portuguese pounds.--E.

[7] This is a species of bark of some burthen, then used on the Malabar coast.--E.

[8] Such is the expression of Lichefild; which I suspect ought to have been 500 nayres of Cochin in paraws.--E.

[9] The quantity in the text is probably exaggerated considerably, as only a few pages before, the factory at Cochin is said to have only been able to procure 300 quintals.--E.

[10] In Astleys Collection, I. p. 55. Coulan or Koulan is said to have been governed at this time by a _queen_ or rana. By Narsinga Bisnagar is to be understood, which was one of the sovereignties into which the Decan or southern peninsula of India was then divided--E.

[11] The western coast of India below the Gauts, is divided into three portions, the Concan in the north, after this the coast of Canara, and in the south, the country of Malabar, reaching from Mount Deli to Cape Comorin. At the present period, Malabar was divided into seven kingdoms or provinces: Cananor, Calicut, Cranganor, Cochin, Porka, Coulan, and Travancore; which last was subject to the kingdom of Narsinga or Bisnagar. Cananor, Calicut, and Coulan only were considered as independent rajahs, the others being less or more subjected to the authority of these three.--E.

[12] According to Astley, his whole force consisted of 110 men. Vol. I. p. 65.

[13] This story of Reynel and the pepper promised by the zamorin, is so confusedly told in Lichefild's translation of Castaneda, as to be altogether unintelligible.--E.

[14] In Astley the weight of the large pearls is reduced to 40 pounds. Even with that correction, the immense quantity of pearls in the text is quite incredible. There must be some error in the denomination, but which we are unable to correct.--E.

[15] The remainder of this section is taken from Astley, I. 56, being there appended to the abridgement of the voyage of the Albuquerques. It is an isolated incident, having no apparent connection with the history in the text, yet seemed proper to be preserved in this place. --E.

[16] Mombasa belonged to the Portuguese for near 200 years. In 1698 it was very easily taken by the Muskat Arabs, who put twenty Portuguese to the sword.--Astl. I. 56. a.

[17] No islands of that name are to be found on our maps. The islands of Socotora, Abdul Kuria, and los dos Hermanas, are to the eastwards of Cape Guardafu: Chartan Martan, or the islands of Kuria Muria, are a considerable distance N.N.E. on the outer or oceanic coast of Yemen.--E.

SECTION VIII.

_Transactions of the Portuguese in India under Duarte Pacheco, from the departure of Alonso and Francisco de Albuquerque in January 1504, till the arrival of Lope Suarez de Menesis with succours in September of that year._

After the departure of the Albuquerques from Cananor, Duarte Pacheco, who was left with the command in India, remained there for some time to take in provisions, having along with him the caravel commanded by Pedro Raphael, while the other ship of his small squadron, under the command of Diego Perez, was repairing at Cochin. Pacheco anchored with his own ship off the harbour of Cananor, and dispatched Raphael along the coast to oblige all ships which passed that way to come to Cananor in acknowledgment of Pacheco as captain-general in the Indies. Several were brought in by Raphael, and were constrained to give a full account from whence they came, whither bound, and what they were laden with. In case of their containing any pepper, more especially if bound for Calicut, he used to take that commodity from them; and carried his command with so high a hand, that he became the terror of these seas. One night while thus at anchor, a fleet of twenty-five ships came suddenly to the anchoring-ground where he lay, which he suspected to have been sent from Calicut on purpose to attack him. Considering himself in imminent danger, he immediately slipped his cables, not having time to weigh anchor, and made sail to gain the windward of this fleet, upon which he directly commenced firing. They were mostly small ships laden with rice, and made off with all the haste in their power, though some of them ran aground. One of the vessels of this fleet was a large ship belonging to the Moors of Cananor, having nearly 400 men on board, who resisted for some time, shooting off their arrows, and even endeavoured to take our ship. When day was near at hand, and after having nine men slain in the action, the Moorish captain at length submitted, and told Pacheco that he belonged to Cananor.

After some time spent in this manner, Pacheco made sail for Cochin, and in the passage fell in with several ships belonging to the Moors, taking some, and burning or sinking others. On landing at the fort of Cochin, he learnt from the factor that the reports of the zamorin making preparations for the renewal of the war, were perfectly true, and even that the Moorish inhabitants of Cochin were adverse to the rajah for having taken part with the Portuguese against the zamorin. Being informed likewise that the Cochin rajah was in great fear of this new war, he went next day to visit him, carrying all his boats well manned, and fenced with raised sides of boards to defend his men from the missile weapons of the enemy. They were likewise furnished with ordnance, and all decorated with flags and streamers in a gallant manner, hoping thereby to inspire confidence in Trimumpara, who was much dejected at the small force which had been left for his defence. In a conference between them, the rajah said to Pacheco, that the Moors asserted he was left in the Indies for the sole purpose of removing the merchandize belonging to the Portuguese in the factory at Cochin to Cananor and Coulan, and not to defend him against the power of the zamorin; which he was even disposed to think were true, in consideration of the smallness of the fleet under his command. Pacheco felt indignant at the suspicion which the rajah entertained, and endeavoured to convince him that he had been imposed upon by the Moors out of enmity to the Portuguese, assuring him that he would faithfully exert himself in his defence. He pointed out to him the strength of the natural defences of Cochin, which were all narrow, and defensible therefore by a few valiant men against any number of assailants. The rajah was greatly relieved by these assurances, and Pacheco went to visit the different places by which the island of Cochin might be assailed, all of which he diligently fortified, more especially the ford, which he strengthened with a row of stakes, both to prevent the enemy from wading across, and to hinder any of their vessels from passing.

In the mean time he was informed by letter from Rodrigo Reynel, that a principal Moor in Cochin, in concert with several others, were contriving to quit that city; and had been twice secretly at Calicut to confer with the zamorin on this subject. Pacheco was a good deal concerned at this intelligence, and proposed to the rajah to have this Moor executed for his treasonable intercourse with the zamorin. But Trimumpara would by no means consent to this measure; saying that it would occasion a mutiny among the Moors, by whom the city was furnished with provisions in exchange for goods, and be thought it were better to dissemble with them all. Pacheco then said that he would have a conference with the Moors, meaning to use policy with them, since the rajah did not approve of violent measures; and to this the rajah consented, giving orders to his naires to obey the orders of Pacheco. In pursuance of this plan, Pacheco went to the dwelling of this chief Moor, named _Belinamacar_, close by the river, taking with him a guard of his own men well armed, and requested that person to send for some other leading men among the Moors, whom he named, saying that he wished to consult with them on a subject of great importance to them all. When they were all assembled, he made them a speech to the following effect.

"I sent for you, honest merchants, that I might inform you for what purpose I remain in the Indies. It is reported by some, that I mean only to remove the factory and the goods belonging to the Portuguese to Coulan and Cananor: But my sole purpose is to defend Cochin against the zamorin, and even if necessary I will die in your defence. I am resolved to meet him in Cambalan, by which way it is said he means to invade you; and, if he has the boldness to meet me, I hope to make him prisoner and to carry him with me into Portugal. I am informed that you intend to go away from Cochin, and to induce the rest of the inhabitants among whom you are the chiefs, to do the same; but I am astonished men of your wisdom should leave the country in which you were born, and where you have dwelt so many years, from fear of vain reports. Such conduct were even disgraceful for women, and is therefore much more so for you who are men of wisdom and experience. If you should be disposed to remove from hence when you shall actually be in danger, I should hardly blame you: But to do so before that danger is apparent, and even before a single battle has been fought, must proceed either from cowardice or treachery. You all well know, that only a very short while ago, a very small number of our Portuguese defeated thousands of those same enemies who now threaten to invade us. You may allege that we were then more in number than now, which was assuredly the case. But we then fought in the open field, where numbers were necessary; and we now propose only to fight in narrow passes, in which a small number will suffice as well as a multitude. You already know that I can fight, as it is I who have done the greatest injury to the enemy in the late war, which the rajah can well vouch. As for me I shall never yield, and I have more to lose, being overcome, than any of you. Put your trust therefore in me and my troops, and remain where you are till you see the event of our defence. Your sovereign remains in his port, and wherefore should you go away? I and the Portuguese who are with me, remain in this far distant country to defend your king, and you who are his natural born subjects: Should you then desert him and your country, you would disgrace yourselves and dishonour me, by refusing to repose confidence in my promise to defend you against the zamorin and all his power, were it even greater than it is. Wherefore, I strictly enjoin that none of you shall remove from Cochin, and I swear by all that is holy in our faith, that whoever is detected in the attempt shall be instantly hanged. It is my determined purpose to remain here, and to have the port strictly watched day and night that none of you may escape. Let every one of you, therefore, look well to his conduct, and be assured, if you do as I require, you shall have me for your friend; but if otherwise, I shall be your mortal enemy, and shall use you worse even than the zamorin."

