Chapter 8

THE VOYAGE OF DON STEFANO DE GAMA FROM GOA TO SUEZ, IN 1540, WITH THE INTENTION OF BURNING THE TURKISH GALLIES AT THAT PORT. WRITTEN BY DON JUAN DE CASTRO, THEN A CAPTAIN IN THE FLEET; AFTERWARDS GOVERNOR-GENERAL OF PORTUGUESE INDIA[252].

INTRODUCTION.

Don Juan or Joam De Castro, the author of the following journal, was a Portuguese nobleman born in 1500; being the son of Don Alvaro de Castro, governor of the Chancery, and Donna Leonora de Noronha, daughter of Don Joam de Almeyda, Count of Abrantes. In his youth, Don Juan de Castro served with reputation at Tangier, and on his return home had a commandery of 500 ducats of yearly revenue conferred upon him, which was all he was ever worth, though a man of high birth and rare merit. He afterwards served under the Emperor Charles V. in his expedition against Tunis, and refused his share of a pecuniary reward from that prince to the Portuguese officers on the expedition, saying that he served the king of Portugal, and accepted rewards only from his own sovereign. After this he commanded a fleet on the coast of Barbary, and was sent to join the fleet of Spain for the relief of Ceuta. On hearing that the Moors were approaching, the Spaniards wished to draw off, on pretence of consulting upon the manner of giving battle, but Don Juan refused to quit his post; and the Moors retired, not knowing that the fleets had separated, so that he had all the honour of relieving Ceuta.

[Footnote 252: Astley, I. 107. Purchas, II. 1422.]

When Don Garcia de Noronha went viceroy to India, Don John was captain of one of the ships in his fleet; and when about to embark, the king sent him a commission by which he was appointed governor of Ormuz, and a gift of 1000 ducats to bear his charges till he obtained possession. He accepted the latter, because he was poor; but refused the government, saying that he had not yet deserved it. After the expedition to Suez[253], contained in the present chapter, he returned into Portugal, and lived for some time in retirement in a country house near Cintra, giving himself up entirely to study. He was recalled from this retreat by the advice of the infant Don _Luys_, and sent out governor-general to India in 1545; where he died with the title of viceroy in 1548, when 48 years of age. We shall hereafter have occasion to speak farther of this great man, who made himself illustrious in the _second_ siege of Diu by the forces of the king of Guzerat. In his life, written by _Jacinto Freire de Andrada_, there is a particular account of this siege, with a map to illustrate its operations. The author also treats of the Discoveries, Government, Commerce, and affairs of the Portuguese in India. This book was translated into English, and published in folio at London in 1664.

[Footnote 253: De Faria in his Portuguese Asia, says that Don Juan went up to Mount Sinai, where his son Don Alvaro was knighted. But this does not appear in his journal.--Astl. I. 107. a.]

Such was the illustrious author of the following journal, which was never published in Portuguese; but having been found, if we are rightly informed, on board a Portuguese ship taken by the English, was afterwards translated and published by Purchas. Purchas tells us that the original was reported to have been purchased by Sir Walter Raleigh for sixty pounds; that Sir Walter got it translated, and afterwards, as he thinks, amended the diction and added many marginal notes. Purchas himself reformed the style, but with caution as he had not the original to consult, and abbreviated the whole, in which we hope he used equal circumspection: For, as it stands in Purchas[254] it still is most intolerably verbose, and at the same time scarcely intelligible in many places; owing, we apprehend, to the translator being not thoroughly acquainted with the meaning of the original, if not to the fault of the abbreviator. These two inconveniences we have endeavoured to remedy the best we could, and though we have not been always able to clear up the sense, we presume to have succeeded for the most part; and by entirely changing the language, except where the places were obscure, we have made the journal more fit for being read, and we hope without doing it any manner of injury[255].

[Footnote 254: Pilgrims, Vol. II. p. 1122, under the title of _A Rutter_, or Journal, &c. from India to Suez, dedicated to the Infant Don _Luys_.--Astl. I. 107. b.]

[Footnote 255: On the present occasion we have followed the example of the Editor of Astleys Collection, having employed the original abbreviated translation by Purchas modernized in the language and endeavouring to elucidate obscurities; using as our assistance the version in Astley.--E.]

This expedition was undertaken for two important purposes. _One_, to carry succours to the emperor of _Habash_ or Abyssinia; and the _other_, to endeavour to destroy the Turkish ships at Suez. For, soon after the retreat of Solyman Pacha from Diu, it was rumoured that another fleet of the _Rumes_ or Turks was on its way to India; but as Don Stefano de Gama was afterwards informed that the Turks could not set out during the year 1540, he determined to be before hand with them, in some measure to be revenged for the late siege of Diu, and to prevent a second attack by burning the fleet they had prepared for that purpose. The governors liberality brought more men to inlist under his banners than he desired, so that he was enabled to select the best. The fleet consisted of 80 sail of different sorts and sizes, and carried 2000 soldiers besides mariners and rowers. On coming into the Red Sea, he found most of the cities and islands abandoned, the inhabitants having notice of his coming. At Suakem, the sheikh or king, who had retired a league up the country, amused De Gama with pretences of peace, that he might not destroy the town and island. In consequence of this delay, De Gama was prevented from carrying his design into execution of destroying the ships at Suez; as it afforded time for the Turks to receive intelligence of the expedition. This is the account given by De Faria; but Bermudas gives a different reason for the want of success in that design, as De Gama could not get at the ships, which were all drawn up on the land, which we have already seen to have been the case, in the journal of the voyage of Solyman Pacha, in the immediately preceding chapter.

In revenge for the duplicity and delay of the sheikh of Suakem, De Gama marched into the interior with 1000 men, accompanied by his brother Don Christopher, and defeated the sheikh with great slaughter. He then plundered the city of Suakem, where many of the private men got booty to the value of four or five thousand ducats, and then burnt it to the ground. From thence, he went towards Suez with only sixteen, _Katurs_ or Malabar barges, and sent back the fleet to Massua under the command of Lionel de Lima. On this occasion, there was a great dispute, as every one strove to go on this expedition; whence the bay got the name of _Angra de los Aggraviadas_, or _bay of the offended_. Many gentlemen went in the barges as private soldiers or volunteers, willing to go in any capacity if only they were admitted. The number of men on this fruitless expedition was 250. They plundered and burnt _Cossier_ or _Al Kossir_; whence crossing to _Tor_ or _Al Tur_, they took some vessels belonging to the enemy. At first the Turks opposed their landing; but some of them being slain, the rest abandoned the city, in which nothing was found of value. De Gama did not burn this town, in reverence for the relics of St Catharine and the monastery and religious men there, which he visited at their request. He was the first European commander who had taken that city, where he knighted several of his followers, an honour much prized by those who received it, and which was envied; afterwards even by the emperor Charles V. From thence De Gama proceeded to Suez; and after many brave but fruitless attempts to sound the harbour, De Gama determined to go himself in open day to view the gallies. He accordingly landed and saw the enemies but endeavouring to force his way towards them, the enemies shot poured thick from the town, and 2000 Turkish horse broke out from an ambush, by which the Portuguese were reduced to great straits. Though the Portuguese cannon slew a good many of the enemy, their numbers were so much superior that the Portuguese were obliged to retreat with some loss, and much grieved that the object of their expedition was frustrated. Thus far we have deemed necessary to premise, relative to the design and success of the expedition, from De Faria and other authors; because the journal of Don Juan de Castro is almost entirely confined to observations respecting the places visited in the voyage, and gives little or no information respecting these particulars.

The _rutter_ or journal must be allowed to be very curious.--The author, like an exact and diligent navigator, has not only given the course and distance from one place to another, with the latitudes of the principal ports and head-lands; but has noticed the minute windings of the coast, and the situations of islands, with observations on the tides, currents, shoals, sand-banks, and other particulars respecting the Red Sea. Yet, far from confining himself to mere nautical remarks, he has given an account of all the places at which he touched, together with accounts of the countries and the inhabitants, so far as he was able to collect from his own observations, or the accounts of such as he was able to converse with, particularly the natives. Don John hath gone farther yet, and has even attempted to draw a parallel between the ancient and modern geography of this sea. If in all points of this last he may not have succeeded, the great difficulty of the task, owing to the obscurity of the subject, is to be considered: most of the ancient places having been destroyed; the ancient names of others long since out of use and forgotten; and that very little is known of these coasts by Europeans, even at this day. For these reasons, as the conjectures of the author are often erroneous respecting the ancient geography, and as at best they are very uncertain, we shall for the most part _insert them by way of notes_, with our own remarks respecting them[256]. Whether the _altitudes_ have been taken by Don Juan with that precision which geography requires, may also be in some measure questioned; since we find there was a _crack in the instrument employed_, the size of which is not mentioned; neither were all the observations repeated. Even if they had been, it is well known that the observations of those times were by no means so accurate as those made of late years. After all, however, the observations in this journal appear to have been made with a good deal of care, and they cannot fail to be of great service to geography.

[Footnote 256: In this edition, which has been taken from that by Purchas, these conjectures of Don Juan de Castro are restored to the text: but the remarks by the Editor of Astleys Collection are all retained in notes.--E.]

It is alone by the observations contained in this journal that geographers are able to determine the extent of the Arabian Gulf or Red Sea from north to south[257], as well as the situation of its principal ports on the west side. The latitude of the straits was verified by the observations of Don Juans pilot. But as most maps and charts give the situation of Suez, at the northern end of the Red Sea, very different from that marked in this journal, which is 29° 45' N. it may not be amiss to examine this point.

[Footnote 257: The modern knowledge of the Red Sea has been much augmented by the labours of Bruce, Nieubur, Lord Valentia, and others, which will be given in a future division of our work.--E.]

By several very accurate observations made in 1694, M. Chazelles of the Royal Academy of Paris found the latitude of Cairo to be 80° 2' 20". The difference of latitude therefore between Cairo and Suez, will be 17 minutes; which we conceive cannot be very far from the truth, if not quite exact, since the map published by Dr Pocock makes the difference about 20 minutes. It is true that in Sicards map of Egypt, and in a _late_[258] French chart of the _eastern ocean_, Suez is placed only two or three minutes to the southward of Cairo. But as these authors had no new observations made at Suez to go by, and seem to have been unacquainted with those of Don Juan de Castro, their authority can weigh very little against an express observation, and against Dr Pococks map, which, among other helps, was constructed upon one made by the natives. Besides this, in his later maps _De L'isle_ regulates the situation of Suez according to the latitude found by Don Juan. Indeed Sicard places Suez nearly in that parallel, but egregiously mistakes the latitude of Cairo, so that he seems to have given it that position more by chance than design.

[Footnote 258: It is proper to remark here that the collection of Astley was published in 1745, _sixty-seven_ years ago.--E.]

This may suffice to support the credit of the observations of latitude as made by Don Juan, till new and better ones can be made, which we are not to expect in haste, as European ships now seldom sail any farther into the Red Sea than _Mokha_ or _Zabid_, for which reason this journal is the more to be prized. In other respects it is full of variety; and if some parts of it be dry and unamusing, these make amends by their usefulness to geographers and navigators, while other parts are calculated to instruct and give pleasure on other accounts.--_Astley_.

* * * * *

So far the foregoing introduction is taken from Astleys collection. In our edition of the Journal of Don Juan de Castro, we have used the earliest known copy as given by Purchas, Vol. II. p. 1122-1148, under the title of _A Rutter or Journal of Don John of Castro, of the Voyage which the_ Portugals _made from_ India _to_ Zoes, _&c. and here abbreviated. The original of which is reported to have been bought by_ Sir Walter Raleigh, _at sixtie pounds, and by him caused to be done into_ English _out of the_ Portugal.

Of this Journal Purchas gives the following account in a marginal note, which is inserted in his own words: "This voyage being occasioned by sending the Patriarch _Bermudez_ to _Ethiopia_, and relating how that state decayed, invaded by the _Moores_, and embroiled with civil discontents, contayning also a more full intelligence of the _Red Sea_, than any other _Rutter_ which I have seene, I have here added; and next to it, _Bermudez_ own report, translated, it seemeth, by the same hand (not the most refined in his _English_ phrase, which yet I durst not be too busie with, wanting the original) and reduced to our method; here and there amending, the _English_, which yet in part was done, as I thinke, and many marginall notes added, by _Sir Walter Raleigh_ himselfe."--In the present edition, while we have adhered closely to that of Purchas, with the assistance of that in Astleys Collection, we have endeavoured, _little more busy_ than Purchas, to reduce the language to a more intelligible modern standard; and have divided it into _Sections_, in imitation of the editor of Astleys Collection of Voyages and Travels. On purpose to carry on the series of events, we have inserted as a necessary introduction, an account of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from the discontinuance of the siege of Diu and retreat of Solyman Pacha in November 1538, to the commencement of the expedition of Don Stefano de Gama to the Red Sea in December 1540, when the journal of Don Juan de Castro begins; which _first section_ of this chapter is taken from the Portuguese Asia of De Faria.--E.

SECTION I.

_Portuguese Transactions in India, from the Siege Diu by the Turks, to the Expedition of Don Stefano de Gama to Suez_[259].

Soon after the retreat of Solyman Pacha from Diu in November 1538, but in the beginning of the subsequent year 1539, when the new viceroy Don Garcia de Noronha had returned from his tardy expedition to relieve Diu, _Don Gonzalo Vaz Confino_[260] came with five small vessels from _Onore_, where he had been sent by the former governor Nuno de Cuna on the following occasion. One of the gallies belonging to the fleet of Solyman Pacha had been forced into the port of Onore[261], and it was thought the queen of that province, then a widow, had violated the treaty subsisting between her government and the Portuguese, by giving protection to that vessel. Gonzalo Vaz called her to account on this subject, when she declared that the vessel was there against her will, as she was not in condition to prevent it, but would be glad that it were taken by the Portuguese. Gonzalo Vaz accordingly made the attempt, but was repulsed after a sharp engagement, in which he lost fifteen of his men, and among these his own son Diego Vaz. Gonzalo suspected the queen of having secretly assisted the enemy, and refused some refreshments she had sent for the wounded men, returning a rash and resentful answer mingled with threats. The queen cleared herself of the imputation, and again offered a treaty of peace with the Portuguese, which was concluded, and some Portuguese were left by Gonzalo at Onore, to observe what conduct was pursued by the queen for expelling the Turks.

[Footnote 259: This section is added from the Portuguese Asia of De Faria, II. s. et seq. to connect the history of events.--E.]

[Footnote 260: The name of this commander is probably erroneous in the text, from an error of the press, and ought to have been _Coutinho_.--E.]

[Footnote 261: Probably the galley already mentioned in the Venetian Journal, as having separated from the Turkish fleet on the voyage to Diu, and for which the pilot was executed by command of Solyman.--E.]

Before leaving Diu, and having repaired the fortifications of the castle, the command of which was given to Diego Lopez de Sousa, pursuant to a commission from the king of Portugal, a treaty of pacification with the king of Guzerat was set on foot and concluded, very little to the advantage of the Portuguese, owing as was generally believed to the covetousness of Noronha.

The late success of the Portuguese terrified all the princes of India who had been their enemies. Nizam-al-Mulk and Adel Khan sent ambassadors to the viceroy to renew the former treaties of peace; and the zamorin, to obtain the more favourable reception from the viceroy, employed the mediation of Emanuel de Brito, commandant of the fort at _Chale_. Brito accordingly promised his interest, and the zamorin sent _Cutiale_ as his ambassador to Goa accompanied by a splendid retinue, where he was received by the viceroy with much courtesy and great pomp. Had not the viceroy fallen sick, he intended to have gone to Calicut, to perform the ceremony of swearing to the observance of the articles of pacification and amity which were agreed to upon this occasion; but he sent his son Don Alvaro on this errand, under the discretion of some discreet men, as Alvaro was very young. They came to Paniany with a numerous fleet, where they were met by the zamorin, accompanied by the kings of Chale and Tanor. The peace was confirmed and ratified with great demonstrations of joy on both sides, and lasted thirty years to the great advantage of the Portuguese.

The illness of the viceroy became serious and threatened to end fatally, insomuch that he could not attend to the affairs of government; for which reason he proposed that some worthy person might be chosen to supply his place, and even desired that the choice might fall upon his son Don Alvaro. This surprised all men as violating the public liberty of choice, and might have proved of dangerous consequence, had not the death of the viceroy prevented its adoption. On the death of the viceroy, the _first_ patent of succession was opened in which Martin Alfonso de Sousa was named; but he had gone a short while before to Portugal. On the _second_ being opened, Don Stefano de Gama was therein named, who then lived in retirement a short way from Goa.

Don Stefano de Gama, who was the son of Don Vasco de Gama the discoverer of India, entered upon the government in the beginning of April 1540. The first thing he did was to have his whole property publicly valued, that it might not be afterwards laid to his charge that he had acquired riches during his government; and indeed at his death, his fortune was found considerably diminished. Finding the public treasury very much exhausted, he advanced a large sum to it from his own funds. In the next place he refitted the fleet, which had been laid up by his predecessor after his return from Diu. He likewise founded the college of _Santa Fe_, or St Faith, at Goa for the education of the heathen youth who were converted, appointing the vicar-general Michael Vaz as first rector. He sent his brother Christopher de Gama, to attend to the repair of the ships at Cochin, and gave notice to several commanders to hold themselves in readiness to oppose the _Rumes_ or Turks, whose fleet was reported to be again proceeding towards the western coast of India. But being afterwards credibly informed that the Turks would not set out this year, he attended to other affairs.

SECTION II.

_Journal of the Voyage from Goa to the Straits of Bab-al-Mandab_.[262]

Having expedited all the affairs of his government, and collected an armament of 80 sail of different sorts and sizes, on board which 2000 soldiers were embarked, besides mariners and rowers. Don Stefano de Gama set sail from the bar of Goa, at sunrise of the 31st December 1540, on his expedition to Suez. The wind was easterly, blowing from the land, and they advanced under an easy sail, coming to anchor about ten o'clock at the mouth of the river _Chaparoa_. Proceeding on their voyage till the 13th of January 1541, they saw in the morning of that day great quantities of weeds which grow on the rocks of the sea coast, and soon afterwards a sea-snake, being indications of the neighbourhood of land; and when the sun was completely risen, they descried the island of Socotora, whither they were bound in the first place, bearing due south.

[Footnote 262: We now take up the Rutter or Journal of Don Juan de Castro, but Purchas has chosen to omit the navigation from the Malabar coast to the Island of Socotora, _to avoid prolixity_.--E.]

After coming to anchor at this island, I inquired at the principal pilots of the fleet how far they had reckoned themselves from the land when we first came in sight. The chief pilot was 90 leagues short; the pilot of the _Bufora_ galleon 100 and odd; those who made the least were 70 leagues short; and my own pilot, being only 65 leagues, was nearest in his reckoning. They were all astonished at this difference, and all affirmed in excuse for their short reckoning, that the way was actually shorter than was expressed on the charts; with them the Moorish pilots concurred in opinion, affirming that it was only 300 leagues from Goa to Socotora[263]. The island of Socotora is 20 leagues in length from east to west, and 9 leagues broad, being in lat. 12° 40' N. on its north side. This northern side runs east and west, somewhat inclined towards the north-west and south-east The coast is all very clear without rocks and shoals, or any other hinderance to navigation. The anchoring ground in the road is sand, stony in some places, but not of such a nature as to cut the cables. On this side the north wind blows with such force as to raise up great heaps of sand over the hills, even beyond their highest craggy summits. In the whole circuit of the island there is no other place or harbour where a ship may winter in safety. The sea coast all around is very high, and girt with great and high mountains, having many pyramidal peaks, and having a grand appearance. The tides on the coast of this island are quite contrary to those on the opposite shore of India, being flood when the moon rises in the horizon, and as the moon ascends the tide of ebb begins, and it is dead low water when the moon comes to the meridian of the island; after which, as the moon descends, the tide begins to flow; and when set it is full sea. I made this observation for many days by the sea side, and always found it thus.

