Chapter 2

TRANSACTIONS AMONGST THE NATIVES OF NORTH AMERICA; DISCOVERIES ALONG THAT COAST AND THE EASTERN EXTREMITY OF ASIA, NORTHWARD TO ICY CAPE; AND RETURN SOUTHWARD TO THE SANDWICH ISLANDS.

SECTION I.

_The Ships enter the Sound, and moor in a Harbour.--Intercourse with the Natives.--Articles brought to barter.--Thefts committed.--The Observatories erected, and Carpenters set to work.--Jealousy of the Inhabitants of the Sound to prevent other Tribes having Intercourse with the Ships.--Stormy and rainy Weather.--Progress round the Sound.--Behaviour of the Natives at their Villages.--Their Manner of drying fish, &c.--Remarkable Visit from Strangers, and introductory Ceremonies.--A second Visit to one of the Villages.--Leave to cut Grass, purchased.--The Ships sail.--Presents given and received at parting._

The ships having happily found so excellent shelter in an inlet, the coasts of which appeared to be inhabited by a race of people, whose inoffensive behaviour promised a friendly intercourse, the next morning, after coming to anchor, I lost no time in endeavouring to find a commodious harbour where we might station ourselves during our continuance in the Sound. Accordingly, I sent three armed boats, under the command of Mr King, upon this service; and soon after, I went myself, in a small boat, on the same search. I had very little trouble in finding what we wanted. On the N.W. of the arm we were now in, and not far from the ships, I met with a convenient snug cove well suited to our purpose. Mr King was equally successful; for he returned about noon, with an account of a still better harbour, which he had seen and examined, lying on the N.W. side of the land. But as it would have required more time to carry the ships thither, than to the cove where I had been, which was immediately within our reach, this reason operated to determine my choice in favour of the latter situation. But being apprehensive, that we should not be able to transport our ships to it, and to moor them properly, before night came on, I thought it best to remain where we were till next morning; and, that no time might be lost, I employed the remainder of the day to some useful purposes, ordering the sails to be unbent, the top-masts to be struck, and the fore-mast of the Resolution to be unrigged, in order to fix a new bib, one of the old ones being decayed.

A great many canoes, filled with the natives, were about the ships all day, and a trade commenced betwixt us and them, which was carried on with the strictest honesty on both sides. The articles which they offered to sale were skins of various animals, such as bears, wolves, foxes, deer, rackoons, pole-cats, martins, and, in particular, of the sea-otters, which are found at the islands E. of Kamtschatka. Besides the skins in their native shape, they also brought garments made of them, and another sort of cloathing made of the bark of a tree, or some plant like hemp; weapons, such as bows, arrows, and spears; fish-hooks, and instruments of various kinds; wooden-vizors of many different monstrous figures; a sort of woollen stuff, or blanketing; bags filled with red ochre; pieces of carved work, beads, and several other little ornaments of thin brass and iron, shaped like a horse-shoe, which they hang at their noses; and several chisels, or pieces of iron, fixed to handles. From their possessing which metals, we could infer that they had either been visited before by some civilized nation, or had connections with tribes on their continent, who had communication with them. But the most extraordinary of all the articles which they brought to the ships for sale, were human skulls, and hands not yet quite stripped of the flesh, which they made our people plainly understand they had eaten; and, indeed, some of them had evident marks that they had been upon the fire. We had but too much reason to suspect, from this circumstance, that the horrid practice of feeding on their enemies is as prevalent here, as we had found it to be at New Zealand and other South Sea Islands. For the various articles which they brought, they took in exchange knives, chisels, pieces of iron and tin, nails, looking-glasses, buttons, or any kind of metal. Glass-beads they were not fond of, and cloth of every sort they rejected.

We employed the next day in hauling our ships into the cove, where they were moored head and stern, fastening our hawsers to the trees on shore. On heaving up the anchor of the Resolution, we found, notwithstanding the great depth of water in which it was let go, that there were rocks at the bottom. These had done some considerable damage to the cable; and the hawsers that were carried out to warp the ship into the cove also got foul of rocks, from which it appeared that the whole bottom was strewed with them. The ship being again very leaky in her upper works, I ordered the carpenters to go to work to caulk her, and to repair such other defects as, on examination, we might discover.

The fame of our arrival brought a great concourse of the natives to our ships in the course of this day. We counted above a hundred canoes at one time, which might be supposed to contain, at an average, five persons each; for few of them had less than three on board; great numbers had seven, eight, or nine, and one was manned with no less than seventeen. Amongst these visitors, many now favoured us with their company for the first time, which we could guess, from their approaching the ships with their orations and other ceremonies. If they had any distrust or fear of us at first, they now appeared to have laid it aside; for they came on board the ships, and mixed with our people with the greatest freedom. We soon discovered, by this nearer intercourse, that they were as light-fingered as any of our friends in the islands we had visited in the course of the voyage. And they were far more dangerous thieves; for, possessing sharp iron-instruments, they could cut a hook from a tackle, or any other piece of iron from a rope, the instant that our backs were turned. A large hook, weighing between twenty and thirty pounds, several smaller ones, and other articles of iron, were lost in this manner. And, as to our boats, they stripped them of every bit of iron that was worth carrying away, though we had always men left in them as a guard. They were dexterous enough in effecting their purposes; for one fellow would contrive to amuse the boat-keeper, at one end of a boat, while another was pulling out the iron-work at the other. If we missed a thing immediately after it had been stolen, we found little difficulty in detecting the thief, as they were ready enough to impeach one another. But the guilty person generally relinquished his prize with reluctance, and sometimes we found it necessary to have recourse to force.

The ships being securely moored, we began our other necessary business the next day. The observatories were carried ashore, and placed upon an elevated rock on one side of the cove, close to the Resolution. A party of men, with an officer, was sent to cut wood, and to clear a place for the conveniency of watering. Others were employed to brew spruce-beer, as pine-trees abounded here. The forge was also set up, to make the iron-work wanting for the repairs of the fore-mast. For, besides one of the bibs being defective, the larboard trestle-tree and one of the cross-trees were sprung.

A considerable number of the natives visited us daily; and every now and then we saw new faces. On their first coming, they generally went through a singular mode of introducing themselves. They would paddle, with all their strength, quite round both ships, a chief, or other principal person in the canoe, standing up with a spear, or some other weapon, in his hand, and speaking, or rather hollowing, all the time. Sometimes the orator of the canoe would have his face covered with a mask, representing either a human visage, or that of some animal; and, instead of a weapon, would hold a rattle in his hand, as before described. After making this circuit round the ships, they would come alongside, and begin to trade without further ceremony. Very often, indeed, they would first give us a song, in which all in the canoe joined, with a very pleasing harmony.

During these visits, they gave us no other trouble than to guard against their thievish tricks. But, in the morning of the 4th, we had a serious alarm. Our party on shore, who were employed in cutting wood, and filling water, observed, that the natives all around them were arming themselves in the best manner they could; those, who were not possessed of proper weapons, preparing sticks, and collecting stones. On hearing this, I thought it prudent to arm also; but, being determined to act upon the defensive, I ordered all our workmen to retreat to the rock, upon which we had placed our observatories, leaving the natives in quiet possession of the ground where they had assembled, which was within a stone's throw of the Resolution's stern. Our fears were ill-grounded; these hostile preparations were not directed against us, but against a body of their own countrymen, who were coming to fight them; and our friends of the Sound, on observing our apprehensions, used their best endeavours to convince us that this was the case. We could see that they had people looking out on each point of the cove, and canoes frequently passed between them and the main body assembled near the ships. At length, the adverse party, in about a dozen large canoes, appeared off the S. point of the cove, where they stopped, and lay drawn up in a line of battle, a negotiation having commenced. Some people in canoes, in conducting the treaty, passed between the two parties, and there was some speaking on both sides. At length, the difference, whatever it was, seemed to be compromised; but the strangers were not allowed to come alongside the ships, nor to have any trade or intercourse with us. Probably we were the cause of the quarrel; the strangers, perhaps, being desirous to share in the advantages of a trade with us, and our first friends, the inhabitants of the Sound, being determined to engross us entirely to themselves. We had proofs of this on several other occasions, nay, it appeared, that even those who lived in the Sound were not united in the same cause; for the weaker were frequently obliged to give way to the stronger party, and plundered of every thing, without attempting to make the least resistance.