The Moors endeavoured to clear themselves from what had been alleged against them, but Pacheco would not listen to their excuses, and departed from them in anger, and immediately brought his ship and one of the caravels with two boats, which he anchored directly opposite the city of Cochin, with strict charges to let no one leave the city by water. He likewise appointed a number of paraws to guard all the creeks and rivers around the city; and ordered every boat that could transport men or goods to be brought every night under the guns of his ships, and returned to their owners in the morning. In consequence of all these precautions, the people of Cochin were so much afraid of him, that not one of the Moors or Malabars dared to leave the city without his permission, and henceforwards continued quiet. Notwithstanding all these cares, Pacheco used to make nightly invasions into the island of Repelim, where he burnt the towns, slew the inhabitants, and carried away much cattle and many paraws; on which account the Moors of Cochin, astonished that he could endure so much fatigue, gave out that he was the devil.

Mean time the zamorin collected his forces in the island of Repelim, where he was joined by the lords of Tanor, Bespur, Kotugan, Korin, and many other Malabar chiefs, making altogether an army of 50,000 men. Four thousand of these were appointed to serve by water, in 280 vessels, called _paraws_, _katurs_, and _tonys_; with 382 pieces of cannon intended to batter the Portuguese fort at Cochin; and the rest of the troops were appointed to force a passage across the ford of the river, under the command of Naubea Daring, nephew and heir to the zamorin, and Elankol, the lord of Repelim[1].

Intelligence of all this was conveyed to Cochin, and that the zamorin proposed to invade that city by the straits of Cambalan. Rodrigo Reynel, who sent this intelligence by letter, lay then very sick and died soon after, on which the zamorin caused all his goods to be seized. On the approach of the zamorin, the Moors of Cochin would very willingly have induced the inhabitants to run away, but durst not venture to do so from the fear they were in of Pacheco. He, on the contrary, that all might know how little he esteemed the zamorin and all his power, made a descent one night on one of the towns of Repelim, to which he set fire. But on the coming up of a great number of armed naires, he was forced to retreat in great danger to his boats, having five of his men wounded, after killing and wounding a great number of the enemy. On their return to Cochin, the targets of our men were all stuck full of arrows, so great was the multitude of the enemies who had assailed them. The rajah came to visit Pacheco at the castle on his return from this enterprize, and expressed his satisfaction at his success, which he considered as a mighty affair, especially as the zamorin and so great an army was in the island. Pacheco made light of the zamorin and all his force, saying that he anxiously wished he would come and give battle, as he was not at all afraid of the consequences, trusting to the superior valour of his own men.

As the people of Cochin remained quiet, Pacheco now prepared for defending the pass of Cambalan. Leaving therefore a sufficient force to guard the castle, and twenty-five men in the caravel under the command of Diego Pereira to protect the city and watch the conduct of the Moors, taking with himself seventy-three men in one of the caravels and several armed boats, he departed for Cambalan on Friday the 16th of April 1504[2]. On passing the city, Pacheco landed to speak with the rajah, whom he found in evident anxiety; but making as if he did not observe his heaviness, Pacheco addressed him with a cheerful countenance, saying that he was just setting out to defend him against the zamorin, of whom he had no fear of giving a good account. After some conference, the rajah ordered 500 of his naires, out of 3000 who were in his service, to join Pacheco, under the command of _Gandagora_ and _Frangera_ the overseers of his household, and the caymal of _Palurta_, whom he directed to obey Pacheco in all things as if he were himself present. On taking leave of Pacheco, while he exhorted him to use his utmost efforts for defending Cochin against the zamorin, he desired him to be careful of his own safety, on which so much depended.

Pacheco arrived at the passage of Cambalan two hours before day, and seeing no appearance of the zamorins approach, he made an attack on a town on the coast of the island about the dawn, which was defended by 300 naires, all archers, and a small number armed with calivers, or match-locks, all of whom were embarked in certain paraws, and endeavoured to defend the entrance of the harbour. They were soon constrained by the cannon of the Portuguese to push for the shore and quit their paraws, but resisted all attempts of the Portuguese to land for near an hour, when they were completely defeated after losing a great many of their number, killed or wounded, and our men set the town on fire. Having taken a considerable number of cattle at this place, which he carried off with him, Pacheco returned to defend the pass of Cambalan. At this time the zamorin sent a message to Pacheco, offering him a handsome present, and proposing a treaty for a peace between them: but Pacheco refused accepting the present, and declared he would never make peace with him while he continued at enmity with the rajah of Cochin. Next day, the zamorin sent a second message, proudly challenging him for daring to obstruct his passage into the island of Cochin, and offering him battle, declaring his resolution to make him a prisoner, if he were not slain in the battle. To this Pacheco made answer, that he hoped to do the same thing with the zamorin, in honour of the day which was a solemn festival among the Christians, and that the zamorin was much deceived by his sorcerers when they promised him the victory on such a day. Then one of the naires who accompanied the messenger, said smiling as if in contempt, that he had few men to perform so great an exploit; whereas the forces of the zamorin covered both the land and the water, and could not possibly be overcome by such a handful. Pacheco ordered this man to be well bastinadoed for his insolence, and bid him desire the zamorin to revenge his quarrel if he could.

That same evening, the rajah of Cochin sent a farther reinforcement to Pacheco of 500 naires, of whom he made no account, neither of these who were with him before, believing they would all run away; his sole reliance, under God, was on his own men, who feasted themselves that night, that the zamorin might learn how much they despised all his threats, and how eager they were for battle. Early next morning, Pacheco made a short speech to his men, exhorting them, to behave valiantly for the glory of the Christian name and the honour of their country, and promising them an assured victory with the assistance of God; by which their fame would be so established among the natives that they would be feared and respected ever after. He likewise set before them the rewards they might assuredly expect from their own sovereign, if they behaved gallantly on the present occasion. His men immediately answered him that they hoped in the ensuing battle to evince how well they remembered his exhortations. They all then knelt down and sung the _salve regina_, and afterwards an _Ave Maria_, with a loud voice. Just at this time, Laurenço Moreno joined Pacheco with four of his men armed with calivers, who were all anxious to be present in the battle, and of whose arrival the general was extremely glad, as he knew them to be valiant soldiers.

In the course of the night, by the advice of the Italian lapidaries who had deserted to the enemy, the zamorin caused a sconce or battery to be erected directly over against the place where Pacheco was stationed, on which five pieces of ordnance were placed, from which great service was expected in the ensuing battle, owing to the narrowness of the pass. On the morning of Palm Sunday, the zamorin marched forwards with 47,000 men, partly naires and part Moors, and accompanied by all the rajahs and caymals who had joined him in this war. Of these, the rajah of _Tanor_ had 4000 naires; the rajahs of _Bybur_ and _Curran_, whose countries lay near the mountains of Narsinga, had 12,000 naires; the rajah of _Cotogataco_, which is between Cochin and Cananor close beside the mountains, had 18,000 naires; the rajah of _Curia_, which is between Paniani and Cranganor, had 3000 naires. Naubea Daring, the prince of Calicut, and his brother Namboa, who were particularly attached to that part of the army composed of the zamorins immediate subjects, had a large body of men whose numbers I do not particularize. Their warlike instruments were many and of divers sorts, and made a noise as if heaven and earth were coming together.