[Footnote 263: The real distance is 430 marine leagues, and the difference may be easily accounted for by the operation of an eastern current, not observed or not sufficiently allowed for.--E.]

If I am not deceived, this island of Socotora was in ancient times named _Dioscorides_, and had a city of the same name, as appears in the _sixth_ table of Asia by Ptolemy: But by the situation which he has given it, he appears to have had bad information from navigators[264]. The Socotorians are Christians, their ancestors as they say having been converted by the holy apostle Thomas. The island has many churches, in which there is _no oracle_[265] except the cross of Christ. They pray in the _Chaldean_ tongue; and are very ignorant, but as I was informed they are desirous of being instructed in the doctrines and ceremonies of the Romish church, which they confess to be alone good and worthy of being followed. The men have names like us, as John, Peter, Andrew, &c. that of the women being generally Mary. The manner of life of these people is singular, as they have no king, governor, prelate, or other person in authority, but live in a manner like wild beasts, without any rule, or order of justice or policy[266].

[Footnote 264: Don Juan omits all mention of the island of _Abdal Kuria_, about nine leagues E.S.E. of Socotora, with two intersposed small islands, called _Las Duas Hermanas_ or the Two Sisters.--E.]

[Footnote 265: Probably meaning no images or Christian idols.--E.]

[Footnote 266: Since then they have been subdued by the Arabs.--Astl.]

In the whole island there is no city or great town, and most of the people dwell in caves, though some have small thatched cottages, separated from each other, more savage than pastoral. Their food is flesh and wild dates, and their drink chiefly milk, as they taste water but seldom. They are much devoted to the cross, and you will hardly meet a single individual without one hanging from the neck. Their dispositions are good; their persons tall and straight, their faces comely but swarthy, the women being somewhat fairer, and of very honest behaviour. They have no arms either of defence or offence, except very short swords of dead iron. The men go entirely naked, except a clout of a certain cloth called _Cambolis_, a considerable quantity of which is manufactured in the island. The country is very poor, and produces no other merchandise than _verdigris_[267] and _sanguis draconis_; but the _verdigris_ is in great abundance, and is esteemed above all. All the island is mountainous, and breeds abundance of all kinds of cattle like those of Europe. There is no wheat or rice or other provisions of that kind, which I believe is not the fault of the ground, but owing to want of skill and industry in the people; as the land within the external mountains is fresh, and hath many vallies and plains, very convenient for culture. They have no manner of navigation, neither do they catch any fish, though the sea around their coast has an infinite quantity. They have very few fruit trees, among which the palm tree is chiefly esteemed, and produces a principal part of their food. The land produces all kind of garden and medicinal plants, and the mountains are covered with the herb _Basil_ and other odoriferous herbs.

[Footnote 267: By verdigris is probably meant the Socotorine aloes.--Purch.]

Leaving Socotora, we were very near Aden in the morning of the 27th of January 1541, which was to the north-west, distant from us about 6 leagues. The wind being from the east and fair, we sailed W.S.W. and then knew that the land we had seen the evening before, thinking it an island, was the mountain of Aden. This mountain is very high and is full of crags on every side, with some very high peaks, like the hill of Cintra, having a noble appearance. This hill descends to the sea, into which it projects a very great and long cape or promontory; on each side of which there is a deep harbour or bay, the strong city of Aden being situated on that which is to the east of the cape. In ancient times the hill was called _Cabubarra_, famous among navigators, and the city of _Aden_ was then known by the name of _Madoca_. Within these three years, this city of Aden has fallen under the power of the Turks, being taken by the treachery of Solyman Pacha, governor of Cairo, in the following manner. At the request of the king of Cambaya and all the inhabitants of the _Straits of Mecca_[268], the grand Turk sent the governor of Cairo, Solyman Pacha eunuch, with a great fleet of ships and gallies for India. On coming to Aden, the king and inhabitants, fearing the treachery of the Turks, refused to allow them to come into their city, but supplied them, with all kinds of provisions and necessaries. As Solyman and his soldiers shewed no resentment, the king became reassured, and after many messages and declarations of friendship on both sides, consented to an interview with the Pacha on board his galley, that they might treat respecting the conquest on which the Pacha was bound. But the king was made prisoner by Solyman on board the galley; and the Turks landing possessed themselves of the city, before the gates of which the king was hanged next day. Whereupon Solyman left a garrison to keep possession of the city, and proceeded on his voyage to Diu.

[Footnote 268: This singular expression certainly means the Red Sea, which the Arabs often call the Straits of Mecca, or more properly the Gulf of Mecca; sometimes Bahr-hejaz, or the Sea of Hejaz, one of the provinces of Arabia.--E.]

From the Cape of _Guardafu_ on the coast of Africa, anciently called _Aromata_, and from the opposite promontory of _Siagros_ or Cape _Fartak_ in Asia, all the sea to the city of _the heroes_, now _Suez_, is called the _Arabian Gulf_, vulgarly the Red Sea. The distance between these two promontories may be 58 leagues. From these promontories the coast on both sides of this sea extends towards the west, nearly at the same distance, till they come to the two cities of _Aden_ in Arabia; and _Zeyla_ in Ethiopia or _Abexi_[269]; and from thence the two shores begin to approximate rapidly, with desert coasts and little winding, till they almost meet in the straits which are formed by two capes or promontories; that on the Arabian side being named _Possidium_ by the ancients, but I could never learn either the ancient or modern name of that on the side of Ethiopia[270]. This strait between the promontories is called by the neighbouring people and those who inhabit the coasts of the Indian ocean _Albabo_[271], which signifies the gates or mouths in the Arabic language. This strait is _six_ leagues across, in which space there are so many islands, little islets, and rocks, as to occasion a suspicion that it was once stopped up. By those straits, sluices, and channels, there entereth so great a quantity of water, which produces so many and great creeks, bays, gulfs, and ports, and so many islands, that we do not seem to sail between two lands, but in the deepest and most tempestuous lake of the great ocean. Now returning to the mouths of the strait, which is the object of our description, we are to note that the land of Arabia at this place stretches out into the sea with a long and large point or promontory; and as there is a great nook or bay, it appears on coming from sea as if this cape were an island separate from the continent. This is what was named the promontory of _Possidium_ by Ptolemy. Not more than a stones throw from this promontory is a small islet called the Isle of the _Robones_. For _Roboan_[272]in Arabic signifies a pilot, and in this isle dwell the pilots who are in use to direct ships coming from sea to the ports for which they are bound within the straits. This islet is round and quite flat, about the sixth part of a league in circuit, and the channel between it and the main land of Arabia may be crossed on foot at low water; but at one quarter-flood it becomes too deep for being waded. To seawards from this little island about a league from the coast is an island about a league and a half in length, which has a large haven on the side towards Ethiopia secure in all winds, where a large fleet of gallies may be safely harboured; but the side of this island towards Arabia has neither harbour nor landing-place[273]. This channel is easily sailed in the middle, steering N.W. and by W. from S.E. and by E. having 11 fathoms all through. It is all clean in every place, without flats, shoals, or any other obstruction, so that it may be passed on either side or in the middle. The whole ground is a soft coral rock, with hardly any sand. Being far within the channel, and going to seek the road or haven for shelter from the east winds which are here very strong, the depth somewhat diminishes, but is never less than 9 fathoms.

[Footnote 269: Meaning Abassi, Abyssinia, or Habash.--E.]

[Footnote 270: The cape on the Arabian shore is called Arrah-morah, or of St Anthony, and that on the African _Jebul al Mondub_, or _Mandab_, which signifies the Mountain of Lamentation, as formerly explained respecting _Bab-al-Mandub_, the name of the straits--E.]

[Footnote 271: In Arabic _Al Bab_ is the gate, and _Al Abwah_ the gates. By the Turks it is called _Bab Bogazi_, a general name for all straits; and _the babs_ by the English sailors.--Ast.]

[Footnote 272: Rather Roban or Ruban.--Ast.]

[Footnote 273: The island of Prin.--E.]

Besides this channel of the Arabians[274], there are many others by which we may safely enter the straits; but we shall only mention one other, which they called the channel of Abyssinia, between the _Island of the Gates_, or _Prin_, and the promontory opposite to _Possidium_, which is on the Abyssinian shore, and is about five leagues broad; but in this space there are six great high islands, which being seen by sailors while without the straits are apt to put them in fear that there is no passage that way; but between all these islands there are large channels of great depth all of which may be taken without danger, or leaving them all on the right hand, we may pass in safety between them and the coast of Abyssinia. At noon on the 29th of January 1541, I took the altitude of the sun, which at its great height rose 62-3/4 degrees above the horizon, the declination of this day being 15 degrees, whence the latitude of the promontory _Possidium_ and mouth of the straits is 12° 15' N. The pilot took the same altitude with me, and being taken on the land, it cannot but be accurate.

[Footnote 274: From this expression it is probable that Don Juan had described the channel between the island of Pria and the shore of Arabia, or rather the pilot island.--E.]

SECTION III.

_Continuation of the Voyage, from the Straits of Bab-el-Man-dub, to Massua_.

On the same night, two hours after midnight, we set sail from the mouth of the straits, and by day-light on the 30th we saw the land of both the Arabian and African coasts, being nearer to the latter. The wind blew hard at E.S.E. till noon, and we sailed to the N.W. and by W. making our way by a channel between the first islands and the coast of Abyssinia, till that day unknown to the Portuguese, being about 4 leagues distant from that coast. An hour after sunrise, we saw a range of islands along the coast, most of them low, stretching from S.E. to N.W. and which extended about 60 leagues. Continuing our course in this channel with a fair wind, we saw many little islands on either side, at whatsoever part we cast our eyes. In this channel of the _Abyssins_, as it is called, it is not proper to sail by night, nor unless the wind is in the poop, as if the wind should change there is not room to turn to windward, neither can we come to anchor till so far forward _as the first of the first islands_, when we shall observe to seawards nine little islands, and from thence forwards the sea remains free and open to seaward, but towards the land there still are many islands. Some of these islands are about two leagues distant from the coast, but the greatest part of them are close to the land. The length of this channel, between the three first islands and the coast of Abyssinia is about 8 leagues, and the safest navigation is nearer the continent than the islands: But in my opinion no one ought to venture upon this passage without a pilot of the country.

On the 31st day of January we came to a shoal with six fathoms water, and to seawards of which, over against certain islands called the Seven Sisters, there is a very dangerous rock as I was told by the Moorish pilots; so that the safe navigations in this part is to go between the shoal and the land, and in no case to pass to seawards of the shoal. At night we came to anchor in a haven named _Sarbo_, or _Sorbo_, in 9-1/2 fathoms water; having all this day seen many little islands close to the coast. On the 1st of February I landed at the port in this island of _Sarbo_ taking the pilot and master along with me, that we might all three take the altitude of the sun. At its greatest height it was scarce 71° above the horizon, and the declination of that day being 13° 56', the latitude was 15° 7' N. About 24 leagues short of Massua, and 4 leagues from the Abyssinian coast, in lat. 15° N. there is a great cluster or archipelago of islands, some of which hardly rise above the surface of the sea, while others are so lofty that they seem to touch the clouds; and between these there are so many bays, ports, and harbours, that no wind can annoy us. All of these islands want water, except one very high island, called _Whale_ Island by the Portuguese, because it very much resembles one, in which there is water and plenty of cattle, with a large haven in which ships may winter. Of all these islands, that which is most out to sea is called in Arabic _Sarbo_, where we now lay at anchor. The island of Sarbo is about a league in length and half a league broad, all low land with many low barren trees, and covered with grass. In every place we found the marks of men and cattle, but we only saw one camel, for which reason our men called it the Island of the Camel. Though we sought the whole island with much diligence we could find no water, except in one well dug in a stone which seemed intended to contain rain water. Between these islands there are numerous arms of the sea, reaches, and channels. At sunrise on the 4th of February, we set sail from the port of _Sarbo_. February 7th we sailed along many islands about three or four leagues distant from the main land, most of them very low, almost even with the sea. We passed to seaward of them all about a league, and about even-song time, we saw to seawards of us a very long range of islands about 5 leagues in extent and about four leagues from us, which lay N.W. and S.W. as far as I could discern. The coast all this day trended N.W. and by W. and S.E. and by E. so that the channel in which we sailed this day was about 5 leagues broad. The greatest part of this day I caused the lead to be constantly thrown, always having 25 fathoms on an ouze bottom.

Two hours after sunrise on the 8th of February we set sail, steering mostly to the N.W. and at sunset we were nearly entered into the channel between that point of _Dallac_ which looks to the continent, and an island called _Shamoa_[275]. But as night was coming on, and many of the galleons were far astern, so that it might be difficult for them to hit the channel, and as besides the wind was now scarce, we took in our sails, and with our foresails only _we went rummore_[276], sailing to the south-east, and two hours after night-fall we cast anchor in 40 fathoms water the ground ouzing. All this day we saw many islands along the coast, so low and flat that they seemed to have no surface above water. The coast stretched N.W. and S.E. to a low point which is as far forward as the island of _Dallac_. On doubling this point, a great bay or creek penetrates ten or twelve leagues into the land.

[Footnote 275: In Purchas these two last mentioned places are named Dalaqua and Xamea, the Portuguese expressing our _k_ by _qu_, and our _sh_ by _x_; but we have preferred the more ordinary mode of spelling in modern geography.--E.]

[Footnote 276: This expression is absolutely unintelligible, but in the context the ship is said to have returned to the south-east. It is used on a subsequent occasion apparently in the same sense, and perhaps means beating to windwards or drifting to leeward.--E.]

The Island of Dallac is very low land, almost level with the sea, having no mountain or any other height. In the common opinion it is 25 leagues long by 12 in breadth. The side of the island opposite to the south stretches E.S.E. and W.N.W. being all the coast which I could see, and along the coast lay great numbers of little islands, all very low, and having the same direction with the coast. I only went along this coast of the island seven leagues, at two leagues from the land, and though the lead was often cast I never found ground. The metropolitan city or chief town is situated almost on the point of the island which lieth on the west side, and is a frontier to Abyssinia. It is called _Dallaca_, whence the island took its name. _Dallac_, in the Arabic language signifies _ten lacs_, because in former times the custom-house of this city yielded that sum yearly to the king. Every Arabian _lac_ is 10,000 Xerephines; so that _ten lacs_ are worth 40,000 crusadoes[277]. The west point of the island, opposite to Abyssinia, is distant from the continent about 6 or 7 leagues, and in this space there are five very flat islands. The first of these, one league from the point, called _Shamoa_, is two leagues in circuit, and contains some springs and wells. Between this island of _Shamoa_ and the western point of Dallac, is the principal and most frequented channel for going to _Massua_. In this channel the water is 70 fathoms deep. The land of this island is red, and produces few trees, but plenty of grass. The king of it and all his people are Moors. He resides most part of the year at Massua, because of the trade which he carries on with the Abyssinians. At present this island and Dallac yields very little profit; for since the rise of Suakem, Massua, Aden, and Jiddah, it has lost its trade and reputation.

[Footnote 277: A Xerephine being 3s. 9d., a lac is L.1875 sterling, and ten lacs are consequently L.18,750.--E.]

The 12th of February the whole of our fleet came into the harbour of Massua. Massua is a small island very low and flat, in which anciently stood the city of _Ptolomaida of the wild beasts_. This island is in length about the fifth part of a league, and a caliver-shot in breadth, being situated in a large crooked nook or bay of the sea, and near the north-west head-land of the bay. The channel which divides it from the main land is about a falcon-shot across, and in some parts not so much, in which channel the harbour is situated, which is safe in all weathers, as all the winds that blow must come over the land, and it has not much current. The depth of water is eight or nine fathom with an ouze bottom. The proper entrance into this port is on the north-east by the middle of the channel, between the island and the main; because from the point which runneth to the E.N.E. a shoal projects towards the land, and the continental point of the bay hath another projecting towards the point of the island, both of which make it necessary for ships to avoid the land and to keep the mid-channel, which is very narrow and runs N.E. and S.W. Very near this island of Massua, towards the south and the south-west, there are two other islands, that nearest the main land being the larger, and that more out to sea being smaller and very round. These three islands form a triangle, being all very flat and barren, having no wells or springs; but in Massua are many cisterns for the use of the inhabitants. There are many shoals interspersed among these islands, but there is a channel through among them, through which gallies and rowing vessels may pass at full sea. This island of Massua, with all the coast from Cape _Guardafu_ to _Swakem_, was only a short time before under the dominion of _Prester John_; but within these few years the king or sheikh of _Dallac_ hath usurped it, and resides there the greater part of the year, because of the trade which he carries on with the Abyssinians, from whom he procures great quantities of gold and ivory. In the months of May and June, in consequence of excessive calm weather, the air of this island is exceedingly intemperate and unhealthy; at which season the sheikh and the other inhabitants go all to Dallac, leaving Massua entirely empty. All the coast of the bay of Massua on the main-land is extremely mountainous, till you come to a place called _Arkiko_[278] by the sea-side, where there are many wells of water, where the coast is more clear and open, with many fields and plains. Arkiko is about a league from Massua to the south, and through all these mountains and fields there are many wild beasts, as elephants, tygers, wolves, wild boars, stags, and elks, besides others not known to us; whence Massua was called _Ptolomaida of the wild beasts_, which is farther confirmed, as the latitude of Massua is the same as that assigned to _Ptolomaida_[279].

[Footnote 278: Arkiko, Arkoko, or Erkoko, by some erroneously called Erocco, and by De L'Isle, Arcua. In the edition of this journal by Purchas it is called Arquito.--Ast.]

[Footnote 279: These are no proofs that Massua is on the spot formerly occupied by Ptolomaida; for the whole coast of Abyssinia is full of wild beasts, and since Ptolomy fixed the latitude solely by computed distances, it is next to impossible that these should exactly agree with real observations.--Ast.]

SECTION IV.

_Digression respecting the History, Customs, and State of Abyssinia_.

_Presbyter_ or _Prester John_, otherwise called _Prete Jani_, who is the king or emperor of the Abyssinians, is lord of all the land called anciently _Ethiopia sub Egypto_[280], or Lower Ethiopia; which is one of the most extensive dominions we know of in the world. This empire begins at Cape _Guardafu_, called anciently _Aromata_, whence running along the Red Sea, with desert and not very crooked coasts, it reaches to the boundaries of the rich city of _Swakem_. On the north side it borders on the warlike people of the _Nubys_, _Nuba_, or Nubians, who intervene between Abyssinia and the _Theabaid_ or Upper Egypt. From thence it reaches a great way inland to the kingdom of _Manicongo_, including part of _Lybia Inferior_, and other interior parts of Africa towards the west; whence turning behind the springs and lakes of the Nile through burning and unknown regions, it endeth in the south upon the _Barbarian Gulf_, now known to the Portuguese who navigate that gulf, as the coasts of _Melinda_ and _Magadoxa_. The Nile is still known by its ancient name, being called _Nil_ by the Abyssinians, Egyptians, Arabians, and Indians. The springs and lakes of this river are on the confines which separate the land of the Abyssinians from the Cafres that inhabit the continent behind Melinda and Mozambique, as I was informed by some great lords and other persons of Abyssinia, whence it appears that the ancients had little knowledge respecting the origin of this river. Inquiring from these people, if it were true that this river did sink in many places into the earth, and came out again at the distance of many days journey, I was assured there was no such thing, but that during its whole course it was seen on the surface, having great breadth and depth, notwithstanding of what we read in the fifth book of the Natural History of Pliny. I made many inquiries respecting the causes of increase and overflowings of this river, which has been so much disputed by all the ancient philosophers, and received the most satisfactory solution of this question never before determined. Thus almost jestingly, and by means of very simple questions, I came to learn that which the greatest philosophers of antiquity were ignorant of.