We resumed our work in the afternoon, and the next day rigged the fore-mast; the head of which being rather too small for the cap, the carpenter went to work, to fix a piece on one side, to fill up the vacant space. In cutting into the mast-head for this purpose, and examining the state of it, both cheeks were found to be so rotten, that there was no possibility of repairing them, and it became necessary to get the mast out, and to fix new ones upon it. It was evident, that one of the cheeks had been defective at the first, and that the unsound part had been cut out, and a piece put in, which had not only weakened the mast-head, but had, in a great measure, been the occasion of rotting every other part of both cheeks. Thus, when we were almost ready to put to sea, we had all our work to do over again; and, what was still more provoking, an additional repair was to be undertaken, which would require some time to be completed. But, as there was no remedy, we immediately set about it. It was fortunate for the voyage, that these defects were discovered, when we were in a place, where the materials requisite were to be procured. For, amongst the drift-wood, in the cove where the ships lay, were some small seasoned trees very fit for our purpose. One of these was pitched upon, and the carpenters began, without loss of time, to make out of it two new cheeks.

In the morning of the 7th, we got the fore-mast out, and hauled it ashore, and the carpenters of the ships were set to work upon it. Some parts of the lower standing rigging having been found to be very much decayed, as we had time now to put them in order, while the carpenters were repairing the fore-mast, I ordered a new set of main-rigging to be fitted, and a more perfect set of fore-rigging to be selected out of the best parts of the old.

From the time of our putting into the Sound till now, the weather had been exceedingly fine, without either wind or rain. That comfort, at the very moment when the continuance of it would have been of most service, was withdrawn. In the morning of the 8th, the wind freshened at S.E., attended with thick hazy weather and rain. In the afternoon the wind increased; and, toward the evening, it blew very hard indeed. It came, in excessively heavy squalls, from over the high land on the opposite shore, right into the cove, and, though the ships were very well moored, put them in some danger. These tempestuous blasts succeeded each other pretty quick, but they were of short duration, and in the intervals between them we had a perfect calm. According to the old proverb, Misfortunes seldom come single; the mizen was now the only mast on board the Resolution that remained rigged, with its top-mast up. The former was so defective, that it could not support the latter during the violence of the squalls, but gave way at the head under the rigging. About eight o'clock the gale abated; but the rain continued with very little intermission for several days; and, that the carpenters might be enabled to proceed in their labours, while it prevailed, a tent was erected over the fore-mast, where they could work with some degree of convenience.

The bad weather which now came on, did not, however, hinder the natives from visiting us daily; and, in such circumstances, their visits were very advantageous to us. For they frequently brought us a tolerable supply of fish, when we could not catch any ourselves with hook and line; and there was not a proper place near us where we could draw a net. The fish which they brought us were either sardines, or what resembled them much; a small kind of bream; and sometimes small cod.

On the 11th, notwithstanding the rainy weather, the main-rigging was fixed and got over head; and our employment, the day after, was to take down the mizen-mast, the head of which proved to be so rotten, that it dropped off while in the slings. In the evening we were visited by a tribe of natives whom we had never seen before, and who, in general, were better-looking people than most of our old friends, some of whom attended them. I prevailed upon these visitors to go down into the cabin for the first time, and observed, that there was not a single object that fixed the attention of most of them for a moment; their countenances marking, that they looked upon all our novelties with the utmost indifference. This, however, was not without exception; for a few of the company shewed a certain degree of curiosity.

In the afternoon of the next day, I went into the woods with a party of our men, and cut down a tree for a mizen-mast. On the day following, it was brought to the place where the carpenters were employed upon the fore-mast. In the evening the wind, which had been, for some time, westerly, veered to S.E., and increased to a very hard gale, with rain, which continued till eight o'clock the next morning, when it abated, and veered again to the W.

The fore-mast being by this time finished, we hauled it alongside; but the bad weather prevented our getting it in till the afternoon; and we set about rigging it with the greatest expedition, while the carpenters were going on with the mizen-mast on shore. They had made very considerable progress in it on the 16th, when they discovered that the stick upon which they were at work was sprung, or wounded, owing, as supposed, to some accident in cutting it down. So that all their labour was thrown away, and it became necessary to get another tree out of the woods, which employed all hands above half a day. During these various operations, several of the natives, who were about the ships, looked on with an expressive silent surprise, which we did not expect; from their general indifference and inattention.

On the 18th, a party of strangers, in six or eight canoes, came into the cove, where they remained, looking at us, for some time, and then retired, without coming alongside either ship. We supposed, that our old friends, who were more numerous at this time about us, than these new visitors, would not permit them to have any intercourse with us. It was evident, upon this and several other occasions, that the inhabitants of the adjoining parts of the Sound engrossed us entirely to themselves; or if, at any time, they did not hinder strangers from trading with us, they contrived to manage the trade for them in such a manner, that the price of their commodities was always kept up; while the value of ours was lessening every day. We also found, that many of the principal natives, who lived near us, carried on a trade with more distant tribes, in the articles they had procured from us. For we observed that they would frequently disappear for four or five days at a time, and then return with fresh cargoes of skins and curiosities, which our people were so passionately fond of, that they always came to a good market. But we received most benefit from such of the natives as visited us daily. These, after disposing of all their little trifles, turned their attention to fishing; and we never failed to partake of what they caught. We also got from these people a considerable quantity of very good animal oil, which they had reserved in bladders. In this traffic some would attempt to cheat us, by mixing water with the oil; and, once or twice, they had the address to carry their imposition so far, as to fill their bladders with mere water, without a single drop of oil. It was always better to bear with these tricks, than to make them the foundation of a quarrel; for our articles of traffic consisted, for the most part, of mere trifles; and yet we were put to our shifts to find a constant supply even of these. Beads, and such other toys, of which I had still some left, were in little estimation. Nothing would go down with our visitors but metal; and brass had, by this time, supplanted iron, being so eagerly sought after, that before we left this place, hardly a bit of it was left in the ships, except what belonged to our necessary instruments. Whole suits of clothes were stripped of every button; bureaus of their furniture; and copper-kettles, tin-cannisters, candle-sticks, and the like, all went to wreck; so that our American friends here got a greater medley and variety of things from us, than any other nation whom we had visited in the course of the voyage.

After a fortnight's bad weather, the 19th proving a fair day, we availed ourselves of it, to get up the top-masts and yards, and to fix up the rigging. And, having now finished most of our heavy work, I set out the next morning to take a view of the Sound. I first went to the W. point, where I found a large village, and, before it, a very snug harbour, in which was from nine to four fathoms water, over a bottom of fine sand. The people of this village, who were numerous, and to most of whom I was well known, received me very courteously; every one pressing me to go into his house, or rather his apartment; for several families live under the same roof. I did not decline the invitations, and my hospitable friends, whom I visited, spread a mat for me to sit down upon, and shewed me every other mark of civility. In most of the houses were women at work, making dresses of the plant or bark before mentioned, which they executed exactly in the same manner that the New Zealanders manufacture their cloth. Others were occupied in opening sardines. I had seen a large quantity of them brought on shore from canoes, and divided by measure amongst several people, who carried them up to their houses, where the operation of curing them by smoke-drying is performed. They hang them on small rods, at first, about a foot from the fire; afterward they remove them higher and higher, to make room for others, till the rods, on which the fish hang, reach the top of the house. When they are completely dried, they are taken down and packed close in bales, which they cover with mats. Thus they are kept till wanted; and they are not a disagreeable article of food. Cod, and other large fish, are also cured in the same manner by them; though they sometimes dry these in the open air, without fire.

From this village I proceeded up the west side of the Sound. For about three miles, I found the shore covered with small islands, which are so situated as to form several convenient harbours, having various depths of water, from thirty to seven fathoms, with a good bottom. Two leagues within the Sound, on this west side, there runs in an arm in the direction of N.N.W.; and two miles farther, is another nearly in the same direction, with a pretty large island before it. I had no time to examine either of these arms; but have reason to believe, that they do not extend far inland, as the water was no more than brackish at their entrances. A mile above the second arm, I found the remains of a village. The logs or framings of the houses were standing; but the boards that had composed their sides and roofs did not exist. Before this village were some large fishing wears; but I saw nobody attending them. These wears were composed of pieces of wicker-work made of small rods, some closer than others, according to the size of the fish intended to be caught in them. These pieces of wicker-work (some of whose _superficies_ are, at least, twenty feet by twelve), are fixed up edgewise in shallow water, by strong poles or pickets, that stand firm in the ground. Behind this ruined village is a plain of a few acres extent, covered with the largest pine-trees that I ever saw. This was more remarkable, as the elevated ground, on most other parts of this west side of the Sound, was rather naked.

From this place, I crossed over to the other, or east side of the Sound, passing an arm of it that runs in N.N.E., to appearance not far. I now found, what I had before conjectured, that the land, under which the ships lay, was an island; and that there were many smaller ones lying scattered in the Sound on the west side of it. Opposite the north end of our large island, upon the main land, I observed a village, and there I landed. The inhabitants of it were not so polite as those of the other I had just visited. But this cold reception seemed, in a great measure, if not entirely, owing to one surly chief, who would not let me enter their houses, following me wherever I went; and several times, by expressive signs, marking his impatience that I should be gone. I attempted in vain to sooth him by presents, but though he did not refuse them, they did not alter his behaviour. Some of the young women, better pleased with us than was their inhospitable chief, dressed themselves expeditiously in their best apparel, and, assembling in a body, welcomed us to their village, by joining in a song, which was far from harsh or disagreeable.