Before day, the van of this prodigious army arrived at the sconce of the Italians, and began immediately to play off their ordnance against the caravel, which was so near that it was an absolute miracle that not a single shot did any harm. But our cannon were better served, and every shot did execution among the enemy: and so well did they ply their guns, that before sunrise above thirty discharges were made from our caravel. At day-break, the whole of the enemies fleet, consisting of 169 barks, came out of the rivers of the island of Repelim to attack our small force. Sixty-six of these were paraws, having their sides defended with bags of cotton by advice of the Italians, to ward off our shot; and each of these had twenty-five men and two pieces of ordnance, five of the men in each paraw being armed with calivers or matchlocks. Twenty of the foysts or large barks were chained together, as a floating battery to assault the caravel; besides which, there were fifty-three _catures_ and thirty large barks, each of which carried sixteen men and one piece of ordnance, besides other weapons. Besides all these armed vessels, there were a great many more filled with soldiers, so that the whole river seemed entirely covered over. Of this numerous fleet, which contained near 10, 000 men, Naubea Daring was admiral or commander in chief, and the lord of Repelim vice-admiral. All these advanced against the Portuguese, setting up terrible shouts, which was answered alternately by sounding all their military instruments of music. The whole of these people were almost naked, having targets of various colours, and made a very gallant appearance. On the approach of this prodigious fleet, our caravel and boats were hardly discernible, so completely did the enemy cover the face of the water. Terrified by so prodigious a multitude, the naires of Cochin all ran away, only Grandagora and Frangora remaining, who were on board the caravel, or they would have done like the rest. Indeed their presence was of no importance, except to serve as witnesses of the valour of our men.

Our people plied their ordnance and small arms so incessantly that the air was quite darkened with smoke, and as the boats of the enemy were very numerous and without order, they hindered each other, and our fire did prodigious execution among them, several of their paraws being torn to pieces and great numbers of their men killed and wounded, without any hurt on our side. The twenty-five paraws[3] which were chained together were now brought forwards, and gave much annoyance to our men, who were now likewise much fatigued, as the battle had continued a long time. The captain-general gave orders to fire off a _saker_,[4] which had not been, hitherto used during the battle. By the time this had been twice fired, it did such terrible execution among the thick of the enemy as to sink four of their paraws, and all the others made the best of their way out of the battle, eighteen of the paraws being sunk in all, and vast numbers of the enemy slain and wounded. On the defeat of this squadron, which was commanded by Prince Naubea Daring, Elankol, the lord of Repelim, who was vice-admiral, came forward with a fresh squadron, and gave a proud onset, commanding his paraws to lay the caravel on board; but the Malabars had not resolution to put this order into execution, and held off at some distance. The zamorin also approached with the land army, doing his utmost to force the passage of the ford; but all their efforts were in vain, although this second battle was more fiercely urged than the first. Though the battle continued from daybreak to almost sunset, the enemy were able to make no impression, and were known to have lost 350 men slain outright, besides others, which were above 1000.[5] Some of our men were wounded, but none slain; for the balls of the enemy, though of cast iron, had no more effect than as many stones thrown by hand. Yet our barricades of defence were all torn to pieces, and one of our boats was very much damaged, which was entirely repaired during the night.

The rajahs and other chiefs who were allied with the zamorin, lost all hope of ever being able to get the victory over the Portuguese, and were sorry for having joined in the war so greatly to their own dishonour. Being afraid the captain-general might burn and destroy their towns and houses, which were all situated on the banks of rivers, they were anxious to leave the army of the zamorin, and to give over making war on the Portuguese. Some among them withdrew privately from the camp of the zamorin to the island of Vaipi with all their men, and reconciled themselves with the rajah of Cochin: These were _Maraguta, Muta_ Caymal, his brother and cousins. The zamorin was exceedingly mortified by the discomfiture of his people, and severely reprimanded his chiefs for their pusillanimous conduct, in allowing themselves to be defeated by such a handful of men. The two Italian deserters, while they acknowledged the valour of the Portuguese in the late action, represented that it would be impossible for them to continue to bear up long against such vast odds without reinforcements, and recommended the frequent reiteration of assaults, under which they must necessarily be at last overthrown. All those rajahs and chiefs who were for continuing the war, joined in opinion with the Italians. The zamorin made a speech, in which he recapitulated the defeats they had sustained and the defection of some of his allies, who had entered into treaty with the rajah of Cochin. He stated how short a period of the summer now remained for continuing the operations of the war, which must soon be laid aside during the storms and rain of the winter season, when it was impossible to keep the field; and that, on the conclusion of winter, a new fleet would come from Portugal with powerful reinforcements to the enemy, who would then be able to carry the war as formerly into his dominions, to their utter loss and destruction. He concluded by giving his opinion that it was necessary for him to make peace with the Christians. Naubea Daring, the prince of Calicut, made a long speech, in which he defended the Portuguese against the imputation thrown upon them by the Moors of their being thieves and pirates. He recapitulated all their conduct since their first arrival in India, showing that they had always conducted themselves with good faith, whereas they had been forced into war against Calicut by treachery and oppression. He concluded by strongly recommending to negotiate peace with the Christians, as otherwise the city and trade of Calicut would be utterly destroyed, to the irreparable injury of the zamorins revenue, which was of more importance to him than the friendship of the Moors, whose only object was their own profit. The zamorin was greatly moved by this discourse, and recommended to the other chiefs that they should concur with the prince, in procuring the establishment of peace. This opinion was by no means relished by Elankol, the lord of Repelim, who had confederated with the Moors to urge a continuance of the war, and endeavoured to impress upon the zamorin that his reputation would be destroyed by proposing peace at this time, which would be imputed to him as an act of cowardice. The principal Moors, likewise, who were present in the council used all their art and influence to induce the zamorin to persevere; and it was at length determined to continue the war.

One _Cogeal_, a Moor of Repelim who had been a great traveller, and had seen many warlike devices, proposed a new invention for attacking the caravels at the ford, which was considered to be perfectly irresistible. Cogeal directed a floating castle to be built of timber on two boats or lighters, which were firmly secured by two beams at their heads and sterns. Over this the castle or square tower was strongly built of beams joined together by bars of iron and large nails, carried up to the height of a lance or spear, and so large that it was able to contain forty men with several pieces of ordnance. It was proposed that this castle should be brought Up to grapple with the caravels, by which the Portuguese might be attacked on equal terms. On seeing this machine, the zamorin liberally rewarded Cogeal for his ingenuity, and gave orders to have other seven constructed of the same kind. By means of his spies, Pacheco got notice of the construction of these floating castles, and likewise that the enemy were preparing certain fireworks to set the caravels on fire[6]. To keep off the fireships and floating castles, he constructed a species of rafts, made of masts or spars eight fathoms long, and bound together with iron bolts and hoops. Several of these, which were likewise eight fathoms broad, were moored with anchors and cables, at the distance of a stones throw from the caravels. Likewise, to prevent the caravels from being overlooked by the floating castles, one Peter Raphael built certain turrets on the decks of the caravels of spars set upright, in each of which seven or eight men had room to handle their arms. At this time the rajah of Cochin visited Pacheco, whom he earnestly exhorted to provide well for defence against the zamorin; as he was well assured his own subjects would desert him, if Pacheco were defeated. Pacheco upbraided Trimumpara for his tears, desiring him to call in mind the victories which the Portuguese had already gained over the enemy; and requested of him to return to his capital showing himself confident among his people, and to rest assured that he and the Portuguese would keep the pass against every force the zamorin might bring against it.

In expectation of an immediate attack, Lorenco Moreno returned to the caravels with as many of his people as could be spared from the factory. Pacheco made all his people take rest early in the night, that they might be able for the expected fatigues of the ensuing day, on which he had intelligence that the grand attack was to be made. About midnight, his small force was summoned under arms; when, after confession and absolution, he made a speech to his men, exhorting them to behave themselves manfully in the approaching conflict. They all answered, that they were resolved to conquer or die. About two in the morning, some of the most advanced vessels belonging to the Calicut fleet began to fire off their ordnance, as they approached towards the pass. The zamorin was himself along with the land army, which exceeded 30,000 men, accompanied with many field pieces. Elankol, the lord of Repelim, who commanded the vanguard, advanced to the point of _Arraul_, which in some measure commanded the ford, at which place he began to throw up some ramparts or defences of earth. Pacheco landed secretly at the point with a detachment of his troops, on purpose to prevent the enemy from throwing up entrenchments, and a sharp skirmish ensued, in which many of the enemy were slain. On the appearance of day, Pacheco retired to his boats, though with no small difficulty, owing to the vast numbers of the enemy who thronged around; yet got off with all his people unhurt, having effectually hindered the proposed intrenchments.