[Footnote 280: That is Ethiopia _below_ Egypt, or more properly to the _south_ of Egypt. The expression _below_ seems ridiculous, as Abyssinia or Ethiopia containing the sources of the Nile must be _higher_ than Egypt at its mouth. But among Greek and Roman geographers, _above_ and _below_ meant respectively to the north and to the south.--E.]

The principal lords of Abyssinia informed me, that in their country the winter began in May, and lasted all June and July and part of August, in which latter month the weather becomes mild and pleasant. In June and July it is a great wonder if the sun ever make his appearance; and in these two months so great and continual are the rains that the fields and low grounds are entirely overflown, so that the people cannot go from one place to another. That this prodigious quantity of water hath no other issue or gathering-place excepting the Nile; as towards the Red Sea the country is entirely skirted by very high mountains. Hence that river must necessarily swell prodigiously and go beyond its ordinary bounds, as unable to contain such vast quantities of water, and overflows therefore both in Egypt and the other lands through which it passes. And as the territories of Egypt are the most plain of these, of necessity the overflowing there must be the more copious, as the river has there more scope and freedom to spread out its waters than in the high and mountainous lands of Abyssinia. Now, it is manifest that the inundations of the Nile in Egypt always begin when the sun is in the summer solstice, which is in June, while in July the river increases in greater abundance, and in August, when the rains diminish in Abyssinia, the river decreases by similar degrees to its former increase. Hence the manifest cause of the increase of the Nile is from the great and continual rains that fall in Abyssinia during the months of June and July. I was myself in Massua in the month of June and part of July, where I saw great storms of thunder and rain; and we saw within the continent great and constant black clouds; though the Abyssinians said what we saw was little in comparison of what it was in the inland country. We likewise know that the months of June and July are the winter season at the Cape of Good Hope and all the coast of Africa, where the rains are continual. I was likewise told that the Nile formed many islands, especially one exceedingly large, in which was a great and rich city; which on due consideration must be the Island of _Meroe_. They told me also that on this great island, and all through the river, there were great numbers of fierce and pestiferous animals, which doubtless must be crocodiles. Enquiring if the river in a certain place fell from such a height, that with the noise of the fall those who inhabited the neighbouring towns were born deaf; they said that certainly in one place the river did fall over a great rock with a prodigious noise, but had no such effects.

As an extended account of the manners and customs of the Abyssinians would interfere with this journal, I must touch them only shortly, though most worthy of being known; more especially the causes of the overthrow and ruin of this empire in these our own days.

_Atini Tingill_, afterwards named David, _Prete Jani_ or Emperor of Ethiopia, reigning in the year 1530, became so cruel and tyrannized so much over his subjects that he incurred their universal hatred. At that time _Gradamet_, king of Zeyla, made war on Abyssinia, encouraged by the great enmity of the people against their sovereign, and perhaps secretly invited by some of the great lords of the kingdom. On entering into Abyssinia, and having reduced some towns and districts, Gradamet divided liberally the spoils among his warriors, among whom he had 300 Turkish arquebusseers, who formed the main strength of his army. He likewise enfranchised all the inhabitants of the towns through which he passed, exempting the inhabitants from the taxes and impositions they had to pay to their sovereign, by which he gained to his party all the common people, and even many of the principal nobles of the kingdom[281].

[Footnote 281: Of the cruelties of David, several examples are given in the journal of Alvarez, such as the death of two _Betudetes_, the chief justice, two _Tigre mahons_ or governors of Tigre, and four _Barnagassoes_ or governors of the maritime country, in six years. This disposition increased with his years, and perhaps he intended to force some alteration in the religion of the country; which indeed sufficiently appears by his sending Alvarez and Bermudez as his ambassadors to the Pope.--_Purchas_.]

King David sent an army against the king of Zeyla; but when the Turks began to shoot their calivers or arquebusses, among the Abyssinians, by which some of them were slain, they were seized with an universal panic and took flight. Proud of this victory, the king of Zeyla overrun the country, accompanied by a great number of Abyssinians, and advanced into that part of the south, towards Magadoxa and Melinda, where the vast treasures of the former kings of Abyssinia were secured on the top of an almost inaccessible mountain. Seeing every day the Abyssinians revolting to the Moors, David gathered a new army with which be marched against _Gradamet_ and joined battle, but was again completely defeated, chiefly, by means of the Turkish musqueteers: On which David withdrew to a strong post on a mountain, where in a few days he died, in the year 1539. After this great victory Gradamet marched immediately to the mountain where the treasure was deposited, which he assaulted and took, gaining possession of the largest treasure that ever was known in the world. On the death of David, those of the nobles who had continued to adhere to him, elected his eldest son in his stead, who was a young man under age; and that nothing might be wanting to assist the ruin of the kingdom, already almost irrecoverably reduced by the Moors, another party of the nobles appointed a different son of the late king to succeed to the throne. In this hopeless condition of his affairs, the unfortunate youth, having to contend at the same time against foreign invasion and domestic division, withdrew for personal safety to the mountain of the Jews.

In the interior of Abyssinia there is a very large and high mountain which can only be ascended by one very difficult path, and on its summit there is a large plain, having abundance of springs, with numerous cattle, and even some cultivation. The inhabitants of this mountain observe the law of Moses. Though I have carefully inquired, I could never learn how this people came into Abyssinia, and wherefore they have never descended from their mountain to mix with the other inhabitants of the country. The young king received a friendly entertainment from these Jews, who acknowledged him as their sovereign, and defended him against the king of Zeyla, who was unable to force his way up the mountain, and had to retire. About this time we arrived at Massua, which put the Moors in great fear, and inspired new courage into the hearts of the Abyssinians, insomuch that the young king left the mountain of the Jews and took up his quarters with his adherents in other mountains towards the sea coast and nearer to Massua, whence he wrote many pitiful and imploring letters for assistance, to which favourable answers were returned giving him hopes of succour. We proceeded on our expedition to Suez; and being returned again to Massua, it was ordained to send an auxiliary force of 500 men under a captain, which was accordingly done and we set sail on our way back to India. Since that time, I have not learnt any intelligence whatever respecting the affairs of Ethiopia[282].

[Footnote 282: The circumstances and fate of this Portuguese expedition into Abyssinia will be found in the next chapter of this work.--E.]

The Abyssinians are naturally ceremonious men, and full of points of honour. Their only weapons are darts, in which they figure to themselves the lance with which our Saviour was wounded, and the cross on which he died, though some wear short swords. They are very expert horsemen, but badly apparelled; and are much given to lying and theft. Among them riches are not computed by money, but by the possession of cattle and camels, yet gold is much valued. In their own country they are dastardly cowards, but in other countries valiant; insomuch that in India they say that a good _Lascarin_, or what we call a soldier, must be an Abyssinian; and they are so much esteemed in Ballagayat, Cambaya, Bengal, and other places, that they are always made captains and principal officers in the army. Their clothing is vile and poor. They wear linen shirts, and the great personages have a kind of upper garment called _Beden_. The vulgar people are almost quite naked. They eat _bollemus_ and raw flesh; or if held to the fire, it is so little done that the blood runs from it. In the whole land there are no cities or towns, so that they live in the field under tents and pavilions like the Arabs[283]. They pride themselves on believing that the queen of _Sheba_ was of their country, alleging that she took shipping at _Massua_, though others say at _Swakem_, carrying with her jewels of great value when she went to Jerusalem to visit Solomon, making him great gifts, and returned with child by him.

[Footnote 283: The word used here in the edition of Purchas is _Alarbes_.--E.]

It is alleged in the history of Abyssinia, that when one of the Soldans of _Babylon_ in Egypt made war many years ago upon their emperor, he gathered a multitude of people and turned the course of the Nile, so that it might not run into Egypt[284]. The Soldan, amazed at this vast enterprize, which he believed would entirely ruin the land of Egypt, sent ambassadors with great gifts, and made peace with the emperor, giving a privilege to the Abyssinians to pass through his country without paying tribute, when on their way to visit the holy sepulchre at Jerusalem, and the shrine of St Catharine on Mount Sinai. Some learned Moors whom I conversed with while in the Red Sea confirmed the truth of this relation.

[Footnote 284: According to Bermudez, this attempt was begun by _Ale Beale_, predecessor to _Onadinguel_ or _Atine-tingil_.--Astl.]

SECTION V.

_Continuation of the Journal of De Castro from Massua to Swakem_.

We set sail at sun-rising on the 19th of February from the bay which is half a league beyond Massua and half a league from the land. This day was very close and rainy, and numbering our fleet I found 64 rowing vessels; that is 3 galliots, eight small gallies, and 35 foists[285]. By night our north-west wind lulled, and it blew a little from the west. In the second watch it came on to rain; and in the middle of the morning watch we weighed anchor and rowed along shore till morning, during which time it rained hard. By evening of the 20th we were as far as the extreme point of the range of islands on the north side, about 14 leagues from Massua. The coast from Massua hither stretched N.N.W. and S.S.E. for these 14 leagues, and in some of the islands which lay to seaward we knew that there were cattle and water, with some few poor dwellings. The distance from these islands to the African coast might be about four leagues. The islands in this range having cattle and water are _Harate_, _Dohull_, and _Damanill_, which are all low and surrounded with shoals and flats. All the first watch of the night, having the wind fair at east, we sailed N.N.W. At the beginning of the second watch we came suddenly to certain very white spots, which threw out flames like lightning. Wondering at this strange event, we took in our sails believing we were upon some banks or shoals; but on casting the lead I found 26 fathoms. As this great novelty to us made no impression on the native pilots, and being in deep water, we made sail again. On the 21st at day light, we saw off to seawards a low island of which the Moorish pilot had been afraid in the night. At day light on the 22nd we again set sail, and at noon my pilot took the altitude of the sun, and found our latitude 18° 30' N. At this time we were abreast of a very long point of sand projecting from the main-land. After doubling this point, we found the sea very free, and sailed N.W. and by W. One hour after noon we came to a haven called _Marate_. All the coast on our left hand during this day stretched N.N.W. and S.S.E. the land by the sea shore being very low with not even a hillock; but within the land the mountains rise to such a height that they seem to reach the clouds. _Marate_ is a very low desert island and without water, 66 leagues beyond Massua, of a roundish figure, and a league and a half in circuit. It is about three leagues from the main, and on the S.W. side which fronts the Ethiopean coast it has a very good harbour, safe in all winds, especially those from the eastern points; as on this side two long points stretch out from the island east and west, one quarter N.W. and S.E. between which the land straitens much on both sides, forming a very great and hollow bosom or bay, in the mouth and front of which there is a long and very low island, and some sands and shoals, so that no sea can come in. This haven has two entries, one to the east and the other to the west, both near the points of the island which form the harbour. The channel on the _east_ stretches N. and S. one quarter N.W. and S.E. having three fathoms water in the shallowest place, after which it immediately deepens, and within the haven we have four and five fathoms near the shore, with a mud bottom. During the night the wind was from the east, but less than in the day, and we rode at anchor all night.

[Footnote 285: The particular enumeration comes only to 46 vessels, so that the number of 64 in the text seems an oversight or transposition.--E.]

At sunrise on the 23d of February, we set sail from the island and port of _Marate_, finding seven fathom water and a sandy bottom[286]. At eleven o'clock we came to two small islands far to seawards, one called _Darata_ and the other _Dolcofallar_[287], from whence to _Swakem_ is a days sail. From noon we sailed N.W. by W. till even-song time, when we entered the channel of _Swakem_, in which, after sailing a league N.W. we had certain shoals a-head, on which account we altered our course to W. one quarter N.W. and sometimes W. to keep free of these shoals. We continued in this course about three leagues, till we saw a great island a-head of us, when we immediately tacked towards the land, and came to an anchor between certain great _shoals of stone_ or sunken rocks, forming a good harbour named _Xabaque_[288], which in the Arabic means a net. It might be an hour before sunset when we came to anchor. This day my pilot took the sun at noon, and found our latitude _scarce_ 19° N[289]. The shoals of Swakem are so many and so intermingled, that no picture or information were sufficient to understand them, much less to sail through among them; the islands, shoals, banks, rocks, and channels are so numerous and intricate. At the entrance among these shoals, there is to seaward a shoal under water on which the sea breaks very much, and to landward a small island, these two ranging N.E. and S.W. a quarter more E. and W. the distance between being three quarters of a league. Immediately on entering, the channel seemed large and spacious, and the farther we advanced so much more to seaward there appeared to us an infinite number of very flat islands, shoals, sand-banks and rocks, that they could not be reckoned. Towards the land side these were not so numerous; but it is the foulest and most unnavigable channel that ever was seen, in comparison with any other sea. What ought chiefly to be attended to in this channel, is always to keep nearer to the shoals that are to seawards, and as far as possible from those to landward. The breadth of this channel in some places is about half a league, in others a quarter, and in others less than a gun-shot. In the entry to this channel we had six fathoms, and from thence to the port of _Shabak_ never less, and never more than 12. From the beginning of the shoals to _Shabak_ may be about five leagues, and their whole length eight or nine. We have then another channel, more secure for ships and great vessels; and we may likewise pass these shoals leaving them all to seaward, going very close to the main-land, which is the best and most pleasant way.

[Footnote 286: Perhaps this refers to the _west_ channel of the harbour, though not so expressed in the text.--E.]

[Footnote 287: Named Daratata and Dolkefallar in Astley.]

[Footnote 288: More properly Shabak.--Ast.]

[Footnote 289: Purchas in a side-note makes this the latitude of the harbour of _Xabaque_; but it is obvious that they had sailed a long way between noon, when the altitude was taken, and an hour before sunset, when they entered the harbour.--E.]

On the 24th, at sunrise, we set sail from the port of _Shabak_, and rowed by so narrow a channel that our fleet had to follow each other in single line a-head, being only about a cross-bow shot over in the widest parts. In this narrow channel we were never more than a cannon shot from the main-land, and sometimes little more than a cross-bow shot; having shoals, rocks and banks on every side of us, all under water, yet we had always sufficient indications to avoid them; as wherever they lay, the water over them appeared very red or very green, and where neither of these colours appeared we were sure of the clearest channel, the water, being there dark. Continuing by this channel among so many difficulties, we came to anchor at half an hour past eleven at a little low round island, in lat. 19° N. In this latitude Ptolomy places the mountain of the _Satyrs_[290]. Of this mountain the native pilots had no knowledge; but going about half a league into the land, I found the footsteps of so many kind of beasts, and such great flocks of _pianets_[291] as was wonderful. All these tracks came till they set their feet in the sea, and they occupied, the greatest part of the field. I believe the fable of the _Satyrs_ to have arisen from thence, and that they were said to inhabit these hills and mountains. It is to be noted that in the channel of four leagues from the harbour of _Shabak_ to this island, the water is never less than two and a half fathoms nor deeper than eleven, and also that the tide at this island does not ebb and flow above half a yard. It begins to flow as soon as the moon begins to ascend towards the horizon, in the same order as already mentioned respecting Socotora.

[Footnote 290: This mountain of the Satyrs may more properly be generally referred to the high range of mountains on this part of the coast, perhaps from abounding in the baboon called Simia Satyrus, or the Mandrill.--E.]

[Footnote 291: I know not what to make of the _pianets_; but the footsteps of beasts reaching to the edge of the water may probably refer to amphibious animals, while the flocks of pianets may have been water-fowl of some kind.--E.]

The 26th at sunrise we departed from the island, rowing along a reef of rocks that ran between us and the land to which it was almost parallel, all the sea between it and the land being full of shoals and banks; but to seawards there were neither shoals nor banks nor any other impediment. At nine o'clock we came to anchor at a small island encompassed by many flats and shoals, where there was a good haven. This island was a league and a half from that we left in the morning, and 5 leagues short of _Swakem_. The 27th at sunrise, we set sail from this second island, and two hours within the night we came to anchor a league and a half farther on in 28 fathoms water. The 28th we _bridled_ our oars and set sail. At nine o'clock we anchored about two leagues from the land in 23 fathoms, on soft sand, like ouze or mud. This morning we found some shoals under water, but the sea always shewed itself very green or red over them. Two hours after noon we set sail again, and anchored at night in 37 fathoms on a sandy bottom, hard by an island a league and a half short of Swakem. The coast runs N.N.W. and S.S.E. having all along a shoal which extends near half a league into the sea. This land differs in nothing from that formerly described. The 1st March 1541, departing from this anchorage, and having doubled a point of land made by the shoal, we approached the land inwards by a channel, and came to anchor in the haven of the city of _Swakem_.

_Swakem_ was called by the ancients the port of _Aspi_, as may be seen in the _third_ table of Africa by Ptolemy. At this day it is one of the richest cities in the East[292]. It is situated within the Arabian Gulf or Red Sea, on the coast of _Ethiopia sub Egypto_, now called the land and coast of the _Abexii_ or Abyssinians. Among famous places, this may be reckoned equal or superior to them all in _four_ things. The _first_ is the goodness and safety of the haven. The _second_ in the facility and good service for lading and unlading ships. The _third_ in its traffic with very strange and remote people of various manners and customs. The _fourth_ in the strength and situation of the city. As touching the goodness and security of the port I shall first speak. Nature hath so formed this port that no storm from the sea can enter it in any direction. Within the haven the sea is so quiet, and runs so insensibly, that scarcely can we perceive it to have any tide. The ground is mud. The road in all places has five or six fathoms, and seven in some places; and is so large that two hundred ships may ride commodiously at anchor, besides rowing-vessels without number. The water is so clear that you may plainly perceive the bottom; and where that is not seen the depth is at least ten or twelve fathoms. The ships can be laden or unladen all round the city, merely by laying a plank from them into the warehouses of the merchants; while gallies fasten themselves to stones at the doors of the houses, laying their prows over the quays as so many bridges. Now touching the trade and navigation of this port with many sorts of people, and with strange and remote countries, I know not what city can compare with it except Lisbon: as this city trades with all India, both on this side and beyond the Ganges; with _Cambaya_, _Tanacerim_, _Pegu_, _Malacca_; and within the Straits with _Jiddah_, _Cairo_, and _Alexandria_. From all Ethiopia and Abyssinia it procures great quantities of gold and ivory. As to the strength and situation of this city enough can hardly be said; since to come to it, the inconveniences, difficulties, and dangers are so great, that it seems almost impossible: as for fifteen leagues about, the shoals, flats, islands, channels, rocks, banks, and sands, and surges of the sea, are so many and intricate that they put the sailors in great fear and almost in despair. The situation of the city is this: In the middle of a great nook or bay, is a perfectly flat island almost level with the sea and exactly round, being about a quarter, of a league in circuit, upon which the city of _Swakem_ is built; not one foot of ground on the whole island but is replenished with houses and inhabitants, so that the whole island, is a city. On two sides this insular city comes within a bow-shot of the main land, that is on the E.S.E. and S.W. sides, but all the rest is farther from the land. The road, haven, or bay surrounds the city on every side to the distance of a cross-bow shot, in all of which space, ships may anchor in six or seven fathoms on a mud bottom. All around this bay there is a great shoal; so that the deep water is from the edge of the city all round to the distance of a bow-shot, and all beyond is full of shoals. In this bay there are three other islands on the land side to the north-west. The two which lie farthest in are small, but that nearest to the channel is about as large as the city. Between this island and the main sea, there is a large and very long channel, having seven fathoms water, all along which a great navy might safely ride at anchor, without any danger of annoyance from the city, whence only their masts could be seen. When the moon appears in the horizon it is full sea, and as the moon advances it ebbs till the moon comes to the meridian, when it is dead low water; and thence it begins again to flow till the moon sets, when it is again full sea. The entire ebb and flow of the sea at this city does not exceed a quarter of a yard. The most that it rises along the coast is a yard and a half, and in some places less than three quarters of a yard. But when I made this observation it was neap tide.

[Footnote 292: This is to be understood of 1541, when visited by De Castro. Since the Turkish conquest, Mokha and other places have greater trade.--_Purch_.]

SECTION VI.

_Continuation of the Voyage from Swakem to Comol_.

