Chapter 14

VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD BY CAPTAIN GEORGE SHELVOCKE, IN 1719-1722.[248]

INTRODUCTION.

In the introduction to the former voyage, a sufficient account has been given of the motives on which the expedition was founded, and the original plan of acting under an imperial commission; together with motives for changing this plan, and the reason of advancing Captain Clipperton to the chief command. In the new scheme of the voyage, Captain Shelvocke retained the command of the Speedwell, carrying twenty-four guns and 106 men, Mr Simon Hately being his second captain, an officer who has a good character given of him in the account of the former voyage by Captain Rogers. The marines were under the command of Captain William Betagh. Captain Shelvocke has himself written an account of the expedition, and another was published by Captain Betagh, so that the following narrative is composed from both. Shelvocke's narrative is, strictly speaking, an apology for his own conduct, yet contains abundance of curious particulars, written in an entertaining style, and with an agreeable spirit; while the other is written with much acrimony, and contains heavy charges against Captain Shelvocke, yet contains many curious circumstances.--_Harris_.

[Footnote 248: Harris, I. 198. Callender, III. 502.]

This is one of the best written voyages we have hitherto met with, yet extends rather to considerable length, considering its relative importance. On the present occasion, therefore, it has been endeavoured to lop off as many of its redundances as could be conveniently done without injury, yet leaving every circumstance of any interest or importance. The principal omission, or abbreviation rather, on the present occasion, is the leaving out several controversial matters, inserted by Harris from the account of this voyage by Betagh; which might have sufficient interest among contemporaries, a few years after the unfortunate issue of this misconducted enterprise, but are now of no importance, near a century later.--Ed.

SECTION I.

_Narrative of the Voyage from England to the South Sea._

Sailing from Plymouth on the 13th February, 1719, in company with the Success, we kept company no longer than to the 19th, when, between nine and ten at night, we had a violent storm at S.W. which increased so, that by eleven we were under bare poles. At midnight a sea struck us on our quarter, which stove in one of our dead lights on the quarter and another on our stern, by which we shipped a vast quantity of water before we could get them again fastened up, and we were a considerable time under great apprehension of foundering. On the 20th we could not see the Success; and this storm so terrified the greatest part of the crew, that seventy of them were resolved to bear away for England, alleging that the ship was so very crank she would never be able to carry us to the South Sea. But by the resolution of the officers they were brought back to their duty.

As the Canaries were the first place of rendezvous, we continued our course for these islands, where we arrived on the 17th March, and cruised there the time appointed by our instructions.[249] We next sailed for the Cape de Verde Islands, and arrived at Maio on the 14th April.[250] A little before arriving here, Turner Stevens[251] the gunner very gravely proposed to me and the rest of the officers to cruize in the Red Sea; as there could be no harm in robbing the Mahometans, whereas the Spaniards were good Christians, and it was a sin to injure them. I ordered him immediately into confinement, after which he became outrageous, threatening to blow up the ship. Wherefore I discharged him at his own request, and left also here on shore my chief mate, who had challenged and fought with Mr Brooks, my first lieutenant.

[Footnote 249: Clipperton arrived there on the 5th, and sailed thence on the 15th of March.--E.]

[Footnote 250: Clipperton came to St Vincent on the 24th March, and cruized in that neighbourhood for ten days, so that he must have sailed about the 31st, at least a fortnight before the arrival of Shelvocke.--E.]

[Footnote 251: Called Charles Turner by Betagh.--E.]

On the 18th, we went to _Port Praya_, in the island of St Jago, but finding nothing here but fair promises, I resolved to proceed to the island of St Catharine on the coast of Brazil, in lat. 20° 30' S.[252] in hopes of obtaining every thing necessary for our passage into the South Sea, as, according to the account of it by Frezier, it abounds in all the necessaries of life, such especially as are requisite in long voyages. We sailed therefore from Port Praya on the 20th of April, and had a very bad passage, as we were twenty-one days before we could pass the equinoctial. White between the two tradewinds, we had usually slight breezes, varying all round the compass, and sometimes heavy squalls of wind, with thunder, lightning, and rain. In short, the most variable weather that can be conceived, insomuch that we were fifty-five days between St Jago and St Catharines. On the 4th June we made Cape Frio, bearing W. seven leagues off our lat. by observation, 23° 41' S.[253] On the 5th we met and spoke a ship, to which I sent Captain Hately to enquire the news on the coast, and gave him money to buy tobacco, as the Success had our stock on board. She was a Portuguese from Rio de Janeiro bound to Pernambuco, and had no tobacco; but Hately had laid out my money in unnecessary trifles, alleging they would sell for double the money at the next port.

[Footnote 252: This island is in 27° 10' S.]

[Footnote 253: Cape Frio is in 22° 33' S.]

[Captain Betagh gives a very different account of this matter, asserting that Shelvocke hoisted imperial colours and made the Portuguese ship bring to, on which Hately went aboard with a boat's crew well armed, and put the Portuguese captain in such a fright, that he not only sent all sorts of refreshments on board the Speedwell, but a dozen pieces of silk flowered with gold and silver, worth about three pounds a yard, several dozens of China plates and basons, a Japan cabinet, and three hundred moidores in gold; ninety-six of which were afterwards found on Hately, when made prisoner by the Spaniards, when he had nearly been put to death for piracy on their account.][254]

[Footnote 254: It is almost unnecessary to point out, that this paragraph is an addition by Harris to the narrative of Shelvocke, extracted from the journal of Betagh.--E.]

We anchored at the island of St Catharine on the 23d June, where the carpenter went ashore with a gang to fell trees, and saw them into planks. The captain and inhabitants of the island came off to us daily with fresh provisions, which saved our sea-stores while we lay here. I also bought twenty-one beeves, 200 salted drom-fish of large size, and 150 bushels of cassado meal, called by the Portuguese _farina de fao_. This is about as fine as our oatmeal, and from it a very hearty food is prepared with little trouble. I also bought 160 bushels of _calavances_, partly for money at a dollar the bushel, and partly in exchange for salt, measure for measure; and likewise provided a quantity of tobacco for the crew.

The account given of this island by Frezier is very exact, only that he takes no notice of an island between the island of _Gall_ and the continent of Brazil, nor of a reef of rocks. To arrive at the proper anchoring place at this island of St Catharine, it is necessary to proceed in the channel between that island and the continent till within or near two small nameless islands, over against the northernmost of which is the watering place on the island of St Catharine, near the entrance of a salt-water creek, opposite to which you may safely anchor in six or seven fathoms on fine grey sand. The isle of St Catharine is about eight leagues and a half long, but no where exceeds two leagues broad; and at one place the channel between it and the continent is only a quarter of a mile broad. The island is covered all over with impassable woods, except where cleared for the plantations. Even the smallest island about it is covered in like manner with a great variety of trees, between which the ground is entirely covered with thorns and brambles, which hinder all access; and the main land of Brazil may be justly termed a vast continued wilderness. Sassafras, so much valued in Europe, is so common here that we laid in a good quantity for fuel. It has great abundance of oranges, both China and Seville, lemons, citrons, limes, bananas, cabbage-palms, melons of all sorts, and potatoes. It has also very large and good sugar-canes, of which they make little use for want of utensils, so that the little sugar, molasses and rum they have is very dear. They have very little game, though the woods are full of parrots, which are good eating. These birds always fly in pairs, though often several hundreds in a flock. Maccaos, cockatoes, plovers, and a variety of other birds of curious colours and various shapes, are to be seen in abundance; particularly one somewhat larger than a thrush, having a spur on the joint of each wing. Flamingoes are often seen here in great numbers, of a fine scarlet colour, and appear very beautiful while flying. This bird is about the size of a heron, and not unlike it in shape.

The fishery is here abundant, as fish of several excellent sorts are in great plenty, and there is the best convenience almost everywhere for hauling the seine. All the creeks and bays are well stocked with mullets, large rays, grantors, cavallies, and drum-fish, so named from the noise they make when followed into shallow water, and there taken. Some of them weigh twenty or thirty pounds each, their scales being as large as crown pieces. The Portuguese call them _moroes_. The salt-water creek formerly mentioned may be gone up three or four miles, to be near the watering-place; and every rock or stone, even the roots of the mangrove trees, afford a delicious small green oyster. Likewise on the rocks at the sea-side there are _sea-eggs_, which resemble _dock-burrs_, but usually three or four times as large, of a sea-green or purple colour. In the inside they are divided into partitions, like oranges, each cell containing a yellow substance, which is eaten raw, and exceeds, in my opinion, all the shell-fish I ever tasted. They have prawns of extraordinary size, and we sometimes caught the _sea-horse_ in our nets. On the savannahs of Areziliba, on the continent opposite the southern end of St Catharine, they have great numbers of black cattle, some of which we had from thence at a very reasonable price.

The Portuguese on this island are a parcel of banditti, who have taken refuge here from the more strictly governed parts of Brazil. Emanuel Mansa, who was captain of the island in the time of Frezier, was still their chief. They enjoy the blessings of a fertile country and wholesome air, and stand in need of nothing from other countries except clothing. They have fire-arms sufficient for their use, and have often need of them, being greatly infected with tigers; for which reason every house has many dogs to destroy these ravenous animals, which yet often make great havock. I have been told that a tiger has killed eight or ten dogs in a night: But when any make their appearance in the day, they seldom escape, as the inhabitants are fond of the diversion of hunting them. These animals are so numerous, that it is quite common to see the prints of their paws on the sandy beach. We could not see any of the fine dwelling-houses mentioned by Frezier; neither have they any place that can be called a town, nor any kind of fortification, except the woods, which are a secure retreat from any enemy that may attack them. I cannot say much about the Indians of those parts, as I never saw above two or three of them.

On the 2d July we saw a large ship at anchor, under Parrots Island, about five miles from where we lay. After securing the watering-place, and what we had there ashore, I sent the launch, well manned and armed, under a lieutenant, to see what she was. The launch returned about noon, reporting that she was the _Ruby_, formerly an English man-of-war, but now one of the squadron under Martinet, and commanded by Mons. La Jonqniere. She was in, the Spanish service, but most of her officers and crew were French, to the number of about 420. Yet they had no intention to molest us, having quitted the South Sea on report of a rupture between France and Spain. M. La Jonquiere was a man of strict honour, and sent me intimation of his good intentions, with an invitation to dinner, which I accepted, and was well entertained. About this time I heard that Hately had plundered the Portuguese ship, formerly mentioned, of 100 moidores, and had distributed part of the money among the boat's crew, to engage them to secrecy. I examined into this as strictly as possible, intending, if found guilty, to have delivered him up to the captain of St Catharine's, but I could not get sufficient proof. This man also committed so many vile actions in the island of St Catharine, that oar people were often in the utmost danger, from the resentment of the Portuguese; which bad conduct I could neither prevent nor punish, as he had become a great favourite with my mutinous crew.

M. La Jonquiere, with several of his officers and passengers, came on board the Speedwell to dine with me, on the 6th July. While they were on board, Hudson my boatswain raised a mutiny, which was easily quelled by the assistance of the French gentlemen: But the boatswain was sent home in the French ship. On the 15th July, we saw a large ship bearing in for the harbour; but on discovering us, she turned out again. This circumstance alarmed M. La Jonquiere, suspecting she might be our consort, so that he put to sea next morning. The large ship appeared again on the 25th under French colours, being the Solomon of St Malo of forty guns and 160 men, commanded by M. Dumain Girard, bound for Peru and Chili.

At this time great heart-burnings arose in my crew: for, having heard that the people on board the Duke and Duchess had been indifferently treated in regard to their prize-money when they got home, they resolved to secure themselves in time. With this view, and by the advice of Matthew Stewart, chief-mate, they drew up a paper of articles respecting plunder, and sent me a letter insisting on these articles being made the rule of our voyage; to which at last I was obliged to agree, rather than suffer them to proceed in a piratical manner.

On the 3d August the St Francisco Zavier came into the harbour, a Portuguese man of war of forty guns and 300 men, bound from Lisbon for Macao in China, commanded by Mons. Riviere, a Frenchman. We departed from the island of St Catharine on the 9th August. Its northern point being in lat. 27° 20' S. and long. 50° W. from the Lizard.[255] I kept the lead constantly sounding all along the coast of Patagonia, and had regular soundings. From the lat. of 40° to 30° 38' both S. we frequently saw great shoals of seals and penguins, which were always attended by flocks of pintadoes, birds about the size of pigeons. The French call these birds _damiers_, as their black and white feathers on their back and wings are disposed like the squares of a draught-board. These were also attended by albatrosses, the largest of all sea-fowl, some of them extending their wings twelve or thirteen feet from tip to tip. While passing the mouth of the Rio. Plata, the sea was covered with prodigious quantities of large seaweed, which often greatly incommoded us and deadened our way. On getting farther south we were freed from this inconvenience; after which we saw abundance of things floating on the surface of the sea, like white snakes. We took some of these up, but could not perceive them to have any appearance of life, neither had they the shape of any kind of animal, being only a long cylinder of a white jelly-like substance, perhaps the spawn of some large fish.

[Footnote 255: Only 27° S. and 48° 30' W. from Greenwich.--E.]

As we advanced to the southward, the appetites of our people increased with the cold, which occasioned disputes in the ship. Even at my own table, Captain Betagh of the marines insisted on a larger allowance in such coarse terms, that I confined him till he wrote me a submissive letter, on which I restored him. But this squabble constrained me to allow an extraordinary meal to the people daily, either of flour or calavances; which reduced our stock of provisions, and consumed our wood and water, proving afterwards of great inconvenience. Whales, grampuses, and other fish of monstrous size, are in such vast numbers on the coast of Patagonia, that they were often offensive to us, coming so close to us that it seemed impossible to avoid striking them on every scud of a sea, and almost stifling us with the stench of their breaths, when they blew close to windward. Being ignorant of the Greenland fishery, I cannot pretend to say whether that trade might not be carried on here; but this I may venture to affirm, that the navigation here is safer, and I am apt to believe it has a greater chance of being successful.[256]

[Footnote 256: This southern whale-fishery is now carried on to a considerable extent.--E.]

On the 19th September, about midnight, perceiving the water all at once to be discoloured, we sounded, and had 25 fathoms, on which we stood out from the land, but did not deepen our water in five leagues. This bank must lie very near the entrance into the Straits of Magellan. On this bank we saw great numbers of blubbers, appearing like the tops of umbrellas, curiously streaked with all sorts of colours, being an entirely different species from any I had ever seen before. We now steered for the Straits of _Le Maire_, and met with very foggy weather on approaching the coast of _Terra del Fuego_. The fog cleared up on the 23d September, when we had sight of stupendous mountains on that southern land, entirely covered with snow. The nearest point of land was at least eight leagues from us, in the S.W. but before we could ascertain our situation the mist returned. At four next morning, proceeding under easy sail to the S.E. it proved very clear at day-break, and I found we had fallen in with the land about five leagues N.W. from the straits of Le Maire. We had now a full, but melancholy prospect of the most desolate country that can well be conceived, appearing a congeries of chains of mountains in succession, one behind the other, perpetually cloathed in snow.

Hitherto we had not been sensible of any current, either favourable or adverse, after getting to the south of the Rio Plata. But this afternoon we were hurried with incredible rapidity into the straits of Le Maire; and when we had gained about the middle of the passage, the tide slackened. On sounding we had twenty-seven fathoms on a rocky bottom. We had a dear view of _Staten-land_, which yields a most uncomfortable prospect of a surprising height, quite covered with snow to the very wash of the sea, so that it seems more like a white cloud than firm land. These straits seemed to answer well to the map of Frezier; being about seven leagues through and six wide, and extend almost due north and south. Now the return tide rushed upon us with a violence equal to that which brought us in, and it was astonishing with what rapidity we were driven again to the north, though we had a fresh gale at N.W. so that we seemed to advance six knots by the log; whence I judged this tide ran not less than ten knots. In short, we were carried quite out of the straits to the north in about an hour. Upon this shift of tide there arose such a short sea, and so lofty at the same time, that we alternately dipped our bowsprit and poop-lanterns into the water; our ship all the while labouring most violently, and refusing to answer the helm. The tide shifted again at midnight, and we shot through the straits, steering S. with a brisk gale at N.W. without seeing the land distinctly on either side: And, in the morning, had a good offing to the southward.

We found it very cold before we got thus far; but now we began to feel the utmost extremity of coldness. The bleak western winds had of themselves been sufficiently piercing; but these were always accompanied by snow or sleet, which beat continually on our sails and rigging, cased all our masts, yards, and ropes with ice, and rendered our sails almost useless. We had been so much accustomed to most severe storms, that we thought the weather tolerable when we could carry a reefed main-sail; as we were often for two or three days together lying-to under bare poles, exposed to the shocks of prodigious waves, more mountainous than any I had ever seen. We now sensibly felt the benefit of our awning, without which we could scarcely have lived. The wind continued to rage without intermission from the westward, by which we were driven to the latitude of 61° 30' S. and had such continued misty weather, that we were under perpetual apprehension of running foul of ice islands: But, thank God, we escaped that danger, though under frequent alarms from fog banks and other false appearances. Though the days were long, we could seldom get sight of the sun, so that we had only one observation for the variation in all this passage, which was in lat. 60° 37' S. 5° W. of the straits of Le Maire, when we found it 22° 6' E. On the 1st October, as we were furling the main-sail, one William Camell, cried out that his hands and fingers were so benumbed that he could not hold himself: And, before those near could assist him, he fell down and was drowned. On the 22d October, our fore-top-mast was carried away, and we rigged another next day. Having contrary winds from the time we passed the straits of Le Maire, with the most uncomfortable weather, we made our way very slowly to the west and northwards, the hopes of getting soon into a wanner and better climate supporting us under our many miseries.

SECTION II.

_Proceedings in the South Sea, till Ship-wrecked on the Island of Juan Fernandez._

At length, on the 14th November at noon, our spirits were cheared by seeing the coast of Chili; yet here we found ourselves under very great difficulties. Our tedious passage and extraordinary consumption of provisions, had so reduced our wood and water, and even our food, that it was necessary to repair to some place where our wants might be supplied; but it was difficult to resolve where that might be done. We first tried Narborough island, but finding the road unsafe, sailed for the mouth of St Domingo river on the continent, where we had twenty-eight fathoms, shoaling as we advanced from eighteen to less than five as fast as a man could heave the lead. Finding this place too hazardous, we stood out to sea, and were blown farther north than we designed. Being greatly at a loss where to procure wood and water, one Joseph de la Fontaine, a Frenchman, proposed going to the island of Chiloe, assuring us that the towns of _Chaiao_ and _Calibuco_, the former on the island and the latter on the continent, were rich places, where we could not fail of procuring whatever we wanted. Cliacao was, he said, the usual residence of the governor, and at Calibuco was a wealthy college of Jesuits, having considerable magazines, always well stocked with provisions of all kinds. This person at the same time insinuated among the people, that our expedition would probably turn out unfortunate, if we passed this place, as Captain Clipperton must by this time have alarmed the coast, in consequence of which there would be an embargo on all ships trading to leeward.