The land army of the enemy now brought their ordnance to the point, where they began a furious cannonade upon; the caravels, yet without doing us any harm, as our people were all effectually secured by means of high wooden defences on the gunwales of their vessels; whereas every shot of ours made prodigious havoc among the enemy, who were quite unsheltered. The zamorin sent orders to his fleet to come on with all expedition, to deliver him and his men from this imminent danger. The Calicut fleet now approached in most formidable order, having several fire rafts in front, intended for setting our caravels on fire. After them came 110 paraws, full of men, and every one of them having ordnance, many of these being fastened together by means of chains. After these came 100 _catures_ and eighty _tonys_, each of which had a piece of ordnance and thirty men. In the rear of all came the eight castles, which kept close by the point of _Arraul_, as the _ebb was not yet altogether entered_.[7] The enemy came on with loud shouts and the sound of many instruments, as if to an assured victory, and immediately began a furious cannonade. Their fire rafts advanced burning in a most alarming manner, but were stopped by the _canizos_, or rafts of defence, formerly mentioned. By these likewise, the paraws and other vessels of the enemy were prevented from closing with our caravels and boats, which they seem to have intended. In this part of the battle many of the paraws and other vessels of the enemy were torn to pieces and sunk, and a great number of their men were killed and wounded. On the turn of the tide, the floating castles put off from the point, and were towed by boats towards the caravels. In the largest of these castles there were forty men, in others thirty-five, and the smallest had thirty, all armed with bows or matchlocks, besides ordnance; and they seemed quite an irresistible force in comparison of ours, which consisted only of two caravels and two armed boats.

When the largest castle came up to our floating defence, it immediately commenced a tremendous fire of all its ordnance upon our caravels; and at this time Pacheco ordered a _saker_ to be shot off, which seemed to do very little harm even at a second discharge. The remainder of the castles now came into their stations, and the battle raged with the utmost fury. What with incessant flights of arrows, and the smoke of so many guns, our people could seldom see the vessels of the enemy. In this extremity, the saker was discharged a third time against the largest castle, which had been somewhat shaken by the two former discharges. By this shot its iron work was broken, some of its beams were forced from their places, and several of the men on board were slain. By two other discharges of the saker this castle was all torn in pieces, and was forced to retire out of the battle. Still however the rest of the castles, and the numerous fleet of small craft kept up the fight. Towards evening all the castles were much injured, many of the paraws were sunk and torn in pieces, and great numbers of the enemy slain; so that at length they were constrained to retire. On our side not one man was even wounded: One only ball went through the caravel in which Pacheco commanded, and passed among many of his men without doing any hurt. On the enemy retiring, Pacheco gave chase in the two boats and some paraws; and the caravels kept up a constant fire upon point _Arraul_, whence they forced the zamorin and the land army to retire, after having 330 of his men slain. After this great victory, the inhabitants of Cochin became quite reassured, and were no longer in dread of the power of the zamorin. Trimumpara came to visit Pacheco, whom he embraced, and congratulated on his great prowess: Many of the principal naires of Cochin went to compliment him; and even numbers of the Moorish merchants brought him rich presents, hoping to secure his favour.

The zamorin was greatly disheartened by the overthrow of all his mighty preparations, and losing all hope of victory wished seriously to end the war. In a council of his allies and great men, they represented the great losses they had already endured in the war with the Portuguese, and proposed to treat with them for peace. His brother Naubea Daring, who had always been averse to the war, seemed to believe that Pacheco would refuse any treaty, and advised rather to defer making an offer of peace till the arrival of the next captain-general from Portugal. This prince was likewise of opinion that the Calicut army should still keep the field till the coming on of the rainy season made it advisable to retire; as it would look like flight to retreat at this time. Yet he recommended that no more attacks should be made on the pass, in which attempts they had already met with so much loss. Elankol, the lord of Repelim, urged the continuance of the war, and to make reiterated assaults on the Christians, which must be at last successful; by which means all the Portuguese that were in Cochin, Cananor, and Coulan would be destroyed. He advised likewise, to send false intelligence to these places, saying that they had taken our caravels and slain all our men; on which news the people of Cananor and Coulan would put the people in our factories to death. This was accordingly done; but as the inhabitants of these places had already received notice of the real state of affairs, they gave no credit to this false story. Yet, owing to the malice of the Moors who dwelt in these places, our men were in great danger and durst not come out of their factories, and one of our men was slain in Coulan.

By the persuasion of Elankol and the Moors, the zamorin reluctantly consented to try the event of another battle: And, the castles being repaired, a fresh assault was made both by land and water, with many more men and vessels than before. This battle continued longer than the other, and the enemy was overthrown with far greater loss than they had ever received before. In consequence of this new victory, the inhabitants of Cochin became quite confident in their security from the power of their enemies; and the rajah, who had hitherto been in much dread of the event, became quite elated. He now came to visit Pacheco in a chair of state, with far more splendour than he had ever assumed since the commencement of the war. When this was told in the enemies camp, the chiefs urged the zamorin to a fresh attack, lest the rajah of Cochin might hold him in contempt. He desired them to cease their evil counsels, from which he had already sustained great loss, and which would still lead him into greater danger; but to leave him to consider what was best to be done for revenge against his enemies.

The zamorin gave orders to some of his naires in whom he reposed great confidence, that they should go to Cochin on some false pretence, and endeavour to assassinate the general of the Portuguese and such of his men as they could meet with. But the naires are an inconsiderate people unable to keep any of their affairs secret, so that this shameful device became immediately known to Pacheco, who appointed two companies of the Cochin naires to keep strict watch for these _spies_; one company at the ford, and the other along the river, waiting by turns day and night. By this means these _spies_ were detected and made prisoners. The chief _spy_ was a naire of Cochin, of the family or stock of the _Lecros_ who had certain other naires attending upon him, who were strangers. On being brought before him, he ordered them to be all cruelly whipt and then to be hanged. The Cochin naires remonstrated against this punishment, because they were naires whose customs did not allow of this mode of execution; but he would not listen to their arguments, saying that their treachery richly merited to be so punished. The Portuguese officers represented to him the great troubles which the _rajah_ of Cochin had endured for giving protection to their nation, and how much this action might displease him, when he was informed of naires having been put to death in his dominions without his authority. Besides, that this might give occasion to some of those about the rajah, who were known to be already unfriendly to the Portuguese, to insinuate that the captain- general had usurped the authority from the rajah, and might in that way wean his affections from them. Pacheco was convinced by these arguments that he had acted wrong, and immediately sent to countermand the execution. Two of them were already _half-dead_; but _those who were still living_, he sent to the rajah, informing him that they had deserved death, but that from respect to him he had spared their lives. The rajah was singularly gratified by this mark of respect, and the more so because there happened to be then present several of his principal nobles and some chiefs from other places, besides sundry of the chief of the Moors of Cochin, who had endeavoured to impress on his mind that the Portuguese were willing to assume the command in his dominions[8]. Henceforwards Pacheco had such good intelligence, that all the subtle devices of the zamorin were counteracted.

The month of June was now ended and the rainy season, or winter, began to come on, from which Pacheco naturally concluded that the zomorin would soon break up his encampment, on which occasion he was fully resolved to give them an assault, having sufficient experience of the pusillanimity of the enemy. But the zamorin, being afraid that Pacheco might attack him at his departure, gave out that he intended to make another assault on the ford with a greater fleet than ever, and even directed the floating castles to be repaired. He even gave out that he meant to assail the passage of _Palurte_ and the ford both at once; that Pacheco might occupy himself in preparing to defend both places, and he might have the better opportunity to steal away unperceived. Accordingly, on the evening of Saturday, which was the eve of St John[9], the whole army of the enemy appeared as usual, and Pacheco fully expected to have been attacked that night. Next morning, however, he learnt from two bramins that the zamorin had withdrawn with all his army into the island of Repelim. Pacheco was much disappointed at this news, yet he made a descent that very day into Repelim, where he fought with many of the enemy, killing and wounding a great number of them, and then returned to the ford, where he remained several days, because the rajah was still afraid lest the zamorin might return and get across the ford into the island of Cochin.