We remained in the haven of Swakem from the 1st to the 9th of March 1541, when an hour before sunset we weighed from before the city, and anchored for the night at the mouth of the channel. We weighed again on the 10th, and came again to anchor at night, when the dew was wonderfully great. On the 11th it blew a storm from the north, so violent that it raised great mountains of sand along the sea coast, after which it dispersed them, and the air remained obscured by the sand as if it had been a great mist or smoke. We remained at anchor all this day, and on the 12th we left this channel two leagues beyond _Swakem_, and being without the channel we made sail. About a league and a half from the coast there were so many rocks, shoals, and flats, on which the sea continually broke, that we had to take in our sails and row for three hours, till we got beyond these shoals, after which we again made sail. At evening we came to anchor within the bank by a very narrow channel, a league beyond that we had been last in, and three leagues from Swakem, but the channel within the entrance was large, with clean ground, and perfectly secure in all winds.

The 13th we went out of this channel an hour before day, and about a cannon-shot to seaward we saw a long range of shoals with broken water, seeming to stretch in the same direction with the coast. At eleven o'clock the wind turned to the N.N.W. and as our course was N.W. we were unable to make way, and had to fasten our vessels to the rocks on these shoals, where we lay about three hours. About two o'clock afternoon the wind freshened at N.N.E. and we made sail N.W. But coming to the bank landward, we took in our sails and rowed into a channel within the bank, where we came to anchor. This channel is very narrow and winding, being about seven leagues beyond Swakem, whence the coast to this place runs N. and S. and then N. by W. and S. by E. I went ashore on the 15th to observe the order and flowing of the tide, and found it was full sea when the moon was two hours past the meridian, and was dead ebb two hours after the moon set. I found likewise that the ebb and flow of the tide at this place was 22 cubits[293]. The 16th we left this channel, with the wind at north, and cast anchor half a league out at sea. The 17th we entered a very good harbour named _Dradate_ or _Tradate_, the coast from Swakem here winding N. by W. and S. by E. distance 10 leagues. The land behind the shore is all very low in that space, but three leagues back from the coast it rises into great and high mountains. This harbour of _Tradate_, in lat. 19° 50' N. 10 leagues beyond Swakem, is one of the best in the world. The entrance is about a falcon-shot across, and grows narrower inwards, but has 20 fathoms water in its whole length with a mud bottom; and a quarter of a league within the land there is a famous watering-place at certain wells, where is the best water and in greatest plenty of any place on all these coasts. The 19th we sailed at day-light, and advanced 3-1/2 leagues that day, having many shoals to seaward of us, and the coast for these 3-1/2 leagues trended N. and S. On the 20th at sunrise the wind blew from the N. and the sea was rough, for which reason we had to seek shelter within the shoal, entering by a very narrow and difficult channel. After we were in, the wind came N.N.E. and we remained all day at anchor. The 21st we left the shoal with fine weather, the wind being at W.N.W. and sailed N. keeping about half a league from the land; and an hour after sunrise we came to a long and fair point of land called by Ptolomy the _promontory of Diogenes_. On the north side of this point is a large fine bay named _Doroo_, and at the extremity of this long bare point there is a large round tower like a pillar. At the entrance of this harbour or channel there are six fathoms water, which diminishes gradually inwards to three. The ground is hard clay, and the bay is very large with many creeks and nooks within, and many islands; many of these creeks penetrating deep into the main-land, so that in every place there may be many vessels hidden without being observed from the other branches of the harbour. A quarter of a league off to sea from the mouth of this harbour there is a shoal which defends it completely from the admission of any sea, as this shoal is above water, and has no passage except by the entrance already mentioned, which trends E. by N. and W. by S. A cannon-shot from this bay there is a great well, but the water is very brackish.

[Footnote 293: Considering the very small rise and fall of the tide at Swakem, the text in this place ought perhaps only to have been _inches_.--E.]

On the 22d we left this harbour of Doroo at day light, proceeding by means of our oars, and found the sea very full of rocks, so that escaping from some we got foul of others, and at half past ten o'clock we had to fasten our vessels to the rocks. Proceeding onwards, we got towards evening in with the land, and having doubled a point we entered a very large bay named _Fuxaa_, or _Fushaa_, three leagues and a half beyond _Doroo_, the coast between stretching N. and E. with a tendency towards N.W. and S.E. This bay of _Fushaa_ is remarkable by a very high sharp peaked hill, in lat. 20 15' N. In the very mouth of the harbour there are two very low points, lying N. by E. and S. by W. from each other, distant a league and half. As no great sea can enter here it is a very good harbour, having 10 and 12 fathoms water on a mud bottom, diminishing inwards to five fathoms. Along the land within the bay on the south side there are nine small islands in a row, and in other places there are some scattered islets, all very low and encompassed by shoals. The land at this bay is very dry and barren, and it has no water.

On the 25th we continued along the coast, having many rocks to seawards about a league off; and at ten o'clock we entered a very large harbour named _Arekea_, four leagues beyond _Fushaa_, the coast between running N. and S. with some tendence to N.W. and S.E. _Arekea_, the strongest and most defensible harbour I have ever seen, is 22 leagues beyond _Swakem_. In ancient times it was called _Dioscori_ according to Pliny. In the middle of the entry to this port there is a considerable island, about a cross-bow shot in length and breadth, having a bank or shoal running from it on the south side to the main land, so shallow that nothing can pass over it. But on the north side of this island the channel is about a cross-bow shot in breadth and 15 fathoms deep, running N.W. and S.E. and on both sides this channel is very shallow and full of rocks, the fair way being in the middle. This channel is about a gun-shot in length, after which the coasts on both sides recede and form within a large fine and secure harbour, about a league long and half a league broad, deep in the middle but full of shoals near the land, and it hath no fresh water. At this place it was agreed to send back all the ships to Massua, and to proceed with only sixteen small gallies or row boats.

Arrangements being accordingly formed, we set sail from _Arekea_ on the 30th at noon, and came to an anchor in a port called _Salaka_ four leagues beyond _Arekea_ and 96 from _Swakem_, the coast trending N. and S. with a slight deviation to N.E. and S.W. The land next the sea has many risings or hillocks, behind which there are high mountains. It must be noted that all the land from Arekea onwards close behind the shore puts on this uneven appearance, whereas before that it was all plain, till in the inland it rises in both into high mountains. The 31st we sailed from _Salaka_, and an hour before sunset we made fast to the rocks of a shoal a league from the land and 17 leagues from _Salaka_, being 43 leagues from Swakem. From the port of _Salaka_ the coast begins to wind very much; and from _Raseldoaer_ or _Ras al Dwaer_, it runs very low to the N.N.E. ending in a sandy point where there are 13 little hillocks or knobs of stone, which the Moorish pilots said were graves. From this _point of the Calmes_[294] about two leagues, the coast runneth N.N.W. to a shoal which is 43 leagues from _Swakem_. This point is the most noted in all these seas, as whoever sails from _Massua_, _Swakem_, and other places for _Jiddah_, _Al Cossir_, and _Toro_, must necessarily make this point. The sea for the last seventeen leagues is of such a nature that no rules or experience can suffice for sailing it in safety, so that the skilful as well as the unskilful must pass it at all hazards, and save themselves as it were by chance, for it is so full of numerous and great shoals, so interspersed everywhere with rocks, and so many and continual banks, that it seems better fitted for being travelled on foot than sailed even in small boats. In the space between _Salaka_ and _Ras-al-Dwaer_, but nearer to the latter, there are three islands forming a triangle, the largest of which is called _Magarzawn_, about two leagues long and very high ground, but has no water. This island bears N. and S. with _Ras-al-Dwaer_ distant three leagues. The second island lies considerably out to sea, and is called _Al Mante_, and is high land without water; the third island is all sand and quite low, being four leagues from _Salaka_ towards _Ras-al-Dwaer_, but I did not learn its name.

[Footnote 294: Meaning perhaps the sandy point near Ras-al-Dwaer. This paragraph is very obscure, and seems to want something, omitted perhaps by the abbreviator.--Astl.]

On the 2d of April 1541, casting loose from the before-mentioned shoal, which is 43 leagues beyond _Swakem_, we rowed along the coast, and entered a river called _Farate_, about four leagues from the shoal; whence setting our sails we got into a fine haven a league from thence called _Kilfit_. All this day we saw no rocks to landward, but there was a shoal to seaward. _Farate_ is a large and fair river, the mouth of which is in lat. 21°40' N. Its mouth is formed by two low points about a gun-shot apart, from each of which a shoal stretches towards the middle, where only there is any passage. The river runs from the west to the east, having very low land on both sides, without either tree or shrub or bush of any kind. At the entrance it is 30 fathoms deep, and from thence diminishes to 18 fathoms. _Kilfit_ is a fine harbour and very safe, as when once in, no wind whatever need be feared. There are at the entry two very low points bearing N.W. 1/4 N. and S.E. 1/4 S. distant near a quarter of a league. It is rather more than three leagues in circuit, and every part of it is safe anchorage, having 12 fathoms water throughout; the shore is however rocky. This harbour is rather more than a league from the river of _Farate_, between which is a range of mountains, one of which is higher than the others. We left _Kilfit_ on the 3d, an hour before day, and rowed along the coast till an hour before sunset, when we anchored in a haven called _Ras al Jidid_, or the new cape, about nine leagues from _Kilfit_. This day we saw a few shoals to seawards, but fewer than before. Two leagues from _Kilfit_ there is a very good haven named _Moamaa_; and from the _point of the shrubs_ to another very long sandy point, about two leagues distant, before the port of _Ras-al-Jidid_, the coast runs N. and S. with a small deviation to the N.W. and S.E. the distance being about three and a half leagues[295]. _Ras-al-Jidid_[296] is a small but very pleasant haven, 57 leagues beyond Swakem, and so exactly circular that it resembles a great cauldron. There are two points at its entrance bearing N. and S. and on the inside the eastern winds only can do harm. All the ground is very clean, having 18 fathoms at the mouth and 13 within; and half a league inland there is a well of water, though not very plentiful, and bitterish. This port is a large half league in circuit. It is a singularity in all the rivers or harbours which I have seen on this coast, that they have no bars or banks at their mouths, which are generally deeper than within. On the land round this port, I found certain trees which in their trunk and bark resembled cork-trees, but very different in all other respects. Their leaves were very large, wonderfully thick, and of a deep green, crossed with large veins. They were then in flower, and their flowers in the bud resembled the flowers of the mallow when in that state: But such as were opened were white, and like the white cockle. On cutting a bough or leaf there run out a great stream of milk, as from the dug of a goat. On all this coast I saw no other trees, except a grove a little beyond Massua, in some marshy ground near the sea. Besides these trees, there are some valleys inland producing a few capers, the leaves of which are eaten by the Moors, _who say they be appropriate to the joynts_. On the 4th of April, from sunrise till eleven o'clock, the wind blew a storm from the N.W. after which there was much and loud thunder, accompanied with hail, the stones being the largest I ever saw. With the thunder the wind veered about to every point of the compass, and at last it settled in the north. This day I carried my instruments on shore, when I found the variation 1-1/4 degree north-east[297], and the latitude by many observations 22° N. Though these observations were made on shore with great care, so that I never stirred the instrument when once set till the end of my observations, I am satisfied there must be some error; because the great heat cracked the plate of ivory in the middle, so that there remained a great cleft as thick as a _gold portague_. On the 6th, an hour before day, we weighed from the port of _Ras-al-Jidid_, and advanced about three and a half leagues. The 7th in the morning, the wind blew fresh at N.W. and we rowed to the shore, where at eight o'clock we fastened our barks to certain stones of a shoal or reef, lying before a long point which hereafter I shall name _Starta_. We went in this space about three leagues. About noon we made sail and proceeded in our voyage, but in no small doubts, as we saw on both sides of our course a prodigious number of shelves; we were therefore obliged to take in our sails and use our oars, by means of which we came about sunset to a good haven named _Comol_, in which we anchored.

[Footnote 295: This paragraph is likewise obscurely worded, and is perhaps left imperfect by the abbreviator.--Astl.]

[Footnote 296: In some subsequent passages this harbour is called Igidid, probably to distinguish it from the point of Ras-al-Jidid.--Astl.]

[Footnote 297: It is therefore probable that in all the bearings set down in this voyage, when applied to practice, either for the uses of geography or navigation, this allowance of 1-1/4 too much to the east ought to be deducted.--E.]

From a point two leagues beyond the harbour of _Igidid_, or _Ras-al-Jidid_, to another very long and flat point may be about four leagues, these two points bearing N.W. and S.E. between which there is a large bay; within which towards the long point at the N.W. is a deep haven so close on all sides that it is safe from every wind. This point is an island; from which circumstance and its latitude it seems certainly the island named _Starta_ by Ptolomy. From thence to a great point of land over the harbour of _Comol_ the distance may be five leagues; these two points bearing N.W. by W. and S.E. by E. and between them is a large fair bay. From the port of _Igidid_ till half a league short of the harbour of _Comol_, the land close to the shore is all raised in small hills very close together, behind which, about a league farther inland, are very high mountains rising into many high and sharp peaks; and as we come nearer to _Comol_ these hills approach the sea, and in coming within half a league of _Comol_ they are close to the shore. Comol is eleven leagues beyond _Igidid_, and 68 from Swakem, and is in lat. 22° 30' N. This port is in the second bay, very near the face of the point which juts out from the coast on the north-west side of this second bay. Though not large, the port of _Comol_ is very secure, as towards the seaward it has certain reefs or shoals above water which effectually defend it from all winds. The land around it is very plain and pleasant, and is inhabited by many _Badwis_[298]. The north-west point which ends the bay and covers this port is very long and fair, being all low and level, being what was named by Ptolomy the promontory of _Prionoto_ in his _third_ table of Africa, since the great mountains which range along the whole of this coast end here.

[Footnote 298: Named _Badois_ in the edition of Purchas, but certainly the _Badwis_ or _Bedouins_, signifying the _People of the Desert_, being the name by which the Arabs who dwell in tents are distinguished from those who inhabit towns.--Astl.].

SECTION VII.

_Continuation of the Voyage from the Harbour of Comol to Toro or Al Tor._

Three hours after midnight of the 7th April 1541[299], we left the harbour of _Comol_, using our oars for a small way, and then hoisting sail we proceeded along the coast; but an hour before day-light some of our barks struck upon certain rocks and shoals, on which we again struck sails and took to our oars till day-light. At day-light, being then the 8th, we came to a spacious bay, of which to the north and north-west we could see no termination, neither any cape or head-land in that direction. We accordingly sailed forwards in that open sea or bay, but which had so many shoals on each side that it was wonderful we could make _any profit of a large wind;_ for, _now going roamour, and now upon a tack_, sometimes in the way and sometimes out of it, there was no way for us to take certain and quiet[300]. About sunset we came to a very great shelf or reef, and fastening our barks to its rocks we remained there for the night. The morning of the 9th being clear, we set sail from this shelf, and took harbour within a great shelf called _Shaab-al-Yadayn_[301]. After coming to anchor, we noticed an island to seaward, called _Zemorjete_. This port and shelf trend N.E. by E. and S.W. by W. From the _cape of the mountains_[302], to another cape beyond it on which there are a quantity of shrubs or furzes; the coast runs N.E. by N. and S.W. by S. the distance between these capes being about three and a half or four leagues. From this last point the coast of the great bay or nook winds inwards to the west, and afterwards turns out again, making a great circuit with many windings, and ends in a great and notable point called _Ras-al-Nashef_, or the dry cape, called by Ptolomy the promontory _Pentadactilus_ in his _third_ table of Africa. The island _Zemorjete_ is about eight leagues E. from this cape; and from that island, according to the Moorish pilots, the two shores of the gulf are first seen at one time, but that of Arabia is a great deal farther off than the African coast. This island, which is very high and barren, is named _Agathon_ by Ptolomy. It has another very small island close to it, which is not mentioned in Ptolomy. Now respecting the shelf _Shaab-al-Yadayn_, it is to be noted that it is a great shelf far to seaward of the northern end of the great bay, all of it above water, like two extended arms with their hands wide open, whence its Arabic name which signifies _shelf of the hands_. The port of this shelf is to landward, as on that side it winds very much, so as to shut up the haven from all winds from the sea. This haven and cape _Ras-al-Nashef_ bear from each other E.S.E. and W.S.W. distant about four leagues.

[Footnote 299: In our mode of counting time, three in the morning of the 8th.--E.]

[Footnote 300: This nautical language is so different from that of the present day as to be almost unintelligible. They appear to have sailed in a winding channel, in which the wind was sometimes scant, sometimes large and sometimes contrary; so that occasionally they had to tack or turn to windward. The strange word _roamour_, which has occurred once before, may be conjectured to mean that operation in beating to windward, in which the vessel sails contrary to the direction of her voyage, called in ordinary nautical language the short leg of the tack.--E.]

[Footnote 301: Signifying in Arabic the shelf of the two hands.--Astl.]

[Footnote 302: Probably that just before named _Prionoto_ from Ptolomy, and called cape of the mountains, because the Abyssinian mountains there end.--E.]

At sunrise on the 10th we set sail to the N.N.E. the wind being fresh and the sea appearing clear and navigable. When about half a league from the point we saw, as every one thought, a ship under sail, but on drawing nearer it was a white rock in the sea, which we were told deceives all navigators as it did us. After this we stood N. by E. By nine o'clock we reached an island named _Connaka_, and passed between it and the main-land of Africa. This island is small and barren, about half a league in circuit, and is about a league and a half from the main. It resembles a vast crocodile with its legs stretched out, and is a noted land-mark among navigators. _Connaka_ and _Zamorjete_ bear from each other N.W. by W. and S.E. by E. distant about six small leagues. About half an hour past ten, we reached a very long point of sand stretching far out to sea, called _Ras-al-nef_, which signifies in Arabic the point or cape of the nose. There is no nigh land whatever about this cape, but a vast plain field without tree or any green thing, and in the very face of the point stands a great temple without any other buildings, and on each side of it is a very clear sandy coast in manner of a bay. This cape of _Ras-al-nef_ is famous among navigators, as all their trouble and danger ends on reaching it, when they consider themselves at home and secure. We continued our course from this cape along the coast with the wind at S.E. At noon my pilot took the altitude, and found our latitude 24° 10' N. at which time we were beyond _Ras-al-nef_ about three leagues, whence the latitude of that cape is 24° N. From this it appears that the ancient city of _Berenice_ was built upon this cape _Ras-al-nef_ as Ptolomy places it on this coast under the tropic of _Cancer_, making the greatest declination of the sun at this place almost 23° 50'. Likewise Pliny says that at Berenice the sun at noon in the summer solstice gives no shadow to the _gnomon_, by which that city appears to have stood under the tropic.[303]

[Footnote 303: It may be presumed that the position given by Ptolomy is merely accidental, resulting from computed distances; and Pliny only speaks from the authority of Ptolomy. In all probability _Al Kossir_, to be afterwards mentioned, is the _Berenice_ of the ancients.--Astl.]

Half an hour before sunset, we came to an island called _Shwarit_, but passing onwards a quarter of a league we came to some shelves of sand and others of rock, and anchored between them in a good harbour called _Sial_. These shelves and this port are 103 leagues beyond _Swakem_. On these shelves we saw a much greater quantity of sea-fowl than had been seen in any part of the Red Sea. From _Ras-al-Nashef_ to the island of _Shwarit_ may be between 16 and 17 leagues. After passing Cape _Ras-al-Nashef_, or the N.W. point of the great bay, the coast winds very much, running into the land, and pushing out again a very long point of land called _Ras-al-nef_, which two points bear from each other N.E. and S.W. almost 1/4 more N. and S. distant about six leagues large. From _Ras-al-nef_ forwards, the coast winds directly to the N.W. till we come to _Swarit_, the distance being between 10 and 11 leagues. In this distance the sea is only in three places foul with shoals; _first_ to seaward of the island of _Connaka_, where there is a large fair shoal rising above water in a great ridge of large rocks; and running a long way toward the land; the _second_ place is at the island of _Shwarit_, as both to the east and west of this island great shoals and flats stretch towards the main-land, so as apparently to shut up the sea entirely between that island and the main; the _third_ is at this harbour of _Sial_ where we anchored, where the sea is studded thick with innumerable shoals and flats, so that no part remains free. The island of Shwarit is a gun-shot in length and nearly as much in breadth, all low land, with a great green bush in the middle, and opposite to its east side there is a great rock like an island. _Shwarit_ is little more than half a league from the main-land.