My chief inducement for making an attempt on Chiloe was to procure such additional supply of provisions, as might enable us, in case the coast were already alarmed, to retire to some unfrequented island, to remain till the Spaniards should suppose we had abandoned the South Sea; after which we could resume our cruize, when they were under no apprehensions of being molested. Accordingly, on the 30th November, we entered the channel which divides the island of Chiloe from the main land of Chili, and stood in for the harbour of Chacao under French colours, intending to have attacked the towns of Chacao and Calibuco by surprise. Our pilot, however, seemed as much a stranger to the navigation here as I was, and as the wind began to blow fresh with thick weather, I came to anchor in thirteen fathoms, at ten in the morning, between the point of _Carelampo_ and the small island of Pedro Nunez. Soon after coming to anchor, the tide made outwards with prodigious rapidity, and the wind increased greatly, between which the sea became very boisterous, all the channel in which we lay appearing one continued breach or surf. Our ship consequently made a vast strain on her cable, which parted at two in the afternoon, and we could have no hopes to recover our anchor, as the buoy had been staved and sunk about an hour before we were thus set adrift. I did not think it adviseable to risk another anchor, and therefore immediately crossed over for the island of Chiloe, in a boisterous gale with thick rainy weather, surrounded on all hands with seeming shoals, and in a manner bewildered in an unknown navigation. When within a mile of Chiloe, we ranged along shore to the southward,[257] in hope of discovering the town of Chacao. We passed two commodious bays, which had no appearance of any town, and came to a point of land marked by a high pyramidal rock. After getting round this point, we found ourselves entirely out of the tideway, and quite sheltered from all other inconveniences, and came therefore to anchor opposite a cross on the north side of the harbour, having just sufficient day-light to enable us to get into this place of shelter.

[Footnote 257: The direction was more probably to the eastward--E.]

Next morning, I sent the second lieutenant, in the pinnace well manned and armed, to look out for the two towns; and sent at the same time Mr Hately in the launch, to endeavour to find a watering-place. He soon returned, accompanied by an Indian, who had shewn him a very convenient place where we could at once procure both wood and water, even under the command of our guns from the ship, and free from all danger of being surprised. I accordingly sent back the launch with casks to be filled, and several people to cut wood, all well armed, together with an officer of marines and ten men to keep guard. The Indians gave us hopes of a sufficient supply of provisions; but came in the evening to our people who were on shore, to acquaint them that the natives were forbidden to bring any thing to us. As the pinnace had not yet returned, this information gave me much concern, fearing that the enemy had taken her, and had by that means learnt what we were. On the 3d December, about seven in the evening, a Spanish officer came to us, in a boat rowed by eight Indians, being sent by the governor of Chiloe to enquire what we were. Meaning to pass upon him for a French captain well known in these seas, I ordered none of my people to appear on deck but such as could speak French or Spanish, and hoisted French colours. When the officer came on board, I told him my ship was the St Rose, homeward-bound, that my name was _Janis le Breton_, and that I entreated the governor to spare me what provisions he could conveniently afford, that being my only business on the coast. The officer heard me with much civility, seeming to give implicit credit to all I said; even staid on board all night, and went away next morning, to all appearance well satisfied.

On the 5th in the morning, two boats came towards us full of armed men; but, after taking a view of us, went to a small island in the mouth of the harbour. On the 6th we saw a white flag hoisted on shore, to which I sent my launch completely manned and armed, but they found no person near the flag, to the shaft of which a letter was fastened, and a dozen hams lying close by. The letter was from _Don Nicholas Salvo_, governor of Chiloe, intimating strong doubts of our ship being the St Rose, complaining of the behaviour of the people in our pinnace, and desiring me to leave the coast. I returned an answer in as proper terms as I could devise, and next morning had another letter, couched in the utmost civility, but absolutely refusing me any refreshments, and demanding the restitution of the Indians said to have been made prisoners by our pinnace. In fact I knew less of our pinnace than he did, and believed that he actually had the people in his hands of whom he now complained.

Despairing of ever seeing my people, and still ignorant where Chacao was situated, having no chart of the island on which I could depend, I determined to change my style of writing to the governor, and try what could be done by threatening to use force. I therefore wrote, that I was determined to have provisions by fair means or foul. Next day I sent my first lieutenant, Mr Brooks, with twenty-nine men well armed in the launch, ordering him to bring off all the provisions he could find. Shortly after, a boat came with a message from the governor, offering to treat with me, if I would send an officer to Chacao: But I answered, that I would treat no where but on board, and that he was now too late, as I had already sent eighty men on shore to take all they could find.

In the evening the launch returned, accompanied by a large piragua, and both were completely laden with sheep, hogs, fowls, barley, and green peas and beans. Soon afterwards, the pinnace arrived with all her crew, but so terrified that I did not expect them to be again fit for service for one while. The officer told me, that he had been forced to fight his way through several canoes, filled with armed Indians, from whom he got clear with the utmost difficulty, and had been under the necessity of making his passage quite round the island, a course of not less than seventy leagues.[258] This proceeded only from excess of terror, as they only met one boat with unarmed Indians and a Spanish sergeant, who came off to them without the least shew of violence, as some of them afterwards confessed, but with this addition, that there were great numbers of people on shore, who they were apprehensive would come off to them. The only excuse the officer could allege was, that the tide had hurried him away, and he forgot in his fright that he had a grappling in the boat, with which he might have anchored till the tide turned.

[Footnote 258: The circuit of the island of Chiloe by sea, could hardly be less than 350 English miles; an arduous navigation in an open boat upon an utterly unknown coast.--E.]

By this strange mismanagement, I missed a favourable opportunity of seizing the town of Chacao, which I might easily have done if I had appeared before it within forty-eight hours after our arrival, when the governor was totally unprovided for resistance. But now, having a whole week allowed for mustering the force of the island, he had collected near a thousand armed Spaniards, as I learnt from the Indian prisoners in the pinnace. I therefore laid aside all thoughts of going to the towns, in the hopes of furnishing ourselves from the Indian farms and plantations, in which I kept one of our boats constantly employed. By the 16th, our decks were full of live cattle, together with poultry and hams in abundance, and such quantities of wheat, barley, potatoes, and maize, that I was quite satisfied. On a moderate computation, we had added four months provisions to the stock we brought from England, so that I was well pleased with the effects of our stay at Chiloe, and prepared to depart. I might certainly have done much more for my own credit and the profit of my owners, had if not been for the mismanagement of the officer in the pinnace.

_Chiloe_ is the first of the Spanish possessions on the coast of Chili, reckoning from the south; and, though it produces neither gold nor silver, is a fine island, and is considered as of great consequence; insomuch that the Spaniards would be under great apprehensions when strange ships enter its ports, did they not confide in the number of its inhabitants, which is extraordinary for this part of the world. The body of this island is in lat. 42° 4' S. being about thirty leagues in length from N. to S. and not above six or seven leagues from E. to W.[259] It is watered by several rivers, and produces many kinds of useful trees, yielding an agreeable prospect, by the great number of Indian farms and plantations dispersed at small distances from each other, on rising grounds among the woods. Within this great island there is an archipelago or cluster of smaller islands, the number of which is not well known; yet the smallest of these is said to be well inhabited, and to abound in cattle. Among these islands there are very uncertain and violent currents, which are by no means safe. I would recommend all strangers to go in at the north end of the great island, giving the northern point of the island a good birth, and then to keep the island side of the channel on board, running along shore to the southward (eastward). Passing two bays, which seem commodious, you come to a point, almost contiguous to which is a high rock, somewhat like a pyramid; and passing between that rock and a small high island near it, you run directly into a harbour resembling the mouth of a river, which forms a safe anchorage. In going in, take care not to come nearer shore than having the depth of five fathoms, as the nearer to the small island the less water; wherefore keep the lead going, and be bold with the shore towards the north side of the harbour, which has the greatest depth, while the south side is shoaly.[260]

[Footnote 259: Chiloe reaches from lat. 41° 50' to 43° 50', both S. and from long. 73° 18' to 74° 24', both W. extending 135 English miles in extreme length, by 35 in medium breadth. See vol. V. p. 592, for an account of the Archipelago of Chiloe.--E.]

[Footnote 260: Shelvocke seems here to describe the harbour leading to the town or village of San Carlos.--E.]

My pilot carried me the contrary way to that here directed, advising me to keep near the main land of Chili, which I did till I got to _Carelampo_ Point, having several small islands to the southward of my course, which proved unfortunate for me by the loss of my anchor. The soil of Chiloe is very fertile, producing all sorts of European fruits and grains, and has fine pasture lands, in which great numbers of cattle are grazed, particularly sheep. The air is wholesome and temperate; yet I suspect the winter may be rigorous, being bounded on the west by an immense ocean, without any land to screen it from the cold moist vapours brought thither by the tempestuous westerly winds, which generally reign in these latitudes, and which must render it uncomfortable in the winter months, as the parallels of latitude to the south of the equator are much colder than those in the same degrees to the northwards.

In this island they have abundance of very handsome middle-sized horses, which the natives are said to manage with great dexterity. They have also an animal, called _guanaco_ or _carneso de tierra_, that is, sheep of the country, which very much resembles a camel, but not nearly so large. They have long necks, and I have seen one of them between five and six feet high. Their wool or soft hair is very fine. They smell very rank, and move with a very slow majestic pace, which hardly any violence can make them quicken; yet they are of great service at the mines in Peru, where they are employed in carrying the ore and other things. Their flesh is very coarse, as we experienced, having salted some of them for our future use. Besides these, the inhabitants have European sheep and great numbers of hogs, but not many black cattle. The island has plenty of fowls, both wild and tame. Among the former is a small species of goose, found on the banks of the rivers, which are beautifully white, and of an excellent taste. The tame poultry are of the same kinds with our own.

The natives are almost in all respects the same with those on the continent of Chili, of moderate stature, with deep olive complexions, and coarse shaggy black hair, some of them having by no means disagreeable features. They seem naturally of fierce and warlike dispositions; but the oppressions of the Spaniards, and the artifices of the jesuits, who are the missionaries in these parts, have curbed and broken their spirits. Frezier says, that the Indians on the continent, to the southward of this island, are called _Chonos_, who go quite naked; and that there is a race of men of extraordinary size in the inland parts of the country, called _Cacahues_,[261] who are in amity with the _Chonos_, and sometimes accompany them to the Spanish settlements in Chiloe. Frezier says, that he has been credibly informed by eye-witnesses, that some of these were about nine or ten feet high. I had sight of two of these Indians, who came from the southward of St Domingo river, one of whom was a cacique, who did not seem to me to differ in their persons from the ordinary natives of Chiloe. They were decently clothed in _ponchos, monteras_, and _poulains_. The _poncho_ is a sort of square carpet, having a slit or hole cut in the middle, wide enough to slip over the head, so that it hangs down over the shoulders, half before and half behind, under which they generally wear a short doublet. On their heads they have a _montera_, or cap nearly like those of our postillions, and their legs are covered by the _poulains_, a kind of knit buskins, or hose without feet. In short, their appearance has little or none of the savage. Their habitations are firmly built of planks, but have no chimneys, so that they are very black and sooty within.

[Footnote 261: See an account of the native tribes, inhabiting the southern extremity of South America, vol. V. p. 401.]

They inclose some of their land for cultivation, by means of rails or paling; and although they have plenty of every thing necessary to a comfortable subsistence, they have no bread, from wanting mills in which to grind and prepare their wheat They use a miserable substitute, making a kind of cakes of sea-weeds, which from use is much esteemed by them, and was not even disliked by some of our men. Besides this, they prepare their maize in several manners to answer the purpose of bread, and they use potatoes and other roots with the same intention. They prepare a liquor called _chicha_ from their Indian corn, in imitation of their neighbours on the continent of Chili; but the Spaniards endeavor to curb their propensity to the use of this liquor, as their drinking bouts have often occasioned seditions and revolts. Such of the natives as have no European weapons, use pikes, darts, and other arms of the country. Among these is a running noose on a long leathern thong, called a _lays_, which they use with surprising dexterity for catching cattle, horses, or other animals, even when at full career. From all that I could see of the natives of Chiloe, or hear respecting the Chilese, they seem to resemble each other in all things, which is not wonderful, considering the near neighbourhood of this island to the continent of Chili. They use small drums, the heads of which are made of goats skins with the hair on, and give a very dull sound.

The natives of Chiloe carry on a small woollen manufacture, consisting of _ponchoes_ and other articles of clothing, formerly mentioned. They also export considerable quantities of cedar, both in plank, and wrought up into boxes, chests, desks, and the like, with which they supply all Chili and Peru. They have no European trade; but the Spaniard who came to me from the governor expressed his astonishment that no trading ships ever put in there, saying they had plenty of money among them, with a safe port, free from the danger of going to the northward among the Spanish ships of war; as a great deal of business might be done here, before intelligence could be sent as far as Lima, and the ships could be fitted out and sent so great a way to wind-ward. It is observed of the Chilese, that, differing from all other nations ever heard of, they have no notion of a Supreme Being, and consequently have no kind of worship; and they are such enemies to civil society that they never live together in towns and villages, so that their country seems thinly inhabited, though very populous, the whole nation being dispersed in farms at a good distance, every family having its own plantation, and raising its own necessaries.

Though thus scattered, they are not wholly independent, each tribe being subject to a chief, called a cacique, whose dwelling is conveniently situated among them, for the more speedy summoning them together on affairs of importance. This is done by the sound of a sort of horn, on hearing which all his vassals repair to him without delay. The chief commands them in war, and has an absolute power of dispensing justice among his subjects, who all consider themselves as his relations, he being as it were the head of his family, and his authority hereditary. In all these respects the inhabitants of Chiloe resemble their neighbours on the continent, excepting that their caciques are stript in a great measure of their power and influence, by the tyranny of the Spaniards, who keep them under the most servile slavery, while the missionaries blind them by a superstitious and imperfect conversion to Christianity, of which not one of these natives know any thing more than merely that they were baptized; all their devotion consisting of mere idolatry of the cross, or the images of saints; for the Spanish clergy use no manner of pains to enlighten their minds, but probably think it better, by keeping them in ignorance, to make them more contented under the rigorous government of the Spaniards. Under this delusion, the caciques have changed their lawful prerogatives for the vain ostentation of being allowed to wear a silver-headed cane, which places them on a footing outwardly with a Spanish captain. Yet have they sometimes rebelled against their proud oppressors, deeming death preferable to slavery, as may be seen in the account of Frezier's voyage.

The vessels used in Chiloe are peculiarly constructed, as, for want of nails and other articles of iron, the planks of which their boats are constructed are sewed together very ingeniously with oziers. These boats are all constructed of three pieces only, the keel or bottom being one piece, and the sides two others; and they are rowed with oars, in the same manner as with us, more or fewer according to their size.

Having nothing farther to detain us in Chiloe, I determined upon proceeding to the island of Juan Fernandez, as directed in my instructions; but my men took it into their heads that great things might be done by a short trip to the Bay of Conception, to which also they were induced by the Frenchman who persuaded us to come to Chiloe. He pretended that there were always five or six ships in the road of Conception, besides others daily coming in or going out, and that these had often both ways considerable sums of money or silver, with other valuable things, on board; and, though large ships, they were of little or no force, neither were there any fortifications at that place to protect them; so that we could not meet any opposition in taking them, even if there were twenty sail. He said their, cargoes consisted chiefly of corn, wine, brandy, flour, and jerked beef; and that the ships bound for Conception always brought money to purchase their cargoes; besides that considerable booty might be made for rich trading passengers, who carry on a considerable trade over land between Conception and Buenos Ayres. He also alleged, that we could not fail of having any ships we might take ransomed; and that we should certainly make our fortunes, if we could only reach Conception before they had notice of our being in these seas. This man therefore advised my people to endeavour to prevail on me to make the best of my way to Conception, before the governor of Chiloe could send our deserter thither; after which all the coast would be alarmed, and we should have no opportunity of meeting with any thing till the Spaniards had imagined we were gone from the South Sea.

In similar cases, all are fond of delivering their sentiments; and, as it is impossible to keep a ship's company in so much awe in so remote a part as in short voyages, my men did not fail to speak their minds somewhat insolently. One William Morphew, who had been in these seas several years, took upon him to tell me, that it did not signify much if we arrived two or three days sooner or later at Juan Fernandez. He said also, that I was a stranger here, but the Frenchman and he were well acquainted with these seas, and every body hoped I would be advised to go to Conception; hoping I would not put a mere punctilious adherence to orders in balance against so fair a prospect, or almost certainty of success, if we arrived there in time. In short, they all assured me that they had the interest of the proprietors in view, as much as their own, and that they would perish sooner than injure them in any respect. They said at the same time, if I had not success in my proceedings nobody could be blamed but myself, and entreated me not to let slip this opportunity, in which they would stand by me with all fidelity.

On our way to Conception, we made the islands of Mocha and St Mary on the 23d December, and arrived that same evening in the Bay of Conception, but could not be certain whether there were any ships in the road. I immediately gave orders to man and arm our boats and sent them up that same night, in order to surprise any ships that might be there; and with strict orders, if they found them too strong, to endeavour to prevent them from sending any thing on shore till I were able to work the ship up to them. This I endeavoured to do all night, but to very little purpose; for at day-light next morning I could not discern any thing above us. Captain Hately returned about noon of the 24th, informing me that he had taken a ship of about 150 tons, lately arrived from Baldivia, and having only a few cedar plants on board, with no person in her but the boatswain, an old negro, and two Indian boys. He had left her in the charge of Mr Brooks, my first lieutenant, with orders to bring her down the first opportunity; and had taken, while on his return, a small vessel, of about twenty-five tons, near the island _Quiri-quinie_, which lies in the harbour or bay of Conception, where this small vessel had been taking in pears, cherries, and other fruits, to sell at Conception. Immediately after taking this small vessel, I could perceive with my glass another small boat come in between the islands of _Quiri-quinie_ and _Talgaguana_, passing within pistol-shot of my pinnace, and yet Captain Hately did not engage her. For this his only excuse, after he came on board, was, that he did not mind her; though our boat's crew said she was full of men.

On the 26th about noon, Mr Brooks brought down the prize, and anchored about half a mile short of us. The boatswain of this prize had not been two hours in the Speed-well, till he told us of a vessel, laden with wine, brandy, and other valuable things, riding at anchor in the Bay of Herradura, about two leagues to the north of us, and bound for Chiloe. On receiving this information, I ordered Mr Randal, my second lieutenant, with twenty five men, to go in the Mercury, which name we gave to the captured flour bark, and, accompanied by the Spanish boatswain of the other prize, to go in search of the vessel in the Bay of Herradura, with positive orders not to land or to make any other hazardous attempt. But they returned next evening with the following melancholy story.