The day being now far spent, I proceeded for the ships, round the north end of the large island; meeting, in my way, with several canoes laden with sardines, which had been just caught, somewhere in the east corner of the Sound. When I got on board, I was informed, that, while I was absent, the ships had been visited by some strangers, in two or three large canoes, who, by signs, made our people understand that they had come from the S.E., beyond the bay. They brought several skins, garments, and other articles, which they bartered. But what was most singular, two silver table-spoons were purchased from them, which, from their peculiar shape, we supposed to be of Spanish manufacture. One of these strangers wore them round his neck, by way of ornament. These visitors also appeared to be more plentifully supplied with iron than the inhabitants of the Sound.

The mizen-mast being finished, it was got in, and rigged, on the 21st; and the carpenters were set to work to make a new fore-top-mast, to replace the one that had been carried away some time before.

Next morning, about eight o'clock, we were visited by a number of strangers, in twelve or fourteen canoes. They came into the cove from the southward, and as soon as they had turned the point of it, they stopped, and lay drawn up in a body above half an hour, about two or three hundred yards from the ships. At first, we thought, that they were afraid to come nearer; but we were mistaken in this, and they were only preparing an introductory ceremony. On advancing toward the ships, they all stood up in their canoes, and began to sing. Some of their songs, in which the whole body joined, were in a slow, and others in quicker time; and they accompanied their notes with the most regular motions of their hands; or beating in concert, with their paddles, on the sides of the canoes, and making other very expressive gestures. At the end of each song, they remained silent a few seconds, and then began again, sometimes pronouncing the word _hooee!_ forcibly, as a chorus. After entertaining us with this specimen of their music, which we listened to with admiration, for above half an hour, they came alongside the ships, and bartered what they had to dispose of. Some of our old friends of the Sound were now found to be amongst them, and they took the whole management of the traffic between us and the strangers, much to the advantage of the latter.

Our attendance on these visitors being finished, Captain Clerke and I went, in the forenoon, with two boats, to the village at the west point of the Sound. When I was there before, I had observed, that plenty of grass grew near it; and it was necessary to lay in a quantity of this, as food for the few goats and sheep which were still left on board. The inhabitants received us with the same demonstrations of friendship which I had experienced before; and the moment we landed, I ordered some of my people to begin their operation of cutting. I had not the least imagination, that the natives could make any objection to our furnishing ourselves with what seemed to be of no use to them, but was necessary for us. However, I was mistaken; for, the moment that our men began to cut, some of the inhabitants interposed, and would not permit them to proceed, saying they must "_makook_," that is, must first buy it. I was now in one of the houses; but as soon as I heard of this, I went to the field, where I found about a dozen of the natives, each of whom laid claim to some part of the grass that grew in this place. I bargained with them for it, and having completed the purchase, thought that we were now at liberty to cut wherever we pleased. But here, again, it appeared, that I was under a mistake; for the liberal manner in which I had paid the first pretended proprietors, brought fresh demands upon me from others; so that there did not seem to be a single blade of grass, that had not a separate owner, and so many of them were to be satisfied, that I very soon emptied my pockets. When they found that I really had nothing more to give, their importunities ceased, and we were permitted to cut where-ever we pleased, and as much as we chose to carry away.

Here I must observe, that I have no where, in my several voyages, met with any uncivilized nation, or tribe, who had such strict notions of their having a right to the exclusive property of every thing that their country produces, as the inhabitants of this Sound. At first, they wanted our people to pay for the wood and water that they carried on board; and had I been upon the spot, when these demands were made, I should certainly have complied with them. Our workmen, in my absence, thought differently, for they took but little notice of such claims; and the natives, when they found that we were determined to pay nothing, at last ceased to apply. But they made a merit of necessity, and frequently afterward took occasion to remind us, that they had given us wood and water out of friendship.[1]

[Footnote 1: Similar to the behaviour of the natives of Nootka, on this occasion, was that of another tribe of Indians, farther north, in latitude 57° 18', to the Spaniards, who had preceded Captain Cook only three years, in a voyage to explore the coast of America, northward of California. See the journal of that voyage, writ by the second pilot of the fleet, and published by the Honourable Mr Daines Barrington, to whom the literary world owes so many obligations.--_Miscellanies_, p. 505, 506.--D.]

During the time I was at this village, Mr Webber, who had attended me thither, made drawings of every thing that was curious, both within and without doors. I had also an opportunity of inspecting more narrowly, the construction of the houses, household furniture, and utensils, and the striking peculiarities of the customs and modes of living of the inhabitants. These shall be described in another place, in the best manner I can, calling in to my assistance the observations of Mr Anderson. When we had completed all our operations at this village, the natives and we parted very good friends, and we got back to the ships in the afternoon.

The three following days were employed in getting ready to put to sea; the sails were bent, the observatories and instruments, brewing vessels, and other things, were moved from the shore; some small spars, for different uses, and pieces of timber, which might be occasionally sawn into boards, were prepared and put on board; and both ships were cleared, and put into a sailing condition.

Every thing being now ready, in the morning of the 26th, I intended to have put to sea; but both wind and tide being against us, was obliged to wait till noon, when the S.W. wind was succeeded by a calm, and the tide turning in our favour, we cast off the moorings, and with our boats towed the ships out of the cove. After this, we had variable light airs and calms, till four in the afternoon, when a breeze sprung up northerly, with very thick, hazy weather. The mercury in the barometer fell unusually low, and we had every other fore-runner of an approaching storm, which we had reason to expect would be from the southward. This made me hesitate a little, as night was at hand, whether I should venture to sail, or wait till the next morning. But my anxious impatience to proceed upon the voyage, and the fear of losing this opportunity of getting out of the Sound, making a greater impression on my mind, than any apprehension of immediate danger, I determined to put to sea at all events.

Our friends, the natives, attended us, till we were almost out of the Sound; some on board the ships, and others in their canoes. One of their chiefs, who had, some time before, attached himself to me, was amongst the last who left us. Having, before he went, bestowed upon him a small present, I received in return a beaver-skin, of much greater value. This called upon me to make some addition to my present, which pleased him so much, that he insisted upon my acceptance of the beaver-skin cloak which he then wore; and of which I knew he was particularly fond. Struck with this instance of generosity, and desirous that he should be no sufferer by his friendship to me, I presented to him a new broad sword, with a brass hilt, the possession of which made him completely happy. He, and also many others of his countrymen, importuned us much to pay them another visit; and, by way of encouragement, promised to lay in a good stock of skins. I made no doubt, that whoever comes after me to this place, will find the natives prepared accordingly, with no inconsiderable supply of an article of trade, which, they could observe, we were eager to possess; and which we found could be purchased to great advantage.[2]

[Footnote 2: Captain King, as we shall afterwards find, proposes a plan for the establishment of a fur-trade with this coast of America. To this he was incited by the experience of the value of these articles in the Chinese market. In fact, a settlement for the purpose of carrying on this trade was commenced in 1786, by an association of British merchants resident in India. It was soon afterwards seized on by the Spaniards who pretended a prior right. But they, as we have already mentioned, vol. xv. p. 157, abandoned all claim to this Sound in 1790; and in 1795, it was formally taken possession of, in name of his Britannic Majesty.--E.]

Such particulars about the country, and its inhabitants, as came to our knowledge during our short stay, and have not been mentioned in the course of the narrative, will furnish materials for the two following sections.

SECTION II.

_The Name of the Sound, and Directions for Sailing into it.--Account of the adjacent Country.--Weather.--Climate.--Trees.--Other Vegetable Productions.--Quadrupeds, whose Skins were brought for Sale.--Sea Animals.--Description of a Sea Otter.--Birds.--Water Fowl.--Fish.--Shell-fish, &c.--Reptiles.--Insects.--Stones, &c.--Persons of the Inhabitants.--Their Colour.--Common Dress and Ornaments.--Occasional Dresses, and monstrous Decorations of wooden Masks.--Their general Dispositions.--Songs.--Musical Instruments.--Their Eagerness to possess Iron and other Metals._

On my arrival in this inlet, I had honoured it with the name of King George's Sound; but I afterward found, that it is called Nootka by the natives. The entrance is situated in the east corner of Hope Bay, in the latitude of 49° 33' N., and in the longitude of 233° 12' E. The east coast of that bay, all the way from Breaker's Point to the entrance of the Sound, is covered by a chain of sunken rocks, that seemed to extend some distance from the shore; and, near the Sound, are some islands and rocks above water.