From _Swakem_ all the way to _Ras-al-nef_, the countries are all inhabited by _Badwis_ or _Bedouins_, who follow the law of Mahomet, and from _Ras-al-nef_, upwards to _Suez_ and the end of this sea, the coast all belongs to Egypt, the inhabitants of which dwell between the coast of the Red Sea and the river Nile. Cosmographers in general call the inhabitants of both these regions _Ethiopians_. Ptolomy calls them Egyptian Arabs: Pomponius Mela and other cosmographers name them in general Arabs; but we ought to follow Ptolomy, as he was the prince of cosmographers. These Egyptian Arabs, who inhabit the whole country from the mountains to the sea, are commonly called _Bedwis_ or _Bedouins_, of whose customs and manner of life we shall treat in another place.

We took in our sails on the 11th of April, and proceeded on our way by rowing. At nine o'clock we entered a great bay called _Gadenauhi_[304], about 4 leagues from _Sial_, the coast between trending N.W. and S.E. rather more to the N. and S. The land over the sea, which for some way had the appearance of a wall or trench, becomes now very mountainous and _doubled_, shewing so many mountains and so close that it was wonderful. The port or bay of _Gadenauhi_ is 107 leagues beyond _Swakem_, in lat. 24° 40' N. It was low water _one hour after high noon_[305], and full sea when the moon rose above the horizon; and as the moon ascended it began to ebb, till the moon was an hour past the meridian, when it began to flow, and was full sea an hour after the moon set. By night the wind was N.W. Two or three hours after midnight we departed from _Gadenauhi_ prosecuting our voyage. In passing between the shoal which comes from the N.W. point of the bay and the island of _Bahuto_, we stuck fast upon the shoal, and were much troubled, believing ourselves in a net or cul-de-sac; but we had no hurt or danger, and presently got into the right channel and rowed along shore, against the wind at N.W. till day. The 12th we rowed along shore, and came an hour after sunrise into a haven called _Xarmeelquiman_ or _Skarm-al-Kiman_, meaning in the Arabic a cleft or opening in the mountains. This is a small but excellent harbour, 1-1/2 league beyond _Gadenauhi_, and 108 leagues beyond _Swakem_, very much like the port of _Igidid_.

[Footnote 304: Perhaps _Wad-annawi_.--Astl.]

[Footnote 305: This strange expression, as connected with the tide which is dependent on the moon, may possibly mean when the moon was in opposition to the north; or mid-way between her setting and rising.--]

The 12th of April we set sail along shore, the wind being fresher, and more large, at E.S.E. About noon it blew very hard with such impetuous gusts that it drove the sands of the coast very high, raising them up to the heavens in vast whirls like great smokes. About evening when the barks draw together, the wind was entirely calm to some, while others a little behind or before, or more towards the land or the sea, had it still so violent that they could not carry sail, the distance between those becalmed and those having the wind very fresh, being often no more than a stones throw. Presently after, the wind would assail those before becalmed, while those that went very swift were left in a calm. Being all close together, this seemed as if done in sport. Some of these gales came from the E. and E.N.E. so hot and scorching that they seemed like flames of fire. The sand raised by these winds went sometimes one way and sometimes another; and we could sometimes see one cloud or pillar of sand driven in three or four different directions before it fell down. These singular changes would not have been wonderful among hills; but were very singular where we were at such a distance from the coast. When these winds assailed us in this manner we were at a port named _Shaona_, or _Shawna_; and going on in this manner, sometimes hoisting and at other times striking our sails, sometimes laughing at what we saw, and other times in dread, we went on till near sunset, when we entered a port named _Gualibo_,[306] signifying in Arabic the port of trouble, having advanced this day and part of the former night about 13 leagues.

[Footnote 306: Perhaps _Kalabon_.--Astl.]

From _Gadenauhi_ to a port named _Shakara_ which is encompassed by a very red hill, the coast trends N.W. by N. and S.E. by S. the distance about 10 leagues; and from this red hill to a point about a league beyond _Gualibo_, the coast runs N.N.W. and S.S.E. distance about 6 leagues. In these 16 leagues, the coast is very clear, only that a league beyond the Red Hill there is a shoal half a large league from the land. In these 16 leagues there are many excellent ports, more numerous than I have ever seen in so short a space. At one of these named _Shawna_, which is very large, the Moors and native inhabitants say there formerly stood a famous city of the gentiles, which I believe to have been that named _Nechesia_ by Ptolomy in his third book of Africa. Along the sea there runs a long range of great hills very close together and doubling on each other, and far inland behind these great mountains are seen to rise above them. In this range there are two mountains larger than the rest, or even than any on the whole coast, one of which is black as though it had been burnt, and the other is yellow, and between them are great heaps of sand. From the black mountain inwards I saw an open field in which were many large and tall trees with spreading tops, being the first I had seen on the coast that seemed planted by man; for those a little beyond Massua are of the kind pertaining to marshes on the borders of the sea or of rivers; as those at the port of _Sharm-al-Kiman_ and at the harbour of _Igidid_ are wild and pitiful, naked and dry, without boughs or fruit. These two mountains are about two leagues short of the port of _Sharm-al-Kiman_. _Gualibo_, which is 122 leagues beyond Swakem, is very like the port of _Sharm-al-Kiman_; except that the one is environed by many mountains, while the land round the other is an extensive plain. The entry to this port is between certain rocks or shoals on which the sea breaks with much force, but the entry is deep and large. After sunrise on the 13th we left the port of _Gualibo_, and as the wind was strong at N.W. making a heavy sea, we rowed along shore, and at ten in the morning went into a port named _Tuna_, a league and half beyond _Gualibo_. _Tuna_ is a small foul haven, beyond Swakem 123 leagues and a half, in lat. 25° 30' N. The entrance is between rocks, and within it is so much encumbered with shoals and rocks that it is a small and sorry harbour; but round the point forming the north side of this harbour, there is a good haven and road-stead against the wind at N.W. the land round it being barren sand. To the N.W. of this there are three sharp mountains of rock, as if to indicate the situation of the harbour. One hour before sunset we fastened ourselves to a shoal a league beyond _Tuna_. This coast, from a league beyond _Gualibo_, to another point a league and a half beyond this shoal, trends N.N.W. and S.S.E distance four leagues.

The 14th April we rowed along shore, the sea running very high so as to distress the rowers; but beating up against wind and sea till past noon, we came into a fine bay, in the bottom of which we came to anchor in an excellent haven. This day and night we went about 5 leagues, and were now about 129 leagues beyond Swakem. For these five leagues the coast extends N.W. and S.E. the land within the coast being in some places low and plain, while it is mountainous in others. By day-light on the 15th we were a league short of _Al Kossir_, which we reached an hour and half after sunrise, and cast anchor in the harbour. During the past night and the short part of this day we had advanced about seven leagues, the coast extending N.N.W. and S.S.E. According to Pliny, in the sixth book of his Natural History, and Ptolomy in his third book of Africa, this place of _Al Kossir_ was anciently named _Phioteras_[307]. All the land from hence to _Arsinoe_, at the northern extremity of the Red Sea, was anciently called _Enco_. This place is about 15 or 16 days journey from the nearest part of the Nile, directly west. This is the only port on all this coast to which provisions are brought from the land of Egypt, now called _Riffa_; and from this port of _Kossir_ all the towns on the coast of the Red Sea are provided. In old times, the town of _Kossir_ was built two leagues farther up the coast; but being found incommodious, especially as the harbour at that place was too small, it was removed to this place. To this day the ruins of old _Kossir_ are still visible, and there I believe was _Philoteras_. New _Kossir_ by observations twice verified is in lat. 26°15' N. being 136 leagues beyond _Swakem_. The port is a large bay quite open to the eastern winds, which on this coast blow with great force. Right over against the town there are some small shoals on which the sea breaks, between which and the shore is the anchorage for frigates and ships coming here for a loading. The town is very small and perhaps in the most miserable and barren spot in the world. The houses are more like hovels for cattle, some built of stone and clay, and others of sod, having no roofs except a few matts which defend the inhabitants from the sun, and from rain if any happen now and then to fall as it were by chance, as in this place it so seldom rains as to be looked upon as a wonder. In the whole neighbouring country on the coast, fields, mountains, or hills, there groweth no kind of herb, grass, tree, or bush; and nothing is to be seen but black scorched mountains and a number of bare hillocks, which environ the whole place from sea to sea, like an amphitheatre of barrenness and sterility, most melancholy to behold. Any flat ground there is, is a mere dry barren sand mixed with gravel. The port even is the worst I have seen on all this coast, and has no fish, though all the other ports and channels through which we came have abundance and variety. It has no kind of cattle; and the people are supplied from three wells near the town, the water of which differs very little from that of the sea.

[Footnote 307: In Purchas, Al Kossir is named Alcocer. Don John thinks this place to be the _Philoteras_ of Ptolomy; but Dr Pocock places it 2°40' more to the north, making Kossir _Berenice_, which is highly probable, as it is still the port of _Kept_, anciently Coptos, or of _Kus_ near it, both on the Nile, as well as the nearest port to the Nile on all that coast, which _Berenice_ was. Dr Pocock supposes old Kossir to have been _Myos Hormos_: but we rather believe it to have been Berenice.--Ast.]

The most experienced of the Moors had never heard of the name of Egypt[308], but call the whole land from _Al Kossir_ to Alexandria by the name of _Riffa_[309], which abounds in all kinds of victuals and provisions more than any other part of the world, together with great abundance of cattle, horses, and camels, there not being a single foot of waste land in the whole country. According to the information I received; their language and customs are entirely Arabic. The land, as I was told, is entirely plain, on which it never rains except for a wonder; but God hath provided a remedy by ordaining that the Nile should twice a year[310] overflow its natural bounds to water the fields. They said likewise that the Nile from opposite to _Al Kossir_, and far above that towards the bounds of Abyssinia, was navigable all the way to Alexandria; but having many islands and rocks, either it was necessary to have good pilots or to sail only by day. They told me likewise that the natives inhabited this barren spot of _Al Kossir_, as being the nearest harbour on the coast of the Red Sea to the Nile, whence provisions were transported; and that the inhabitants were satisfied with slight matts instead of roofs to their houses because not troubled with rain, and the matts were a sufficient protection from the sun: but made their walls of stone to defend themselves against the malignity and rapaciousness of the _Badwis_, a perverse people, void of all goodness, who often suddenly assaulted the place in hope of plunder, and frequently pillaged the caravans coming across from the Nile with provisions and other commodities.

[Footnote 308: No wonder, as _Messr_ is the name by which Egypt is known to the Arabs.--E.]

[Footnote 309: More properly _Al Rif_, which name more particularly belongs to part of Lower Egypt.--Ast.]

[Footnote 310: This is erroneous, as the Nile only overflows once yearly.--E.]

The 18th of April we fastened ourselves to a shoal about four leagues past _Kossir_, and set sail from thence at noon. The 19th, about half an hour past eight o'clock, while proceeding with fine weather, we were suddenly taken aback by a fierce gust at N.N.W. which obliged us to take shelter in an island called _Suffange-al-bahar_[311] or _Saffanj-al-bahr_, losing 4 or 5 leagues of way that we had already advanced. The name given to this island means in the Arabic a _sea-sponge_. It is 13 leagues beyond _Al Kossir_, in lat. 27° N. being in length about two leagues by about a quarter in breadth, all of sand without trees or water. Its harbour is good in all weathers; but upon the main land the number of bays, ports, and harbours about this place are wonderful. The best channel here is between the island, and the main, along the coast of the continent, as on the side next the island there are some shoals. Likewise in the northern entry to this port there are other shoals which need not be feared in coming in by day, and in the southern entrance there is a large rock in the very middle. The 20th at sunset we were about six leagues beyond this island of Safanj-al-bahr. From which island to a sandy, point about 1-1/2 league beyond, the coast trends N.N.W. and S.S.E. and from this point forwards to the end of the six leagues, the coast winds inwards to landwards forming a large bay, within which are many islands, ports, creeks, bays, and notable harbours. The 21st by day we were fast to the shore of an island called Sheduam, and the wind being calm, we rowed along the coast of the island, which, opposite to Arabia or the east side, is high and craggy, all of hard rock, three leagues long and two broad. This island is 20 leagues beyond _Al Kossir_, having no water nor any trees. It is between the two coasts of Arabia and Egypt, being five leagues from either. Beyond it to the north-west are three small low islands with shoals among them. An hour after sunset, we were upon the north cape or point of this island, whence we crossed towards the Arabian coast[312], and having no wind we took to our oars. Within a little it began to blow fair from the S.E. and we set sail steering N.W. At eleven next morning, we were upon the coast of the Stony Arabia, and soon sailed along its shore, entering two hours before sunset into the port _Toro_ or _Al Tor_, which may be seen front the island of Sheduam, distant 12 leagues, bearing N. by W. and S. by E.

[Footnote 311: _Safanj-al-Bahr_. In Arabic _Safanj, Sofinj_ and _Isfanj_, all signify _Sponge_, which is obviously derived from the Arabic word.--Ast.]

[Footnote 312: Probably meaning that part of Arabia between the Gulf of Suez and the Bahr-akkaba, called the promontory of Tor, of which Cape Mahomed forms the S.W. extremity,--E.]

_Toro_ or _Al Tor_ was of old called _Elana_, as may be seen in the writings of Ptolomy, Strabo, and other ancient writers, although our observation of the latitude differs materially from theirs. But they shew that _Elana_ was situated in the most inward part of a very great gulf, called _Sinus Elaniticus_[313], from the name of this place _Elana_, and in lat. 29°15' N. Now we know that _Toro_ is in lat. 28°10' N.[314] and lies upon a very long and straight coast. The cause of this great difference, if these places be the same, may have proceeded from erroneous information given to Ptolomy and the other ancient cosmographers. But that ancient _Elana_ and modern _Toro_ are the same, appears from this, that from thence to Suez both on the Arabian and Egyptian coasts of the Elanitic Gulf, not only is there no memorial or remains of any other ancient town, and the barrenness of the country, want of water, and rough craggy mountains, make it evident that in no other place could there be any habitation. Hence, considering that Ptolomy places Elana on the coast of _Arabia Petrea_, near adjoining to mount Sinai, and makes no mention of any town between it and the _City of Heroes_ on the upmost extremity of the Elanitic Gulf where the sea ends; and as on this shore of Arabia there is neither town, village, nor habitation, coming so near the position assigned to _Elana_ as _Toro_, and as it is impossible to inhabit between _Toro_ and _Suez_, it seems just to conclude that _Toro_ and _Elana_ are the same place. The port of _Toro_ seems likewise that mentioned in holy writ under the name of _Ailan_, where Solomon, king of Israel, caused the ships to be built which sailed to _Tarsis_ and _Ophir_ to bring gold and silver for the temple of Jerusalem: for taking away the second letter from _Ailan_, the ancient names are almost the same. Nor is it reasonable that it should be in any other place, as the timber for the navy of Solomon was brought from Lebanon and Antelibanus; and to avoid expences they would necessarily carry it to the nearest port, especially as the Jews then possessed the region of Idumea, and that part of the coast of Arabia Petrea which is between Toro and Suez. Strabo holds that _Elana_ and _Ailan_ are the same city; and when treating of this city in another place, he says, that from the port of _Gaza_ it is 1260 furlongs to the city of Ailan, which is situated on the _inwardest_ part of the Arabic Gulf[315]; "and there are two, one towards Gaza and Arabia, called the Sinus Elaniticus, from the city Elana which stands upon it; the other on the Egyptian side towards the _City of Heroes_ and the way from _Pelusium_ to this gulf is very small." This is what I would pick out from ancient authors.

[Footnote 313: Don Juan entirely mistakes this point of antiquity, in consequence of not having learnt that there was another and eastern gulf at the head of the Red Sea; the _Bahr-akkaba_ or real _Sinus Elaniticus_, on which is the town of _Ayla_, assuredly the ancient _Elana_ or _Aylan_.--E.]

[Footnote 314: If this observation be exact, the great promontory or peninsula between the gulfs at the head of the Red Sea must be extended too far south in the map constructed by Dr Pocock.--Ast.]

[Footnote 315: Had Don Juan de Castro been acquainted with the eastern gulf at the head of the Red Sea, called the _Bahr-akkaba_, he would have more readily chosen _Ayla_ for the seat of _Ailan_, and the dock-yard of the navy of Solomon, being at the _inwardest_ part of the Red Sea, and the port nearest to Gaza. Besides, the portion of the text marked with inverted commas, seems a quotation by Don Juan from Strabo, which distinctly indicates the eastern or Elanitic Gulf, and points to _Ayla_ as the seat of Elana and _Ailan_, and distinctly marks the other or western gulf, now that of Suez.--E.]

"As this is a point of great moment in geography, it deserves to be examined[316]. It is observable that Don Juan admits that both Ptolemy and Strabo make the Red Sea terminate to the north in two large gulfs, one towards Egypt and the other towards Arabia, at the end of which latter they place _Elana_. Yet here he rejects the authority of both geographers, alleging that both were mistaken, because Tor is situated on a very long and straight coast. He likewise cites Ptolomy as making the latitude of Elana 29°15' N.[317] yet accounts the difference between that position and the altitude found at Al Tor, 20°10', as of no significance here, though in former instances he had held the tables of Ptolomy as infallible. It is still stranger that Don Juan should after all admit of a gulf of _Elana_, as will be seen presently, and yet place it at a great distance, and at the opposite side of the sea from that on which Elana stands. However this may be, it is certain that Don Juan, and not the ancients, has been misinformed on this matter; for not only the _Arab_ geographers give a particular account of this eastern gulf, as will appear from the description of the Red Sea by _Abulfeda_, but its existence has been proved, by two English travellers, Dr Shaw and Dr Pocock. The errors which Don Juan has here fallen into, has been owing to not having examined the coast on the side of Arabia; for until the fleet came to the island of Sheduam, it had sailed entirely along the African shore; and then, leaving the north part of that island, it passed over to the coast of Arabia[318] for the first time, where it may be presumed that they fell in with the land some way to the north of the S.W. point of the great peninsula between the two gulfs. This cape in the maps by De L'Isle and Dr Pocock is called _Cape Mahomet_. Still however as the island of Sheduam seems to lie nearer the eastern gulf; its north end being at least eighteen or twenty miles to the southward of Cape Mahomet, it is surprising that Don Juan and the whole fleet should overlook that gulf, which indeed was done before by the Venetian who sailed along the Arabian shore in the fleet of Solyman Pacha. What Don Juan says about the identity of _Elana_ and _Ailan_ or _Aylan_ we shall not contend about, as the authority of Strabo, and the similarity of names are strong proofs. But we shall presently see that the Arabs place _Aylan_ at the head of a great gulf; and the distance he cites from Strabo, 1260 stadia from Gaza to Aylan, supposing it to be exact, is a proof that _Aylan_ cannot be the same with _Toro_. We shall only observe farther, that the positive denial by Don Juan of there being any such gulf as the _Elanitic_ on the east or side of Arabia, may have been the reason why it was not laid down in the maps of _Sanson_, or by any geographer before _De L'Isle_."--Ast. I. 124. a.

[Footnote 316: This paragraph, marked by inverted commas, is a dissertation by the editor of Astleys Collection, too important to be omitted, and too long for a note.--E.]

[Footnote 317: The latitude of Ayla in modern maps is about 29°10' N. having a very near coincidence.--E.]