The zamorin was so crest-fallen by the great and repeated losses he had sustained in this war from a mere handful of men, that he resolved to retire into religions seclusion, that he might conciliate the favour of his gods, and dismissed his allies and chiefs to act as they thought best. His princes and nobles endeavoured to dissuade him from this resolution, but he continued firm to his purpose, and went into the _torcul_ or religious state of seclusion, accompanied by some of his chief bramins or chaplains. Soon afterwards, his mother sent him word that great changes had taken place in Calicut since his seclusion. That many of the merchants had already deserted the place, and others were preparing to follow. That the city was becoming ill provided with victuals, as those who used to import them were afraid of the Christians. Yet she advised him never to return to Calicut, unless he could do so with honour; and that he should therefore continue in seclusion for a time, and afterwards endeavour to recover his credit and reputation by victory, or lose all in the attempt. On this message which greatly increased his discontent, the zamorin sent for his brother, to whom he confided the government of his dominions till such time as he should have completed his religious austerities in seclusion.

On this strange resolution of the zamorin, the rajahs and nobles who had joined him in the war departed to their own countries, most of which lay on the coast. And being under great apprehensions that Pacheco might reduce their dominions, they endeavoured to enter into treaties with him for peace and concord; for which purpose they sent messages to Trimumpara, requesting that he would act as mediator between them and Pacheco. The rajah of Cochin was a prince of a mild and forgiving disposition; and forgetting all the past injuries they had done him in these wars, he undertook the office of mediation, and sent them safe conducts to come to Cochin to make their peace. On their arrival, he accompanied them to wait upon Pacheco, and even became their advocate with him to accept of their proferred friendship, which he readily consented to at the desire of the rajah. Some of these princes were unable to come personally, but sent their ambassadors to solicit peace, which was accorded to all who asked it. Several even of the great Moorish merchants of Calicut, that they might quietly enjoy their trade, forsook that place and came to dwell in Cochin, having previously secured the consent of Pacheco. Others of them went to Cananor and Coulan, by which means the great trade which used to be carried on at Calicut suddenly fell off.

Owing to the great resort of Moors to Cochin, in whom Pacheco could not repose much confidence, and because, by the orders of Naubea Daring, the paraws of Calicut frequently made excursions into the rivers, the captain- general continued for a long while to defend the passage of the ford, where he often fought with and did much injury to his enemies. He made frequent incursions, likewise, into the island of Repelim, whence he carried off cattle and other provisions, and often fought with his enemies, always defeating them with much slaughter[10]. At length Elankol, the lord of that island, wishing to put an end to the miseries of his country, waited on Pacheco and entered into a treaty of friendship with him, making him a present of a great quantity of pepper, which was abundant in his country[11].

[1] This paragraph, enumerating the forces of the zamorin, is added to the text of Castaneda from Astley, Vol. I. p. 56.

[2] The particular distribution of the force under Pacheco at this time is thus enumerated in Astleys Collection: In the fort thirty-nine men; in the ship left to defend Cochin twenty-five; in the caravel which accompanied him in the expedition to Cambalan twenty-six; into one boat twenty-three; and in the boat along with himself twenty-two; making his whole effective force 135 men; seventy-one only of which went along with him to defend the pass.--Astl. I. 56.

[3] A very short space before these are only stated as twenty; but the numbers and names in the text seem much corrupted.--E.

[4] In a former note we have given a list of the names and circumstances of the English ordnance near this period. In that list the saker is described as a light cannon of only 5-1/2 pound ball, now looked upon as one of very small importance; we may therefore conclude that the other cannon used on the present occasion could hardly exceed _falcouns_, or two-pounders.--E.

[5] Such is the unintelligible expression in Lichefilds translation. In the account of this war compiled by the editor of Astleys Collection from the Portuguese historians, the enemy are said to have lost in the former part of this battle, twenty paraws sunk, 180 persons of note, and above 1000 common men; while in the second attack, nineteen paraws were sunk, sixty-two fled, and 360 men were slain. In this account, a third naval engagement is mentioned, in which sixty-two paraws were sunk, and sixty fled; after which 15,000 men were defeated by land, and four towns were burnt by Pacheco.--Astl. I. 56.

[6] Castaneda tells a long ridiculous story at this place, of a ceremonial defiance of the zamorin, not worth inserting. In Astley, I. 56. we are told that the Moors of Cochin were detected about this time communicating intelligence to the enemy, and that Trimumpara allowed Pacheco to punish them. On which he put five of their chief men into strict confinement, giving out that they were hanged; which gave much offence to the rajah and his people.--E.

[7] Such are the words of Lichefild; which, perhaps may have been intended to imply that there was not yet sufficient depth of water to allow of their approach to the caravels; or it may mean that they waited for the tide of ebb, to carry them towards the Portuguese caravels, being too cumbrous for management by means of oars.--E.

[8] This seems the same story which has been already mentioned in a former note, from Astleys Collection; but which is there related as having taken place with _Moors_.--E.

[9] The nativity of St John the Baptist is the 24th June; the eve therefore is the 23d, yet Castaneda has already said that June was ended.--E.

[10] About this time, in consequence of a message from the Portuguese factor at Coulan, stating that the Moors obstructed the market for pepper, Pacheco went to that place, where he made five Moorish ships submit, and settled the pepper market on fair terms, yet without doing them any harm.--Astl. I. 57.

[11] According to Astley, the zamorin lost 18,000 men in this war in five months, and desired peace, which was granted by the rajah of Cochin.-- Astl. I. 57. Yet this could hardly be the case, as the first operation of the new commander-in-chief in India was to cannonade Calicut.--E.

SECTION IX.

_The Voyage of Lope Suarez de Menesis to India, in 1504; being the sixth of the Portuguese Expeditions to the East Indies._

Learning the necessity of sending powerful succours to protect the Portuguese trade from the hostilities of the zamorin, the king of Portugal fitted out a fleet of twelve[1] large ships in 1504, of which the command was given to Lope Suarez de Menesis, who had been captain of the _Mina_ on the coast of Guinea in the reign of John II. The captains of these ships were, Pedro de Mendoza, Lionel Cotinho, Tristan de la Silva, Lope Mendez de Vasconcelles, Lope de Abreu, Philip de Castro, Alonso Lopez de Castro, Alonzo Lopez de la Cocta, Pero Alonzo de Aguilar, Vasco de la Silvero, Vasco Carvallo, and Pedro Dynez de Sutunell: All of whom were gentlemen by birth or service. Having embarked many valiant soldiers, the whole fleet left Lisbon on the 22d of April and arrived on the 2d of May near Cape Verd. Having observed during this part of the voyage, that several of the ships were very irregularly navigated, not keeping in their proper course, by which they had run foul of each other; some pushing before, while others lagged behind, and others stood athwart the order of the fleet; Suarez convened an assemblage of all the captains, masters, and pilots of the fleet, to whom he communicated the following written instructions: 1. As soon as it is night, every ship shall keep in regular order a-stern of the admiral; and no vessel to carry any light except in the binnacle and in the cabin. 2. The masters and pilots to keep regular watch, taking special care not to run foul of each other. 3. All to answer the signals of the admiral. 4. As soon as day appears, every ship shall come to salute the admiral, and all are carefully to avoid getting before him during the night. The penalty for breach of any of these articles was a fine of ten crowns, besides which the offender was to be put under arrest without being entitled to wages, and so to remain to the end of the voyage. As some of the masters and pilots had been very negligent, allowing some of the ships to fall aboard of others, he removed these to other ships. By this attention to discipline, the fleet was kept afterwards in good sailing order.

In the month of June, at which time they reckoned themselves off the Cape of Good Hope, the fleet was surprised by a heavy storm, and had to drive for two days and nights under bare poles in imminent danger of being cast away, the weather during all this time being wonderfully dark, so that the ships were in great hazard of running aboard of each other. To guard against this danger, the admiral caused guns to be fired at intervals from all the ships, to give notice of their situations, and the better to keep company. On the subsidence of the storm, the ship commanded by Lope Mendez was missing, and the admiral caused the fleet to lie to for some days in hopes of her reappearance. While in this situation, two of the ships ran foul of each other, by which a large hole was broken in the bow of one of the ships, through which she took in so much water as to be in great danger of sulking. The admiral immediately bore up to her assistance, and encouraged the crew to stop the leak, and even sent his boats on board to give every aid. By great exertions they got the leak effectually stopped, by nailing hides over the hole, and covering the whole with pitch. On St Jameses day, 25th July, the fleet arrived at Mozambique, where they were well received by the governor, who supplied them abundantly with fresh provisions, and sent off the letter which Pedro de Tayde had written respecting the state of affairs in India a short time before his death, as formerly mentioned. The admiral expedited the refitting of the ships which had been so much injured, as quickly as possible, and departed from Mozambique on the 1st of August. The king of Melinda sent off one of his principal Moors to visit the admiral, to whom likewise he sent sixteen of our men who had deserted from Pedro de Tayde.