We enter this Sound between two rocky points, that lie E.S.E., and W.N.W. from each other, distant between three and four miles. Within these points the Sound widens considerably, and extends in, to the northward, four leagues at least, exclusive of the several branches toward its bottom, the termination of which we had not an opportunity to ascertain. But, from the circumstance of finding that the water freshened where our boats crossed their entrance, it is probable that they had almost reached its utmost limits. And this probability is increased by the hills that bounded it toward the land, being covered with thick snow, when those toward the sea, or where we lay, had not a speck remaining on them, though, in general, they were much higher. In the middle of the Sound are a number of islands of various sizes. The depth of water in the middle of the Sound, and even close home to some parts of its shore, is from forty-seven to ninety fathoms, and perhaps more. The harbours, and anchoring-places within its circuit, are numerous; but we had no time to survey them. The cove in which our ships lay is on the east side of the Sound, and on the east side of the largest of the islands. It is covered from the sea, but has little else to recommend it, being exposed to the S.E. winds, which we found to blow with great violence; and the devastation they make sometimes was apparent in many places.

The land bordering upon the sea-coast is of a middling height and level; but within the Sound, it rises almost every-where into steep hills, which agree in their general formation, ending in round or blunted tops, with some sharp, though not very prominent, ridges on their sides. Some of these hills may be reckoned high, while others of them are of a very moderate height; but even the highest are entirely covered to their tops with the thickest woods; as well as every flat part toward the sea. There are sometimes spots upon the sides of some of the hills which are bare; but they are few, in comparison of the whole, though they sufficiently point out the general rocky disposition of these hills. Properly speaking, they have no soil upon them, except a kind of compost, produced from rotten mosses and trees, of the depth of two feet or more. Their foundations are, therefore, to be considered as nothing more than stupendous rocks, of a whitish or grey cast, where they have been exposed to the weather; but, when broken, they appeared to be of a blueish grey colour, like that universal sort which were found at Kerguelen's Land. The rocky shores are a continued mass of this; and the little coves, in the Sound, have beaches composed of fragments of it, with a few other pebbles. All these coves are furnished with a great quantity of fallen wood lying in them, which is carried in by the tide; and with rills of fresh water, sufficient for the use of a ship, which seem to be supplied entirely from the rains, and fogs that hover about the tops of the hills. For few springs can be expected in so rocky a country, and the fresh water found farther up the Sound, most probably arose from the melting of the snow; there being no room to suspect, that any large river falls into the Sound, either from strangers coming down it, or from any other circumstance. The water of these rills is perfectly clear, and dissolves soap easily.

The weather, during our stay, corresponded pretty nearly with that which we had experienced off the coast. That is, when the wind was any where between N. and W., the weather was fine and clear; but if to the southward of W., hazy with rain. The climate, as far as we had any experience of it, is infinitely milder than that on the east coast of America, under the same parallel of latitude. The mercury in the thermometer never, even in the night, fell lower than 42°, and very often, in the day, it rose to 60°. No such thing as frost was perceived in any of the low ground; on the contrary, vegetation had made a considerable progress, for I met with grass that was already above a foot long.

The trees which chiefly compose the woods, are the Canadian pine, white cypress, _cypressus thyoides_, the wild pine, with two or three other sorts of pine less common. The two first make up almost two-thirds of the whole; and, at a distance, might be mistaken for the same tree, as they both run up into pointed spire-like tops, but they are easily distinguished on coming nearer from their colour, the cypress being of a much paler green, or shade, than the other. The trees, in general, grow with great vigour, and are all of a large size.

There is but little variety of other vegetable productions, though, doubtless, several had not yet sprung up at the early season when we visited the place, and many more might be hid from the narrow sphere of our researches. About the rocks, and verge of the woods, we found strawberry-plants, some raspberry, currant, and gooseberry bushes, which were all in a most flourishing state, with a few small black alder-trees. There are, likewise, a species of sow-thistle, goose-grass, some crow's-foot, which has a very fine crimson flower, and two sorts of _anthericum_, one with a large orange flower, and the other with a blue one. We also found, in these situations, some wild rose-bushes, which were just budding, a great quantity of young leeks, with, triangular leaves, a small sort of grass, and some water-cresses, which grow about the sides of the rills, besides great abundance of _andromeda_. Within the woods, besides two sorts of underwood shrubs unknown to us, are mosses and ferns. Of the first of which, are seven or eight different sorts, of the last, not above three or four, and the species of both, are mostly such as are common to Europe and America.

As the season of the year was unfavourable to our gaining much knowledge of the vegetable productions of this country, so our own situation while there, put it out of our power to learn much about its animals. For as the want of water made it necessary that we should enter the Sound at first, unforeseen accidents which happened afterward, though they lengthened our stay, were rather unfavourable to our obtaining any knowledge of this kind. The emergency of the case required, that every person should be constantly employed in the necessary business of the ships, which was the capital object, as the season was advancing very fast, and the success of the voyage depended upon their diligence and alacrity in expediting the various tasks assigned to them. Hence it happened, that excursions of every kind, either on the land, or by water, were never attempted. And as we lay in a cove on an island, no other animals were ever seen alive in the woods there, than two or three racoons, martins, and squirrels. Besides these, some of our people who, one day, landed on the continent, near the S.E. side of the entrance of the sound, observed the prints of a bear's feet near the shore. The account, therefore, that we can give of the quadrupeds, is taken from the skins which the natives brought to sell; and these were often so mutilated with respect to the distinguishing parts, such as the paws, tails, and heads, that it was impossible even to guess at the animals to whom they belonged, though others were so perfect, or at least so well known, that they left no room to doubt about them.

Of these the most common were bears, deer, foxes, and wolves. The bear-skins were in great numbers, few of them very large, but, in general, of a shining black colour. The deer-skins were scarcer, and they seem to belong to that sort called the fallow-deer by the historians of Carolina, though Mr Pennant thinks it quite a different species from, ours, and distinguishes it by the name of Virginian deer.[1] The foxes are in great plenty, and of several varieties, some of their skins being quite yellow, with a black tip to the tail, others of a deep or reddish yellow, intermixed with black, and a third sort of a whitish grey or ash-colour, also intermixed with black. Our people used to apply the name of fox or wolf indiscriminately, when the skins were so mutilated as to leave room for a doubt. But we got, at last, an entire wolf's skin with the head on, and it was grey. Besides the common sort of martin, the pine-martin is also here, and another, whose skin is of a lighter brown colour than either, with coarser hair, but is not so common, and is, perhaps, only a mere variety arising from age, or some other accidental circumstance. The ermine is also found at this place, but is rare and small, nor is the hair remarkably fine, though the animal appeared to be perfectly white, except an inch or more at the tip of the tail. The racoons and squirrels are of the common sort; but the latter is rather smaller than ours, and has a deeper rusty colour running along the back.

[Footnote 1: See Virginian deer. Pennant's Hist. Quad. vol. i. No. 46, and Arctic Zool. No.6.]

We were clear as to the existence of all the animals already mentioned, but there are two others besides, which we could not distinguish with sufficient certainty. Of the first of these we saw none of the skins, but what were dressed or tanned like leather. The natives wear them on some occasions; and from the size as well as the thickness, they were generally concluded to belong to the elk, or mouse-deer, though some of them perhaps might belong to the buffalo. The other animal, which seems by no means rare, was guessed to be a species of the wild cat or lynx. The length of the skins, without the head, which none of them had, was about two feet two inches. They are covered with a very fine wool or fur, of a very light-brown or whitish yellow colour, intermixed with long hairs, which on the back, where they are shortest, are blackish; on the sides, where they are longer, of a silver white; and on the belly, where they are longest, of the colour of the wool, but the whitish, or silver hairs, are often so predominant, that the whole animal acquires a cast of that kind. The tail is only three inches long, and has a black tip. The whole skin being, by the natives, called _wanshee_, that, most probably, is their name for this animal. Hogs, dogs, and goats, have not as yet found their way to this place. Nor do the natives seem to have any knowledge of our brown rats, to which, when they saw them on board the ships, they applied the name they give to squirrels. And though they called our goats _eineetla_, this, most probably, is their name for a young deer or fawn.