[Footnote 318: Properly speaking only to the Arabian coast of the Gulf of Suez, not at all to the Arabian coast of the Red Sea.--E.]

The city of _Toro_ or _Al Tor_ is built on the sea-side along an extensive and fair strand or beach, and about a cannon-shot before coming to it we saw twelve palm-trees close together very near the sea; and from these a plain field extends to the foot of some high hills. These hills are part of a chain which extends from the straits of Ormuz or Persian Gulf, and which extend hither along the coast very high above the sea as far as Toro, where they leave the coast, "and with a great and sudden violence return from thence to the main towards the north-east, as angry and wearied by so long neighbourhood of the waters." _Arabia Petrea_ is divided by three mountains from _Arabia Felix,_ and on the highest tops of them some Christians lead holy and quiet lives. A little way beyond Toro, on the borders of the sea, a mountain begins to rise by little and little; and thrusting out a large high cape or promontory, seems to those in the town like three great and mighty separate mountains. This town of Tor is small but well situated, all its inhabitants being Christians who speak Arabic. It has a monastery of friars of the order of _Monserrat_, in which is the oracle or image of _Santa Catalina_ of Mount Sinai or St Catharine. These friars are all Greeks. The harbour of Toro is not large, but very secure, having opposite to the shore a long stony bank, between which and the shore is the harbour. At this place both the coasts of the gulf are only about three leagues distant.

Being desirous to learn some particulars concerning this country, I made myself acquainted with the friars, from whom I had the following information. They told me that Mount Sinai was _thirteen_ small days journey into the land, or about 18 leagues[319]. The mountain is very high, the country around being plain and open, having on its borders a great town inhabited by Christians, into which no Mahometan can enter except he who gathers the rents and duties belonging to the Turks. On the top of the mountain is a monastery having many friars, where the body of the blessed Virgin St Catharine lay buried. According to Anthony bishop of Florence, the body of this Holy Virgin was carried away by the angels from the city of Alexandria and buried on Mount Sinai. They told me farther that about four months before our arrival this most blessed and holy body was carried from the mountain with great pomp, on a triumphal chariot all gilt, to the city of Cairo, where the Christians of that city, which are the bulk of the inhabitants, came out to receive it in solemn procession, and set it with great honour in a monastery. The cause of this strange removal was the many insults which the monastery on Mount Sinai suffered from the Arabs, from whom the friars and pilgrims had often to redeem themselves with money; of which the Christians of Cairo complained to the Turkish governor, and received permission to bring the blessed and holy body to their city, which was done accordingly, in spite of a strenuous opposition from the friars of Mount Sinai. I am somewhat doubtful of the truth of this transportation, suspecting that the friars may have trumped up this story lest we might have taken the holy body from them, as they expected us with an army of 10,000 men. Yet they affirmed it for truth, expressing great sorrow for the removal. These friars told me likewise that several hermits lead a solitary and holy life in these mountains over against the town; and that all through the Stony Arabia, there are many towns of Christians. I asked if they knew where the Jews had passed the Red Sea; but they knew of no certain place, only that it must have been somewhere between _Toro_ and _Suez_. They said likewise, that on the Arabian coast of the Gulf, two or three leagues short of Suez, was the fountain which Moses caused to spring from the rock by striking it with his rod, being still called by the Arabs the fountain of Moses, the water of which is purer and more pleasant than any other. They said that from _Toro_ to _Cairo_ by land was seven ordinary days journey, in which the best and most direct way was through Suez: But that since the Turkish gallies came to Suez they had changed the road, going two leagues round to avoid Suez, after which they turned to the west.

[Footnote 319: Surely this passage should be only _three_ short days journey.--E.]

I afterwards conversed with a very honest, learned and curious Mahometan, whom I asked if he could tell where the Jews crossed the Red Sea; on which he told me that both in tradition and in some old writings it was said that the Jews, fleeing from the Egyptians, arrived on the coast of Egypt directly opposite to _Toro_, where Moses prayed to God for deliverance, and struck the sea twelve times with his rod, on which it opened in twelve several paths, by which the Jews passed over to the other side to where _Toro_ now stands; after which the Egyptians entering into these paths were all destroyed to the number of about 600,000 men. That from _Toro_ Moses led the Israelites to Mount Sinai, where Moses spake many times with God. I approved much of this opinion; for if the passage had been at Suez, as some insist, the Egyptians had no occasion to have entered into the sea for persecuting the Jews, as they could have gone round the bay and got before them, more especially as they were horsemen and the Jews all on foot. For though all these things came about by a miracle, we see always on like occasions there is a shew and manner of reason. I asked of this Moor if it were true that the Christians of Cairo had carried away the body of St Catharine from Mount Sinai; but he said he had never heard of it, neither did he believe the story; and that only four months before he had been in Cairo, which city they call _Mecara_[320], where he heard of no such thing. He thought likewise that the Christians about Mount Sinai would never have permitted such a thing, as they all considered that woman as a saint, and held her body in great reverence. He told me also that two or three leagues before coming to _Suez_ there is a fountain which was given to the Jews at the intercession of Moses, whom they call _Muzau_, the water of which surpasses all others in goodness. On inquiring what kind of a place was the town of _Suez_, he said he had never been there, as no person could enter that town except those appointed by the governor of Cairo for taking care of the gallies, nor come nearer than two leagues under pain of death.

[Footnote 320: Mecara, perhaps by mistake for Meçara or Mezara, which is very near Mesr as it is called by the Turks. Cairo is an Italian corruption of Kahera or al Kahira--Astl.]

SECTION VIII.

_Continuation of the Voyage from Taro or al Tor to Suez._

We set sail the day after our arrival at Toro, being the 23d of April 1541, and on the 24th we were in the lat. of 27° 17' N. At this place, which is 20 leagues beyond Toro and 52 leagues from _al Kossir_, the land of Egypt, or that coast of the Red Sea which continueth all the way from Abyssinia, comes out into the sea with a very long and low point, which winds a great way inwards to the land and more crooked than any other I have seen. After forming a large fine bay, it juts out into a large high cape or point, which is three short leagues from _Suez_, at the other extremity of this bay, and from that first promontory to _Suez_ the land bears N.W. by N. and S.E. by S. The shore of this bay is very high and rough, and at the same time entirely parched and barren. The whole of this large bay, except very near the shore, is so deep that we had no ground with fifty fathom, and the bottom is a soft sand lake ouze. This bay I hold to have been undoubtedly the _Sinus Elaniticus_ of the ancients, though Strabo and Ptolemy, being both deceived in regard to its situation, placed it on the coast of Stony Arabia at _Toro_. This I mentioned before, when describing _Toro_, that Strabo says the Arabian Gulf ends in two bays, one called _Elaniticus_ on the Arabian side, and the other on the Egyptian side where stands the _City of Heroes_[321]. Ptolemy evidently fixes the _elanitic sinus_ on the coast of Arabia, where Toro now stands; which is very wonderful, considering that Ptolemy Was born in Alexandria, where he wrote his Cosmography and resided all his life, and which city is so very near these places.

[Footnote 321: No description can be more explicit: but Don John unfortunately knew not of the eastern _sinus_, and found himself constrained to find both _sinuses_ in one gulf.--E.]

The 26th of April we set sail, and at eleven o'clock we lowered our sails, rowing along shore, where we cast anchor. Two hours before sunset we weighed again with the wind at north and rowed along shore; and before the sun set we anchored behind a point of land on the Arabian shore, which sheltered us effectually from the north wind, having advanced only a league and a half this day. This point is three _small_ leagues short of _Suez_, and is directly east of the N.W. point of the Great Gulf, distance about a league. From this point, about half a league inland, is the fountain of Moses already mentioned. As soon as we had cast anchor we went on shore, whence we saw the end of this sea, which we had hitherto thought without end, and could plainly see the masts of the Turkish ships. All this gave us much satisfaction, yet mixed with much anxiety. As the wind blew hard all night from the north, we remained at anchor behind the point till day.

On the morning of the 27th, the wind blowing hard at N.N.W. we remained at anchor till ten, when we departed from the point and made for Suez with our oars. When about a league from the end of the sea, I went before with two _catures_ to examine the situation of Suez and to look out for a proper landing-place. We got close up to Suez about three o'clock in the afternoon, where we saw many troops of horse in the field, and two great bands of foot-soldiers in the town, who made many shots at us from a blockhouse. The Turkish navy at this place consisted of forty-one large gallies, and nine great ships. Having completed the examination, and returned to our fleet, we all went to the point of land to the west of the bay, and came to anchor near the shore in five fathoms water, in an excellent harbour, the bottom a fine soft sand.

It is certain that in ancient times Suez was called the _City of Heroes_, for it differs in nothing as to latitude situation and bearings from what is said in Ptolomy, Table III. of Africa. More especially as Suez is seated on the uttermost coast of the nook or bay where the sea of Mecca ends, on which the City of Heroes was situated, as Strabo writes in his XVII book thus: "The city of _Heroes_, or of _Cleopatra_, by some called _Arsinoe_, is in the uttermost bounds of the _Sinus Arabicus_, which is towards Egypt.". Pliny, in the VI. book of his Natural History, seems to call the port of Suez _Danao_, on account of the trench or canal opened between the Nile and the Red Sea. The latitude of Suez is 29° 45' N. being the nearest town and port of the Red Sea to the great city of Cairo, called anciently _Babylon_ of Egypt. From Suez to the _Levant Sea_ or Mediterranean, at that mouth of one of the seven branches of the Nile which is called _Pelusium_, is about 40 leagues by land, which space is called the _isthmus_, or narrow neck of land between the two seas. On this subject Strabo writes in his XVII. book, "The isthmus between Pelusium and the extreme point of the Arabian Gulf where stands the _City of Heroes_, is 900 stadia." This is the port of the Red Sea to which Cleopatra Queen of Egypt, after the victory obtained by Augustus over Antony, commanded ships to be carried by land from the Nile, that they might flee to the Indians.

Sesostris King of Egypt and Darius King of Persia undertook at different periods to dig a canal between the Nile and the Red Sea, on purpose to open a navigable communication between the Mediterranean and the Indian ocean; but as neither of them completed the work, Ptolomy made a trench 100 feet broad and 30 feet deep, which being nearly finished, he discontinued lest the sea-water from the Arabian Gulf might render the water of the Nile salt and unfit for use. Others say that, on taking the level, the architects and masters of the work found that the Sea of Arabia was _three cubits_ higher than the land of Egypt, whence it was feared that all the country would be inundated and destroyed. The ancient authors on this subject are Diodorus Siculus, Pliny, Pomponius Mela, Strabo, and many other cosmographers[322].

[Footnote 322: This communication was actually opened about A.D. 685, by _Amru_, who conquered Egypt for _Moawiah_, the first _Ommiyan Khalifah_ of Damascus. It was called _al Khalij al Amir al Momenein_, or the canal of the commander of the faithful, the title of the Caliphs. It was shut up about 140 years afterwards by _Abu Jafar al Mansur_.--Astl.]

Although the town of Suez had a great name of old, it is small enough at this time, and I believe had been utterly ruined and abandoned if the Turkish navy had not been stationed here. In the front of the land which faces the south where this sea ends there is the mouth of a small creek or arm of the sea entering a short way into the land, which extends towards the west till stopped by a hillock, the only one that rises in these parts: Between which creek and the bay or ending of the sea is a very long and narrow tongue or spit of sand, on which the gallies and ships of the Turks lie aground; and on which the ancient and warlike City of the Heroes is seated[323]. There still remains a small castle, without which are two high ancient towers, the remains of the City of Heroes which stood here in old times. But on the point of land where the creek enters there is a great and mighty bulwark of modern structure, which defends the entry of the creek, and scours the coast behind the sterns of the gallies if any one should attempt to land in that place. Besides this, there runs between the gallies and the strand, an entrenchment like a ridge or long hill, making the place very strong and defensible. Having considered this place attentively, it seemed to me impossible to land in any part except behind the little mountain on the west at the head of the creek, as we should be there free from the Turkish artillery, and likewise the possession of this hillock might contribute to our success against the enemy. But it is necessary to consider that all along this strand the water is shoaly for the breadth of a bow-shot, and the ground a soft sticking clay or sinking sand, as I perceived by examining the ground from the foist or cature, which would be very prejudicial to the men in landing.

[Footnote 323: This description does not agree with the map or relation of Dr Pocock; which makes the sea terminate in two bays, divided by the tongue of land on which Suez stands. That to the N.W. is very wide at the mouth, and is properly the termination of the western gulf of the Red Sea. The other on the N.E. is narrow at the entrance; and is divided by another tongue of land into two parts.--Astl.]

In regard to the particulars which I learnt concerning Suez, as told me by some of the men I met with, especially the Moor formerly mentioned whom I conversed with at Toro, I was informed that at the fountain of Moses, formerly mentioned as three leagues from Suez towards _Toro_, there had been a great city in old times, of which they say dome buildings or ruins are still to be seen; but they could not say what had been its name. They told me also that the remains of the canal attempted to be made in old times from the Nile at the city of Cairo to Suez were still to be seen, though much defaced and filled by length of time, and that those who travel from Suez to Cairo have necessarily to pass these remains. Some alleged that this trench was not intended for navigation between the Nile and the Red sea, but merely to bring water from the Nile for the supply of Suez. They told me that the whole country from Suez to Cairo was a sandy plain, quite barren and without water, being three days journey going at leisure, or about 15 leagues. That in Suez and the country round it seldom rained, but when it did at any time it was very heavy; and that the north-wind blew at Suez the whole year with great force.

From _Toro_ to _Suez_ it is 28 leagues, without any island bank or shoal in the whole way that can impede the navigation. Departing from Toro by the middle of the channel, the ran for the first 16 leagues is N.W. by N. from S.E. by S. in all of which space the two coasts are about an equal distance from each other, or about three leagues asunder. At the end of these 16 or 17 leagues, the coasts begin to close very much, so that the opposite shores are only one league distant, which narrowness continues for two leagues; after which the Egyptian coast withdraws very much towards the west, making the large fine bay formerly mentioned. The mid channel from the end of the before mentioned 16 or 17 leagues, till we come to the N.W. point of this bay trends N.N.W. and S.S.E. the distance being 8 leagues. In this place the lands again approach very much, as the Arabian shore thrusts out a very long low point, and the Egyptian coast sends out a very large and high point at the end of the bay on the N.W. side, these points being only a little more than one league asunder. From these points to Suez and the end of this sea, the coasts wind inwards on each side, making another bay somewhat more than two leagues and a half long and one league and a half broad, where this sea, so celebrated in holy scripture and by profane authors, has its end. The middle of this bay extends N. and S. with some deflection to W. and E. respectively, distance two leagues and a half. On the coast between Toro and Suez, on the Arabian side, a hill rises about a gun-shot above Toro very near the sea, which is all bespotted with red streaks from side to side, giving it a curious appearance. This hill continues along the coast for 15 or 16 leagues, but the red streaks do not continue more than six leagues beyond Toro. At the end of the 15 or 16 leagues this ridge rises into a great and high knoll, after which the ridge gradually recedes from the sea, and ends about a league short of Suez. Between the high knoll and Suez along the sea there is a very low plain, in some places a league in breadth, and in others nearer Suez a league and half. Beside this hill towards Toro I saw great heaps of sand, reaching in some places to the top of the hill, yet were there no sands between the hill and the sea: "Likewise by the clefts and breaches many broken sands were driven," whence may be understood how violent the cross winds blow here, as they snatch up and drive the sand from out of the sea and lift it to the tops of the hills. These cross winds, as I noticed by the lying of the sands, were from the W. and the W.N.W.

On the other or Egyptian side of this gulf, between Toro and Suez, there run certain great and very high hills or mountains appearing over the sea coast; which about 17 leagues above Toro open in the middle as low as the plain field, after which they rise as high as before, and continue along the shore to within a league of Suez, where they entirely cease. I found the ebb and flow of the sea between Toro and Suez quite conformable with what has been already said respecting other parts of the coast, and neither higher nor lower: Whence appears the falsehood of some writers, who pretend that no path was opened through this sea for the Israelites by miracle; but merely that the sea ebbed so much in this place that they waited the ebb and passed over dry. I observed that there were only two places in which it could have been possible for Sesostris and Ptolomy kings of Egypt, to have dug canals from the Nile to the Red-Sea: One of these by the breach of the mountains on the Egyptian coast 17 leagues above Toro, and 11 short of Suez; and the other by the end of the nook or bay on which Suez stands; as at this place the hills on both sides end, and all the land remains quite plain and low, without hillocks or any other impediment. This second appears to me to be much more convenient for so great a work than the other, because the land is very low, the distance shorter, and there is a haven at Suez. All the rest of the coast is lined by great and high mountains of hard rock. Hence Suez must be the place to which Cleopatra commanded the ships to be brought across the isthmus, a thing of such great labour that shortness was of most material importance: Here likewise for the same reason must have been the trench or canal from the Nile to the Red Sea; more especially as all the coast from Toro upwards is waste, and without any port till we come to Suez.

During all the time which we spent between Toro and Suez, the heaven was constantly overcast with thick black clouds, which seemed contrary to the usual nature of Egypt; as all concur in saying that it never rains in that country, and that the heavens are never obscured by clouds or vapours: But perhaps the sea raises these clouds at this place, and farther inland the sky might be clear; as we often see in Portugal that we have clear pleasant weather at Lisbon, while at Cintra only four leagues distant, there are great clouds mists and rain. The sea between Toro and Suez is subject to sudden and violent tempests; as when the wind blows from the north, which is the prevailing wind here, although not very great, the sea is wonderfully raised, the waves being everywhere so coupled together and broken that they are very dangerous. This is not occasioned by shallow water, as this channel is very deep, only that on the Egyptian side it is somewhat shoaly close to the shore. "About this place I saw certain _sea foams_ otherwise called _evil waters_, the largest I had ever seen, being as large as a target, of a whitish dun colour. These do not pass lower than Toro; but below that there are infinite small ones, which like the other are bred in and go about the sea[324]." While between Toro and Suez, though the days were insufferably hot, the nights were colder than any I ever met with.

[Footnote 324: This passage respecting _sea foams_ or _evil waters_ is altogether unintelligible, unless perhaps some obscure allusion to _water-spouts_ maybe supposed.--E.]

SECTION IX.

_Return Voyage from Suez to Massua._

In the morning of the 28th of April 1541 we departed from before Suez on our return to Massua[325]. At sunset we were one league short of a sharp red peak on the coast, 20 leagues from Suez. At night we took in our sails and continued along shore under our foresails only, the wind blowing hard at N.N.W. Two hours within the night, we came to anchor near the shore in 3 fathoms, the heavens being very dark and covered by many thick black clouds. The 29th we weighed in the morning, and came into the port of Toro at nine o'clock, but soon weighed again, and came to anchor a league farther on, in a haven called _Solymans watering place_, where we took in water, digging pits in the sand a stones throw from the sea, where we got abundance of brackish water. Leaving this place in the morning of the 30th, we anchored at 10 in the morning at the first of the three islands, which are two leagues N.W. of the island of _Sheduam_. I went on shore here with my pilot, when we took the suns altitude a little less than 80°; and as the declination that day was 17°36' the latitude of this island is 27°40' N. At sunset on the 1st of May we set sail, and by even-song time we came to an island, two leagues long, which thrusts out a point very close to the main land, between which and the island is a singularly good harbour for all weathers, fit for all the ships in the world. The 2d at sunset we came to anchor in the port of _Goelma_[326], which is safe from N. and N.W. winds, but only fit for small vessels. A short space within the land is the dry bed of a brook, having water during the floods of winter descending from the mountains. Digging a little way we found fresh water. There is a well here also, but not abundant in water. This port, the name of which signifies in Arabic _the port of water_, is N.N.W. of _al Kessir_, distant 4 leagues.