On getting into the bay, they found the vessel hauled dry ashore, when Randal ordered his people to land and bring away what they could find in her, while he and three or four more kept the bark afloat. The people found the bark empty, but seeing a small house hard by, they suspected her cargo might be lodged there, and the inferior officer along with them ordered them to examine that house. The poor fellows went accordingly, without any officer at their head, and without any regard to order, every one endeavouring to be foremost. Their career was soon stopped, as they had hardly got beyond the top of the bank when they discovered the enemy coming furiously towards them. Some of the seamen were of opinion they might have retreated at this time in safety, if they had not been astonished at the strange manner in which they were attacked, by a number of horses galloping up to them without riders, which caused them for some time to stand amazed, not knowing what way to proceed; but on a little reflection they bestirred themselves to make the best of their way to the Mercury, in which they all succeeded except five, who were made prisoners. Fortunately for them, the Mercury had by some accident got aground, or they must all have been cut off, as the Spaniards thought fit to retire on getting within musket-shot of the Mercury. They now got the bark afloat, but as the water was still very low, and they were obliged in going out of the bay to keep very near to a point of land, the Spaniards galled them from that point, under the shelter of the wood. They soon passed this point, having a fair wind, all lying close in the bottom of the bark, so that on this occasion only one man was wounded, who was shot through the thigh. The Spaniards came down upon them in this affair after the following singular manner. They were preceded by twenty or more horses abreast, two deep, and linked together, behind which extraordinary van-guard came the enemy on horseback, lying on the necks of their horses, and driving the others before them, never seen to sit up on their saddles, except to fire their muskets, or when there was no danger. When they got near our people, they threw their _lays_ or running nooses to catch them, and accordingly ensnared James Daniel, one of my foremast-men, who was a good way into the water, and whom they dragged out again at the rate of ten knots. The Spaniards in Chili are universally dexterous in the use of this running noose, for I have seen a Spaniard bring a man up by the foot as he ran along the deck, and they are sure of any thing they fling at, at the distance of several fathoms.

These misfortunes and disappointments made my crew extremely uneasy, and might have had bad consequences, if we had not been agreeably surprised by seeing a large ship coming round the northern point of the island of _Quiri-quinie_.[262] It was at this time almost dark, so that her people could not perceive what we were, and stood on therefore without fear, so that she came towards us, and was taken without resistance. This ship proved to be the St Fermin, of about 300 tons, last from _Cadaco_,[263] having only a small cargo, consisting of sugar, molasses, rice, coarse French linen, some woollen cloth and bays of Quito, a small quantity of chocolate, and about five or six thousand dollars in money and wrought plate. I sent Mr Hendric, the owners agent, to inspect her cargo, and to order every thing of value out of her into the Speedwell, and the ship's company sent their agent likewise. They returned in the afternoon, bringing all the bales, boxes, chests, portmanteaus, and other packages, with a large quantity of sugar, molasses, and chocolate, and about seventy hundred weight of good rusk, with all her other stores and eatables. Don Francisco Larragan, the captain of this ship, begged to be allowed to ransom her, which I willingly consented to, and allowed him to go in his own launch to Conception to raise the money, accompanied by a merchant, one of the prisoners.

[Footnote 262: A small island in the entrance of the Bay of Conception.--E.]

[Footnote 263: Callao, or the port of Lima, is perhaps here meant.--E.]

In the mean time we were very busy in searching the prize, lest any thing might have been concealed; and every one who came at any time from the St Fermin was strictly searched by some of our people appointed for the purpose, that they might not appropriate any thing of value. Our carpenter also was employed in making a slight spar-deck over the Mercury, as she might be of great use while cruizing along the coast. On the 30th December a boat came off to us with a flag of truce from the governor of Conception, and an officer, who acquainted us that two of our people, taken in the late skirmish, were still alive, but very much wounded. He brought also a present of seven jars of very good wine, and a letter from Don Gabriel Cano, the governor, in which he demanded to see my commission, as also that I should send ashore Joseph de la Fontaine, who had been servant to one of the mates belonging to Captain La Jonquiere, and some other things that I thought unreasonable, engaging to enter into a treaty, if I would comply with these requisitions. At length a formal treaty was begun, in which I demanded 16,000 dollars for the ransom of the St Fermin alone, while they offered only 12,000 for both the ships and the bark. Finding all his Spanish _puncto_ tended only to entrap us, I set fire to the Solidad, one of our prizes; and, giving them time to comply with my proposals it they would, I set the St Fermin also on fire.

We sailed from the bay of Conception on the 7th January, 1720, intending for Juan Fernandez; and on the 8th we observed the sea to be entirely of a red colour, occasioned, as the Spaniards say, by the spawn of the _camarones_, or pracous. On the 9th, the plunder taken in the St Fermin was sold by the ship's agent at the mart, and brought extravagant prices. The account being taken, and the shares calculated, the people insisted for an immediate distribution, which was made accordingly, and each foremast-man had after the rate of ten dollars a share, in money and goods. On the 11th we saw the island of Juan Fernandez; and at noon it bore from us five leagues W.S.W. the meridional distance from Conception being 275 miles[264] W. From that day to the 15th, I stood off and on, waiting for my boats which were employed in fishing. In this time I sent the Mercury ashore to stop her leaks, while the boats caught so many fish, that we salted the fill of five puncheons. I could find no marks of Captain Clipperton having been here for a long time; but at length some of my men saw accidentally the words _Magee_ and Captain John cut upon a tree. Magee was the name of Clipperton's surgeon, but no directions were left, as agreed upon in his instructions to me, so that it was evident he never meant I should keep him company, or ever join him again.

[Footnote 264: The difference of longitude between Conception and Juan Fernandez is six degrees of longitude W. and, consequently, 360 minutes or marine miles.--E.]

Being by this certified of the arrival of Clipperton in the South Sea, I directly made the best of my way from Juan Fernandez, being in a pretty good condition as to provisions, by the additional stock of fish caught here, all our casks being filled. On the 21st, while sailing along there with the design of looking into _Copiapo_, I put Mr Dodd, second lieutenant of marines, into the Mercury, with a reinforcement of eight men, and sent her next evening to cruize close in with the land, while I kept with the Speedwell in the offing, to prevent being discovered from the land. On this occasion I took care to give the officer commanding the Mercury a copy of my commission, with all necessary instructions how to proceed, appointing the _Moro_, or head-land of Copiapo, to be our place of meeting. The business of the Mercury was to look into the port of Copiapo, called _Caldera_,[265] near which there are some gold-mines, and from whence considerable quantities of gold are exported in small vessels; and our bark had the advantage of being of that country build, so that she could not excite suspicion. Next day I hove in sight of the head-land of Copiapo, and lay to the southward, that I might not be seen from that port, which is to the northward of the _Moro de Copiapo_. While here, opposite a small island which lies athwart the mouth of Copiapo river, I sent the pinnace to fish between that isle and the main, and soon after saw a vessel crowding all sail towards us. She at first seemed too large for the Mercury, yet turned out to be her; when the officer told me he had looked into the port, but could see no shipping; but he had looked into a wrong place, and having made him sensible of his error, I sent him again to the right place, which was about six leagues farther north.

[Footnote 265: The port of Caldera, or English harbour, is about twelve or fifteen miles to the N. of Copiapo river, having a considerable interposed promontory.--E.]

Next morning our pinnace returned, bringing only a few penguins which she had taken on the island in the bay of Copiapo. The Mercury had looked into Caldera, but saw nothing; and instead of making use of the land-wind to come off to me, had kept along shore in the bottom of the bay till the land-wind came in so strong that she was nearly lost on the lee-shore. On the 27th, I sent Mr Brooks, my first lieutenant, and Mr Rainor, first lieutenant of marines, to relieve Mr Randal and Mr Dodd in the Mercury, which I had fitted with a gang of oars, and, upon trial, she was found to make way at the rate of three knots, which might render her extremely useful in a calm. The 5th February, I dispatched Mr Brooks ahead in the Mercury, to see if there were any ships in the harbour of Arica, in lat. 18° 26' S. and next day, at one p.m. having ranged along shore, by the breakers of _Pisagua, Camarones_, and _Victor_, I got sight of the head-land of Arica, with a ship at anchor on its northern side, and saw the Mercury standing out of the bay, by which I judged the ship was too warm for her, and therefore made all haste to get up to her with the Speedwell. On coming up, we found that the ship was already taken, and the Mercury only accidentally adrift. This prize was called the Rosario, of 100 tons, laden with cormorants dung, which they use for manuring the land which produces the cod-pepper, or _Capsicum_, from the cultivation of which they make a vast profit in the vale of Arica. The only white face in this ship was the pilot, whom I sent ashore to see if the owner would ransom his ship, the cargo being worth gold to them, but entirely useless to us. Next morning I received a letter from Miguel Diaz Gonzale, the owner of the ship, insisting pitifully on his poverty and distress, having a large family to provide for, and promising to meet me at Hilo or Quaco, to treat for a ransom.

We soon after took a small bark of ten tons, laden with _guana_, or cormorants dung, and having also some dried fish, which lay within a mile of Arica. By this time all the adjacent country was up in arms, and great numbers had come down to the coast, well mounted and armed, and seemingly well disciplined. To try their courage, I ordered the Mercury and launch to draw near the shore, as if we had really intended to land, though the landing-place here is altogether impracticable for European boats; and I also cannonaded the town briskly. Our balls made no execution, yet ploughed up the sand in front of the Spanish horse, throwing it all over them: But neither this, nor the approach of my small craft, made any impression, for they stood firm, and at least shewed the countenance of as good troops as could be wished. This much disappointed me, as it shewed my men that the Spaniards were far from being cowards, as they had been represented. As soon as it was dark, Gonzales came off to me, and I agreed to let him have back his ship and six negroes on receiving 1500 dollars, reserving right to take any thing out of her that might be useful to us; and at ten next night he brought me the agreed sum, being the weight of 1300 dollars in ingots of virgin silver, called _pinnas_ by the Spaniards, and the rest in coined dollars. He also made great enquiry for English commodities, for which he offered high prices, complaining that the French only supplied them with paltry goods and mere trifles, for which they carried off vast sums. He added, that he supposed the English merchants were all asleep, or too rich, as they did not come near them: And, although their ports were not so open as in other parts of the world, they yet know how to manage matters tolerably well; and that their governors, being generally Europeans, who seldom remained above three years in the country, used any means to improve their time, and could easily be gained so as to act very obligingly. He said much more as to the blindness of the English, in suffering the French pedlars to carry on, uninterruptedly, the most considerable branch of traffic in the world. Before leaving me, he desired me to carry his ship two or three leagues out to sea, and then to turn her adrift, on purpose to deceive the governor and the king's officers; and, if I would meet him at _Hilo_ (_Ilo_,) about twenty-five leagues to the north-westwards, he would purchase from me any coarse goods I had to dispose of, which might be done there with all imaginable secrecy. At this time also, the master of the small bark came off in a _balsa_. This is an odd sort of an embarkation, consisting of two large seal skins, separately blown up, like bladders, and made fast to pieces of wood. On this he brought off two jars of brandy and forty dollars; which, considering his mean appearance, was as much as I could expect. One part of his cargo was valuable, being a considerable quantity of excellent dried fish.

The port of _Arica_, formerly so famous for the great quantities of silver shipped from thence, is now much diminished in its riches, and appears mostly a heap of ruins, except the church of St Mark, and two or three more, which still look tolerably well. What helps to give it a very desolate appearance is, that the houses near the sea are only covered with mats. Being situated on the sea-shore, in an open roadstead, it has no fortifications of any kind to defend or command the anchorage, the Spaniards thinking it sufficiently secured by the heavy surf, and the rocky bottom near the shore, which threaten inevitable destruction to any European boats, or other embarkation, except what is expressly contrived for the purpose, being the _balsas_ already mentioned. To obstruct the landing of an enemy, the Spaniards had formerly a fort and entrenchments, flanking the storecreeks; but being built of unburnt bricks, it is now fallen to ruins. In 1680, when Dampier was here, being repulsed before the town, the English landed at the creek of _Chacota,_ to the south of the head-land, whence they marched over the mountain _(Gordo)_ to plunder Arica. Earthquakes also, which are frequent here, have at last ruined the town, and Arica is now no more than a little village of about 150 families, most of them negroes, mulattoes, and Indians, with very few whites. On the 26th November, 1605,[266] the sea, violently agitated by an earthquake, suddenly overflowed, and broke down the greatest part of the town, and the ruins of its streets are to be seen at this day. What remains of Arica is not now liable to such an accident, being situated on a little rising ground at the foot of the head-land. Most of the houses are only constructed of a sort of fascines, made of flags or sedges, bound together, called _totora_, set up on end, crossed by canes and leather thongs; or are made of canes set on end, having the intervals filled with earth. The use of unburnt bricks is reserved for churches and the stateliest houses; and as no rain ever falls here, they are only covered with mats, so that the houses seem all in ruins when seen from the sea. The parish church, dedicated to St Mark, is handsome enough. There are also three religious houses, one a monastery of seven or eight _mercenarians_, a second is an hospital of the brothers of _St John of God_, and the third a monastery of Franciscans, who formerly had a house a short way from town, in the pleasantest part of the vale, near the sea.

[Footnote 266: Perhaps this date ought to have been 1705.--E.]

The vale of Arica is about a league wide next the sea, all barren ground except where the old town stood, which is divided into small fields of clover, some small plantations of sugar-canes, with olive-trees and cotton-trees intermixed, and several intervening marshes, full of the sedges of which they build their houses. Growing narrower about a league eastward at the village of _St Michael de Sapa_, they begin to cultivate the _agi_, or Guinea pepper, which culture extends over all the rest of the vale, in which there are several detached farms exclusively devoted to its culture. In that part of the vale, which is very narrow, and about six leagues long, they raise yearly to the value of above 80,000 crowns. The Spaniards of Peru are so much addicted to this spice, that they dress no meat without it, although so hot and biting that no one can endure it, unless accustomed to its use; and, as it cannot grow in the _Puna_, or mountainous country, many merchants come down every year, who carry away all the Guinea pepper that grows in the districts of _Arica, Sama, Taena, Locumba_, and others, ten leagues around, from all of which it is reckoned they export yearly to the value of 600,000 dollars, though sold cheap. It is hard to credit that such vast quantities should go from hence, as the country is so parched up, except the vales, that nothing green is to be seen. This wonderful fertility is produced by the dung of fowls, which is brought from _Iquique_, and which fertilizes the soil in a wonderful manner, making it produce four or five hundred for one of all sorts of grain, as wheat, maize, and so forth, but particularly of this _agi_, or Guinea pepper, when rightly managed. When the plants are sufficiently grown in the seed-bed to be fit for transplanting, they are set out in winding lines like the letter S, that the furrows for conveying the water may distribute it equally to the roots of the plants. They then lay about the root of each plant of Guinea pepper as much _guana_, or bird's dung formerly mentioned, as will lie in the hollow of the hand. When in blossom, they add a little more; and, lastly, when the pods are completely formed, they add a good handful more to each plant, always taking care to supply them with water, as it never rains in this country; otherwise, the salts contained in the manure, not being dissolved, would burn the plants, as has been found by experience. It is also for this reason that this manure is laid on at different times, as already explained, the necessity of which has been found by long use, and by the superior value of the crops thus produced.

For the carriage of this _guana_, or fowl's dung, the people at Arica generally use that sort of little camels which the Indians of Bern call _Llamas_, the Chilese, _Chilihneque_, and the Spaniards, _Carneros de la tierra_, or native sheep. The heads of these animals are small in proportion to their bodies, and are somewhat in shape between the head of a horse and that of a sheep, the upper lips being cleft like that of a hare, through which they can spit to the distance of ten paces against any one who offends them, and if the spittle happens to fall on the face of a person, it causes a red itchy spot. Their necks are long, and concavely bent downwards, like that of a camel, which animal they greatly resemble, except in having no hunch on their backs, and in being much smaller. Their ordinary height is from four feet to four and a half; and their ordinary burden does not exceed an hundred-weight. They walk, holding up their heads with wonderful gravity, and at so regular a pace as no beating can quicken. At night it is impossible to make them move with their loads, for they lie down till these are taken off, and then go to graze. Their ordinary food is a sort of grass called _yeho_, somewhat like a small rush, but finer, and has a sharp point, with which all the mountains are covered exclusively. They eat little, and never drink, so that they are very easily maintained. They have cloven feet like sheep, and are used at the mines to carry ore to the mills; and, as soon as loaded, they set off without any guide to the place where they are usually unloaded. They have a sort of spur above the foot, which renders them sure-footed among the rocks, as it serves as a kind of hook to hold by. Their hair, or wool rather, is long, white, grey, and russet, in spots, and fine, but much inferior to that of the Vicunna, and has a strong and disagreeable scent.

The _Vicunna_ is shaped much like the Llama, but much smaller and lighter, their wool being extraordinarily fine and much valued. These animals are often hunted after the following manner: Many Indians gather together, and drive them into some narrow pass, across which they have previously extended cords about four feet from the ground, having bits of wool or cloth hanging to them at small distances. This so frightens them that they dare not pass, and gather together in a string, when the Indians kill them with stones tied to the ends of leather thongs. Should any _quanacos_ happen to be among the flock, these leap over the cords, and are followed by all the _vicunnas_. These _quanacos_ are larger and more corpulent, and are also called _viscachas_. There is yet another animal of this kind, called _alpagnes_, having wool of extraordinary fineness, but their legs are shorter, and their snouts contracted in such a manner as to give them some resemblance to the human countenance. The Indians make several uses of these creatures, some of which carry burdens of about an hundred-weight. Their wool serves to make stuffs, cords, and sacks. Their bones are used for the construction of weavers utensils; and their dung is employed as fuel for dressing meat, and warming their huts.

Before the last war, a small fleet called the _armadilla_ used to resort yearly to Arica, partly composed of kings ships, and partly those of private persons. By this fleet, European commodities were brought from Panama, together with quicksilver for the mines of _La Paz, Oruro La Plata,_ or _Chuguizaca, Potosi_, and _Lipes_; and in return carried to Lima the king's fifth of the silver drawn from the mines. Since the galleons have ceased going to Porto-Bello, and the French have carried on the trade of supplying the coast of the South Sea with European commodities, Arica has been the most considerable mart of all this coast, and to which the merchants of the five above-mentioned rich, towns resort. It is true that the port of _Cobija_ is nearer _Lipes_ and _Potosi_; but being situated in a barren and desert country, where nothing can be procured for the subsistence of man or beast, the merchants chuse rather to go to Arica, though more distant, as they are sure to find at that place every thing they need. Besides, they find no great difficulty in bringing there their silver privately in a mass, and compounding with the corregidores or chief magistrates to avoid paying the royal fifth.