The sea-animals seen off the coast, were whales, porpoises, and seals. The last of these seem only of the common sort, judging from the skins which we saw here, their colour being either silvery, yellowish, plain, or spotted with black. The porpoise is the _phocena_. I have chosen to refer to this class the sea-otter, as living mostly in the water. It might have been sufficient to have mentioned, that this animal abounds here, as it is fully described in different books, taken from the accounts of the Russian adventurers in their expeditions eastward from Kamtschatka, if there had not been a small difference in one that we saw. We, for some time, entertained doubts, whether the many skins which the natives brought, really belonged to this animal, as our only reason for being of that opinion, was founded on the size, colour, and fineness of the fur, till a short while before our departure, when a whole one, that had been just killed, was purchased from some strangers who came to barter; and of this Mr Webber made a drawing. It was rather young, weighing only twenty-five pounds, of a shining or glossy black colour, but many of the hairs being tipt with white, gave it a greyish cast at first sight. The face, throat, and breast were of a yellowish white, or very light-brown colour, which, in many of the skins, extended the whole length of the belly. It had six cutting teeth in each jaw, two of those of the lower jaw being very minute, and placed without, at the base of the two middle ones. In these circumstances, it seems to disagree with those found by the Russians, and also in not having the outer toes of the hind feet skirted with a membrane. There seemed also a greater variety in the colour of the skins, than is mentioned by the describers of the Russian sea-otters. These changes of colour certainly take place at different gradations of life. The very young ones had brown hair, which was coarse, with very little fur underneath; but those of the size of the entire animal, which came into our possession, and just described, had a considerable quantity of that substance, and both in that colour and state the sea-otters seem to remain, till they have attained their full growth. After that, they lose the black colour, and assume a deep brown or sooty colour, but have then a greater quantity of very fine fur, and scarcely any long hairs. Others, which we suspected to be still older, were of a chesnut-brown; and a few skins were seen that had even acquired a perfectly yellow colour. The fur of these animals, as mentioned in the Russian accounts, is certainly softer and finer than that of any others we know of; and, therefore, the discovey of this part of the continent of North America, where so valuable an article of commerce may be met with, cannot be a matter of indifference.[2]

[Footnote 2: Mr Coxe, on the authority of Mr Pallas, informs us, that the old and middle-aged sea-otters' skins are sold at Kiachta, by the Russians to the Chinese, from 80 to 180 rubles a skin, that is, from 16l. to 20l. each.--See _Coxe's Russian Discoveries_, p. 13.--D.]

Birds, in general, are not only rare as to the different species, but very scarce as to numbers; and these few are so shy, that, in all probability, they are continually harassed by the natives, perhaps to eat them as food, certainly to get possession of their feathers, which they use as ornaments. Those which frequent the woods, are crows and ravens, not at all different from our English ones, a blueish jay or magpie, common wrens, which are the only singing bird that we heard, the Canadian or migrating thrush, and a considerable number of brown eagles, with white heads and tails, which, though they seem principally to frequent the coast, come into the Sound in bad weather, and sometimes perch upon the trees. Amongst some other birds, of which the natives either brought fragments, or dried skins, we could distinguish a small species of hawk, a heron, and the _alcyon_, or large-crested American king-fisher. There are also some, which, I believe, are not mentioned, or at least vary, very considerably, from the accounts given of them by any writers who have treated professedly on this part of natural history. The two first of these are _species_ of wood-peckers. One less than a thrush, of a black colour above, with white spots on the wings, a crimson head, neck, and breast, and a yellowish olive-coloured belly, from which last circumstance it might, perhaps, not improperly be called the yellow-bellied wood-pecker. The other is a larger, and much more elegant bird, of a dusky brown colour, on the upper part, richly waved with black, except about the head, the belly of a reddish cast, with round black spots, a black spot on the breast, and the under-side of the wings and tail of a plain scarlet colour, though blackish above, with a crimson streak running from the angle of the mouth, a little down the neck on each side. The third and fourth, are a small bird of the finch kind, about the size of a linnet, of a dark dusky colour, whitish below, with a black head and neck, and white bill; and a sand-piper, of the size of a small pigeon, of a dusky brown colour, and white below, except the throat and breast, with a broad white band across the wings. There are also humming-birds, which yet seem to differ from the numerous sorts of this delicate animal already known, unless they be a mere variety of the _trochilus colubris_ of Linnæus. These, perhaps, inhabit more to the southward, and spread northward as the season advances; because we saw none at first, though, near the time of our departure, the natives brought them to the ships in great numbers.

The birds which frequent the waters and the shores, are not more numerous than the others. The quebrantahuessos, gulls, and shags, were seen off the coast, and the two last also frequent the Sound. They are of the common sorts, the shags being our cormorant or water-crow. We saw two sorts of wild-ducks; one black, with a white head, which were in considerable flocks, the other white, with a red bill, but of a larger size; and the greater _lumme_, or diver, found in our northern countries. There were also seen, once or twice, some swans flying across the Sound to the northward, but we knew nothing of their haunts. On the shores, besides the sand-piper, described above, we found another, about the size of a lark, which bears a great affinity to the burre, and a plover differing very little from our common sea-lark.

Fish are more plentiful in quantity than birds, though the variety is not very great; and yet, from several circumstances, it is probable, that even the variety is considerably increased at certain seasons. The principal sorts, which we found in great numbers, are the common herring, but scarcely exceeding seven inches in length; a smaller sort, which is the same with the anchovy, or sardine, though rather larger; a white, or silver-coloured bream, and another of a gold-brown colour, with many narrow longitudinal blue stripes. The herrings and sardines, doubtless, come in large shoals, and only at stated seasons, as is common with that sort of fish. The bream of both sorts, may be reckoned the next to these in quantity; and the full-grown ones weighed, at least, a pound. The other fish, which are all scarce, are a small brown kind of _sculpin_, such as is found on the coast of Norway, another of a brownish red cast, frost-fish, a large one, somewhat resembling the bull-head, with a tough skin, destitute of scales; and now and then, toward the time of our leaving the Sound, the natives brought a small brownish cod, spotted with white, and a red fish of the same size, which some of our people said they had seen in the strait of Magalhaens, besides another differing little from the hake. There are also considerable numbers of those fish called the _chimæræ_, or little sea-wolves, by some, which is akin to, and about the size of, the _pezegallo_, or elephant-fish. Sharks, likewise, sometimes frequent the Sound, for the natives have some of their teeth in their possession; and we saw some pieces of ray, or scate, which seemed to have been pretty large. The other marine animals that ought to be mentioned here, are a small cruciated _medusa_, or blubber, star-fish, which differ somewhat from the common ones, two small sorts of crabs, and two others which the natives brought, one of them of a thick, tough, gelatinous consistence, and the other a sort of membranaceous tube or pipe, both which are probably taken from the rocks. And we, also, purchased from them once a very large cuttle-fish.

There is abundance of large muscles about the rocks, many sea-ears, and we often saw shells of pretty large plain _chamæ_. The smaller sorts are some _trochi_ of two species, a curious _murex_, rugged wilks, and a snail, all which are, probably, peculiar to this place, at least I do not recollect to have seen them in any country near the same latitude in either hemisphere. There are, besides these, some small plain cockles, limpets; and some strangers, who come into the Sound, wore necklaces of a small blueish _volute_ or _panamæ_. Many of the muscles are a span in length, and some having pretty large pearls, which, however, are both badly shaped and coloured. We may conclude, that there is red coral in the Sound, or somewhere upon the coast, some thick pieces, or branches, having been seen in the canoes of the natives.

The only animals of the reptile kind observed here, and found in the woods, were brown snakes two feet long, with whitish stripes on the back and sides, which are harmless, as we often saw the natives carry them alive in their hands; and brownish water-lizards, with a tail exactly like that of an eel, which frequented the small standing pools about the rocks.

The insect tribe seem to be more numerous. For though the season, which is peculiarly fitted to their appearing abroad, was only beginning, we saw four or five different sorts of butterflies, none of which were uncommon, a good many humble-bees, some of our common gooseberry moths, two or three sorts of flies, a few beetles, and some musquitoes, which, probably, may be more numerous and troublesome in a country so full of wood, during the summer, though at this time they did little mischief.

As to the mineral substances in this country, though we found both iron and copper here, there is little reason to believe that either of them belong to the place. Neither were the ores of any metal seen, if we except a coarse, red, earthy, or ochry substance, used by the natives in painting themselves, which probably may contain a little iron, with a white and a black pigment used for the same purpose. But we did not procure specimens of them, and therefore cannot positively determine what are their component parts.

Besides the stone or rock that constitutes the mountains and shores, which sometimes contains pieces of very coarse _quartz_, we found amongst the natives, things made of a hard black _granite_, though not remarkably compact or fine grained, a greyish whetstone, the common oil-stone of our carpenters, in coarser and finer pieces, and some black bits which are little inferior to the hone-stone. The natives also use the transparent leafy _glimmer_, or Muscovy glass, a brown leafy or martial sort, and they sometimes brought to us pieces of rock-crystal, tolerably transparent. The two first are, probably, found near the spot, as they seemed to be in considerable quantities; but the latter seems to be brought from a greater distance, or is very scarce; for our visitors always parted with it reluctantly. Some of the pieces were octangular, and had the appearance of being formed into that shape by art.