Having stopt only two days at Melinda for refreshment, the fleet sailed across for India, and came to Anchediva, where they found two Portuguese ships commanded by Antonio de Saldanna and Ruy Lorenzo, who were much afraid of our fleet, suspecting it to have belonged to the Rumes[2]. Saldanna informed Suarez, that he had been sent out the year before from Portugal along with Lorenzo, as vice-admiral, with orders to explore the Red Sea and adjacent countries. That they were separated in a storm off the Cape of Good Hope. That Lorenzo proceeding alone in the voyage, had taken a ship belonging to the Moors near Sofala, out of which he had taken a large quantity of gold, and had left the hull at Melinda. That Saldanna prosecuted his voyage to Cape Guardafui, where he had taken many rich prizes, without having entered the Red Sea; after which he had sailed to India, and the winter coming on, had taken shelter in Anchediva, where he was afterwards joined by Lorenzo. At this place, Lope Mendez de Vasconcelles, who had been separated in the storm off the Cape of Good Hope, rejoined the fleet. The admiral used every expedition to get the fleet ready to proceed for Cananor, where he arrived on the 1st of September, and was informed by the factor of the events in the war with Calicut; and how he and his companions in the factory had been often in great hazard of their lives.

The day after his arrival, the admiral went on shore in great state to visit the rajah of Cananor, attended by all the captains of the fleet in their boats, decorated with flags and streamers, and armed with ordnance, all the boats crews being dressed in their best apparel. The admirals barge had a rich awning, and was dressed out with carpets, on which stood a chair of state covered with unshorn crimson velvet and two cushions of the same for his feet. His doublet and hose were of satin of divers colours, wrought diamond fashion; his shoes of black velvet, studded with gold; his cap covered over with gold buttons. Over all he wore a loose robe or gown of black velvet, in the French fashion, trimmed all round with gold lace. From his neck hung a triple chain of gold enamelled, from which depended a golden whistle. His rapier and dagger, which were borne by a page, had handles of pure gold. Two lackeys preceded him in splendid attire and six trumpeters with silk flags. He was also accompanied by a band of wind instruments, in a small boat In another boat were the presents which he carried for the rajah from the king of Portugal. There were, six beds of fine Holland, with their pillows of the same, all wrought with gold embroidery. Two coverlets or carpets of unshorn crimson velvet, quilted all over, having three guards of cloth of gold, that in the middle a span in width, and the others two fingers broad. The bedstead was gilded all over, having curtains of crimson satin, fringed with cold thread. On putting off from his ship, all the fleet saluted him with their cannon; then the trumpets and drums sounded for a long time; after which the organs never ceased to play till the boats reached the shore, where vast numbers of Moors and Gentiles waited to receive the admiral.

On his landing, the admiral Was conducted into a _sarame_ or house appointed for his reception and audience of the rajah, in which he ordered the bed and all its rich furniture to be set up, close to which was placed a chair for the admiral to sit upon. Soon afterwards, the rajah was brought to the house, carried in a rich chair of state, preceded by three armed elephants, three thousand nayres, armed with swords, spears, and targets, and two thousand armed with bows and arrows. The admiral, apprized of the rajah's approach by the fleet saluting him with all their guns, went to the door to receive him, where they embraced. Then going together into the apartment, the admiral presented him with the bed already described, on which the rajah immediately lay down, and the admiral sat down beside him in the place appointed. They here conferred together for two hours, when they were interrupted by the barking of a greyhound belonging to the admiral, which wanted to attack one of the elephants.

Soon afterwards a Moor from Calicut waited upon the admiral, having along with him a Portuguese boy, who brought a letter from some of our men who were captives at Calicut ever since the time of Cabral being there. This boy informed the admiral, that the zamorin was so humbled by the defeats he had sustained from Pacheco, that he had gone into religious seclusion. That many of the Moorish merchants had gone from Calicut to other places, as they could carry on no trade there owing to the war, and that even provisions had become extremely scarce. That the zamorin and the prince of Calicut, and the magistrates of that place, were exceedingly desirous of peace with the Portuguese, for which reason they had sent him to the admiral, and had allowed the Portuguese prisoners there to write him to that effect, which they had done accordingly, but chiefly in hopes that he would free them from captivity. After reading the letter, the admiral would have sent a written answer, meaning to have sent it by the Moor. But the boy told him, they had no permission to carry any letter, and that he must return along with the Moor, as the people of Calicut had threatened to put all their Portuguese prisoners to death in case he did not return. On this account, the admiral gave the boy a verbal message for the prisoners; saying that he would very soon come to Calicut, where he would anchor as near as possible to the shore; and as the captives were allowed to go about the city without irons, they might find an opportunity to come off to the fleet either in boats or by swimming.

Suarez went accordingly with the fleet to Calicut, where he came to anchor on Saturday the 7th September; and presently afterwards the boy who had been to visit him at Cananor came on board, accompanied by a servant of Cosebequin, who brought the admiral a present from the rulers of Cochin, and a message requiring a safe conduct for Cosebequin, that he might come on board to treat for peace. The admiral refused to accept of any present until such time as peace were restored; but sent word that Cosebequin might repair on board without fear, as a servant of the king of Portugal; he sent a private message at the same time to the Portuguese prisoners, advising them to use their best endeavours to escape. On receiving this message, Cosebequin was sent on board by the governors of Calicut, to treat of peace, carrying with him two of the Portuguese captives. They requested he would wait three or four days, by which time they believed the zamorin would come out from his seclusion, and that they were convinced he would agree to all that should be required. The admiral answered, that unless they would deliver up the two Italian deserters he would agree to no terms; but he sent no message for the liberation of our captives, as he thought they might easily escape. As soon as the Italians learnt that the admiral had demanded them, they suspected the captives would run away of which circumstance they gave notice to the governors, requiring them to secure the Portuguese captives, as they were men of consideration, and that a peace might be procured in exchange for them almost on any terms the zamorin pleased to prescribe. On this advice, the governors took care to prevent the captives from escaping, and became less urgent in their desire of peace. Owing to this, they remained in captivity till Don Francisco de Almeida became viceroy of India, though some made their escape in the interim, and others of them fell victims to the diseases of the climate.

After waiting some days, and finding no friendly steps taken by the governors of Calicut towards a peace; and being likewise without hope of recovering the captives, Suarez resolved to take revenge by cannonading the city of Calicut, which he did for a whole day and a night, during which time he did prodigious damage, destroying the palace of the zamorin, several of their pagodas or idol temples, and many of the houses, and slew a great number of the inhabitants. For this service, he brought seven of his smallest ships as near the shore as possible, and advanced all the boats of the fleet, likewise carrying ordnance, close almost to the beach. After this he departed for Cochin, where he arrived on Saturday the 13th of September. He landed next day near the Portuguese castle, in as great state as he had done before at Cananor, and was received with many marks of satisfaction by Trimumpara. After embracing, they went hand in hand into the hall, in which a chair of state was placed for the admiral. As the rajah sat on the cushions on the floor, according to the custom of the country, and was therefore much lower than the admiral, he commanded his chair to be removed somewhat farther from the rajah, by which he greatly offended the native chiefs who were present at the interview. He now delivered to Trimumpara a letter from the king of Portugal, in which great compliments and many thanks were given, for the favour and protection the rajah had vouchsafed to the Portuguese. To this the rajah answered, that he had been amply repaid, by the good service which Duarte Pacheco had rendered him in the war with the zamorin. Next day, the admiral sent a large sum of money to Trimumpara, as a present from the king of Portugal, who knew that his finances had been greatly injured ill consequence of the war with Calicut.

Soon after, Suarez sent Pedro de Mendoza and Vasco Carvallo with their ships to guard the coast of Calicut, with orders to capture all ships belonging to the Moors that were laden with spices. He likewise dispatched De la Cocta, Aguilar, Cotinho, and Abreu, to go to Coulan to take in their loading, being informed that spices were to be had there in abundance. He likewise sent Tristan de la Silva with four armed boats up the rivers towards Cranganor, against some armed paraws of Calicut which were stationed in that quarter. In this expedition, Silva had a skirmish with these paraws and some nayres on the shores of the rivers; but falling in with a Moorish ship laden with pepper, he captured her and brought her to Cochin, where he and the other captains loaded their ships, as spices were now procured in great abundance.