On leaving Arica, we sailed for the road of Ilo, about 75 miles to the N.W. where we arrived that same afternoon, and saw a large ship with three small ones at anchor. The great ship immediately hoisted French colours, being the _Wise Solomon_ of 40 guns, commanded by Mons. Dumain, who was resolved to protect the vessels that were beside him, and to oppose my coming into the road. As it grew dark before I could get into the road, I sent my third lieutenant, Mr La Porte, a Frenchman, to inform Mr Dumain who we were: But my officer no sooner got on board than he was tumbled out again, the Frenchman calling him a renegado; and Mr Dumain sent me word he would sink me if I offered to anchor there. La Porte also told me, that to his knowledge the French ships often accepted Spanish commissions, when there were English cruizers on this coast, having great privileges in trade allowed them for this service; and he could plainly see that the French ship was double manned, by means of inhabitants from the town, who were partly French; and, as he supposed, would come to attack me as soon as the wind was off shore. While thus talking, the French ship fired several guns at us, as if to shew that they were ready, and meant shortly to be with us. At first, this bravado heated me not a little, and I had some design of turning the Mercury into a fire-ship, by the help of which I might have roasted this insolent Frenchman: But, having reflected on the situation of affairs at home, and fearing my attacking him might be deemed unjustifiable, notwithstanding his unwarranted conduct, I thought it best to stand out of the harbour.

On the 12th February, the moiety of the money taken at Arica was divided among the company according to their shares. On the 22d we found ourselves in the heights of _Calao,_ the port of Lima; on which I furled all my sails, resolving to get away in the night; knowing, if we were discovered from thence, that we should certainly be pursued by some Spanish men of war, as there are always some in that port. On the 26th, the officers in the Mercury desired to be relieved, and I spoke to Captain Hately, whose turn it was to take the command of that bark. This gentleman had been long a prisoner among the Spaniards in this country, which he was well acquainted with, having travelled between Payta and Lima by land, on which occasion he had observed several rich towns, which made him conceive we might do something to purpose, by cruizing along the coast, as far as the island of Lobos, in lat. 7° S. I approved of this, as it was probable we might meet some of the Panama ships, which always keep well in with the land, in order to have the benefit of the land-breezes. As the company of the Mercury seemed delighted with this project, I augmented their complement, giving them a month's provisions on board. I also lent Captain Hately my pinnace, mounted his bark with two of our quarter-deck guns, and gave him a copy of my commission, although it was very likely we should have frequent sight of the Mercury, between our present intended separation, and our intended rendezvous at the island of Lobos, not above sixty leagues from where we then were.

When every thing was ready for their departure, Captain Betagh, whose turn it was to relieve the marine officer in the Mercury, being unwilling to go, went among our people with a terrified countenance, saying, that he and those with him in the Mercury were going to be sacrificed. Hearing this, I addressed my ship's company, telling them I could not conceive what this pestilent fellow meant by making such an uproar. I appealed to them all, if it had not been customary to relieve the officers in this manner, ever since we had this vessel in company, and asked them if ever they knew me select any man for going upon an enterprise, and had not, on the contrary, left it always to their own choice to go on any particular service out of the ship. I then desired to know who among them were of Betagh's opinion? Upon this, they all declared with one voice, that they had never entertained any such opinion; but, on the contrary, that I should always find them obedient to my commands. In the next place, I ordered the Mercury along side, and acquainted her crew with the speech Betagh had made in the Speedwell, and desired to know if any of them were apprehensive of being sold or sacrificed. At this they all set up a loud huzza, and requested they might go on the intended cruize in the Mercury. Accordingly Hately and Betagh went on board that bark, and put off from us, giving us three cheers, and stood right in for the land.

It may be proper to take some notice of the proceedings of the Mercury after she left me, as I have been informed from some of themselves and some prisoners. The very next day they took a small bark laden with rice, chocolate, wheat, flour, and the like; and the day following, another. On the 4th day, they took a ship of near 200 tons, in which were 150,000 dollars. Flushed with this success, Betagh prevailed upon Hately, and most of the people in the Mercury, not to rejoin me, saying, they had now enough to appear like gentlemen as long as they lived, but it would be a mere nothing when the owner's part was taken out, and the rest divided into 500 shares. He therefore thought, since fortune had been so kind to them, they ought to make the best of their way to India, as they had sufficient provisions and all other requisites for the voyage, and Captain. Hately was well able to conduct them to some port in the East Indies. This plan was accordingly resolved on, and they fell to leeward of the place of rendezvous. But, weighing with himself the prodigious extent of the run, and its many hazards, and well knowing the treatment he might expect in India, if his treachery were discovered, Captain Hately became irresolute, and could not determine what was best to be done, so that he kept hovering on the coast. In the mean time, some of his crew went away in his boat to surrender themselves to the enemy, rather than be concerned in such a piratical undertaking. Betagh and his accomplices still kept Hately warm with liquor, and at length brought him to the resolution of leaving the South Sea. But they had no sooner clapped their helm a-weather for this purpose than they saw a sail standing towards them, which proved to be a Spanish man of war, which caught them, and spoilt their India voyage. The English prisoners were very indifferently used; but Betagh, being a Roman Catholic, and of a nation which the Spaniards are very fond of,[267] was treated with much respect, and was even made an officer.

[Footnote 267: He seems to have been a Fleming, taken on board at Ostend, when the voyage was originally intended to have proceeded under an imperial commission.--E.]

In the morning of the 29th February, we saw a vessel at anchor in the road of _Guanchaeo_, and anchored alongside of her at eleven a.m. She was called the Carmasita, of about 100 tons, having only two Indian men and a boy on board, and her only loading was a small quantity of timber from Guayaquil. From these prisoners, I was informed of a rich ship being in the cove of Payta, having put in there to repair some damage she had sustained in a gale of wind. On this information I put immediately to sea, but in purchasing our anchor, the cable parted, and we lost our anchor. Our prize being new and likely to sail well, I took her with us, naming her the St David, designing to have made her a complete fire-ship as soon as we should be rejoined by the Mercury, in which there were materials for that purpose. Next day we looked into Cheripe, whence we chased a small vessel, which ran on shore to avoid us. Next morning, being near Lobos, our appointed rendezvous with the Mercury, I sent ashore my second lieutenant, Mr Randal, with two letters in separate bottles, directing Captain Hately to follow me to Payta, to which port I now made the best of my way, and arrived before it on the 18th of March, and sent Mr Randal to look into the cove, to bring me an account of what ships were there, that I might know what to think of the information we had received from our prisoners.

On the 21st, I steered directly in for the cove of Payta, which I entered under French colours about four in the afternoon. We found only a small ship there, of which Mr Brooks took possession in the launch. About seven p.m. we came to anchor within three quarters of a mile of the town. The town seemed to be moderately large and populous, and there might probably be some land-forces for its defence, being the rendezvous of the ships which trade between Panama and Caloa; yet, as the taking of this place was treated in our instructions as a matter of importance, I consulted with my officers as to the best manner of making the attempt. Leaving the charge of the ship with the master, Mr Coldsea, and a few hands, to look after the negroes we had on board, and with orders to bring the ship nearer to the town, for the more expeditiously embarking any plunder we might make; I landed with forty-six men, well armed, about two in the morning of the 22d, and marched directly up to the great church without the slightest opposition, for we found the town entirely deserted by the inhabitants.

At day-light, we observed large bodies of men on the hills, on both sides of the town, which we expected would have come down to attack us; but, on marching up towards them, they retired before us. Hitherto we had taken no prisoners, except an old Indian and a boy, who told us that Captain Clipperton had been here some time before, and had set some prisoners ashore, who assured them he meant not to do them any injury; but that the inhabitants, not thinking fit to trust him, had removed all their valuable effects into the mountains, among which were 400,000 dollars belonging to the king, which had been a fine prize for Clipperton, who certainly would have found no greater difficulty in taking this town than I did.

I was constrained suddenly to halt, in consequence of hearing a gun fired from the ship, soon after which word was brought me that she was ashore. I hurried off as fast as I could, carrying with us the union-flag, which I had planted in the church-yard; and, as we were re-embarking, the enemy came running down the hill, hallooing after us. When I got on board, I found the ship entirely afloat, but within her own breadth of the rocks; and, as the water was quite smooth, we soon warped her off again. We then returned to the town, whence the Spaniards retired as peaceably as before. The remainder of the day was employed in shipping off what plunder we could find, which consisted of hogs, brown and white _calavances_, beans, Indian corn, wheat, flour, sugar, and as many _cocoa nuts_[268] as we were able to stow away, together with pans and other conveniences for preparing it, so that we were now amply provided with excellent breakfast meat for the rest of our voyage, and were, besides, full of other provisions.

[Footnote 268: Cacao, chocolate-nuts, are almost certainly here meant.--E.]

At eight in the morning of the 23d, a messenger came in to know what ransom I would take for the town and the ship, for which I demanded 10,000 dollars in twenty-four hours. At eight next morning, I had a letter from the governor, signifying, that as I wrote in French, neither he nor any one about him could understand its contents; but if I would write in Latin or Spanish, I might depend on a satisfactory answer. In the afternoon, I sent for one of our quarter-deck guns on shore, which was mounted at our guard, and was fired at sun-set, midnight, and break of day. The messenger returned in the morning of the 24th, accompanied by the master of the ship we had taken, and on hearing of their arrival, I went on shore to know what they had to propose. I understood from them that the governor was determined not to ransom the town, and did not care what become of it, provided the churches were not burnt. Though I never had any intention to destroy any place devoted to divine worship, I answered that I should have no regard to the churches, or anything else, when I set the town on fire; and I told the master of the vessel, he might expect to see her in flames immediately, if not ransomed without delay. This seemed to make a great impression, and he promised to return in three hours with the money. I then caused every thing to be taken out of the town that could be of any use to us, after which I ordered the town to be set on fire in several places; and, as the houses were old and dry, it instantly became a bonfire.

In the midst of this conflagration, the people in the Speedwell made many signals for me to come on board, and kept continually firing towards the mouths of the harbour. As I could only guess the meaning of all this, I went on board as soon as possible in a canoe, having only three men along with me. Before I could reach the ship, I could distinctly see a large ship, with a Spanish flag at her fore-topmast-head, and her fore-topsail a-back. At this sight, two of my three men were ready to faint, and if it had not been for my boatswain, I doubt if I should have got on board; and if the Spanish admiral had acted with vigour, he might have taken the ship long enough before I got to her. It is bare justice to Mr Coldsea to say, that he fired so smartly on the Spaniard as to induce him to act with great precaution, which had been quite unnecessary if he had known our weakness. His caution, however, gave me the opportunity of getting on board: and, in the mean time, my officers were so unwilling to leave our guard-gun ashore, that they spent a great while in getting it into the boat, so that I was afraid the enemy would attack us before our people could get on board. The Spaniard was, however, in no hurry, thinking, no doubt, that we could not well escape him, yet was within pistol-shot of us before the last of our men got on board, being about fifty in all. We now cut our cable, but our ship fell round the wrong way, so that I had just room enough to fall clear of the enemy. Being now close together, the formidable appearance of the enemy struck an universal damp on the spirits of my people; some of whom, in coming off from the shore, were for jumping into the water and swimming on shore, which a few actually did.

The enemy was a fine European-built ship, of 50 guns, and the disproportion was so great between us, that there seemed no hopes of escaping, as we were under his lee. I endeavoured to get into shoal water, but he becalmed me with his sails, and confined us for the best part of an hour, during which he handled us very roughly with his cannon, making very little use of his small-arms, never allowing us a moment's ease, but as soon as his broadside was ready, he gave his ship the starboard helm, bringing as many of his guns to bear as possible, and at the same time kept me from the wind. We returned his fire as briskly as we could; but, in our precipitate retreat from the town, most of our small arms were wetted, so that it was long before they were of any use. During this action, there was a strange contusion on shore, where the people had flocked down from the hills to extinguish the fire in Payta, in which some of them were busily employed, while others stood on the shore, spectators of our engagement. I was long in despair of getting away from the Spaniard, expecting nothing less than to be torn in pieces by his superior fire, unless we could have an opportunity of trying our heels with him while our masts remained standing. I expected every minute that he would board us, and hearing a hallooing among them, and seeing their forecastle full of men, I concluded that they had come to this resolution; but soon saw that it proceeded from our ensign being shot down, on which I made another be displayed in the mizen-shrouds, on sight of which they lay snug as before, keeping close upon our quarter. Intending at length to do our business at once, they clapped their helm hard a-starboard, in order to bring their whole broadside to bear, but their fire had little effect, and it muzzled themselves, which gave us an opportunity to get away from them.

This certainly was a lucky escape, after an engagement of three glasses with an enemy so much our superior; for he had 56 guns and 450 men, while we had only 20 guns mounted and only 73 men, of whom 11 were negroes and two Indians. He had farther the vast advantage over us of being in perfect readiness, while we were in the utmost confusion; and in the middle of the engagement, a third of my people, instead of fighting, were hard at work in preparing for an obstinate resistance; particularly the carpenter and his crew, who were busy in making port-holes for stern-chase guns, which, as it happened, we made no use of. Yet were we not unhurt, as the loss of my boat and anchor were irreparable, and may be said to have been the cause of that scene of trouble which fell upon us soon after; as we had now only one anchor remaining, that lost at Payta being the third, and we had not now a boat of any kind. I have since learnt that some of our shots in the engagement were well directed, and that we killed and wounded several of the enemy.

Having thus got away from the _Peregrine_, I slipped off in the evening with much ado from the Brilliant, her consort, on board of which Betagh now was, and even desired to be the first to board me. I was now in a very uncomfortable situation, not having the smallest hope of meeting with the Success; and I had learned at Payta, that the Spaniards had laid on an embargo for six months, so that we had nothing to expect in the way of prizes; and, having seen our prize taken, we had reason to expect that all our designs were discovered by the enemy. Having now only one anchor and no boat, it is not to be wondered that I gave up all idea of making an attempt on Guayaquil, which I at first proposed, having intelligence that there were several ships of considerable value in that river, in consequence of the embargo, which might have done me some service, if I had been better provided. In this situation, it was resolved, in a committee of my officers, to return to the southwards, or to windward, as the Spaniards must necessarily continue their trade with Chili, in spite of their embargo; after which we proposed to water at Juan Fernandez, and then to cruize on the coast of Conception, Valparaiso, and Coquimbo, for the coasting traders, among whom we might supply ourselves with anchors, cables, and boats, and a vessel to fit out as a fire-ship. I also proposed, before leaving the coast of Chili, to make an attempt on La Serena or Coquimbo. After all this, I proposed to proceed for the coast of Mexico, and thence to the _Tres Marias_ and California, as the most likely means of meeting with the Success; besides which, the former of these places might be commodious for salting turtle, to serve as sea stores, and the latter for laying in a stock of wood and water; after which we might lie in the track of the Manilla ship. But if we could not succeed in that attempt, we might then satisfy ourselves with cruizing for the Peruvian ships, which bring silver to Acapulco for purchasing the Indian and Chinese commodities.

My plan being approved, we proceeded to windward, having secured our masts and bent a new set of sails on the 26th, after which we stood to the southward, expecting to make our passage in about five weeks. The carpenters were now set to work to build a new boat that we might have the means of watering our ship. On the 31st, while working the pumps, the water not only came in in greater quantity than usual, but was as black as ink, which made me suspect some water had got at our powder; and on going into the powder-room, I found the water rushing in like a little sluice, which had already spoiled the greatest part of our powder, only six barrels remaining uninjured, which I immediately had stowed away in the bread-room. It pleased God that we now had fair weather, as otherwise we might have had much difficulty to keep our ship afloat. We found the leak on the larboard side, under the lower cheek of the head, where a shot had lodged and afterwards dropt out, leaving room for a stream of water. We accordingly brought down our ship by the stern, and secured the leak effectually. At this time we had an abundant stock of provisions. Each man had a quart of chocolate and three ounces of rusk for breakfast; and had fresh meat or fresh fish every day for dinner, having plenty of the latter about the ship, so that we could almost always make our choice between dolphin and albicore.

On the 6th May we made the westermost of the islands of Juan Fernandez, otherwise called _Mas a Fuero_, distant twelve leagues N.E. by N. and the day after, our carpenters had completed our new boat, which could carry three hogsheads. On the 12th we saw the great island of Juan Fernandez, bearing E. 1/2 S. being in latitude, by observation, 33° 40' S. a joyful sight at the time, though so unfortunate to us in the sequel. We plied off and on till the 21st, but could not get as much water on board daily in that time as supplied our daily expenditure, owing to the smallness of our boat, which made it necessary for us to anchor in the roads till that purpose was accomplished, in order for which I prepared to raft twenty tons of casks on shore. We worked in and anchored in forty fathoms, carrying a warp on shore, which we fastened to the rocks, of three hawsers and a half in length, which both steadied the ship, and enabled us to haul our cask-raft ashore and aboard. By this means we were ready to go to sea again next morning, having filled all our water casks; but had no opportunity of so doing for four days, during which we continued to anchor in the same manner.

On the 25th May, a hard gale came upon us from seaward, bringing with it a great tumbling swell, by which at length our cable parted. This was a dismal accident, as we had no means whatever by which to avoid the prospect of immediate destruction. But Providence interposed in our behalf: For had we struck only a cable's length to the east or west of where we did, we must all have inevitably perished. When our ill-fated ship touched the rock, we had all to hold fast by some part of the ship or rigging, otherwise the violence of her shock in striking must have tossed us all into the sea. Our three masts went all away together by the board. In short, words are wanting to express the wretched condition in which we now were, or our astonishment at our unexpected and unfortunate shipwreck.

SECTION III.

_Residence on the Island of Juan Fernandez._

Having all got on shore in the evening, my officers gathered around me to bear me company, and to devise measures for procuring necessaries out of the wreck; and having lighted a fire, wrapped themselves up in what they could get, and slept very soundly, notwithstanding the coldness of the weather, and our hopeless situation. I would have set the people to work that very night, in endeavouring to save what we could from the wreck, but they were so dispersed that we could not gather them together, and all opportunity was lost of saving any thing, except some of our fire-arms. But while the people were employed in building tents, and making other preparations for their residence on the island, the wreck was entirely destroyed, and every thing in her was lost, except one cask of beef and one of _farina de pao_, which were washed on shore. Thus all our provisions were gone, and every thing else that might have been useful. I had saved 1100 dollars belonging to the owners, which happened to be in my chest in the great cabin, all the rest of their treasure being in the bottom of the bread-room for security, which consequently could not be come at.