The persons of the natives are, in general, under the common stature; but not slender in proportion, being commonly pretty full or plump, though not muscular. Neither doth the soft fleshiness seem ever to swell into corpulence; and many of the older people are rather spare or lean. The visage of most of them is round and full, and sometimes also broad, with high prominent cheeks; and, above these, the face is frequently much depressed, or seems fallen in quite across between the temples; the nose also flattening at its base, with pretty wide nostrils, and a rounded point. The forehead rather low, the eyes small, black, and rather languishing than sparkling; the mouth round, with large round thickish lips, the teeth tolerably equal and well set, but not remarkably white. They have either no beards at all, which was most commonly the case, or a small thin one upon the point of the chin, which does not arise from any natural defect of hair on that part, but from plucking it out more or less; for some of them, particularly the old men, have not only considerable beards all over the chin, but whiskers or mustachios, both on the upper lip, and running from thence toward the lower jaw obliquely downward.[3] Their eye-brows are also scanty, and always narrow; but the hair of the head is in great abundance, very coarse and strong, and, without a single exception, black, straight, and dank, or hanging down over the shoulders. The neck is short, the arms and body have no particular mark of beauty or elegance in their formation, but are rather clumsy; and the limbs in all are very small in proportion to the other parts, and crooked or ill-made, with large feet badly shaped, and projecting ancles. Their last defect seems in a great measure to arise from their sitting so much on their hams or knees, both in their canoes and houses.

[Footnote 3: One of the most curious singularities observable in the natural history of the human species, is the supposed defect in the habit and temperature of the bodies of the American Indians, exemplified in their having no beards, while they are furnished with a profusion of hair on their heads. M. de Paw, the ingenious author of Recherches sur les Americains, Dr Robertson, in his History of America, and, in general, the writers for whose authority we ought to have the highest deference, adopt this as an indisputable matter of fact. May we not be permitted to request those who espouse their sentiments, to reconsider the question, when we can produce Captain Cook's evidence on the opposite side, at least so far as relates to the American tribe, whom he had intercourse with at Nootka? Nor is Captain Cook singular in his report. What he saw on the sea coast, Captain Carver also met with amongst the American Indians far up in the country. His words are as follow:--"From minute enquiries, and a curious inspection, I am able to declare (however respectable I may hold the authority of these historians in other points), that their assertions are erroneous, and proceeding from a want of a thorough knowledge of the customs of the Indians. After the age of puberty, their bodies, in their natural state, are covered in the same manner as those of the Europeans. The men, indeed, esteem a beard very unbecoming, and take great pains to get rid of it, nor is there any ever to be perceived on their faces, except when they grow old, and become inattentive to appearances.--The Naudowesses, and the remote nations, pluck them out with bent pieces of hard wood, formed into a kind of nippers, whilst those who have communication with Europeans, procure from them wire, which they twist into a screw or worm; applying this to the part, they press the rings together, and with a sudden twitch, draw out all the hairs that are inclosed in them."--_Carver's Travels_, p. 224, 225. The remark made by Mr Marsden, who also quotes Carver, is worth attending to, that the visor or mask of Montezuma's armour, preserved at Brussels, has remarkably large whiskers; and that those Americans could not have imitated this ornament, unless nature had presented them with the model. From Captain Cook's observation on the west coast of North America, combined with Carver's in the inland parts of that continent, and confirmed by the Mexican vizor as above, there seems abundant reason to agree with Mr Marsden, who thus modestly expresses himself: "Were it not for the numerous and very respectable authorities, from which we are assured that the natives of America are naturally beardless, I should think that the common opinion on that subject had been hastily adopted; and that their appearing thus at a mature age, was only the consequence of an early practice, similar to that observed among the Sumatrans. Even now, I must confess, that it would remove some small degree of doubt from my mind, could it be ascertained that no such custom prevails."--_Marsden's History of Sumatra_, p. 39, 40.--D.]

Their colour we could never positively determine, as their bodies were incrusted with paint and dirt; though, in particular cases, when these were well rubbed off, the whiteness of the skin appeared almost to equal that of Europeans; though rather of that pale effete cast which distinguishes those of our southern nations. Their children, whose skins had never been stained with paint, also equalled ours in whiteness. During their youth, some of them have no disagreeable look, if compared to the generality of the people, but this seems to be entirely owing to the particular animation attending that period of life; for, after attaining a certain age, there is hardly any distinction. Upon the whole, a very remarkable sameness seems to characterize the countenances of the whole nation; a dull phlegmatic want of expression, with very little variation, being strongly marked in all of them.

The women are nearly of the same size, colour, and form with the men, from whom it is not easy to distinguish them, as they possess no natural delicacies sufficient to render their persons agreeable; and hardly any one was seen, even amongst those who were in the prime of life, who had the least pretensions to be called handsome.

Their common dress is a flaxen garment, or mantle, ornamented on the upper edge by a narrow strip of fur, and, at the lower edge, by fringes or tassels. It passes under the left arm, and is tied over the right shoulder, by a string before and one behind, near its middle, by which means both arms are left free, and it hangs evenly, covering the left side, but leaving the right open, except from the loose part of the edges falling upon it, unless when the mantle is fastened by a girdle (of coarse matting or woollen) round the waist, which is often done. Over this, which reaches below the knees, is worn a small cloak of the same substance, likewise fringed at the lower part. In shape this resembles a round dish-cover, being quite close, except in the middle, where there is a hole just large enough to admit the head, and then, resting upon the shoulders, it covers the arms to the elbows, and the body as far as the waist. Their head is covered with a cap, of the figure of a truncated cone, or like a flower-pot, made of fine matting, having the top frequently ornamented with a round or pointed knob, or bunch of leather tassels, and there is a string that passes under the chin, to prevent its blowing off.

Besides the above dress, which is common to both sexes, the men frequently throw over their other garments the skin of a bear, wolf, or sea-otter, with the hair outward, and tie it as a cloak near the upper part, wearing it sometimes before and sometimes behind. In rainy weather, they throw a coarse mat about their shoulders. They have also woollen garments, which, however, are little in use. The hair is commonly worn hanging down loose; but some, when they have no cap, tie it in a bunch on the crown of the head. Their dress, upon the whole, is convenient, and would, by no means be inelegant, were it kept clean. But as they rub their bodies constantly over with a red paint, of a clayey or coarse ochry substance, mixed with oil, their garments, by this means, contract a rancid offensive smell, and a greasy nastiness; so that they make a very wretched dirty appearance, and what is still worse, their heads and their garments swarm with vermin, which, so depraved is their taste for cleanliness, we used to see them pick off with great composure and eat.

Though their bodies are always covered with red paint, their faces are often stained with a black, a brighter red, or a white colour, by way of ornament. The last of these gives them a ghastly, disgusting aspect. They also strew the brown martial _mica_ upon the paint, which makes it glitter. The ears of many of them are perforated in the lobe, where they make a pretty large hole, and two others higher up on the outer edge. In these holes they hang bits of bone, quills fixed upon a leathern thong, small shells, bunches of woollen tassels, or pieces of thin copper, which our beads could never supplant. The _septum_ of the nose, in many, is also perforated, through which they draw a piece of soft cord; and others wear, at the same place, small thin pieces of iron, brass, or copper, shaped almost like a horse-shoe, the narrow opening of which receives the _septum_, so as that the two points may gently pinch it, and the ornament thus hangs over the upper lip. The rings of our brass buttons, which they eagerly purchased, were appropriated to this use. About their wrists they wore bracelets or bunches of white bugle beads, made of a conic shelly substance, bunches of thongs, with tassels, or a broad black shining horny substance, of one piece. And about their ancles they also frequently wear many folds of leathern thongs, or the sinews of animals twisted to a considerable thickness.