[Footnote 325: The fleet seems only to have been before Suez from 3 o'clock on the afternoon of the 27th of April till the morning of next day the 28th, or rather Don Juan only went forwards to examine the possibility of landing. Yet De Faria says, II. 23. "That after many brave attempts made by several to view and sound the harbour, Don Stefano landed with his men, and being repulsed, chiefly by means of an ambush of 2000 horse, was obliged to retire." The silence of Don John respecting any military operations, and the shortness of time, leaves hardly room to suppose that any were attempted.--E.]

[Footnote 326: Rather Kallama or Kalla'lma,--Astl.]

The 4th of May we rowed along shore, and came to anchor near sunset, in a small but excellent harbour named _Azallaihe_, two leagues S.E. beyond _Shakara_ between that place and the _black hillock_. We lay at anchor all night, the wind at N.N.W. _Bohalel Shame_ is a deep, safe, and capacious port, in which many ships may ride at anchor. It was named from one Bohalel, a rich chief of the _Badwis_ who dwelt in the inland country, and used to sell cattle to the ships frequenting this port. _Shame_ signifies land or country; so that _Bohalel Shame_ signifies the Land of Bohalel[327]. At this place we found an honourable tomb within a house like a chapel, in which hung a silk flag or standard, with many arrows or darts round the grave, and the walls were hung round with many bulls[328]. On an upright slab or table at the head of the grave there was a long inscription or epitaph, and about the house there were many sweet-scented waters and other perfumes. From the Moors and Arabs I was informed that an Arabian of high rank of the lineage of Mahomet was here buried; and that the _Sharifs_ of Jiddah and other great prelates gave indulgences and pardons to all who visited his sepulchre: But the Portuguese sacked the house and afterwards burnt it, so that no vestige was left. On the shore of this harbour we saw many footsteps of tigers and goats, as if they had come here in search of water.

[Footnote 327: Rather perhaps _Bohalel Shomeh_, meaning the lot or portion of Bohalel.--Astl.]

[Footnote 328: Perhaps _Bells_.--E.]

Having often occasion to mention the _Badwis_ or _Bedouins_ while voyaging along the coasts of their country, it may be proper to give some account of that people. These _Badwis_ are properly the _Troglodites ophiofagi_, of whom Ptolemy, Pomponius Mela, and other ancient writers make mention. These _Badwis_ or _Troglodites_ live on the mountains and sea-coasts from _Melinda_ and _Magadoxa_ to Cape _Guardafu_, and thence all along the coasts of the Red Sea on both sides, and along the outer coast of Arabia through the whole coast of the Persian Gulf; all of which land they may be more properly said to occupy than to inhabit. In Good Arabic, _Badwi_ signifies one who lives only by cattle[329]. Those who dwell along the Red Sea from _Zeyla_ to _Swakem_, and thence to _al Kossir_, are continually at war with the _Nubii_ or _Nubians_; while those from _Kossir_ to _Suez_ perpetually molest the Egyptians. On the eastern coast of the Red Sea the _Badwis_ have incessant contests with the Arabians. They are wild men, among whom there is no king or great lord, but they live in tribes or factions, allowing of no towns in their country, neither have they any fixed habitations, but live a vagabond life, wandering from place to place with their cattle. They abhor all laws and ordinances, neither will they admit of their differences being judged of by any permanent customs or traditions, but rather that their sheiks or chiefs shall determine according to their pleasure. They dwell in caves and holes, but most of them in tents or huts. In colour they are very black, and their language is Arabic. They worship Mahomet, but are very bad Mahometans, being addicted beyond all other people on earth to thievery and rapine. They eat raw flesh, and milk is their usual drink. Their habits are vile and filthy; but they run with wonderful swiftness. They fight afoot or on horseback, darts being their chief weapons, and are almost continually at war with their neighbours.

[Footnote 329: _Badwi_, or more properly _Badawi_, signifies a dweller in the field or in the desert; corruptly called by us Bedouin.--Astl.]

By day-light of the 10th May we weighed anchor from the port of _Igidid_[330], and an hour before sunset we fastened our barks to a shoal about four leagues south of _Farate_. In this shoal there is an excellent harbour, lying almost E.S.E. and W.N.W. but very crooked and winding, so large that we could not see to the other end. The 22d of May[331], by day-break, we were a league short of the grove which stands four leagues north of _Massua_, having the wind from the land. At nine o'clock it began to blow fair from the N.N.E. and we entered the port of Massua at noon, where we were joyfully received by the fleet and army. From the 22d of May, when we entered Massua, the winds were always from the easterly points, either E. or S.E. or E.S.E. often with great storms. On the last day of June we had so violent a gale from S.E. that the galleons drifted and were in great danger of grounding. This storm was attended by heavy rain and fearful thunders, and a thunderbolt struck the mast of one of our galleons, which furrowed it in its whole length. On the 2d of July we had another great storm from the east which lasted most of the day, and drove many of our vessels from their anchors. From thence to the 7th of July we had other storms, but small in comparison. On the 8th and 9th we had two desperate gales from the land.

[Footnote 330: Either Don Juan or his abbreviator has omitted part of the Journal at this place, from the port of _Azallaihe_ to that of _Igidid_--E.]

[Footnote 331: Here again a considerable portion of the Journal is emitted.--E.]

SECTION X.

_Return of the Expedition from Massua to India_.

Having remained 48 days at Massua, we set sail from thence on our return to India on the 9th of July 1541, one hour before sunrise, and by day-break we were two or three leagues short of the north point of _Dallak_, and among some flat islands that have some woods, which islands are scattered in the sea to the north of Dallak. We sailed through a channel between two of these islands, having a fair wind almost N.W. our course being N.E. by N. After doubling a shoal we came to anchor, and at two in the afternoon we sailed again with a fair wind at N.N.E. coasting the island of Dallak. An hour before sunset we came to a very flat sandy island, called _Dorat Melkuna_, from which on all sides extended great shoals. When the sun set we were a league short of the island of _Shamoa_, between which and the west side of Dallak, opposite the Abyssinian coast, is the most frequented channel for such as sail to Massua. All the coast of Dallak which we sailed along this day trends N.N.W. and S.S.E. and is very low. The 18th of July by day break we saw the mouth of the straits[332], about three leagues distant, "and we saw all the fleet _lye at hull_, and presently we set sail altogether[333]."

[Footnote 332: A large portion of the Journal is again omitted at this place, either by Don Juan or his abbreviator, Purchas.--E.]

[Footnote 333: Perhaps in coming in sight of the Strait, the ship of Don Juan was so much in advance as barely to see the hulls of the rest; and lay to till the rest came up.--E.]

Before leaving the Gulf of Arabia or of Mecca, it may be proper to consider the reason why the ancients called this Gulf the _Red Sea_, and to give my own opinion founded on what I actually saw, whether it differ in colour from the great ocean. In the _sixth_ book of his Natural History, Pliny quotes several opinions as the origin of the name _Erythros_ given to this sea by the ancients[334]. The first is, that it took its name from _Erythra_, a king who once reigned on its borders, whence came _Erythros_ which signifies _red_ in the Greek. Another opinion was that the reflexion of the sun-beams gave a red colour to this sea. Some hold that the red colour proceeds from the sand and ground along the sea coast, and others that the water was red itself. Of these opinions every writer chose that he liked best. The Portuguese who formerly navigated this sea affirmed that it was spotted or streaked with red, arising as they alleged from the following circumstances. They say that the coast of Arabia is naturally very red, and as there are many great storms in this country, which raise great clouds of dust towards the skies, which are driven by the wind into the sea, and the dust being _red_ tinges the water of that colour, whence it got the name of the Red Sea.

[Footnote 334: By Dr. Hyde, in his notes on _Peritsol_, and Dr. Cumberland, in his remarks on Sanchoniatho, and by other writers, _Erythros_ or _Red_ is supposed to be a translation of _Edom_, the name of _Esau_; whence it is conjectured that this sea, as well as the country of _Idumea_, took their denominations from _Edom_. But this does not seem probable for two reasons: _First_, because the Jews do not call it the _Red Sea_ but _Tam Suf_, or the _Sea of Weeds_; and, _second_, the ancients included all the ocean between the coasts of Arabia and India under the name of the _Erythrean_ or _Red Sea_, of which the _Persian_ and the _Arabian Gulfs_ were reckoned branches.--Ast. I. 129. c.]

From leaving _Socotora_, till I had coasted the whole of this sea all the way to _Suez_, I continually and carefully observed this sea; and the colour and appearance of its shores, the result of which I shall now state. First then, it is altogether false that the colour of this sea is red, as it does not differ in any respect from the colour of other seas. As to the dust driven by the winds from the land to the sea staining the water; we saw many storms raise great clouds of dust and drive them to the sea, but the colour of its water was never changed by these. Those who have said that the land on the coast is red, have not well observed the coats and strands: for generally on both, sides the land by the sea is brown and very dark, as if scorched. In some places it appears black and in others white, and the sands are of these colours. In three places only there are certain parts of the mountains having veins or streaks of a red colour; and at these places the Portuguese had never been before the present voyage. These three places are all far beyond _Swakem_ towards Suez, and the three hills having these red streaks or veins are all of very hard rock, and all the land round about that we could see are of the ordinary colour and appearance. Now, although substantially the water of this sea has no difference in colour from that of other seas, yet in many places its waves by accident seem very red, from the following cause. From _Swakem_ to _Kossir_, which is 136 leagues, the sea is thickly beset with shoals and shelves or reefs, composed of _coral stone_, which grows like clustered trees spreading its branches on all sides as is done by real _coral_, to which this stone bears so strong resemblance that it deceives many who are not very skilful respecting the growth and nature of coral.

This _coral stone_ is of two sorts, one of which is a very pure white, and the other very _red_. In some places this _coral stone_ is covered by great quantities of green ouze or sleech, and in other places it is free from this growth. In some places this ouze or sleech is very bright green, and in others of an orange-tawny colour. From _Swakem_ upwards, the water of this sea is so exceedingly clear, that in many places the bottom may be distinctly seen at the depth of 20 fathoms. Hence, where-ever these shoals and shelves are, the water over them is of three several colours, according to the colour of these rocks or shelves, red, green, or white, proceeding from the colour of the ground below, as I have many times experienced. Thus when the ground of the shoals is sand, the sea over it appears _white_; where the coral-stone is covered with _green_ ouze or sleech, the water above is greener even than the weeds; but where the shoals are of _red_ coral, or coral-stone covered by _red_ weeds, all the sea over them appears very _red_. And, as this _red_ colour comprehends larger spaces of the sea than either the _green_ or the _white_, because the stone of the shoals is mostly of _red coral_, I am convinced that on this account it has got the name of the _Red Sea_, and not the green sea or the white sea, though these latter colours are likewise to be seen in perfection.

The means I used for ascertaining this secret of nature were these. I oftentimes fastened my bark upon shoals where the sea appeared red, and commanded divers to bring me up stones from the bottom. Mostly it was so shallow over these shoals, that the bark touched; and in other places the mariners could wade for half a league with the water only breast high. On these occasions most of the stones brought up were of red coral, and others were covered by orange-tawny weeds. Whether the sea appeared _green_, I found the stones at the bottom were white coral covered with green weeds; and where the sea was white I found a very white sand. I have conversed often with the Moorish pilots, and with persons curious in antiquities, who dwelt on this sea, who assured me that it was never stained red by the dust brought from the land by the winds: I do not, however reprove the opinion of former Portuguese navigators; but I affirm, that having gone through this sea oftener than they, and having seen its whole extent, while they only saw small portions, I never saw any such thing. Every person with whom I conversed wondered much at our calling it the Red Sea, as they knew no other name for it than the sea of Mecca[335]. On the 9th of August 1541, we entered the port of _Anchediva_, where we remained till the 21st of that month, when we went in foists or barks and entered the port of Goa, whence we set out on this expedition on the 31st of December 1540, almost eight months before.

[Footnote 335: This might have been the case among the pilots at this time; but among Arabic geographers it is likewise called the Sea of Hejaz, the Sea of Yaman, and the Sea of Kolzum.--Astl.]

_Table of Latitudes observed in the Journal of Don Juan[336]._

Deg. Min. Socotora, 12 40 Bab-al-Mondub[A] 12 15 Sarbo port,[B] 15 76[337] Shaback, scarcely 19 0 _A nameless island _, 19 0 Tradate, harbour 19 50 Fushaa, bay 20 15 Farate, river 21 40 Ras-al-Jidid, port[B] 22 0 Comol, port 22 30 Ras-al-Nef, Cape 24 0 Swairt island 24 10 Gaudenauchi, port 24 40 Tuna, haven 25 30 Kossir[A] 26 15 Safanj-al-bahr, island 27 0 Island, 2 leagues N.W. from Sheduan 27 40 Toro, town 28 10 Anchorage, 20 leagues farther 29 17 Suez 29 45

[Footnote 336: In this Table [A] denotes _two_ observations having been made at the place; [B] indicates more observations than two; and all the rest only one. All of course north.--E.]

[Footnote 337: In the enumeration of latitudes in Astleys Collection this is set down as 15 deg. 17 min. but in the text of Purchas it is stated as here.--E.]

SECTION XI.

_Description of the Sea of Kolzum, otherwise called the Arabian Gulf, or the Red Sea. Extracted from the Geography of Abulfeda_[338].

The following description of the Red Sea was written by _Ismael Abulfeda_ prince of _Hamah_ in Syria, the ancient _Epiphania_, who died in the 733d year of the _Hejirah_ or Mahometan era, corresponding with the year 1332 of the Christian computation, after having lived sixty-one years, twenty two of which he was sovereign of that principality. Greaves has mistaken both the length of his reign, which he makes only three years, and the time of his death[339]. Abulfeda was much addicted to the study of geography and history, and wrote books on both of these subjects, which are in great estimation in the East. His geography written in 721, A.D. 1321, consists of tables of the latitudes and longitudes of places, in imitation of Ptolemy, with descriptions, under the title of _Takwin al Boldan_. No fewer than five or six translations have been made of this work, but by some accident or other none of these have ever been published. The only parts of this work that have been printed are the tables of _Send_ and _Hend_, or India, published in the French collection of Voyages and Travels by Thevenot; and those of _Khowarazm_ or _Karazm, Mawara'l-nahar_, or Great Bukharia, and Arabia. The two former were published in 1650, with a Latin translation by Dr Greaves; and all the three by Hudson, in the third volume of the _Lesser Greek Geographers_, in 1712; from which latter work this description of the Red Sea is extracted, on purpose to illustrate the two preceding journals, and to shew that there really is such a gulf on the coast of Arabia as that mentioned by the ancients, that geographers may not be misled by the mistake of Don Juan de Castro. In this edition, the words inserted between parenthesis are added on purpose to accommodate the names to the English orthography, or to make the description more strictly conformable to the Arabic. The situations or geographical positions are here thrown out of the text, to avoid embarrassment, and formed into a table at the end. We cannot however warrant any of them, as those which may have been settled by actual observation are not distinguished from such as may not have had that advantage; which indeed is the general fault of oriental tables of latitude and longitude. The latitude of _Al Kossir_ comes pretty near that formed by Don Juan de Castro; but that of _Al Kolzum_ must err above one degree, while that of Swakem is more than two degrees erroneous.--Ast.

[Footnote 338: Astley, I. 130. We have adopted this article from Astleys Collection, that nothing useful or curious may be omitted. In the present time, when the trade beyond the Cape of Good Hope is about to be thrown open, it might be highly useful to publish a series of Charts of all the coasts and islands of the great Eastern Ocean; and among others, a Chart of the Red Sea, with a dissertation on its geography and navigation, might be made of singular interest and utility.--E.]

[Footnote 339: See Gagnier's preface to the life of Mahomet by Abu'lfeda; and the preface of Shulten to that of Saladin--Astl. I. 130. d.]

The author begins his description of the sea of _Kolzum_ or of _Yaman_ at _Al Kolzum_[340], a small city at the north end of this sea; which from thence runs south, inclining a little towards the east, as far as _al Kasir_ (_al Kossir_) the port of _Kus_[341]. Hence it continues its course south, bending somewhat westward to about _Aidab_ (Aydhab[342].) The coast passes afterwards directly south to _Sawakan_ (Swakem), a small city in the land of the blacks, (or _al Sudan_). Proceeding thence south, it encompasses the island of _Dahlak_, which is not far from the western shore. Afterwards advancing in the same direction, it washes the shores of _al Habash_ (_Ethiopia_ or _Abyssinia_), as far as the cape or mountain of _al Mandab_ (or _al Mondub_), at the mouth of the _Bahr al Kolzum_ or Red Sea, which here terminates; the _Bahr al Hind_, or Indian Sea flowing into it at this place. The cape or mountain of _al Mandub_ and the desert of _Aden_ approach very near, being separated only by so narrow a strait that two persons on the opposite sides may see each other across. These Straits are named _Bab al Mandab_. By some travellers the author was informed that these Straits lie _on this side_ of Aden to the north-west, a day and nights sail. The mountains of _al Mandab_ are in the country of the negroes, and may be seen from the mountains of _Aden_, though at a great distance. Thus much for the western side of this sea. Let us now pass over to the eastern coast.

[Footnote 340: Or _al Kolzom_, which signifies _the swallowing up_. Here, according to Albufeda in his description of _Mesr_ or Egypt, Pharaoh was drowned, and the town and the sea took this name from that event. _Kolzum_ is doubtless the ancient _Clysma_, as indicated both by the similarity of names, and the agreement of situation. It was in the road of the pilgrims from Egypt to Mecca, but is now destroyed. Dr Pocock places Clysma on his map about 15 min. south from Suez.--Ast. I. 131. b.]

[Footnote 341: _Kus_ is a town near the Nile, a little way south of _Kept_, the ancient _Koptos_; which shews that Kossir must be the ancient Berenice, as formerly observed in a note on the Journal of de Castro.--Astl. I. 131. c.]

[Footnote 342: In this name of _Aydhab_, the _dh_ is pronounced with a kind of lisp, like the English _th_ in the words _the_, _then_, &c. About 1150, in the time of _al Edrisi_, this was a famous port, and carried on a great trade. Both the king of _Bejah_ or _Bajah_, a port of Nubia, and the Soldan of Egypt, had officers here to receive the customs, which were divided between these sovereigns. There was a regular ferry here to _Jiddah_, the port of Mecca, which lies opposite, the passage occupying a day and a night, through a sea full of shoals and rocks. In his description of Egypt, Abulfeda says Aydhab belonged to Egypt, and was frequented by the merchants of Yaman, and by the pilgrims from Egypt to Mecca.--Astl. I. 131. d.]

The coast of _Bahr al Kolzum_ runs northward from _Aden_[343], and proceeds thence round the coast of _al Yaman_ (or Arabia Felix), till it comes to the borders thereof. Thence it runs north to _Joddah_. From _Joddah_ it declines a little to the west, as far as _Jahafah_, a station of the people of _Mesr_ (Egypt), when on pilgrimage to Mecca. Thence advancing north, with a small inclination towards the west, it washes the coast of _Yanbaak_ (_Yamboa_). Here it turns off north-westwards, and having passed _Madyan_ it comes to _Aylah_. Thence descending southwards it comes to the mountain _al Tur_[344], which thrusting forwards separates two arms of the sea. Thence returning to the north, it passes on to _al Kolzum_, where the description began, which is situated to the west of _Aylah_, and almost in the same latitude.

[Footnote 343: From Aden the coast leading to the Straits of Bab al Mandab runs almost due west, with a slight northern inclination, about 115 statute miles, or 1 deg. 45 min. of longitude to Cape _Arah_, which with Cape _al Mandab_ from the two sides of the Straits of Mecca or Bab al Mandab, having the island of Prin interposed, considerably nearer to the Arabian than the African shore.--E.]

[Footnote 344: A mountain so called near Sinai, which likewise goes by that name.--Ast. I. 151. h.--This mountain of _al Tur_ forms the separation between the Gulf of _Suez_ and that of Akkaba, its western extremity forming Cape Mahomed.--E.]