I now took some pains to find out a convenient place in which to set up my tent, and at length found a commodious spot of ground not half a mile from the sea, having a fine stream of water on each side, with trees close at hand for firing, and building our huts. The people settled around me as well as they could, and as the cold season was coming on, some thatched their huts, while others covered theirs with the skins of seals and sea-lions. Others again satisfied themselves with water-butts, in which they slept under cover of trees. Having thus secured ourselves from the weather, we used to pass our time in the evenings around a great fire before my tent, where my officers usually assembled, employing themselves in roasting cray-fish in the embers; sometimes bewailing our unhappy fate, and sinking into despondency; and at other times feeding ourselves with hopes that something might yet be done to set us again afloat. On this subject I first consulted with the carpenter, who answered, that he could not make bricks without straw, and then walked from me in a surly humour. From him I went to the armourer, and asked what he could do for us in his way that might contribute to build a small vessel. To this he answered, that he hoped he could do all the iron work, as he had fortunately saved his bellows from the wreck, with four or five _spadoes_ or Spanish swords, which would afford him steel, and there could be no want of iron along shore; besides, that we should doubtless find many useful things when we came to work in good earnest. He desired therefore, that I would get some charcoal made for him, while he set up his forge.

Upon this encouragement, I called all hands together, and explained to them the great probability there was of our being able to build a vessel sufficient to transport us from this island; but that it would be a laborious task, and must require their united best endeavours. To this they all consented, and promised to work with great diligence, begging me to give them directions how to proceed. I then ordered the men who had axes on shore, before the wreck, to cut wood for making charcoal, while the rest went down to the wreck to get the boltsprit ashore, of which I proposed to make the keel of our intended vessel; and I prevailed on the carpenter to go with me, to fix upon the properest place for building. The people found a great many useful materials about the wreck; and among the rest the topmast, which had been washed on shore, and was of the greatest importance.

We laid the blocks for building upon on the 8th June, and had the boltsprit ready at hand to lay down as the keel; when the carpenter turned short round upon me, and swore an oath that he would not strike another stroke on the work, for he would be slave to nobody, and thought himself now on a footing with myself. I was at first angry, but came at length to an agreement with him, to give him a four-pistole piece as soon as the stern and stern-posts were up, and 100 dollars when the bark was finished, and the money to be committed to the keeping of any one he chose to name. This being settled, he went to work upon the keel, which was to be thirty feet long; the breadth of our bark, by the beam, sixteen feet, and her hold seven feet deep. In two months we made a tolerable shew, owing in a great measure to the ingenuity of Poppleston, our armourer, who never lost a minute in working with his hands, or contriving in his head. He made us a small double-headed maul, hammers, chisels, and a sort of gimblets or wimbles, which performed very well. He even made a bullet-mould, and an instrument to bore cartouch-boxes, which he made from the trucks of our gun-carriages, covering them with seal-skins, and contrived to make them not only convenient, but neat. He contrived to execute any iron-work wanted by the carpenter, and even finished a large serviceable boat, of which we stood much in need.

In the beginning of this great work the people behaved themselves very well, half of them working regularly one day, and the other half the next, seeming every day to grow easier under our misfortunes. They treated me with as much respect as I could wish, and even in a body thanked me for the prospect of their deliverance; while I never failed to encourage them by telling them stories of the great things that had been accomplished by the united efforts of men in similar distresses. I always pressed them to stick close to the work, that we might get our bark ready in time; and told them that we fortunately had three of the best ports in Chili within 120 leagues of us. This inspired them with life and vigour, and they often declared that they would exert their utmost endeavours to finish her with all expedition. At last, however, we became a prey to faction, so that it was a miracle we ever got off from this place. For, after completing the most laborious part of the work, they entirely neglected it; and many of my officers, deserting my society, herded with the meanest of the ship's company. I was now convinced in a suspicion I had long entertained, that some black design was in embryo; for when I met any of my officers, and asked what they were about, and the reason of their acting so contrary to their duty, by diverting the people from their work, some used even to tell me they knew not whether they would leave the island or not, when my bundle of sticks was ready; that they cared not how matters went, for they could shift for themselves as well as the rest. When I spoke with the common men, some were surly, and others said they would be slaves no longer, but would do as the rest did. In the midst of these confusions, I ordered my son to secure my commission in some dry place among the woods or rocks, remembering how Captain Dampier had been served in these seas.

At length, I one afternoon missed all the people, except Mr Adamson the surgeon, Mr Hendric the agent, my son, and Mr Dodd, lieutenant of marines, which last feigned lunacy, for some reason best known to himself. I learnt at night that they had been all day assembled at the great tree, in deep consultation, and had framed a new set of regulations and articles, by which the owners in England were excluded from any share in what we might take for the future, divested me of all authority as captain, and regulated themselves according to the _Jamaica discipline_.[269] Even the chief officers, among the rest, had concurred in electing one Morphew to be their champion and speaker, who addressed the assembly to the following purport: "That they were now their own masters, and servants to none: and as Mr Shelvocke, their former captain, took upon him still to command, he ought to be informed, that whoever was now to be their commander, must be so through their own courtesy. However, that Mr Shelvocke might have the first offer of the command, if the majority thought fit, but not otherwise. That Mr Shelvocke carried himself too lofty and arbitrarily for the command of a privateer, and ought to have continued in men-of-war, where the people were obliged to bear all hardships quietly, whether right or wrong."

[Footnote 269: This expression is not explained, but seems to have been, according to the model of the Buccaneers, all prizes to be divided among the captors.--E.]

Some persons present, who had a regard for me, represented, "That they had never seen or known me treat any one unjustly or severely; and that however strict I might be, they had no one else to depend upon, and that they ought all to consider how many difficulties I had already brought them through. That, although they were not now in the hands of our enemies, no one could tell how soon others might come upon them: and, if they ever looked to get back to England, there was no other way but by going round the world, for which there was no one capable of undertaking the charge except Captain Shelvocke. They ought also to consider his commission, and the respect due to him on that account; besides the protection that would afford them, should they happen to fall into the hands of the Spaniards."

This remonstrance had some effect on the common men, but they were diverted from the thoughts of returning to obedience by no less a person than my first lieutenant, Mr Brooks, who had made Morphew his confidant even on board ship: for having served before the mast before he was made my lieutenant, he had contracted a liking for forecastle conversation. They were also supported and encouraged by Mr Randal, my second lieutenant, who was brother-in-law to Brooks, and by others. The first remarkable outrage committed by this gang of levellers was to Mr La Porte, my third lieutenant, whom Morphew knocked down on the beach, while Brooks stood by and witnessed this brutality. This affair came soon after to be fully explained; for the men framed a new set of articles, putting themselves upon the Jamaica discipline, and declaring, as I had been their captain, I might be so still; and that they were willing to allow me six shares, as a mark of their regard, though I ought only to have four, according to the Jamaica articles. Most of the officers were reduced, according to the same plan: for instance, Mr La Porte, Mr Dodu, and Mr Hendrie were declared midshipmen; and as the superior officers consented to this scheme, it could not be prevented from being carried into execution. Mr Coldsea the master was the only person who preserved a kind of neutrality, neither promoting nor opposing their designs. In this distressed emergency, I thought it lawful, and even necessary, to submit to their demands, and therefore signed their articles, in conjunction with the rest of my officers.

I now thought to have got them to work on our bark; but, instead of listening to me, they demanded what little money I had saved belonging to the owners, with which I was obliged to comply, being 750 dollars in virgin silver, a silver dish weighing 75 ounces, and 250 dollars in coin. Even after this I was treated worse than ever, having only the refuse of the fish allowed me, after they had chosen the best, being glad, after a hard day's work, to dine upon seal; while Morphew and his associates feasted on the best fish the sea afforded. They next took the arms out of my custody, of which hitherto I had taken great care; because, having only one flint to each musket, and very little ammunition, I foresaw that we would be undone if this were wasted. I represented all this to them, yet they squandered away the small remainder of powder and bullets in killing cats, or any thing else they could get to fire at.--This is a concise history of our transactions in the island of Juan Fernandez, from the 24th May to the 15th August, during which no person could suffer more than I did, or have a more uncomfortable prospect.

On the 15th of August we were put into great confusion by the sight of a large ship, on which, before she crossed the bay, I ordered all the fires to be put out, and the negroes and Indians to be confined, lest the ship might be becalmed under the land, and any of them should attempt to swim off to her, as I conceived she might possibly be a man-of-war come to seek us, having received advice of our shipwreck; yet I knew, if she discovered what we were about, we should soon have the whole force of the kingdom of Chili upon us. Our apprehensions were soon over, as the ship bore away large, and kept at too great a distance to see any thing of us. On this occasion I got most of our people under arms, and was glad to see them in some measure obedient to command; telling them that I was pleased to see their arms in such good order, I was impertinently answered, that this was for their own sakes. Before they dispersed, I represented to them the necessity of using their best endeavour to get our bark afloat, instead of caballing against their captain, which, in the end, might be very prejudicial to them all; as, if discovered by the Spaniards, we might expect to be all made slaves in the mines. I told them we still had a great deal of work to do, and had never above ten of the most considerate to labour, and seldom above six or seven; while they knew I was always one of the number, to shew a good example. But the more I tried to reclaim them, the more obstinately they ran into confusion, interrupting every thing that tended to do them service.

Next day they divided among themselves on a new scheme, being no less than to burn our bark, and to build two large shallops, or pinnaces, in lieu of her. Morphew and his friend Brooks were the favourers of this new design, aiming doubtless at a separation by this means: but as this must be determined by a majority, they assembled to debate this matter in front of my tent, carrying on their deliberations with much clamour on both sides. In order to put them off this ruinous plan, I represented to them the impracticability of building the boats, as our tools and other materials were already worn out and expended. The workmen, and a considerable majority of the rest, sided with me: but at night the carpenter sent me word, if I did not pay him the money agreed upon at first, I should never see his face again; wherefore, although his terms had not been implemented, I was obliged to raise the money for him. The most provoking part of this proposal about the boats was, that the fellows who chiefly promoted it were those who had never done an hour's work since we were cast away. Not gaining this point, they openly declared I should not be their captain, and that none but Brooks should command them, which was probably what that young man aspired to from the commencement of the mutiny; and had undoubtedly succeeded, had it not been for the people in the boatswain's tent, who still refused their consent to my being left on the island, though fond of thinking themselves their own masters, and of refusing to submit to regular command.

To complete our confusion, there arose a third party, who resolved to have nothing to do with the rest, proposing to remain on the island. There were twelve of these, who separated from the rest, and never made their appearance except at night, when they used to come about the tents to steal powder, lead, and axes, and any thing else they could lay their hands, on. But in a little time I found means to manage them, and took from them all their arms, ammunition, axes, and other plunder, and threatened to have them treated as enemies, if they came within musket-shot of our tents. These divisions so weakened the whole body, that they began to listen to me, so that I got most of them into a working humour. Even Brooks came to me with a feigned submission, desiring to eat with me again, yet in the main did not lessen his esteem for Morphew. His dissimulation, however, proved of infinite service in contributing to the finishing of our bark, which required the united efforts of all our heads and hands. For, when we came to plank the bottom, we had very vexatious difficulties to encounter, as our only plank consisted in pieces from the deck of our wreck, which was so dry and stubborn that fire and water had hardly any effect in making it pliable, as it rent, split, and flew in pieces like glass; so that I now began to fear that all our labour was in vain, and we must quietly wait to be taken off by some Spanish ship, and be led quietly to prison after all our troubles.

By constant labour, and using a variety of contrivances, we at length finished our bark, but in such a manner that I may safely assert, a similar bottom never before swam on the sea. Our boat also was launched on the 9th September; and our bark being now in a fair way of being completed, it remained to consider what provisions we could get to support us during our voyage, all our stock being one cask of beef, five or six bushels of _farina de poa_, or cassada flour, and four or five live hogs. I made several experiments to preserve both fish and seal, but found that this could not be done without salt. At length we fell upon a contrivance for curing conger eels, by splitting them, taking out their backbones, dipping them in sea-water, and then drying them in a great smoke; but as no other fish could be cured in a similar manner, our fishers were directed to catch as many congers as they could. At this time several of our people who had not hitherto done any work, began to repent of their folly, as they grew weary of living on this island, and now offered their services to go a-fishing, making some idle excuses for being so long idle, asking my pardon, and promising not to lose a moment in future. The new boat was sent to try her fortune, and returned at night with a great parcel of various kinds of fish, among which were about 200 congers, which was a good beginning, and which were divided among the tents to be cured. Our boat was carefully hauled on shore every night, and strictly guarded, to prevent any of our people from stealing her, and making their escape. By her means also, Mr Brooks, our only diver, tried what could be recovered from that part of the wreck which had not been drifted on shore; but could only weigh one small gun, and two pieces of a large church candlestick, belonging to our owners.

Our boat was daily employed in fishing, for which purpose the armourer supplied hooks; and our men made abundance of lines of twisted ribbons, a great quantity of which had been driven on shore. Others of the men were employed in making twine stuff for rigging, patching up old canvass for sails, and a variety of other necessary contrivances to enable us to put to sea; and our cooper put our casks in order; and at length we set up our masts, which were tolerably well rigged, and our bark made a decent figure. My spirits were however much damped, by the extreme difficulty of caulking her tight, as her seams were bad, our tools wretched, and our artists very indifferent. When this was done, so as we could, our bark was put into the water to try her fitness, on which there was an outcry of, A sieve! a sieve! Every one now seemed melancholy and dispirited, insomuch that I was afraid they would use no farther means; but in a little time, by incessant labour, we brought her into a tolerable condition. Having repaired the ship's pumps, and fitted them to the bark, the people exclaimed that this was only a poor dependence; but I exhorted them to have patience, and continue their assistance in doing every thing that could be thought of for her security. The cooper also made a set of buckets, one for every man, to serve to bale her, in case of necessity. Next spring-tide, which was on the 5th October, 1720, we put her again into the water, naming her the _Recovery_, when she answered tolerably well, when we resolved to run the hazard of going to sea in her, and made all possible dispatch in getting our things on board. Yet, after all, a dozen of our people chose to remain on shore, together with as many negroes and Indians.

Our sea-stock, besides the small quantity of beef and cassada flour formerly mentioned, consisted of 2300 eels cured in smoke, weighing one with another about a pound each, together with about sixty gallons of seal-oil, in which to fry them. On our first landing, as the weather was then too coarse for fishing, we had to live on seals, the entrails of which are tolerable food; but the constant and prodigious slaughter we made among them, frightened them from our side of the island. Some of the people eat cats, which I could not bring myself to, and declared they were sweet nourishing food. When the weather allowed us to fish, we were delivered from these hardships; but some of our mischievous crew set the boat a-drift, so that she was lost: after which we contrived wicker boats, covered with sea-lions skins, which did well enough near shore, but we durst not venture in them out into the bay, and consequently were worse provided with fish than we might otherwise have been. We fried our fish in seal-oil, and eat it without bread or salt, or any other relish, except some wild sorrel. Our habitations were very wretched, being only covered by boughs of trees, with the skins of seals and sea-lions, which were often torn off in the night, by sudden flaws of wind from the mountains.

The island of Juan Fernandez is in lat 33° 40' S. and long. 79° W. being at the distance of about 150 marine leagues, or 7° 30' from the coast of Chili. It is about fifteen English miles long from E. to W. and five miles at the broadest, from N to S. entirely composed of mountains and valleys, so that there is no walking a quarter of a mile on a flat. The anchoring place is on the north side of the island, and is distinguished by a little mountain, with a high peak on each side. It is not safe to anchor in less than forty fathoms, and even there, ships are very much exposed to sharp gales from the north, which blow frequently. There cannot well be a more unpleasant place to anchor in, as the bay is surrounded by high mountains, and is subject to alternate dead calms and sudden stormy gusts of wind. This island enjoys a fine wholesome air, insomuch that out of seventy of us, who remained here five months and eleven days, not one among us had an hour's sickness, though we fed upon such foul diet, without bread or salt; so that we had no complaints among us, except an incessant craving appetite, and the want of our former strength and vigour. As for myself, from being corpulent, and almost crippled by the gout, I lost much of my flesh, but became one of the strongest and most active men on the island, walking much about, working hard, and never in the least afflicted with that distemper. The soil is fertile, and abounds with many large and beautiful trees, most of them aromatic. The names of such as we knew were the _Pimento_, which bears a leaf like a myrtle, but somewhat larger, with a blue blossom, the trunks being short and thick, and the heads bushy and round, as if trained by art. There is another tree, much larger, which I think resembles that which produces the jesuit bark. There are plains on the tops of some of the mountains, on which are groves of the _Indian laurel_, mentioned by Frezier in his description of Chili. These have a straight slender body, from which sprout small irregular branches all the way from the root to the top, bearing leaves like the laurel, but smaller. _Palm-trees_ are found in most parts of the island, growing in smooth joints, like canes, some thirty and some forty feet high. Their heads resemble the cocoa-nut tree, except that their leaves are of a paler green, and bear large bunches of red berries, bigger than sloes, which taste like haws, and have stones as large as those of heart-cherries. That which we call the _palm-cabbage_ is the very substance of the head of the tree; which being cut off and divested of its great spreading leaves, and all that is hard and tough, consists of a white and tender young shoot or head, having its leaves and berries perfectly formed, and ready to replace the old one. When in search of these, we were forced to cut down a lofty tree for each individual cabbage.

One good property of the woods which cover this island is, that they are every where of easy access, as there is no undergrowth, except in some of the deepest valleys, where the fern grows exceedingly high, and of which there are very large trees, with trunks of considerable solidity.[270] Some of the English who had been formerly here, had sowed turnips, which have spread much, as have also two or three plantations of small pompions; but my men never had patience to let any of these come to maturity. We found also plenty of water-cresses and wild sorrel. Some of the hills are remarkable for a fine red earth, which I take to be the same with that of which the inhabitants of Chili make their earthenware, which is almost as beautiful as the red porcelain of China. The northern part of the island is well watered by a great many streams which flow down the narrow valleys; and we found the water to keep well at sea, and to be as good as any in the world. Down the western peak, contiguous to the Table Mountain, there fall two cascades from a perpendicular height of not less than 500 feet. These are close together, and about 12 feet broad. What with the rapid descent of these streams, and the numerous palm-trees growing close beside them, adorned with vast clusters of red berries, the prospect is really beautiful. We should have had no want of goats, could we have conveniently followed them in the mountains. The Spaniards, before they settled in Chili, left a breed of goats here, and have since endeavoured to destroy them, by leaving a breed of dogs, but without effect. Cats are also very numerous, exactly resembling our household cats in size and colour; and those of our men who eat of them, assured me they found more substantial relief from one meal of their flesh, than from four or five of seal or fish; and, to their great satisfaction, we had a small bitch, which, could catch almost any number they wanted in an hour. There are not many sorts of birds; but the sea on the coast abounds with a greater variety of fish than almost any place I was ever in.

[Footnote 270: These must have been some species of palm, having palmatad leaves resembling ferns.--E.]

Seals and sea-lions also abound; called _lobos de la mar_ by the Spaniards, from their resemblance to wolves. They have a fine iron-grey fur, and when full grown are as big as a large mastiff. They are naturally surly, and snarl at the approach of any one. Instead of tails, they have two fins behind, with which they make shift to get on much faster than the sea-lions, which are large unwieldy creatures, and prodigiously full of oil.