Thus far of their ordinary dress and ornaments; but they have some that seem to be used only on extraordinary occasions, either when they exhibit themselves as strangers, in visits of ceremony, or when they go to war. Amongst the first may be considered the skins of animals, such as wolves or bears, tied on in the usual manner, but ornamented at the edges with broad borders of fur, or of the woollen stuff manufactured by them, ingeniously wrought with various figures. These are worn either separately, or over their own common garments. On such occasions, the most common head-dress is a quantity of withe, or half-beaten bark, wrapped about the head, which, at the same time, has various large feathers, particularly those of eagles, stuck in it, or is entirely covered, or we may say, powdered with small white feathers. The face, at the same time, is variously painted, having its upper and lower parts of different colours, the strokes appearing like fresh gashes, or it is besmeared with a kind of tallow, mixed with paint, which is afterward formed into a great variety of regular figures, and appears like carved work. Sometimes, again, the hair is separated into small parcels, which are tied at intervals of about two inches, to the end, with thread, and others tie it together behind, after our manner, and stick branches of the _cypressus thyoides_ in it. Thus dressed, they have a truly savage and incongruous appearance, but this is much heightened when they assume, what may be called, their monstrous decorations. These consist of an endless variety of carved wood masks or vizors, applied on the face, or to the upper part of the head or forehead. Some of these resemble human faces, furnished with hair, beards, and eye-brows; others, the heads of birds, particularly of eagles and quebrantahuessos, and many, the heads of land and sea-animals, such as wolves, deer, and porpoises, and others. But, in general, these representations much exceed the natural size, and they are painted, and often strewed with pieces of the foliaceous _mica_, which makes them glitter, and, serves to augment their enormous deformity. They even exceed this sometimes, and fix on the same part of the head large pieces of carved work, resembling the prow of a canoe, painted in the same manner, and projecting to a considerable distance. So fond are they of these disguises, that I have seen one of them put his head into a tin kettle he had got from us, for want of another sort of mask. Whether they use these extravagant masquerade ornaments on any particular religious occasion, or diversion, or whether they be put on to intimidate their enemies when they go to battle, by their monstrous appearance, or as decoys when they go to hunt animals, is uncertain. But it may be concluded, that, if travellers or voyagers, in an ignorant and credulous age, when many unnatural or marvellous things were supposed to exist, had seen a number of people decorated in this manner, without being able to approach so near as to be undeceived, they would readily have believed, and, in their relations, would have attempted to make others believe, that there existed a race of beings, partaking of the nature of man and beast, more especially, when, besides the heads of animals on the human shoulders, they might have seen the whole bodies of their men-monsters covered with quadrupeds' skins.[4]

[Footnote 4: The reflection in the text may furnish the admirers of Herodotus, in particular, with an excellent apology for some of his wonderful tales of this sort.--D.]

The only dress amongst the people of Nootka, observed by us, that seems peculiarly adapted to war, is a thick leathern mantle doubled, which, from its size, appears to be the skin of an elk or buffalo, tanned. This they fasten on, in the common manner, and it is so contrived, that it may reach up, and cover the breast quite to the throat, falling, at the same time, almost to the heels. It is, sometimes, ingeniously painted in different compartments; and is not only sufficiently strong to resist arrows, but, as they informed us by signs, even spears cannot pierce it, so that it may be considered as their coat of mail, or most complete defensive armour. Upon the same occasion, they sometimes wear a kind of leathern cloak, covered with rows of dried hoofs of deer, disposed horizontally, appended by leathern thongs, covered with quills, which, when they move, make a round rattling noise, almost equal to that of many small bells. It seems doubtful, however, whether this part of their garb be intended to strike terror in war, or is only to be considered as belonging to their eccentric ornaments on ceremonious occasions. For we saw one of their musical entertainments, conducted by a man dressed in this sort of cloak, with his mask on, and shaking his rattle.

Though these people cannot be viewed without a kind of horror, when equipped in such extravagant dresses, yet, when divested of them, and beheld in their common habit and actions, they have not the least appearance of ferocity in their countenances; and seem, on the contrary, as observed already, to be of a quiet, phlegmatic, and inactive disposition, destitute, in some measure, of that degree of animation and vivacity that would render them agreeable as social beings. If they are not reserved, they are far from being loquacious; but their gravity is, perhaps, rather a consequence of the disposition just mentioned, than of any conviction of its propriety, or the effect of any particular mode of education. For, even in the greatest paroxysms of their rage, they seem unable to express it sufficiently; either with warmth of language, or significancy of gestures.

Their orations, which are made either when engaged in any altercation or dispute, or to explain their sentiments publicly on other occasions, seem little more than short sentences, or rather single words, forcibly repeated, and constantly in one tone and degree of strength, accompanied only with a single gesture, which they use at every sentence, jerking their whole body a little forward, by bending the knees, their arms hanging down by their sides at the same time.

Though there is but too much reason, from their bringing to sale human skulls and bones, to infer that they treat their enemies with a degree of brutal cruelty, this circumstance rather marks a general agreement of character with that of almost every tribe of uncivilized man, in every age, and in every part of the globe, than that they are to be reproached with any charge of peculiar inhumanity. We had no reason to judge unfavourably of their disposition in this respect. They seem to be a docile, courteous, good-natured people; but, notwithstanding the predominant phlegm of their tempers, quick in resenting what they look upon as an injury, and, like most other passionate people, as soon forgetting it. I never found that these fits of passion went farther than the parties immediately concerned, the spectators not troubling themselves about the quarrel, whether it was with any of us, or amongst their own body, and preserving as much indifference as if they had not known any thing about it. I have often seen one of them rave and scold, without any of his countrymen paying the least attention to his agitation; and when none of us could trace the cause, or the object of his displeasure. In such cases they never discover the least symptom of timidity, but seem determined, at all events, to punish the insult. For, even with respect to us, they never appeared to be under the least apprehension of our superiority; but when any difference happened, were just as ready to avenge the wrong, as amongst themselves.

Their other passions, especially their curiosity, appear in some measure to lie dormant. For few expressed any desire to see or examine things wholly unknown to them; and which, to those truly possessed of that passion, would have appeared astonishing. They were always contented to procure the articles they knew and wanted, regarding every thing else with great indifference; nor did our persons, apparel, and manners, so differ from their own, or even the extraordinary size and construction of our ships, seem to excite admiration, or even engage attention.

One cause of this may be their indolence, which seems considerable. But, on the other hand, they are certainly not wholly unsusceptible of the tender passions; if we may judge from their being so fond of music, which is mostly of the grave or serious, but truly pathetic sort. They keep the exactest concert in their songs, which are often sung by great numbers together, as those already mentioned, with which they used to entertain us in their canoes. These are generally slow and solemn; but the music is not of that confined sort found amongst many rude nations, for the variations are very numerous and expressive, and the cadence or melody powerfully soothing. Besides their full concerts, sonnets of the same grave cast were frequently sung by single performers, who keep time by striking the hand against the thigh. However, the music was sometimes varied, from its predominant solemnity of air; and there were instances of stanzas being sung in a more gay and lively strain, and even with a degree of humour.

The only instruments of music (if such they may be called) which I saw amongst them, were a rattle, and a small whistle, about an inch long, incapable of any variation, from having but one hole. They use the rattle when they sing; but upon what occasions they use the whistle I know not, unless it be when they dress themselves like particular animals, and endeavour to imitate their howl or cry. I once saw one of them dressed in a wolf's skin, with the head over his own, and imitating that animal by making a squeaking noise with one of these whistles, which he had in his mouth. The rattles are, for the most part, made in the shape of a bird, with a few pebbles in the belly; and the tail is the handle. They have others, however, that bear rather more resemblance to a child's rattle.

In trafficking with us, some of them would betray a knavish disposition, and carry off our goods without making any return. But, in general, it was otherwise; and we had abundant reason to commend the fairness of their conduct. However, their eagerness to possess iron and brass, and, indeed, any kind of metal, was so great, that few of them could resist the temptation to steal it, whenever an opportunity offered. The inhabitants of the South Sea Islands, as appears from a variety of instances in the course of this voyage, rather than be idle, would steal any thing that they could lay their hands upon, without ever considering, whether it could be of use to them or no. The novelty of the object, with them, was a sufficient motive for their endeavouring, by any indirect means, to get possession of it; which marked that, in such cases, they were rather actuated by a childish curiosity, than by a dishonest disposition, regardless of the modes of supplying real wants. The inhabitants of Nootka, who invaded our property, cannot have such apology made for them. They were thieves in the strictest sense of the word; for they pilfered nothing from us, but what they knew could be converted to the purposes of private utility, and had a real value according to their estimation of things. And it was lucky for us, that nothing was thought valuable by them, but the single articles of our metals. Linen, and such like things, were perfectly secure from their depredations, and we could safely leave them hanging out ashore all night, without watching. The same principle which prompted our Nootka friends to pilfer from us, it was natural to suppose, would produce a similar conduct in their intercourse with each other. And, accordingly, we had abundant reason to believe, that stealing is much practised amongst them, and that it chiefly gives rise to their quarrels, of which we saw more than one instance.

SECTION III.

_Manner of Building the Homes in Nootka Sound.--Inside of them described.--Furniture and Utensils.--Wooden Images.--Employments of the Men.--Of the Women.--Food, Animal and Vegetable.--Manner of preparing it.--Weapons.--Manufactures and Mechanic Arts.--Carving and Painting.--Canoes.--Implements for Fishing and Hunting.--Iron Tools.--Manner of procuring that Metal.--Remarks on their Language, and a Specimen of it.--Astronomical and Nautical Observations made in Nootka Sound._

The two towns or villages, mentioned in the course of my journal, seem to be the only inhabited part of the Sound. The number of inhabitants in both might be pretty exactly computed from the canoes that were about the ships the second day after our arrival. They amounted to about a hundred; which, at a very moderate allowance, must, upon an average, have held five persons each. But as there were scarcely any women, very old men, children, or youths amongst them at that time, I think it will rather be rating the number of the inhabitants of the two towns too low, if we suppose they could be less than four times the number of our visitors, that is, two thousand in the whole.