Duarte Pacheco happened to be off Coulan when he learnt the arrival of Suarez; and knowing that his own command was ended so soon as the new captain-general should arrive at Cochin, determined to attempt some exploits while he remained master of his own conduct. With this view, he put to sea on the 22d of October, and soon after got sight of a ship at a great distance, to which he gave chase all that day and part of the night. The chase was driven into Coulan, when Pacheco learnt that she _belonged to the confederates[3]_, and was bound from Coromandel. He immediately afterwards descried three ships of Calicut, to which he gave chase, keeping as near the coast a possible to take the advantage of a land breeze. In the morning he put off to sea in chase of the vessel, which he was unable to get up with till towards evening close to the land; after a brave defence, as the ship had many men, she at length yielded; and not chusing to encumber himself with so many prisoners, he landed a part of her company, and made the rest prisoners in irons in his own ship. Learning that this was one of the three ships belonging to Calicut of which he was in search, he put two of his men on board the prize, with orders to keep him company. Being arrived directly abreast of Cape Comorin, he met with a sudden whirlwind, by which he was nearly cast away, and when this subsided, he came to anchor within a league of the shore, where he remained all night. While at anchor thirty of his Moorish prisoners made their escape, twelve of whom were retaken by means of his boat. Pacheco remained for some time off the Cape in expectation of the other ships of the Moors coming round from Coromandel, but none making their appearance, he went to Coulan with the ship he had captured, which he delivered to the factor at that city with all its rich merchandize. He then went to Cochin, where he put himself under the command of Suarez.

The zamorin had now resumed the government, having withdrawn from the _torcul_ or religious seclusion. He had dispatched one of his generals with a fleet of eighty paraws and fifty ships[4] to defend the passages of the rivers, and to obstruct the trade of Cochin with the interior; and had likewise set on foot a considerable land army under the prince Naubea Daring. It was the intention of the zamorin to stand on the defensive only while the Portuguese fleet remained in India, and to renew the war against Cochin after their departure. But the admiral Suarez, by the advice of all his captains, resolved to make an attack on Cranganor, a town belonging to the zamorin, about four leagues from Cochin, whence the enemy had often done much injury to the dominions of Trimumpara during the late war. For this purpose, Suarez took fifteen armed boats with raised defences on their gunwales, and twenty-five paraws belonging to Cochin, all armed with cannon, and accompanied by a caravel, the whole manned with about 1000 Portuguese soldiers, and an equal number of nayres from Cochin. The armament arrived before day at _Palypuerto_, where it had to wait for daylight, not daring to attempt the passage of certain shoals, as the boats were heavily laden. On arriving at Cranganor, the fleet of Calicut was found drawn up ready to repel the Portuguese attack. The Calicut commander was posted in the front, in two new ships chained together, which were full of ordnance and well manned; chiefly by archers. In the rear of these ships, and on both flanks, the paraws of Calicut were arranged, all full of armed men.

On the arrival of the Portuguese flotilla, the battle immediately commenced by the discharge of ordnance on both sides. Five Portuguese captains who led the van, pushed on to attack the Calicut admiral in his two chained ships, which they carried by boarding after a brave resistance, in which that officer and two of his sons with many others of the Malabars were slain. After the capture of these ships, the paraws made little resistance, and soon took to flight. Suarez immediately disembarked his troops, which soon put Naubea Daring to flight, who commanded the land army of Calicut. The Moors and Malabars in their flight, plundered the houses of Cranganor, which was immediately afterwards set on fire by the Portuguese. Certain Christian inhabitants of the place came to Suarez and prayed him not to burn their city, representing that it contained several churches dedicated to the Virgin and the Apostles, besides many Christian houses which were interspersed among these belonging to the Moors and Gentiles. For their sakes, Suarez ordered the conflagration to be stopped; yet many of the houses were destroyed before that could be effected, as they were all of wood. After the fire was quenched, our men plundered the houses belonging to the Moors, many of whom had formerly dwelt in Cochin. The two ships, and several paraws which had been taken in the before mentioned engagement, were set on fire, and other three ships that were found drawn on shore.

At this time Suarez was joined by the prince of Cochin, who informed him that Naubea Daring remained with his army at no great distance, and intended to return to Cranganor after his departure. A considerable force was therefore sent against Naubea Daring; but immediately on seeing their approach, the troops of Calicut fled. On the return of the Portuguese flotilla towards Cochin, Suarez was disposed to have destroyed another town which lay near their passage; but the prince of Cochin represented that half of it belonged to him, and prevailed on the admiral to spare it, as he could not destroy one part without the other. Suarez, therefore, returned to Cochin, where he knighted some of his officers for their bravery during the last engagement. A few days after his return, there came an ambassador from the rajah of _Tanor_, whose dominions are next adjoining to those of Cochin. This ambassador represented, that his master had hitherto adhered to the zamorin, and had assisted him in all his wars against Pacheco. But that the zamorin, since he had come out from his religious seclusion, had redoubled his arrogant ideas of his irresistible power, and in reward of the services of the rajah of Tanor, now threatened him with war and conquest. He farther represented, that on the late occasion, when the general of the Calicut forces was in full march for the relief of Cranganor, the rajah of Tanor had placed 4000 of his nayres in ambush in a defile in their line of march, who had defeated the troops of Calicut, and hod slain 2000 of them. On this account the rajah of Tanor was in great fear of the zamorin, and humbly requested assistance from the admiral, promising in return to become subject to the king of Portugal.

For this purpose, the admiral sent Pedro Raphael in a caravel to Tanor, with 100 soldiers, most of whom were crossbow men. It chanced that on the very day of his arrival at Tanor, the zamorin arrived before that city with his army and gave battle to the rajah; but, chiefly owing to the valour of Raphael and his company, the army of the zamorin was defeated with great slaughter. In reward for this well-timed succour, the rajah of Tanor became subject to the king of Portugal. In consequence of this defeat, the zamorin was much humbled, and lost more credit with the Moors than by all the victories which Pacheco had obtained; as these had been obtained by strangers, while the present victory had been gained by a native prince. In consequence of these reverses, seeing no likelihood of ever being able to recover their trade, all the Moors who dwelt in Calicut and Cranganor determined upon removing to their own country with their remaining wealth. For this purpose, they fitted up seventeen large ships at _Pandarane_, which they armed on purpose to defend themselves against any attack from our men, and loaded them with all expedition for Mecca. Besides these, they loaded a great number of paraws and tonys with such goods as the ships were unable to contain.

The season now approached for the return of the fleet to Portugal, and Suarez appointed Manuel Telez de Vasconcelles[5] as captain-general of the Indies, with whom he left a ship and two caravels, of which last Pedro Raphael and Diego Perez were captains. The admiral presented these officers to the rajah of Cochin, who would much rather have procured Duarte Pacheco to remain, having great confidence in his valour and attachment to his service, but dared not to request this of the admiral, as he was of a haughty disposition. In a conference between Pacheco and the rajah, the latter entreated him to remain in India if possible, as he did not think himself quite secure from the enmity of the zamorin; and even urged him to remember that he had promised not to leave him till he had made him king of Calicut. Pacheco answered, that he left him in a good situation, his country being restored to quiet, and the zamorin so much humbled that he was no longer to be dreaded; as a proof of which the Moors were about to depart from Calicut, seeing their trade entirely ruined. And that he hoped to return from Portugal, and to serve him longer and to greater purpose than he had done hitherto. The rajah was somewhat satisfied with this answer, and craved pardon of Pacheco that he had not rewarded his services as they deserved, because he was extremely poor; yet requested he would take as much pepper as he pleased. Pacheco refused to accept of any thing; saying, he hoped to find the rajah rich and prosperous on his return to Cochin, and then he would accept a reward. The rajah gave Pacheco a letter for the king of Portugal, in which he set forth all his gallant actions during the war, strongly recommending him to his majesties favour.