SECTION IV.

_Farther Proceedings in the South Sea, after leaving Juan Fernandez._

We departed from Juan Fernandez on the evening of the 6th October, having nothing to subsist upon except the smoked congers, one of which was allowed to each man for twenty-four hours; together with one cask of beef, four live hogs, which had fed all the time we were ashore on the putrid carcases of seals, and three or four bushels of cassada meal. We were upwards of forty men, crowded together, and lying on the bundles of eels, with no means of keeping ourselves clean, so that all our senses were offended as greatly as possible. The only way we had of procuring water, was by sucking it from the cask with a gun-barrel, used promiscuously by every one. The little unsavoury morsels we daily eat, created incessant quarrels, every one contending for the frying-pan; and our only convenience for a fire, was a tub half filled with earth, which made cooking so tedious, that we had the continual noise of frying from morning to night. I proposed that we should stand for the Bay of Conception, as being the nearest to us; and we were hard put to it every day, while the sea-breeze continued; for, not having above sixteen inches free board, and our bark tumbling prodigiously, the water ran over us perpetually; and having only a grating deck, and no tarpaulin to cover it but the top-sail of our bark, our pomps were barely sufficient to keep us free.

At four in the morning of the 10th, we fell in with a large ship, and I could see by moon-light that she was Europe-built. Our case being desperate, we stood towards her, and being rigged after the fashion of the South Seas, they did not regard us till day-light. Not being then quite up with her, they suspected us by the brownness of our canvas, wore ship, hauled close upon the wind, fired a gun, and crowded sail away from us, leaving us at a great rate. It fell calm two hours after, when we had recourse to our oars, and neared her with tolerable speed. In the mean time, we overhauled our arms, which we found in bad condition, a third of them wanting flints, and we had only three cutlasses, so that we were by no means prepared for boarding, which yet was the only means we had of taking the ship. We had only one small cannon, which we could not mount, and were therefore obliged to fire it as it lay along the deck; and we had only two round shot, a few chain-bolts, the clapper of the Speedwell's bell, and some bags of stones. We came up with her in four hours; but I now saw that she had guns and pattereroes, with a considerable number of men, whose arms glittered in the sun. The enemy defied us to board them, and at the same time gave us a volley of great and small shot, which killed our gunner, and almost brought our foremast by the board. This unexpected reception staggered many of my people, who before seemed most forward, so that they lay on their oars for some time, though I urged them to keep their way. Recovering again, we rowed quite up to them, and continued to engage till all our small shot was expended, which obliged us to fall astern to make some slugs, and in this manner we made three attacks without success. All night we were busied in making slugs, and provided a large quantity before morning, when we came to the determined resolution either to carry her by boarding, or to submit to her. At day-break, I accordingly ordered twenty men in our yawl to lay her athwart hawse, while I proposed to board her from the bark; but, just as we were on the point of making the attempt, a gale sprung up, and she went away from us. We learnt afterwards that she was the _Margaretta_, having formerly been a privateer from St Malo, mounting forty guns. In the several skirmishes, we had none killed, except Gilbert Henderson our gunner. Three were wounded, Mr Brooks being shot through the thigh, Mr Coldsea in the groin, and one of the crew in the small of the back. Mr Coldsea lingered in a miserable condition for nine or ten months, but at length recovered.

We were now in a worse condition than ever, and the sea being too rough for our uncomfortable vessel, I proposed to stand to the north to get into fairer weather, but to take Coquimbo in our way, to try what might be done there. This was agreed to; but the very morning in which we expected to have got into Coquimbo, a hard gale of wind sprung up, which lasted four days, during which we every hour expected to founder, being obliged to scud under bare poles, with our yawl in tow, and having only a very short rope for her. This storm so frightened many of our people, that they resolved to go ashore at the first place they could find. At length, calling to mind the account given by Frezier of the island of _Iquique_, I mentioned the surprisal of that place, being but a small lieutenancy, where we might probably get some wholesome provisions, and a better vessel. This was approved, and the sun again shining, so that we lay dry, we acquired fresh vigour, and directed our course for that island. Next evening we saw the island, which seemed merely a high white rock, at the foot of the high land of _Carapucho_. Our boat set off for the island about sun-set, and had like to have been lost among the breakers. At length they heard the barking of dogs, and saw the light of some candles; but, aware of the danger of landing in the dark, they made fast their boat to a float of weeds for want of a grapnel, and waited till day-light. They then rowed in between the rocks, and were ignorantly welcomed on shore by some Indians. Going to the house of the lieutenant, they broke open the door, and rummaged it and the village, finding a booty more valuable to us in our present situation than gold or silver. This consisted of 60 bushels of wheat flour, 120 of calavanses and corn, some jerked beef, mutton, and pork, a thousand weight of well-cured fish, four or five days eating of soft bread, and five or six jars of Peruvian wine and brandy, besides a good number of fowls and some rusk. They had also the good fortune to find a boat to bring off their plunder, which otherwise had been of little use to us, as our own boat was fully laden with men.

In the mean time, we in the bark were carried away by the current to the northward, out of sight of the island; and as they had not loaded their boats till the height of the day, they had a laborious task to row off, being very heavily laden. We were under melancholy apprehensions, fearing that our people might have remained on shore and deserted us; but towards evening we perceived two boats coming fast towards us, as heavily laden as they could be with safety. Words cannot express our joy when they came aboard. The scene was now changed from famine to plenty. The loaves of soft bread were distributed, and the jars of wine broached: But I took care they should drink of it moderately, allowing each man no more than half a pint a-day. After living a day or two on wholesome food, we wondered how our stomachs could receive and digest the rank nauseous congers fried in train-oil, and could hardly believe we had lived on nothing else for a month past. I was assured by my second lieutenant, who commanded the boat on this occasion, that the Indians seemed rather pleased at our plundering the Spaniards; so natural is it for bad masters to find enemies in their servants.

The _island of Iquique_ is in the lat. of 19° 50' S.[271] about a mile from the main land, and only about a mile and a half in circuit, the channel between it and the coast of Peru being full of rocks. It is of moderate height, and the surface consists mostly of cormorant's dung, which is so very white that places covered with it appear at a distance like chalk cliffs. Its smell is very offensive, yet it produces considerable gain, as several ships load here with it every year for Arica, where it is used as manure for growing capsicums. The only inhabitants of this island are negro slaves, who gather this dung into large heaps near the shore, ready for boats to take it off. The village where the lieutenant resides, and which our people plundered, is on the main land close by the sea, and consists of about sixty scattered ill-built houses, or huts rather, and a small church. There is not the smallest verdure to be seen about it, neither does its neighbourhood afford even the smallest necessary of life, not even water, which the inhabitants have to bring in boats from the _Quebrada_, or breach of _Pisagua_, ten leagues to the northward; wherefore, being so miserable a place, the advantage derived from the _guana_ or cormorant's dung seems the only inducement for its being inhabited. To be at some distance from the excessively offensive stench of the dung, they have built their wretched habitations on the main, in a most hideous situation, and still even too near the guana, the vapours from which are even there very bad, yet not quite so suffocating as on the island. The sea here affords abundance of excellent fish, some kinds of which I had never before seen; one of them resembling a large silver eel, but much thicker in proportion. The inhabitants of this desolate and forbidding place cure these fish in a very cleanly manner, and export large quantities of them by the vessels which come for the guana.

[Footnote 271: There is no island on the coast of Peru in that latitude. Iquique is a town on the main land, about thirty miles from the sea. The islands called _los Patillos_, or the Claws, are near the coast, in lat. 20° 45' S. and probably one of these may have got the name of _Iquique_, as being under the jurisdiction of that town. The mountain Carapacha of the text, is probably the hills of Tarapaca of our maps.--E.]

We were informed by two Indian prisoners, that the lieutenant of Iquique had a boat at Pisagua for water, of which we began to be in need, for which reason I sent Mr Randal in search of her. He failed in this object, but brought off a few bladders full of water, and three or four _balsas_, very artificially sewed and filled with wind, which are used for landing on this dangerous coast. On these the rower sits across, using a double paddle; and as the wind escapes from the skin bags, he has a contrivance for supplying the deficiency. These are the chief embarkations used by the fishermen, and are found very serviceable for landing on this coast, which has hardly a smooth beach from one end of it to the other. We intended to have looked into the port of Arica, but heard there was a ship there of force, on which we continued our course to the northwards to La Nasca. Off that port we met a large ship about two hours before day, and though we rowed very hard, it was ten o'clock before we got up with her. After a brisk dispute of six or seven hours, we were obliged to leave her, in consequence of the sea-breeze coming in very strong. She was called the Francisco Palacio, of 700 tons, 8 guns, and 10 patereroes, with a great number of men, and well provided with small arms; but was so deeply laden that, in rolling, the water ran over her deck and out at her scuppers; indeed she had more the appearance of an ill-contrived floating castle, than of a ship, according to the present fashion of Europe. Thus we had the misfortune, on this forlorn voyage, to meet with the two best equipped and armed private ships at that time in the South Sea. In this action we had not above twenty fire-arms that were of any use, owing to the improvidence of our people at Juan Fernandez; yet were they so impatient of this disappointment, that some of them were for immediately surrendering to the enemy. To prevent this, I ordered four men whom I thought I could trust to take the charge of our two boats; but two of these went away with the best boat, and my first lieutenant and Morphew plotted to have gone away with the other, but were hindered by blowing weather, and so weak was my authority that I was forced to dissemble.

Next day we stood into the road of Pisco, where we saw a very fine ship, and resolved immediately to board her; and to our great satisfaction, the captain and his people met us with their hats off, beseeching us to give them quarter. This was a good ship, of about 200 tons, called the Jesu Maria, almost laden with pitch, tar, copper, and plank, but nothing else. The captain offered 16,000 dollars for her ransom, but I could not comply, as the Recovery was disabled in her masts in boarding, and also we had now a vessel in which we could at least enjoy cleanliness, which we had been entire strangers to ever since our departure from Juan Fernandez; wherefore we made all dispatch in getting every thing out of the bark. The Spanish captain of the Jesu Maria informed me, that the Margaretta had arrived some time before at Calao, where she had given a full account of her rencounter with us; her captain and three men having been killed in the action, and a priest with several others wounded. She was now ready to put to sea again to cruize for us, with the addition of ten guns and fifty men. A frigate of twenty-eight guns, called the Flying-fish, was already out with the same intention; and advice had been sent respecting us along the coast, both to the north and south, with orders to equip what strength there was to catch us. All night, the people of Pisco were on the alert, continually firing guns, to give us an earnest of what we were to expect if we attempted to land, but we had no such intention.

Having cleared our bark next morning, we gave her to the Spanish captain of the Jesu Maria; and as soon as the breeze sprung up, we weighed and stood to sea. While going out, we met our own boat with the two men who had deserted us, and who now edged down upon us, imagining we had been Spaniards. The two fellows were almost dead, having neither eat nor drank for three days, and had just been ashore on a small island near the harbour of Pisco, to kill some seals that they might drink their blood. Their only excuse for leaving us was, that they had fallen asleep, during which the breeze had wafted our bark away from them. We had only a transient view of Pisco, which seemed pleasantly situated among orchards and vineyards. We proceeded along the coast very cautiously, knowing that we were almost in the mouths of our enemies, and that the least act of indiscretion might throw us into their hands. We ventured, however, to look into the roads of Guanchaco, Malabriga, and Cheripe, where we saw no shipping, after which we passed through between the island of _Lobos de Tierra_ and the continent.

Being near the _Saddle_ of Payta on the 25th November, I thought of surprising that place in the night, though our force was much diminished since our last attack; but as it grew calm while we were endeavouring to get into the harbour, we thought it better to delay till morning, as our vessel being Spanish would deceive the inhabitants, and prevent them from suspecting us. In the morning, being observed from the shore making many short trips to gain ground to windward, the Spaniards sent off a large boat full of men to assist in bringing in our ship, and to enquire the news. Seeing them making towards us, I ordered none of our men to appear but such as had dark complexions and wore Spanish dresses, standing ready to answer such questions as they might ask in hailing, and to give them a rope when they clapped us on board. Some of our men also were concealed under our gunwales, with their muskets ready to point into the boat, to command them to make her fast, and this stratagem succeeded. I examined the prisoners as to the condition of the town, which they assured me was then extremely poor, having neither money nor provisions, and shewed me a small bark on shore, lately sent in by Captain Clipperton with some of his prisoners, on the arrival of which every thing of value had been removed into the country. Yet we held on our way with Spanish colours flying, and came to the anchorage.

As soon as we were anchored, I sent Mr Brooks to attack the town with twenty-four men, only those who rowed appearing, and the rest with their arms lying in the bottom of the boats; so that when they landed, they even found the children playing on the beach. These took the alarm immediately, and ran away on seeing our armed men. In an instant the whole place was in confusion, and happy were they who could escape, the town being left destitute, and they were too nimble to be overtaken. Our party ransacked Payta, but found it as poor as our prisoners reported; so that they only found a few bales of coarse cloth, about five hundred-weight of dried dog-fish, two or three pedlars packs, and an inconsiderable quantity of bread and sweetmeats. We had better fortune while at anchor, as we took a vessel in which were about fifty jars of Peruvian wine and brandy; her master having come by stealth from Calao, where orders had been given, that none but ships of force should venture to sea. My people in the town were in no haste to re-embark, and when it grew dark, some of the Spaniards began to assemble, and learning that there were only eighteen English in the town, came down the hills with great boldness. At first our people took refuge in the largest church, meaning to have defended themselves there; but at length they marched out, formed in a line, and kept beating their drum; and one of them having fired a musket, the Spaniards hastily retreated, and our men embarked without any more alarm.

From Payta we directed our course for the island of Gorgona, in the bay of Panama, and in our passage to that place built a tank or wooden cistern in our vessel, sufficient to contain ten tons of water. In our way we made the island of Plata, Cape St Francisco, Gorgonella, or Little Gorgona, and on the 2d of December arrived at the island of Gorgona. We had here the advantage of being able to fill our watercasks in the boat, the water running in small streams from the rocks into the sea, and we cut our wood for fuel close to high-water mark; so that in less than forty-eight hours we completed our business, and hurried away for fear of those vessels which we understood had been sent in search of us. Having got out of the track of the enemy's ships, we consulted as to the properest manner of proceeding, when the majority were for going directly for India. Upon this we changed the name of our vessel, from the Jesu Maria to the Happy-Return, and used our best endeavours to get off from the coast of America. The winds and currents were however contrary, and some of our people who were adverse to this plan did some secret damage to our tank, so that the greatest part of our water leaked out. Owing to this, and our provisions being much exhausted by long delays from contrary winds or dead calms, we were incapable of attempting so long a run: Wherefore, on purpose to procure what we wanted, I proposed making a descent on Realejo, on the coast of Mexico, in 11° 50' [12° 28' N.] In our way thither, we fell in with Cape Burica, in 8° 20' [_exactly_ 8° N.] and then, on second thoughts, I judged it might be safer to make an attempt on the island of Quibo, in lat. 7° 30' N. where, according to the account given by Captain Rogers. I guessed there were inhabitants, who lived plentifully on the produce of their island.

On the 31st January, 1721, we entered the channel between the islands of _Quibo_ and _Quivetta_, in lat. 7° 18' N. in twenty fathoms water, and anchored opposite a sandy bay, which promised to afford convenience for wooding and watering. Sending our boat to view the bay, my people reported that there was a good close harbour a little to the south, but no signs of inhabitants, except three or four huts by the shore, which they supposed had formerly been used by pearl-fishers, as there were great quantities of mother-of-pearl-shells scattered about these huts. On attentive consideration, I resolved not to shut up our vessel in a close harbour, for fear of bad consequences, and remained therefore at anchor in the open channel. At day-break next morning, we saw two large boats under Spanish colours, rowing in for Quivetta, which gave me some apprehensions they had some intelligence of us, and intended an attack. The mulattoes on the coast of Mexico are remarkable for their courage, and have sometimes done very bold actions, even in such paltry vessels as these we now saw: These, however, steered into a small cove on the island of Quivetta, which satisfied us they had no intentions to attack us. I now sent Mr Brooks in our yawl to attack them, when he found them all ashore, and brought away their piraguas with two prisoners, a negro and a mulatto, the rest taking refuge in the woods. We took all their provisions, consisting of a small quantity of pork, with plantains, some green, some ripe, and some dried. Of this last there was a considerable quantity, which, on being pounded, made a pleasant-tasted flour, indifferently white, and supplied us with bread for a month. The mulatto mortified us greatly by telling us that a vessel laden with provisions had passed near us in the night, but promised to bring us to a place where we might supply ourselves without hazard, provided we were not above two or three days about it, wherefore we made all possible dispatch in getting in our wood and water.

We weighed from this place on the 16th January, steering for _Mariato_, being the westernmost point of the gulf of St Martin. In going out from the channel of Quibo, we were in imminent danger of being forced by the current upon two rocks at a small distance from each other, off the northern point of Quivetta; but having cleared them, we steered through _Canal bueno_, or the good channel, so called from its safety, being free from rocks or shoals. Over against the south entrance of these straits, at the distance of a league from point Mariato, is the island of Cebaco, in my opinion about ten leagues in circumference. I ran along the south end of that island, and in the evening of the 19th got safe in between it and point Mariato, and anchored in six fathoms, over against a green field, being the only clear spot thereabout. Our pilot advised us to land about three hours before day, when we should be in good time for the plantations. Accordingly, I went at two in the morning in our own boat, the two lieutenants being in the two piraguas, and left my son with a few hands to take care of the ship. Our pilot carried us a little way up the river of St Martin, and out of that through several branches or narrow creeks, among groves of trees, so close that we had not room to row. Not approving of this navigation, I kept a watchful eye on our guide, suspecting he had no good design in his head. We landed just at day-break, in a fine plain, or savannah; and, after a march of three miles, came to two farm-houses, whence the inhabitants made their escape, except the wife and children belonging to one of them. We had the satisfaction of seeing that this place answered the description given by our guide, being surrounded by numerous flocks of black cattle, with plenty of hogs, and fowls of several sorts, together with some dried beef; plantains, and maize; and, in the mean time, we had a breakfast of hot cakes and milk.

When it was broad day, I saw our ship close by us, on which I asked our guide, why he had brought us so far about? when he said there was a river between us and the shore, and he was not sure if it were fordable. I therefore sent some to try, who found it only knee deep, on which, to avoid carrying our plunder so far by land, I ordered our boats to leave the river of St Martin, and to row to the beach over against the ship. We had not been long at the farmhouse till the master of the family came to us, bringing several horses with him, and offering to serve us as far as he could. This offer we kindly accepted, and we employed him to carry every thing we thought fit to our boats. He then went among his black cattle, and brought us as many as we thought we could cure, as we had but little salt, and could not afford water to keep them alive at sea, so that we killed them as soon as they came on board. We preserved them by cutting their flesh into long slips, about the thickness of one's finger, and then sprinkled them with a small quantity of salt, not using more than four or five pounds to the hundred-weight. After lying two or three hours in the salt, we hung it up to dry in the sun for two or three days, which perfectly cured it, much better than could have been done by any quantity of the best salt.