_Al Kolzum_ and _Aylah_ are situated on two arms or gulfs of the sea, between which the land interposes, running to the South; which land is the mountain _al Tur_ almost in the same longitude with _Aylah_, which stands at the northern extremity of the eastern bay, while _al Kolzum_ is at the northern extremity of the western gulf, so that _Aylah_ is more to the east, and mount _al Tur_ more to the south than _al Kolzum_. _Aylah_ is situated on the inmost part of the promontory which extends into the sea. Between _al Tur_ and the coast of _Mesr_ (Egypt), that arm of the sea or gulf extends on which _al Kolzum_ stands. In like manner that arm of the sea on which _Aylah_ is situated extends between _al Tur_ and _Hejaz_. From this mountain of _al Tur_ the distance to either of the opposite coasts is small by sea, but longer about by the desert of _Fakiyah_, as those who travel by land from _al Tur_ to _Mesr_ are under the necessity of going round by _al Kolzum_, and those who go by land from _al Tur_ to _Hejaz_ must go round by way of Aylah. _Al Tur_ joins the continent on the north, but its other three sides are washed by the sea. The sea of _al Kolzum_, after passing some way to the south-east from _al Tur_ begins to widen on either side, till it becomes _seventy_[345] miles broad. This wider part is called _Barkah al Gorondal_.

[Footnote 345: These are to be understood as Arabian miles, 56-2/3 to the degree, or each equal to 1-1/4 English miles according to Norwoods measure, 69-1/2 to the degree.--Astl. I. 132. b.

This would only give 80 English miles for the breadth of the Red Sea; whereas, immediately below the junction of the two northern guffs, it is 104 miles broad, and its greatest breadth for a long way is 208 miles.--E.]

_Table of Situations, from Abulfeda_[346].

Lat. deg. min. deg. min Kolzum, 28 20 N. 54 15 E. -------by some 56 30 Al Kossir, 26 0 59 0 Aydhab 21 0 58 0 Swakem, 17 0 58 0 Aden, 11 0 66 0 Borders of Yaman, 19 0 67 0 Jiddah, 21 0 66 0 Jahafah, 22 0 65 0 Yamboa, 26 0 64 0 Aylah, 29 0 55 0 ---- 28 50 56 40

[Footnote 346: The longitude is reckoned by _Abulfeda_ from the most western shores on the Atlantic Ocean, at the _pillars of Hercules_; supposed to be 10 deg. E. of the _Fuzair al Khaladat_, or the Fortunate Islands.--Ast. I. 134.

These latitudes and longitudes are so exceedingly erroneous as to defy all useful criticism, and are therefore left as in the collection of Astley without any commentary; indeed the whole of this extract from Abulfeda is of no manner of use, except as a curiosity.--E.]

POSTSCRIPT.-_Transactions of the Portuguese in Abyssinia, under Don Christopher de Gama[347]._

While the Portuguese fleet was at Massua, between the 22d of May and 9th of July 1541, a considerable detachment of soldiers was landed at Arkiko on the coast of Abyssinia under the command of Don Christopher de Gama, brother to the governor-general, for the assistance of the Christian sovereign of the Abyssinians against Grada Hamed king of Adel or Zeyla, an Arab sovereignty at the north-eastern point of Africa, without the Red Sea, and to the south of Abyssinia. In the journal of Don Juan de Castro; this force is stated at 500 men, while in the following notices from De Faria, 400 men are said to have formed the whole number of auxiliaries furnished by the Portuguese[348]. This account of the first interference of the Portuguese in the affairs of Abyssinia by De Faria, is rather meagre and unsatisfactory, and the names of places are often so disguised by faulty orthography as to be scarcely intelligible. In a future division of our work more ample accounts will be given both of this Portuguese expedition, and of other matters respecting Abyssinia.--E.

[Footnote 347: From the Portuguese Asia of De Faria, II. 24.]

[Footnote 348: In an account of this expedition of the Portuguese into Abyssinia, by the Catholic Patriarch, Juan Bermudez, who accompanied them, this difference of the number of men is partly accounted for. According to Bermudez, the force was 400 men, among whom were many gentlemen and persons of note, who carried servants along with them, which increased the number considerably.--E.]

* * * * *

Some time before the expedition of De Gama into the Red Sea, Grada Hamed the Mahometan king of Adel or Zeyla, the country called _Trogloditis_ by some geographers, submitted himself to the supremacy of the Turkish empire in order to obtain some assistance of men, and throwing off his allegiance to the Christian emperor of Abyssinia or Ethiopia, immediately invaded that country with a numerous and powerful army. On this occasion he took advantage offered by the sovereign of Abyssinia, to whom he owed allegiance, being in extreme youth, and made such progress in the country that the emperor _Atanad Sagad_, otherwise named _Claudius_, was obliged to retire into the kingdom or province of Gojam, while his mother, _Saban_ or _Elizabeth_, who administered the government in his minority, took refuge with the _Baharnagash_ in the rugged mountains of _Dama_, a place naturally impregnable, which rising to a prodigious height from a large plain, has a plain on its summit about a league in diameter, on which is an indifferent town with sufficient cattle and other provisions for its scanty population. On one side of this mountain there is a road of difficult ascent to near the top; but at the last part of the ascent people have to be drawn up and let down on planks by means of ropes.

While in this helpless condition, the queen got notice that Don Stefano de Gama was in the Red Sea, and sent the Baharnagash to him, desiring his assistance against the tyrant, who had overrun the country, destroyed many ancient churches, and carried off numbers of priests and monks into slavery. The embassador was favourably listened to; and it was resolved by the governor-general, in a council of his officers, to grant the assistance required. Accordingly Don Christopher de Gama, brother to the governor-general, was named to the command on this occasion, who was landed with 400 men and eight field-pieces, with many firelocks and abundance of ammunition. He was accompanied by Don Juan Bermudez, Patriarch of Ethiopia, whose presence was much desired by the Abyssinian emperor, on purpose to introduce the ceremonies of the Roman church.

Don Christopher de Gama and his men set out on their march from Arkiko under the guidance of the Baharnagash for the interior of Abyssinia, and the men endured incredible fatigue from the excessive heat, though they rested by day and marched only in the night. A whole week was spent in passing over a rugged mountain, whence they descended into a very pleasant flat country, watered by many rivulets, through which they marched for two days to the city of _Barua_, the metropolis or residence of the Baharnagash. Though much damaged in the late invasion, yet this place had several sightly buildings, divided by a large river, with goodly villages and country houses in the environs. The Portuguese were received at the gates by a procession of several monks singing a litany, one of whom made a speech to welcome them, extoling their generosity in coming to the aid of their distressed country: After which the Portuguese visited the church and encamped.

Don Christopher sent immediate notice of his arrival to the Emperor, who was at a great distance, and to the queen mother who was near, upon the mountain of Dama already mentioned. The Baharnagash was sent to conduct her from the mountain, having along with him two companies of the Portuguese as an escort, and brought her to Barua attended by a great retinue of women and servants. On her arrival, the Portuguese troops received her under arms, and the cannon were fired off to do her honour. The queen was seated on a mule, whose trappings reached to the ground, and she was hidden from view by curtains fixed to the saddle. She was clothed in white, having a short black cloak or mantle with gold fringes on her shoulders. From her white head dress a flowing white veil fell down that concealed her face. The Baharnagash led her mule by the bridle, having his arms bare in token of respect, while his shoulders were covered by a tigers skin; and on each side of her walked a nobleman in similar attire. She opened the curtains that surrounded her that she might see the Portuguese troops; and on Don Christopher going up to pay his compliments, she lifted her veil that he might see her. The reception on both sides was courteous. Don Christopher went afterwards to visit her and consult with her, when it was resolved by the advice of the Abyssinians to winter at that place, and to wait an answer from the Emperor. The answer came accordingly, expressing his joy for the arrival of the Portuguese succours, and desiring Don Christopher to march in the beginning of summer.

The Portuguese accordingly marched at the time appointed, and in the following order. Some light horse led the van, to explore the road: Then followed the artillery and baggage: After which came the queen and her attendants, with a guard of fifty Portuguese musqueteers: Don Christopher brought up the rear with the remainder of the Portuguese troops; and the Baharnagash with his officers secured the flanks. In eight days, the army came to the mountain of _Gané_ of most difficult ascent, on the top of which was a city, and on the highest cliff a chapel, near which was a house hung round with three hundred embalmed bodies sewed up in hides. These external coverings were much rent with age, and discovered the bodies within still white and uncorrupted. Some supposed these were the _Roman_ conquerors of the country; while others, and among them the patriarch, supposed them to have been martyrs. Encouraged by the presence of the Portuguese auxiliaries, many of the natives resorted to the queen. Don Christopher marched on to the mountain of Canete, well watered and having abundance of cattle, which, almost impregnable by nature was still farther strengthened by artificial fortifications. The emperors of Abyssinia used formerly to be crowned at this place, which was now held for the tyrant by a thousand men, who used often to come down from the mountain and ravage the open country.

Contrary to the advice of the queen and her councillors, Don Christopher determined to commence his military operations by assaulting this den of thieves. For this purpose he divided his force into three bodies, one of which he led in person, and courageously endeavoured to force his way by the three several passes which led to the summit. But after the most valiant efforts, the Portuguese were forced to desist from the attack, in consequence of great numbers of large stones being rolled down upon them by the enemy. After hearing mass on Candlemas day, the 2d of February 1542, the Portuguese returned to the attack, playing their cannon against the enemy; and though they lost some men by the great stones rolled down among them from the mountain, they at length made their way to the first gates which they broke open, and forced their way to the second gates with great slaughter of the enemy, and the loss of three Portuguese. The enemy within the second and third gates, seeing only a few men of the vanguard, opened their gates, on which the Portuguese rushed in and maintained a hot contest with the enemy till Don Christopher came up with the main body, and pressed the enemy so hard that many of them threw themselves headlong from the rocks. Many women and children were made prisoners, and much plunder was taken. The queen and her retinue went up to the mountain, expressing great admiration of the Portuguese prowess, as the fortress had always been deemed impregnable by the Ethiopians. The patriarch purified a mosque, which he dedicated to the blessed virgin, and in which mass was celebrated to the great joy both of the Portuguese and Abyssinians.

Placing a garrison of Abyssinians in this place under a native officer, the army marched on into the country of a rebel named _Jarse_, who now submitted to the queen and brought his men to her service, thinking nothing could withstand men who had conquered nature, so highly did they esteem the conquest of the mountain _Canete_. The king of Zeyla came on now with his army, covering the plains and mountains with his numbers, and exulting in the hopes of an easy victory over so small a number of men. Don Christopher encamped in good order near a mountain in full sight of the enemy. Palm Sunday and Monday were spent in skirmishing, with nearly equal loss on both sides, but the Portuguese had so far the advantage as to compel the enemy to retreat to their camp. Don Christopher found it necessary to remove his camp, being in want of some necessaries, particularly water; and on the king of Zeyla observing the Portuguese in motion from his position on the high grounds, he came down and surrounded the Portuguese in the plain, who marched in good order, keeping off the enemy by continual discharges of their artillery and small arms. The enemy still pressing on, Don Christopher ordered Emanuel de Cuna to face about with his company, which he did so effectually, that he obliged a body of Turks to retire after losing many of their men. The Turks rallied and renewed their attack, in which they distressed De Cuna considerably, so that Don Christopher was obliged to come in person to his relief, and fought with so much resolution that he was for a considerable time unconscious of being wounded in the leg. At this time the king of Zeyla came on in person, thinking to put a favourable end to the action, but it turned to his own loss, as many of his men were cut off by the Portuguese cannon. Don Christopher was in great danger of being slain, yet continued the action with great resolution, till at length the tyrant was struck down by a shot which pierced his thigh. His men immediately furled their colours and fled, carrying him off whom they believed slain though he was still alive. This victory cost the Portuguese eleven men, two of whom were of note. After the battle, the queen herself attended Don Christopher and all the wounded men with the utmost alacrity and attention.

After the respite of a week, the Portuguese army marched towards the enemy, who came to meet them, the king of Zeyla being carried in an open chair or litter. This battle was resolutely contested on both sides. A Turkish captain, thinking to recover the honour which had been lost in the former action, made a charge with the men he commanded into the very middle of the Portuguese, and was entirely cut off with all his followers. Don Christopher on horseback, led his men with such fury into the heat of the action, that at length he compelled the enemy to turn their backs and seek safety in flight. The king of Zeyla had infallibly been taken in the pursuit, had there been a sufficient body of horse to pursue and follow up the victory. In this battle the Portuguese lost eight men. After the victory, the allied army of the Portuguese and Abyssinians, on marching down to a pleasant river found it possessed by the enemy, who immediately fled with their king. At this time the king of Zeyla sent an embassy to the Pacha of Zabit acquainting him with the distress to which he was reduced, and prevailed upon him by a large subsidy to send him a reinforcement of almost 1000 Turkish musqueteers.

Don Christopher wintered in the city of _Ofar_, waiting the arrival of the Abyssinian emperor. While there a Jew proposed to him, if he were in want of horses and mules, to shew him a mountain at no great distance, inhabited by Jews, where he might find a large supply of both. On that mountain the king of Zeyla had a garrison of 400 men. Having inquired into the truth of this information, and found that it was to be depended upon, Don Christopher marched thither with two companies of Portuguese and some Abyssinians, and came to the foot of the mountain which is twelve leagues in compass. Some Moors who guarded the passes were slain in the ascent, and on the top the Moorish commander met him with all his men, but Don Christopher running at him with his lance thrust him through the body. The shot of the Portuguese soon constrained the Moors to make a precipitate flight, after losing a great number of men, and the mountain was completely reduced. Great numbers of horses and mules were found in this place, which was inhabited by about 800 Jews in six or seven villages, who were reduced to obedience. According to tradition, these Jews, and many others who are dispersed over Ethiopia and Nubia, are descended from some part of the dispersion of the ten tribes. The Jew who acted as guide to the Portuguese on this occasion, was so astonished at their valour that he was converted and baptised, and by common consent was appointed governor of this mountain. Before this it had the name of _Caloa_, but was ever afterwards known by the name of _the Jews mountain_.

On the second day after the return of Don Christopher to the army, the king of Zeyla began to shew himself more bold than usual, trusting to the great reinforcement of Turkish musqueteers he had procured from Zabid. The youth and inexperience of Don Christopher allowed his valour to transport him far beyond the bounds of prudence. He ought to have retired to some strong position on the mountains, till joined by the emperor with the military power of Abyssinia, as it was impossible for him to contend against such great superiority, now that the king of Zeyla had so strong a body of musqueteers: But he never permitted himself to consider of these circumstances, till too late. On the 29th of August, the Turks made an attack upon the camp, and were repulsed, on which occasion Don Christopher was wounded in the leg and lost four men. In that part of the entrenchments defended by Emanuel de Cuna, the Turks were likewise repelled, with the loss of three men on the side of the Portuguese. In another part Francisco de Abreu was killed while fighting like a lion, and his brother Humphrey going to fetch off his body was slain and fell beside that he went to rescue. On this Don Christopher came up to relieve his men and performed wonders, till his arm was broken by a musquet-ball and he was carried off by a brave soldier. He was scarcely dressed when news was brought that the enemy had entered the entrenchments, and had slain Fonseca and Vello, two of his officers, on which he ordered himself to be carried to the place of danger. As the enemy were now decidedly victorious, some of the Portuguese abandoned their ranks and fled, as did the queen and the patriarch, both being mounted on fleet mares, each taking a different way, he from fear not knowing where he went, but she from choice as being well acquainted with the country. Don Christopher sent immediately to bring back the queen, as her flight was entirely ruinous, occasioning the disbanding of all the Abyssinian troops. But at length, seeing that all was lost, he grasped in despair a sword in his left hand, saying, _Let who will follow me to die like heroes in the midst of the enemy_. He was carried however from the field by mere force, with only fourteen men, accompanied by the queen and Baharnagash, seeking some place of safety. The night being excessively dark they lost their way and separated, the queen and Baharnagash being fortunate enough to get up a mountain as they were better acquainted with the country; but Don Christopher wandering with some companions, fell into the hands of the enemy, who carried him to the tyrant who was quite elated with his prize. The victors used their good fortune with the utmost barbarity, cruelly cutting down every one who fell in their way, which occasioned one to set a quantity of powder on fire that was in one of the tents belonging to the queen, by which all who were in or near it were blown up.

The king of Zeyla was quite elated by the capture of Don Christopher, whom he caused to be brought into his presence, and questioned him as to what he would have done with him, if defeated and made prisoner. "I would have cut off your head," answered Don Christopher, "and dividing your body into quarters, would have exposed them as a terror and warning to other tyrants." The king caused him to be buffeted with the buskins of his slaves; his body to be immersed in melted wax, and his beard interwoven with waxed threads, which were set on fire, and in this manner he was led through the army as a spectacle. Being brought back, the king cut off his head with his own hand, and caused the body to be quartered and exposed on poles. Where the head fell, it is said that there gushed out a spring of water which cured many diseases. On the same hour, a tree was torn out by the roots in the garden of a certain convent of monks, though the air was at the time perfectly calm. Afterwards, at the same hour, the emperor of Abyssinia having vanquished the tyrant and caused his head to be struck off, the tree which was then dry replanted itself in the former place, and became covered with leaves.

Most of the Portuguese who were taken on occasion of this defeat, perished in slavery. Alfonso Chaldeira followed the queen with thirty men. Emanuel de Cuna with forty got away to the Baharnagash and was well received. Sixty more followed the Patriarch Bermudez, making in all 130 men. Ninety of these went to the emperor, who was then near at hand, and very much lamented the slaughter among that valiant body of auxiliaries, and the loss of their brave commander. De Cuna with his forty men were too far off to join the Abyssinian emperor at this time. The emperor marched soon afterwards against the king of Zeyla, accompanied by ninety of the Portuguese who had joined him after the former defeat, to whom he gave the vanguard of his army, in consideration of the high opinion he had of their valour. At the foot of the mountain of _Oenadias_ in the province of _Ambea_, they met a body of 700 horse and 2000 foot going to join the king of Zeyla. Fifty Portuguese horse went immediately to attack them, and Antonio Cardoso who was foremost killed the commander of the enemy at the first thrust of his lance. The rest of the Portuguese followed this brave example, and slew many of the enemy, and being seconded by the Abyssinians, first under the Baharnagash and afterwards by the king in person, eight hundred of the enemy were slain and the rest put to flight, when they went rather to terrify the tyrant with an account of their defeat, than to reinforce him by their remaining numbers.

The king of Zeyla was only at the distance of a league with his army in order of battle, consisting of two bodies of foot of three thousand men in each, while he was himself stationed in the front at the head of five hundred horse. The emperor of Abyssinia met him with a similar number, and in the same order. The ninety Portuguese, being the forlorn hope, made a furious charge on the advanced five hundred of the enemy, of whom they slew many, with the loss of two only on their own side. The emperor in person behaved with the utmost bravery, and at length the horse of the enemy being defeated fled to the wings of their infantry. The king of Zeyla acted with the utmost resolution, even shewing his son to the army, a boy of only ten years old, to stir up his men to fight valiantly against the Christians. The battle was renewed, and continued for long in doubt, the emperor being even in great danger of suffering a defeat; but at length a Portuguese shot the king of Zeyla in the belly by which he died, but his horse carried him dangling about the field, as he was tied to the saddle, and his army took to flight. Only a few Turks stood firm, determined rather to die honourably than seek safety in flight, and made great slaughter among the Abyssinians: But Juan Fernandez, page to the unfortunate Don Christopher, slew the Turkish commander with his lance. In fine, few of the enemy escaped by flight. The head of the king of Zeyla was cut off, and his son made prisoner. Being highly sensible of the great merit of the Portuguese to whom he chiefly owed this and the former victories over his enemies, the emperor conferred great favours upon them. De Cuna returned to Goa with only fifty men; and the other survivors of the Portuguese remained in Abyssinia, where they intermarried with women of that country, and where their progeny still remains.