The admiral Suarez departed from Cochin on the 27th December[6], taking with him the whole of his fleet, even those captains who were to remain in India. His intention was to have come to anchor in the harbour of Paniani, on purpose to visit the rajah of Tanor; but from foul weather, and bad pilots, the fleet could not make that port, and was driven to Calicut and Pandarane. Being off these ports and with a scanty wind, the admiral detached Raphael and Perez with their caravels, to examine if there were any ships of the Moors at anchor. While on this service, ten paraws came off to attack them, and an engagement ensued. On the rest of the fleet hearing the sound of the ordnance, they bore up as close to the wind as possible, and came to anchor[7]. In a council of war, it was resolved to attack the seventeen ships of the Moors, which lay all aground; and as the ships were unable to get near them, because they lay within the bar, the attack was determined to be made by the boats of the fleet, with orders to set the Moorish ships on fire. This being resolved upon, the admiral and all the captains of the fleet embarked in the boats, taking with them all the soldiers belonging to the expedition.

The Moorish ships were all drawn on the beach in a close line, having their sterns to the shore, and were well armed with ordnance, and had many soldiers on board armed with bows and arrows, a considerable number of them being men of a fair complexion[8]. Besides all these, the Moors had two pieces of ordnance on a small bulwark or redoubt which flanked the passage of the bar. Our boats, seeing all these formidable preparations, returned towards the fleet[9], whence they towed several caravels within the bar to assist the boats in the attack. After a severe conflict, in which the Portuguese had twenty-five men killed, and 127 wounded, the whole seventeen ships of the Moors were boarded and taken, with the loss of 2000 men. But as the Moorish ships were all aground, the victors were under the necessity to burn them, with all the rich merchandize they contained. Owing to this severe loss, the Moors deserted the city of Calicut, which by the cessation of trade became much distressed for provisions, insomuch that most of its inhabitants withdrew to other places. The zamorin was so much humbled by this succession of disastrous events, that he remained quiet for a long time afterwards[10].

The particular incidents of this engagement are so confusedly related in Lichefilds translation of Castaneda as to baffle every attempt to reduce them into intelligible order. Among these, the two following are more distinctly told. Tristan de la Silva endeavoured to board a ship which appeared to be the admiral, of which the captain and a numerous crew were Turks. A little before De Silva got up to this ship, the crew had fired off a piece of ordnance which lay on the upper deck, and which by its recoil broke a large hole in the side of the ship. The Turks were so intent on defending themselves against the Portuguese boats, that they neglected to barricade this hole, of which the people in De Silvas boat took advantage to get on board; Alonzo Lopez the master, and Alvaro Lopez one of the kings servants, now town-clerk of Santarem, being the first who entered by the hole. A desperate conflict ensued on deck, in which many of the Turks were slain, others hid themselves below the hatches, and others leapt into the water, most of whom were drowned, as they were covered with shirts of mail.

The caravel commanded by Pedro Raphael, one of these brought within the bar to co-operate with the boats, was struck by a ball from the battery on shore, which killed three men and dangerously wounded other ten. In the confusion occasioned by this accident, another shot killed the master at the helm, and the caravel drove with the tide of flood right under the bows of a large Moorish ship full of men which had not yet been attacked by the boats. In this situation, a great number of the enemy boarded the caravel, _and used our men very ill_. The caravel afterwards drifted on certain rocks, where she remained till the end of the battle. The situation of the caravel was now perceived by the admiral, who ordered effectual succour to be sent to Raphael. The succours boarded the caravel, which was quite full of Moors, whom they drove out with great slaughter; but all of our men belonging to that caravel were sore hurt.

On the next day, being the first of January 1505, the admiral went with the fleet to Cananor, to take in the rest of his lading. He was here informed by the factor of the humbled situation of the Moors, from whom, in his opinion, the Portuguese had no longer any thing to fear in India. Being ready to depart for Europe, the admiral made an oration to Manual Telez, and those who were to remain with him in India, giving them instructions for their conduct after his departure; and as the enemy was so greatly humbled, he considered that such a fleet as had formerly been left by Albuquerque was quite sufficient, in which he left an hundred soldiers. Indeed the zamorin, as has been already said, was sick of the war, and remained quiet after the departure of the admiral.

Departing from Cananor, Suarez arrived off Melinda on the 1st of February; where, without landing himself, he sent Antonio de Saldanna to bring away the rich prizes he had formerly made at Cape Guardafui. From Melinda, the fleet went to Quiloa, on purpose to enforce the payment of the tribute from the king of that place. Departing from thence on the 10th of February, he arrived safe at Lisbon on the 22d of June 1505[11], without any incident worth relating[12]; carrying with him two ships more than had accompanied him to India, all laden with rich commodities, and was received by the King Don Manuel with great honour.

When the king learnt the great service which Pacheco had performed in India, he expressed his high approbation of his conduct in a public procession. The king went, in all the splendour usually shewn on _Corpus Christi_ day, from the high church to that of St Domingo, accompanied by Duarte Pacheco. After solemn service, a sermon was preached by Don Diego Ortis, bishop of Viseo; who, by the kings command, gave a rehearsal of all that had been performed by Pacheco in the war against the zamorin. On the same day, a solemn festival was held in all the churches of Portugal and Algarve. The king sent letters on the occasion to the pope and all the princes of Christendom, announcing all these notable acts and victories which had been performed in the Indies.[13]

[1] These are said to have been the largest ships hitherto built in Portugal, and to have carried 1200 men; perhaps soldiers, besides their ordinary crews.--Astl. I. 57.

[2] The Turkish empire, as succeeding that of the Romans or Greeks of Constantinople, is still called _Rumi_ in the east. It will be afterwards seen, that these _Rumes_, Romans, or Turks, made some powerful efforts to drive the Portuguese from India, as greatly injurious to the Indian trade with Europe through the Red Sea and Egypt.--E.

[3] This expression is quite inexplicable, unless we may pick out very darkly that it belonged to the Calicut confederacy against the Portuguese. Yet Castaneda, or his imperfect translator Lichefild, does not inform us whether this vessel was made a prize. Lichefild seems almost always to have had a very imperfect knowledge of the language of the author, often to have mistaken his meaning or expressed it with great obscurity, and sometimes writes even a kind of jargon, by endeavouring to translate verbally without being able to catch an idea from the original.--E.

[4] According to Astley, from De Fariz only _five_ ships; and indeed in the sequel, Castaneda only mentions _two_ ships as employed, on the present occasion and three others that were drawn up on shore.--E.

[5] At the commencement of this section, Castaneda names this person Lope Mendez de Vasconcelles; in Astley, I. 58, he is called Manuel Tellez Barreto.--E.

[6] In Lichefilds translation of Castaneda, this date is made the 27th September, which is an obvious mistake.--E.

[7] By some strange blunder, Lichefild says they came to _Cananor_; but from all the circumstances in the contexts, it is obvious that the fleet came to anchor on the outside of the bar at Pandarane.--E.

[8] Arabs probably, whites in the estimation of the Portuguese as compared with the native blacks of Malabar.--E.

[9] This part of the story is very confusedly translated by Lichefild. According to his relation, in one sense, the admiral alone returned in his boat for the caravels; while, by another part of his expressions, the whole boats returned for the admiral and the caravels.--E.

[10] According to Astley, a peace was concluded between the Portuguese and the zamorin immediately after the victory obtained by the rajah of Tanore; but this does not agree with the circumstances just related respecting the destruction of the Moorish fleet in the harbour of Pandarane, which would hardly have been done during a time of peace--E.

[11] By some strange typographical mistake, Lichefild makes this date 1525, both in the text and in a marginal note, thus adding no less than twenty years to the true chronology. In Astleys Collection, the conclusion of this voyage is dated 22d July 1506; but we have chosen to retain the regular series of dates as given by Castaneda. Owing to the mistake in Lichefilds translation not being detected till a part of this chapter was printed off, it has been repeated in our introduction to this article, which our readers are requested to correct.--E.

[12] In Astley, the ship commanded by Pedro Mendoza, is said to have been stranded during the homeward voyage, fourteen leagues from the _Aguada_, or watering-place of St Blas, and never more heard of.--Astl. I. 58.

[13] Astley concludes the account of the honours conferred on Pacheco in the following words: "But soon after imprisoned, and allowed him to die miserably. A terrible example of the uncertainty of royal favour, and the little regard that is had to true merit!"--Astl. I. 58.