Having thus procured all we proposed at this place, we departed from thence nest morning, having our decks full of fowls and hogs, among the latter of which was one having its navel on its back.[272] The Spaniards say that this animal, although but small even at its full growth, is a terrible creature to meet wild in the woods. Returning through the _Canal bueno_, we stopt at Quibo to complete our water; and on leaving that island, gave the largest piragua to our two prisoners, to enable those who were on the island of Quivetta to return home. The wine and brandy we had lately taken had the effect of dividing my ship's company into two parties, those who were formerly so firmly united being now inveterate enemies; insomuch, that in one night the ringleaders of both have solicited me to espouse their cause, assuring me that the other party had a design on my life, and urging me to murder those who were of the opposite faction. It is wonderful how this evil was diverted, as I could use no other means than calm advice on both sides, and it was utterly out of my power to hinder them from getting drunk as often as they pleased; in which condition they often fell all to skirmishing with each other, and I had more than once my clothes almost torn off my back in endeavouring to part them. It was happy this trade of drinking did not last long, as, while the liquor lasted, I found it was unsafe to lay my head on my pillow, which almost wearied me out of my life. Their free access to the liquor shortened the term of this miserable folly, by soon expending the baneful cause. The necessities of hunger obliged them to act jointly and vigorously at Mariato; but they soon relapsed again, and were as distracted as ever so long as the liquor lasted. My land as well as sea-officers were now obliged to learn to steer, and to take their turns at the helm with the seamen, such being the pass to which they had brought themselves by sinking my authority, that they had lost their own, and were even in a worse condition than I; as the crew had, for their own sakes, to have recourse to me on all emergencies, obeying me punctually while these lasted, and abusing me plentifully when these were over.

[Footnote 272: The Pecary, Tajacu, or Mexican hog, the Sus Tajapin of naturalists, is here meant, which is an indigenous animal of the warmer parts of America, and is found in one of the West India islands. It has no tail, and is particularly distinguished by an open glandular orifice on the hinder part of the back, which discharges a fetid unctuous liquid; and which orifice has been vulgarly mistaken for the navel.--E.]

On the 25th January, we discovered a sail in the morning, about two leagues to leeward, to which we gave chase for some time; but seeing she was Europe-built, and fearing she might be a man of war belonging to the enemy, I hauled on a wind, and in half an hour it fell dead calm. We soon after saw a boat rowing towards us, which proved the pinnace of our consort the Success, commanded by her first lieutenant, Mr Davison. This was a most unexpected meeting to us both, Mr Davison being surprised to find me in such a condition, and I no less so to find the Success in these seas. I gave him an account of our misfortunes, and of all that had befallen us during the long interval of our separation, and he related all the remarkable incidents that had befallen them. A breeze of wind springing up, I bore down upon the Success, and went aboard of her; when I gave Captain Clipperton, and Mr Godfrey, our agent-general, the whole history of my voyage, expecting to have been treated by them as belonging to the same interest, but found them unwilling to have any thing to do with me, now that my ship was lost. I trusted, however, that Captain Clipperton would let me have such necessaries as he could spare, on which he said, I should know more of his mind next day. Among other discourses, he told me that he was just come from the island of _Cocos_, his people very sickly, and on short allowance. I then offered my service to pilot him to Mariato, which was not above thirty leagues distant, where he might have refreshed his company, and supplied his wants; but he was resolved to make the best of his way for the _Tres Marias_, where he said there was plenty of turtle to be had, and so I left him for the night.

Next morning, as I was going again on board the Success with some of my officers, Captain Clipperton spread all his canvass, and crowded away from us. On this I returned to my ship, fired several guns, and made signals of distress, which were not regarded by him, till his officers exclaimed against his barbarity, and at last he brought to. When I had again got up with him, I sent Mr Brooks to know the reason of his abrupt departure, and to request the supply of several necessaries, which I was willing to pay for. On these terms, he spared me two of his quarter-deck guns, sixty round shot, some musket-balls and flints, a Spanish chart of the coast of Mexico, with part of China and India, a half-hour glass and half-minute glass, a compass, and about three hundred-weight of salt: But all my arguments could not prevail with him to let me have any thing out of his medicine-chest for Mr Coldsea, who was still very ill of his wound. For what we now had from the Success, we returned some bales of coarse broad-cloth, as much pitch and tar as he would have, and some pigs of copper: I gave him also a large silver-ladle for a dozen _spadoen_, or Spanish swords. This being concluded, I offered my services, assuring him I had a pretty good ship, and that our cargo was of some value: To this he answered, if my cargo were gold, he had no business with me, and I must take care of myself. Mr Hendric, our agent, Mr Rainer, and Mr Dodd, our lieutenant of marines, weary of the hard work imposed upon them, desired my leave to go on board the Success, which I consented to, and Captain Clipperton left us to shift for ourselves, being now near the island of Cano.

I was now for returning southwards, to try our fortunes in the bay of Panama, but the majority opposed me through fear, insisting to go to the Tres Marias, to salt turtle at these islands, and then to stretch over for India. We accordingly directed our coarse that way, but as the wind near the land continued in the west, and the coast of Mexico trended nearly N.W. by W. we crept so slowly to windward, that we began to be very short of provisions before we got the length of Realijo, on which our design of landing there was renewed; but this intention was soon frustrated, as we were blown past that place by a _tequante peque_, for so the Spaniards on this coast call a violent gale at N.E. As we continued our voyage along shore, we again fell in with the Success, then in quest of _Sonsonate_, expecting there to receive the ransom of the Marquis of _Villa Roche_ who had been some time a prisoner on board. We ranged close under her stern, and asked how Captain Clipperton and the rest of the gentlemen did, but received no answer, and the Success steered one way, while we went another. After this, calms, contrary winds, and unaccountable currents, so delayed our proceedings, that were reduced to a very short allowance, which we were forced to diminish daily, and had been reduced to very great distress, had we not from time to time found turtle floating on the surface of the sea, for which we kept a good look-out, being able to discover them even at great distances, by the sea-birds perching on their backs. On sight of these, we were forced often to forego taking advantage of the wind; and, besides often losing some of our way in pursuit of them, they had still a worse effect, as dressing them occasioned a great consumption of our water.

Being now threatened with almost certain perdition if means were not fallen upon to avoid a state of absolute famine, I proposed that we should attempt to plunder some small town as we coasted along shore. At this time _Guotalco_ was the nearest port; but, as we were standing in for it, we saw a sail a considerable way to leeward, which we considered more proper for us to endeavour to capture than to venture on shore, for which purpose we bore down upon her, which proved to be the Success. When sufficiently near, I made the private signal formerly concerted between us, but Captain Clipperton hauled his wind, and did not lie by a moment for us to get up with him. We were now so for to leeward of Guatalco, that it was in vain to beat up for that port, especially on an uncertainty. We were now reduced to a small daily allowance of calavances, which not being sufficient to keep us alive, we had recourse to the remainder of our smoked congers which had been neglected for some months, and had been soaking and rotting in the bilge-water, so that they were now as disgusting food as could be. Under these calamitous circumstances, we again met the Success near port _Angels_, in lat. 15° 50' N. long. 96° 25' W. Having exchanged signals, we stood so near each other that a biscuit might have been chucked aboard, yet did not exchange a word, as Clipperton had ordered his officers and ship's company to take no notice of us: Yet was Captain Clipperton so sensible of the difficulties and hazards we had to encounter in our design of going for India, that he said the child just born would be grey-haired before we should arrive there. We were now in a most miserable situation, wandering upon an inhospitable coast in want of every thing, and all the land we had seen was so wild and open to the sea, that it would have been impossible for us to have landed any where, and nothing could have urged us to make the attempt but the extreme want we were now in.

On the 12th March, being off the port of Acapulco towards evening, we saw a ship between us and the shore, which turned out to be the Success, when Clipperton not only answered my private signal, but also that for speaking with me. After his late inhumane behaviour, I would hardly have trusted him, had we not been so near Acapulco, where I thought he meant to cruize for the Manilla ships, and now wished to have our assistance, wherefore I bore down alongside. He now sent his second lieutenant, Captain Cooke, with a very obliging letter to me, stating that he was cruizing for the homeward-bound Manilla ships, and desired me to assist him in the enterprise, with which view he desired me to come on board next morning, to consult on the best plan of attacking her, and proposed an union of the two companies. I was well pleased at this offer, and returned an answer that I should be with him early. I then read his letter to my people, who all expressed their readiness to join in the enterprise; but, as Clipperton had used us so unhandsomely, they desired me to have some security for their shares, signed by Clipperton, Godfrey the agent, and the rest of the officers in the Success.

I went aboard the Success next morning, accompanied by Brooks and Randal, my lieutenants, and was received with much apparent civility, all animosities being forgotten, and we seemed now in the most perfect harmony. I first told Captain Clipperton and Mr Godfrey of the paper expected by my officers and men, entitling them to such shares as were allowed by the original articles, to which they readily consented, and drew up an instrument fully answerable to what my people desired. We then proceeded to our consultation, when it was agreed that I should send most of my people on board the Success as soon as the Manilla ship appeared, leaving only a boat's crew with me to bring me away in case I should have an opportunity to use my vessel as a fire-ship, or smoker, in case she should prove too hard for the Success. We also determined to board her at once, as otherwise we should have much the worst of the contest, owing to her superior weight of metal, and her better ability to bear a cannonade. Clipperton assured me he was certain of the time this ship was to sail from Acapulco, being always within a day or two after Passion-week, of which time a fortnight was yet to come. Before returning to my own ship, I informed Captain Clipperton of our scarcity of water, when he told me he had eighty tons, and would spare me as much as I wanted, or any thing else his ship afforded. I had now the pleasure of enjoying my command as fully as ever, and my whole remaining crew, from the highest to the lowest, expressed their satisfaction at our present prospects. Morphew, the ringleader of all our disorders, fearing my resentment might fall heavily on him, contrived to insinuate himself into the favour of the captain and officers of the Success, by a submissive deportment, and presents, and, in the end, left me on the 14th March, being received on board that ship. On the 15th, Mr Rainer came on board my ship, to visit his old ship-mates, and staid all night. I constantly reminded Clipperton of our want of water, and he as often promised to supply us with a large quantity at once.

We thus continued to cruize in good order, and with great hopes, till the 27th March, when I had to suffer the most prodigious piece of treachery that could be imagined. We used to cruize off and on, at a convenient distance from the shore, so as not to be discovered from the land, yet so that it was impossible for any ship to leave the port of Acapulco without being seen by us. As my ship did not sail so well as the Success, Clipperton used to shorten sail, particularly at night, and shewed us lights on all necessary occasions. Towards evening of that day, he stretched about two leagues a-head of us, and I could not see that he lowered even a topgallant-sail for us to come up with him. I kept standing after him however, till almost a-shore on the breakers, when I had to tack and stand out to sea. Next morning no ship was to be seen, which reduced us to the most terrible apprehensions, considering our sad situation for want of water, and our vast distance from any place where we could expect to procure any, as we had now no other choice but either to beat up 220 leagues to the _Tres Marias_, or to bear away for the gulf of Amapala, at a much greater distance. I was afterwards informed, by some of Clipperton's officers, whom I met with in China, that he had done this cruel action absolutely against the repeated remonstrances of his officers, who abhorred such an act of barbarity. I also learnt afterwards, by some Spaniards from Manilla, that the Acapulco ship sailed about a week after we desisted from cruizing for her. This ship was the _Santo Christo_, carrying upwards of forty brass guns, and was exceedingly rich.

In the sad situation we were now reduced to, every thing was to be hazarded, and any experiment tried that promised the smallest chance of success. We continued our course therefore, under terrible inconveniences, distressed for water and provisions, and weak in point of number; yet so far from being united by our common danger, that our people could not be restrained within the bounds of common civility. The winds and weather being favourable, we found ourselves before the port of _Sansonate_ [273] on the 30th March, about sun-set, when we discovered a ship of good size at anchor in the harbour. Being a fine moonlight evening, I sent my first lieutenant in the yawl, with some of our best hands, to see what she was. Soon afterwards we heard some guns fired, and on the return of the lieutenant, he reported that she was a stout ship, having at least one tier of guns. Little regarding her apparent strength, or our own weakness, as we thought our necessities made us a match for her, we continued plying in all night, and prepared to engage her. At sun-rise the land-breeze blew so fresh from the shore, that we worked in but slowly; and in the mean time we received all their fire on every board we made, but without returning a single shot. Their boat also was employed in bringing off soldiers from the shore, to reinforce their ship; and they hung up a jar of about ten gallons of powder, with a match, at each main and fore-yard-arm, and at the bowsprit end, to let fall on our deck, in case we boarded them, which contrivance, if it had taken effect, would have made an end of both ships, and all that were in them. Seeing them so desperate in their preparations, I could not but expect a warm reception; but as our case would not admit of delay, at ever so hazardous a rate, we were not to be dismayed. About eleven in the forenoon the sea-breeze set in, and, to make our small force as available as might be, I ordered all our three guns to be placed on that side from which we were likely to engage. As the sea-breeze freshened we ran fast towards them, during which our small arms were effectually employed to break their powder-jars before we should board them, which we did without delay, and they submitted after exchanging a few shots.

[Footnote 273: The port of Aeazualte, at the mouth of the river Samsonate, in the province of that name.--E.]

This ship was named the _Sacra Familia_, of 300 tons, six guns, and seventy men, having a great many small arms, shot, and hand-granades. She had arrived some time before from Calao, with wine and brandy; but had now nothing on board except fifty jars of gunpowder, a small quantity of rusk, and some jerked beef; so that she was hardly worth the risk and trouble of capture. But as she had the character of sailing better, and was much better fitted than our ship, I resolved to exchange ships, and we all went aboard the prize, which had been fitted out in warlike manner, and commissioned, for the express purpose of taking us, if we chanced to fall in her way. To do justice to my people, our small arms were handled with much dexterity on this occasion; but, having been chiefly directed at the powder-jars, the only person killed on board the prize was the boatswain, and one person slightly wounded; while on our side no damage was sustained. A merchant, made prisoner at this time, seemed inclined to purchase the _Jesu Maria_, which we had quitted; and hearing her cargo consisted of pitch, tar, and copper, he consented to my demands, and went ashore to raise the sum agreed upon. We had so few provisions, that we could not afford to keep any prisoners, and therefore dismissed all the whites, Indians, and others, except some negroes, whom we detained to assist in working the ship: and, that we might lose as little time as possible, we set immediately to work, overhauling our sails and rigging, that we might get our new ship ready for sea.

While thus employed, I received a letter from the governor of the place, which none of us could understand; but learnt by the messenger, that it intimated some account of a truce concluded between the crowns of Britain and Spain, and that the governor requested me to stay five days, that he might satisfy me by shewing me the articles of accommodation. I thought this odd, telling the Spanish gentleman I had not met with a friendly or peaceable reception; asking him why they had thus armed themselves in so desperate a manner, and why the governor had not rather sent me a flag of truce in the morning before we engaged, giving me this intimation? Saying also, if this story were true, we ought to have found the alleged intelligence on board the prize, as she came from Lima, whence they pretended the news came. It was likewise extraordinary, that none of the officers in the prize should know any thing of the matter: yet I had so great a regard for even the name of peace, that I would wait fifteen days, if the governor would supply us with provisions and water, otherwise I would not consent to stay twenty-four hours. I sent also a short answer to the governor, excusing our imperfect knowledge of the Spanish language. In this letter I stated if peace were actually concluded between our sovereigns, that I was ready to act as he desired, on due proof; and hoped, as we were now friends, that he would allow us to have refreshments from his port. On receipt of this, the governor expressed great satisfaction, and seemed to make no difficulty in complying with my request. Our boats went therefore ashore every morning, under a flag of truce, and we received for the first four days eight small jars of water daily. On the fifth day they reduced us to five jars, and during the whole time only one small cow was sent us.

On this occasion a boat came off full of men, among whom were two priests, who brought with them a paper in Spanish, which they called the articles of peace; but so wretchedly written and blotted, that we should have been puzzled to read it, had it even been in English. I therefore desired the priests to translate it into Latin, which they promised to do, and took the paper with them. They also told me, that the governor meant to send for some Englishmen who lived at Guatimala, if I would continue three days longer in the road; to which I answered, that he might take his own time. Two days after, on our boat going ashore as usual, the governor ordered her and her crew to be seized. I was all day in suspence, not imagining the governor would make such a breach of the law of nations; but in the evening two of the boat's crew came off in an old leaky canoe, bringing a letter from the governor, and another from Mr Brooks, my first lieutenant, who was one of the prisoners. The governor required me to deliver up the _Sacra Familia_, and that we should all surrender, otherwise he would declare us pirates; and Mr Brooks told me he believed the governor meant to bully me. The governor proposed two ways for conveying us from the Spanish dominions, one of which was by Vera Cruz overland, and the other by sea to Lima. But I liked neither of these, not chusing a journey of 1300 miles at least through a country inhabited by a barbarous people, nor yet a voyage to Lima under their guidance. My two men told me, that Frederick Mackenzie had let the governor into the secret of our necessities, and of my design of procuring water at the island of Tigers, in the gulf of Amapala, which he said he would take care to prevent, and believed he now had us safe enough, knowing our only boat remaining was a small canoe. My two men who brought these letters offering their service, and a third volunteering to accompany them, to bale out the water from their wretched canoe, I sent a letter in French to the governor, offering, if I could be assured of a safe conduct for ourselves and effects to Panama, and thence by way of Portobello to one of the British colonies, we would enter into a farther treaty, which he might signify, if he meant to comply, by firing two guns, and by sending off my people with the usual supply; otherwise necessity would compel us to sail that night. Receiving no reply whatever, I weighed before day next morning, and made sail, leaving the Jesu Maria behind, a much more valuable ship than the one I took away.

On going to sea, we reduced ourselves to a pint of-water in the twenty-four hours, and directed our course for the gulf of Amapala, about thirty-five leagues S.S.E. [274] meaning to water there on the island of Tigers. The loss of my officer and boat's crew sensibly diminished the number of white faces among us, and so lessened our strength, that we should never have been able to manage this great ship, with her heavy cotton sails, but for our negro prisoners, who proved to be very good sailors. The loss of our boat was a great inconvenience to us; but as I meant only to provide water enough to serve us to Panama, where we were determined to surrender ourselves, if it were really peace, I thought we might contrive to get such a quantity of water as might suffice, in two or three days, by means of our canoe. The winds being favourable, we reached the gulf in ten days, but we could find no water, after an anxious and hazardous search. Surrounded on all sides with the most discouraging difficulties, we weighed anchor again on the 13th of April, when I brought our people to a resolution not to surrender on any account, let the consequence be what it might. We had not now forty gallons of water in the ship, and no other liquids, when we came to an allowance of half a pint each for twenty-four hours, even this being too large, considering we could get none nearer than the island of Quibo, which was about 160 leagues from the gulf of Amapala, and we were forty-three in number, including our negroes.

[Footnote 274: About forty-two marine leagues E.S.E.]

We accordingly steered for Quibo, having very uncertain winds and variable weather, and were thirteen days on this short allowance. No one who has not experienced it can conceive our sufferings in this sultry climate, by the perpetual extremity of thirst, which would not permit us to eat an ounce of victuals in a day. We even drank our urine, which moistened our mouths indeed, but excited our thirst the more. Some even drank large draughts of sea-water, which had like to have killed them. [275] On the 25th April we came to the island of _Cano_, in lat. 8° 47' N. which, by the verdure, promised to yield us water, if our canoe could get on shore. In this hope we came to anchor off the north-west side of this island, when it was as much as we could do to hand our sails, stop our cable, and execute the other necessary labours, so greatly were we reduced. We imagined we could see a run of water, yet dreaded the dangerous surf which broke all round those parts of the island we could see. Mr Randal was sent with some jars, to try what could be done; and as he did not appear again when very late at night, I became apprehensive he was either lost, or, not finding water on the island, had gone in search of it to the continent. At length he came back, with his jars filled, and any one may guess our unspeakable joy on being thus opportunely delivered from the jaws of death. He did not bring above sixty or seventy gallons, and I was at great pains to restrain my men from using it immoderately, allowing only a quart to be distributed immediately to each man. What made me the more strict on this occasion was, that Mr Randal assured me we should hardly get any more, the breakers were so very dangerous. That very night we chanced to have a shower of rain, on which we used every expedient for catching it, in sheets, blankets, and sails. During our long thirst we had continually wished for rainy weather, and had often good reason to expect it, by seeing many louring black clouds, which seemed every minute ready to discharge their burdens, yet never did before to any purpose. Next day I sent our boatswain to make another essay; but after going round the whole island, and wasting the entire day in search of a smooth beach, he could not see a single spot where he might venture on shore. Thinking we had a sufficient stock to carry us to Quibo, we weighed next day; and while ranging near the island, we saw a smooth beach, on which I sent our canoe again, which brought back nine jars full of water.

[Footnote 275: It may not be improper to state, that in such extremity for want of water, great relief has been experienced by remaining immersed for some time in the sea; the lymphatics of the skin absorbing water to supply and relieve the system very materially.--E.]

We now pursued our course to the S.E. and arrived in a few days at Quibo, anchoring at the same place where we had been formerly. We pursued our business of wooding and watering at this island with tolerable chearfulness, yet without any great hurry; chiefly because we were now within eighty leagues of Panama, and it was requisite for us to deliberate very seriously on our scheme of surrendering to the Spaniards. We considered Panama as well calculated for treating on this subject, not being any way strong towards the sea; and as we had a good ship, we thought it no difficult matter to settle the terms of our surrender, before giving ourselves into their hands. We also reckoned on some assistance from the factors of the South Sea company, resident there, who, in case a peace were actually concluded in Europe, might intercede for us, and procure us a passage for Europe. Yet as there was something extremely disagreeable in the idea of a surrender, especially to such enemies as the Spaniards, we were in no great hurry, particularly as we were here somewhat at our ease, enjoying many conveniences to which we had long been strangers. The free use we made of the excellent fruits growing on this island brought the flux among us, which weakened us very much, and interrupted our work for some days, yet in the main did us little hurt, or rather tended to preserve us from the scurvy. We deliberated and consulted as to our future conduct; but our views were so discordant, and our minds so distracted, that we could come to no resolution, except that of continuing here, in hopes of something happening to our advantage.

The island of _Quibo_ or _Coibo_ is almost in the same parallel with Panama, [276] being about twenty-four English miles from N. to S. and twelve from E. to W. It is of moderate height, covered all over with inaccessible woods, always green; and, though never inhabited, abounds with papaws and limes, and some other fruits I never saw before, which are nearly as good, though wholly neglected, as those that are most carefully attended to in other islands in similar latitudes, whence it may be inferred that the soil is fertile; and, if ever inhabited and cleared, it promises to be as productive as the best of our West-India islands. The pearl-fishers, not being able to follow their occupation during the _vandevals_, or black stormy months, from the beginning of June to the end of November, have a few scattered huts in several parts of this island and of _Quivetta_, used by the divers during their season, in which they sleep and open their oysters, so that the sandy beach is covered with fine mother-of-pearl shells. In wading only to the middle, we could reach large pearl oysters with our hands, which at first pleased us much; but we found them as tough as leather, and quite unpalatable. Having no seyne, I can say little about other kinds of fish. We occasionally observed a large kind of flat fish, which often sprung a great way out of the water, which are said to be very destructive to the divers; for, when these return to the surface, unless they take great care, these fish wrap themselves round the divers, and hold them fast till drowned. To guard against this, the divers always carry a sharp-pointed knife, and on seeing any of these fish above them, present the point over their heads, and stick it into the fish's belly. They are also subject to great danger from alligators, which swarm in this part of the sea; and some of us fancied we saw one swimming below the surface near Mariato Point, only a few leagues from hence. This island has a great variety of birds, also great numbers of black monkeys and guanoes, which last mostly frequent the streams of fresh water. Some of these guanoes are of extraordinary size, being of a grey colour with black streaks, those about the head being brown. Quibo is a most convenient place for procuring wood and water, as the wood grows in abundance within twenty yards of the sea, and there are several streams of fresh water crossing the beach.

[Footnote 276: This is a material error. Panama is in lat. 9° N. long. 80° 21' W. while the centre of Quibo is in lat. 7° 28' N. and long. 82° 17' W. from Greenwich.--E.]

Having got clear of this place, and nothing thought of but our speedy return to Europe by surrendering at Panama, we met with strong adverse currents, together with calms and contrary winds, by which we were detained for several days under the mountains of _Guanachu_. [277] On the 15th. May, a small bark bore down upon us, mistaking us for Spaniards. She was called the Holy Sacrament, and came last from Cheriqui, laden with dried beef, pork; and live hogs. Her master was much surprised at first, but soon recovered on being told we were bound for Panama, and readily offered to pilot us thither, as he was bound for that port; and begged us to take his bark in tow, as he could not fetch the land, and his hogs were almost dead for want of water, while his vessel was ready to sink, being so leaky that his people were no longer able to stand to the pumps. I took her in tow, sending some of my people to assist in pumping the bark, and even spared some water and maize for supplying the hogs. The master came on board of my ship, but had heard no news of any peace or truce between Britain and Spain.

[Footnote 277: Perhaps the Sierra de Canataqua are here meant, which pervade the country between Montijo Bay and the Bay of Panama, ending in Point Mariato, of which they seem to have been detained.--E.]

It may seem strange that this opportunity of supplying ourselves with provisions made no change in our plans; but every one of us was so worn out by a continual want of all necessaries, and so disheartened by a perpetual succession of misfortunes, that we were tired of the sea, and willing to embrace any opportunity of getting ashore, almost at any rate. I was rejoiced at this bark having fallen into our hands; because, if we found the story of the governor of Sansonate false, we might be thoroughly enabled to go to India, with this help. To ascertain this, I meant to anchor a great way short of Panama, keeping possession of the bark, in case the president might not agree to safe and honourable terms, when we still had it in our power to redress ourselves, by keeping out of his hands. All this while, however, we had not determined who should be the bearer of the flag of truce; for my people, after so much treachery among them, feared that the messenger might only make terms for himself with the governor, and not return again: Wherefore, my son was chosen as the fittest person for the purpose, as being sure of his return, for my sake.

On the 17th another bark came down upon us, but after coming pretty near, sheared off; on which I sent Mr Randal in our canoe, to inform them of our design, but they hoisted Spanish colours on his approach, and fired at him. Next morning we looked into the bay, where we found this bark at anchor, but she renewed her fire on our approach. On this, at his own request, I sent the master of the Holy Sacrament in a canoe, with four negroes and a flag of truce, to inform the people in the other bark of our intentions. A gale of wind interrupted this plan, and forced the canoe on shore, I dare say without danger to their lives, as they seemed to land of choice. On the 19th we saw a sail ahead of us standing along shore, on which we let go the bark we had in tow, in which were four of our own people and five Spaniards, spreading all the sail we could, so that by night we were at a considerable distance from the bark. I was for lying-to all night, for the bark to come up, but the majority insisted we should crowd sail all night, so that by day-break of the 20th we were within less than gun-shot of the chase. I immediately hoisted our colours, fired a gun to leeward, and sent a man to wave a white flag on our poop, in token of truce: But they continually fired at us, having their decks full of men, who kept hallooing and abusing us with the grossest epithets. Still I made no return, till I came close on their quarter, and then sent one of their countrymen to our boltsprit-end, to inform them we were bound for Panama, and wished to treat with them peaceably: But the only reply they made was by continuing their fire, calling us _borachos_ and _peros Ingleses_, drunkards and English dogs; so that at length I thought it full time to begin with them. I therefore met them with the helm, and soon convinced them of their error, giving them so warm a reception that they soon sheered-off. We just missed catching hold of them, and as it fell calm, we continued to engage her for two or three hours at the distance of musket-shot. A breeze at length sprung up, when we neared them, and their courage subsided in proportion as we approached. Their captain still encouraged them to fight, bravely exposing himself in an open manner, till he was at length shot through the body, and dropt down dead; on which they immediately called out for quarter, and thus ended the dispute.

We now commanded them to hoist out their launch; but they answered, that their tackle and rigging were so shattered that they could not possibly comply; wherefore I sent Mr Randall and two or three more in our canoe, who found all her people most submissively asking mercy. Mr Randall sent the most considerable of the prisoners on board my ship, who informed me their vessel was _La Conception de Receva_, belonging to Calao, but last from Guanchaco, of 200 tons burden, laden with flour, loaves of sugar, boxes of marmalade, and jars of preserved peaches, grapes, limes, and such like. She mounted six guns, and carried above seventy men, being one of the ships that had been fitted out and commissioned purposely to take us; so that she was the second of these armed merchantmen we had taken. In this engagement, the Spanish captain and one negro were killed, and one or two slightly wounded; but their masts, sails, and rigging were much shattered. On our part, the gunner only was slightly wounded, and a small piece was carried out of the side of our main-mast. We had now above eighty prisoners of all sorts, and not exceeding twenty-six of ourselves. When the Spanish gentlemen came off board, they would not give me time to ask the reason of not hearkening to our peaceable offers; but immediately laid the whole blame on their dead captain, Don Joseph Desorio, who vowed he would listen to no terms but his own, and was resolved to take us by force. There were several persons of note among our prisoners, particularly Don Baltazzar de Abarca, Conde de la Rosa, an European nobleman, who had been governor of Pisco on the coast of Peru, and was now on his return for Spain; also a Captain Morell, who had been formerly taken by Captain Rogers; and several others. We treated them all with the utmost civility, at which they wondered; because, from prejudice against our cruizers, and conviction of their own harsh behaviour towards their prisoners, they expected to have been dealt with very roughly.

In the situation where we now lay, we were in the track of all the ships bound for Panama, not above thirty miles from that place, our numbers being very few, and even part of our crew sick. For these reasons we were as expeditious as possible in examining the contents of our new prize, and removing them into our own ship; and, though the far greater part of the work was done by our prisoners, it took us full two days. Owing to this, and to faint winds and calms, we did not rejoin our bark till the 22d. As we bore down towards her, and came pretty near, we were astonished to see her broach to and fall off again, though all her sails were set; and, what amazed us still more, we could not see any person on her deck. I sent the boat on board, and the officer immediately called out to me, that there was not a man on board, but that all her decks and quarters were covered with blood. By this melancholy appearance, it seemed evident that the Spaniards had overpowered and murdered my four men who were sent to assist them, doubtless taking the opportunity of my men being asleep: Yet it is probable the murderers lost their own lives; for, being four leagues from land, and having no boat, they probably jumped into the sea on the re-appearance of our ship, thinking to swim to land, and met the death they so justly merited.

This tragical affair spoiled the satisfaction we had enjoyed for two days past, on account of our prize, and raised an universal melancholy among us. On seeing this sudden change, our prisoners became much alarmed, looking at each other, as if fearful we might revenge on them the fate of our unhappy companions: And, on my side, I became alarmed lest their dreadful apprehensions might stir them up to some desperate attempt, they being eighty in number, while we were not at this time above seventeen on board, and when altogether only twenty-five that could stand on our legs. I was therefore compelled to appear somewhat stern, in ordering all our prisoners into the stern gallery, except the nobleman and a few of the chiefs, while we kept a strict guard in the great cabin. The Spanish gentlemen lamented the murder of our men, and their own hard fate, in having been in some measure witnesses, and let fall some expressions, by which I perceived they were afraid I meant to shew some severities to their people on this occasion. Having a good interpreter between us, I assured them I was not of any such revengeful disposition, and besides, that the laws of my country would restrain me, if I were, as I acted by my king's commission, whose orders strictly forbid all acts of inhumanity or oppression towards our prisoners; on which assurance they might rest satisfied of their safety. In reply to this, they begged me to think myself secure, as to themselves and countrymen, now my prisoners, declaring on their honour that they would make no attempt against us, and that they could never make a sufficient return for the generous treatment I had given them. Notwithstanding this declaration, I took measures to secure our numerous prisoners of the meaner sort; for which purpose, after taking out of the Holy Sacrament all her jerked beef that remained fit for use, I placed them in that vessel, under the command of Espina, former commander of the Conception after the death of Desorio.

Next day, being as willing to get rid of them, as they were to get back their own ship, I took every thing out of the Conception that could be of use to us, sufficient for twelve months provisions of bread, flour, sugar, and sweetmeats,[278] both for ourselves and the Success, which we expected to meet with at the Tres Marias. I took also away her launch and negroes, the latter to assist us in working our ship, not having sufficient strength to manage her in the long run before us of 175 degrees. I then delivered up the Conception to Espina and the rest, after being three days in our possession: which was not only an act of generosity to our prisoners, but an act of prudence with regard to ourselves. The next great point to be managed, was to get our people to consent to sail so far north as California, previous to our intended voyage to the East Indies, for which we were not in so good a condition as we could wish, though much better than before, and even than we had any reason to have expected, every thing considered. We had a good ship, with fifteen guns and sufficient ammunition, together with a reasonable quantity of provisions; but we still wanted to complete our wood and water for so long a voyage, the procuring of which was necessarily our first care. The ship's company were for going to Quibo for this purpose, as nearest us, but that place was attended by two important inconveniences. The first was the danger of the road, as the stormy season was coming on, and we were but indifferently provided with ground tackle, which must expose us to many dangers. The second was, that Quibo was but at a small distance from Panama, and we had reason to fear the Spaniards might send a ship of war from thence in search of us; as we had now no hopes that peace had taken place, and had consequently laid aside all thoughts of surrendering. On these considerations, we plied up to the island of Cano, where we soon did our business, having a good boat.

[Footnote 278: Betagh charges Shelvocke on this occasion, with the concealment of a considerable treasure, taken in the Conception, of which some account will be given at the conclusion of the voyage.--E.]

On our passage to that island, the sweetmeats of all kinds were divided among our messes; and one day a man complained that he had got a box of marmalade into which his knife could not penetrate, and desired therefore to have it changed. On opening it, I found it to contain a cake of virgin silver, moulded on purpose to fill the box, weighing 200 dollars; and on examining the rest, we found five more of the same kind. These cakes of silver, being very porous, were nearly of the some weight with so much marmalade, and were evidently contrived for the purpose of defrauding the king of Spain of his fifths, which he exacts from all silver procured in the mines of Peru. We doubtless left many such cakes behind in the Conception, so that this contrivance served them both to wrong their king, and to deceive their enemies. A similarly vexatious affair occurred in a prize taken by the Success, in which there was a considerable quantity of _pinos_, or masses of virgin silver, in the form of bricks, artfully plaistered over with clay, and dried in the sun. As the Spaniards in Peru never burn their bricks, Clipperton and his people took these for real bricks, and threw a great number of them overboard as so much rubbish, and did not discover the deception until four or five only remained. Every thing taken in the Conception, was divided according to the articles settled at Juan Fernandez, which gave me only six shares, instead of sixty; and the people refused to allow me an hundred pounds, which I had laid out of my own money, for necessary supplies at the island of St Catharines.

I now found myself under many difficulties as to the course we were to pursue, because the company knew well enough that there was no necessity of going farther than the lat. of 13° N. for going to the East Indies. I had therefore to represent the advantage of cleaning and repairing our ship at Porto Segnro, in California, and I had much difficulty to persuade them. I at last brought them to my purpose, when we sailed from Cano northwards. Having inconstant gales and bad weather, we went between seventy and eighty leagues out to sea, in hopes of meeting more settled weather. When at sixty leagues from the land, the winds still continued variable, but at between seventy and eighty, they settled at E.N.E. and N.E. at which distance we continued till in lat. 20° N. not being sensible of any currents in all that distance, and being also entirely out of the way of the frightful ripplings and overfalls of water which we used frequently to meet with nearer the land. These used often to alarm us when becalmed in deep water, hearing a noise as of the fall of water in passing through a bridge, a considerable time before it came up to us, and which afterwards passed us at a very great rate. All the effect this had on the ship, was to make her answer the helm wildly, if we had any wind; and when we happened to meet any of these moving waters very near the shore, we could not perceive that we either gained or lost ground, though we sometimes continued in them for a quarter of an hour. I have seen these overfalls to come both from the eastward and the westward. By getting well out to sea, we not only got clear of these inconveniences, but also were out of the way of the _vandevals_, or black season, which had already begun on the coast; for at Cano, and in going there, we felt very hard gusts, with black rolling water, frequent and violent thunder and lightning, and heavy showers of rain.

In this passage we were continually accompanied by vast shoals of fish, as dolphins, bonitas, albicores, and angel-fish. These last are shaped like salmon, and have scales like them, but have tails like dolphins, and nearly resemble them when, in the water, appearing in all the beautiful colours displayed by the dolphin. Besides, they are the best for eating of any fish that swim near the surface. We were continually pestered with flocks of the birds called boobies, and their intolerably stinking dung proved an indescribable nuisance, in spite of all the pains that could be taken to clean our decks, yards, and tops. We reached the islands of _Tres Marias_ in the beginning of August, but could see no signs of Captain Clipperton having been there. We were also disappointed in our expectation of procuring water; as, after the strictest search we could make in all the three islands, nothing like a spring could be found, though former writers mention their having found water in abundance. After spending three days in our ineffectual search for water in these islands, I thought it best to stand over for the main land of California, as well for procuring what was wanting to our ship, as in hopes of meeting once more with the Success.

END OF VOLUME TENTH.

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