The village at the entrance of the Sound stands on the side of a rising ground, which has a pretty steep ascent from the beach to the verge of the wood, in which space it is situated.

The houses are disposed in three ranges or rows, rising gradually behind each other, the largest being that in front, and the others less, besides a few straggling, or single ones, at each end. These ranges are interrupted or disjoined at irregular distances, by narrow paths, or lanes, that pass upward; but those which run in the direction of the houses, between the rows, are much broader. Though there be some appearance of regularity in this disposition, there is none in the single houses, for each of the divisions, made by the paths, may be considered either as one house, or as many, there being no regular or complete separation, either without or within, to distinguish them by. They are built of very long and broad planks[1], resting upon the edges of each other, fastened or tied by withes of pine bark here and there, and have only slender posts, or rather poles, at considerable distances on the outside, to which they also are tied, but within are some larger poles placed aslant. The height of the sides and ends of these habitations, is seven or eight feet; but the back part is a little higher, by which means, the planks that compose the roof slant forward, and are laid on loose, so as to be moved about, either to be put close to exclude the rain, or, in fair weather, to be separated, to let in the light and carry out the smoke. They are, however, upon the whole, miserable dwellings, and constructed with little care or ingenuity. For, though the side-planks be made to fit pretty closely in some places, in others they are quite open, and there are no regular doors into them, the only way of entrance being either by a hole, where the unequal length of the planks has accidentally left an opening, or, in some cases, the planks are made to pass a little beyond each other, or overlap, about two feet asunder, and the entrance is in this space. There are also holes, or windows, in the sides of the houses to look out at; but without any regularity of shape or disposition; and these have bits of mat hung before them, to prevent the rain getting in.

[Footnote 1: The habitations of the natives, more to the north upon this coast, where Behring's people landed in 1741, seem to resemble those of Nootka. Muller describes them thus: "Ces cabanes étoient de bois revetu de planches bien unies, et même enchainées en quelques endroits."--Muller, _Découvertes_, p. 255.--D.]

On the inside, one may frequently see from one end to the other of these ranges of building without interruption. For though, in general, there be the rudiments, or rather vestiges, of separations on each side, for the accommodation of different families, they are such as do not intercept the sight; and often consist of no more than pieces of plank, running from the side toward the middle of the house; so that, if they were complete, the whole might be compared to a long stable, with a double range of stalls, and a broad passage in the middle. Close to the sides, in each of these parts, is a little bench of boards, raised five or six inches higher than the rest of the floor, and covered with mats on which the family sit and sleep. These benches are commonly seven or eight feet long, and four or five broad. In the middle of the floor, between them, is the fire-place, which has neither hearth nor chimney. In one house, which was in the end of a middle range, almost quite separated from the rest by a high close partition, and the most regular, as to design, of any that I saw, there were four of these benches, each of which held a single family, at a corner, but without any separation by boards, and the middle part of the house appeared common to them all.

Their furniture consists chiefly of a great number of chests and boxes of all sizes, which are generally piled upon each other, close to the sides or ends of the house, and contain their spare garments, skins, masks, and other things which they set a value upon. Some of these are double, or one covers the other as a lid, others have a lid fastened with thongs, and some of the very large ones have a square hole, or scuttle, cut in the upper part, by which the things are put in and taken out. They are often painted black, studded with the teeth of different animals, or carved with a kind of freeze-work, and figures of birds or animals, as decorations. Their other domestic utensils are mostly square and oblong pails or buckets to hold water and other things, round wooden cups and bowls, and small shallow wooden troughs, about two feet long, out of which they eat their food, and baskets of twigs, bags of matting, &c. Their fishing implements, and other things also, lie or hang up in different parts of the house, but without the least order, so that the whole is a complete scene of confusion; and the only places that do not partake of this confusion are the sleeping-benches, that have nothing on them but the mats, which are also cleaner, or of a finer sort, than those they commonly have to sit on in their boats.

The nastiness and stench of their houses are, however, at least equal to the confusion. For as they dry their fish within doors, they also gut them there, which, with their bones and fragments, thrown down at meals, and the addition of other sorts of filth, lie every where in heaps, and are, I believe, never carried away till it becomes troublesome, from their size, to walk over them. In a word, their houses are as filthy as hog-sties; every thing in and about them stinking of fish, train-oil, and smoke.

But, amidst all the filth and confusion that are found in the houses, many of them are decorated with images. These are nothing more than the trunks of very large trees, four or five feet high, set up singly, or by pairs, at the upper end of the apartment, with the front carved into a human face; the arms and hands cut out upon the sides, and variously painted; so that the whole is a truly monstrous figure. The general name of these images is _Klumma_; and the names of two particular ones, which stood abreast of each other, three or four feet asunder, in one of the houses, were _Natchkoa_ and _Matseeta_. Mr Webber's view of the inside of a Nootka house, in which these images are represented, conveys a more perfect idea of them than any description. A mat, by way of curtain, for the most part, hung before them, which the natives were not willing, at all times, to remove; and when they did unveil them, they seemed to speak of them in a very mysterious manner. It should seem, that they are at times accustomed to make offerings to them; if we can draw this inference from their desiring us, as we interpreted their signs, to give something to these images, when they drew aside the mats that covered them.[2] It was natural, from these circumstances, for us to think, that they were representatives of their gods, or symbols of some religious or superstitious object: and yet we had proofs of the little real estimation they were in; for, with a small quantity of iron or brass, I could have purchased all the gods (if their images were such) in the place. I did not see one that was not offered to me; and I actually got two or three of the very smallest sort.

[Footnote 2: It should seem, that Mr Webber was obliged to repeat his offerings pretty frequently before he could be permitted to finish his drawing of these images. The following account is in his own words: "After having made a general view of their habitations, I sought for an inside, which might furnish me with sufficient matter to convey a perfect idea of the mode in which these people live. Such was soon found. While I was employed, a man approached me with a large knife in his hand, seemingly displeased, when he observed that my eyes were fixed on two representations of human figures, which were placed at one end of the apartment, carved on planks, of a gigantic proportion, and painted after their custom. However, I took as little notice of him as possible, and proceeded; to prevent which, he soon provided himself with a mat, and placed it in such a manner as to hinder my having any longer a sight of them. Being pretty certain that I could have no future opportunity to finish my drawing, and the object being too interesting to be omitted, I considered that a little bribery might probably have some effect. Accordingly, I made an offer of a button from my coat, which, being of metal, I thought they would be pleased with. This, instantly, produced the desired effect. For the mat was removed, and I was left at liberty to proceed as before. Scarcely had I seated myself, and made a beginning, when he returned, and renewed his former practice, continuing it till I had parted with every single button; and when he saw that he had completely stripped me, I met with no farther obstruction."--D.]

The chief employment of the men seems to be that of fishing, and killing land or sea animals for the sustenance of their families; for we saw few of them doing any thing in the houses; whereas the women were occupied in manufacturing their flaxen or woollen garments, and in preparing the sardines for drying; which they also carry up from the beach in twig-baskets, after the men have brought them in their canoes. The women are also sent in the small canoes to gather muscles, and other shell-fish, and perhaps on some other occasions; for they manage these with as much dexterity as the men; who, when in the canoes with them, seem to pay little attention to their sex, by offering to relieve them from the labour of the paddle; nor indeed do they treat them with any particular respect or tenderness in other situations. The young men appeared to be the most indolent or idle set in this community; for they were either sitting about, in scattered companies, to bask themselves in the sun, or lay wallowing in the sand upon the beach, like a number of hogs, for the same purpose, without any covering. But this disregard of decency was confined to the men. The women were always properly clothed, and behaved with the utmost propriety; justly deserving all commendation for a bashfulness and modesty becoming their sex; but more meritorious in them, as the men seem to have no sense of shame. It is impossible, however, that we should have been able to observe the exact mode of their domestic life and employments, from a single visit (as the first was quite transitory) of a few hours. For it may be easily supposed, that, on such an occasion, most of the labour of all the inhabitants of the village would cease upon our arrival, and an interruption be given even to the usual manner of appearing in their houses, during their more remiss or sociable hours, when left to themselves. We were much better enabled to form some judgment of their disposition, and, in some measure, even of their method of living, from the frequent visits so many of them paid us at our ships in their canoes; in which, it would seem, they spend a great deal of time, at least in the summer season. For we observed, that they not only eat and sleep frequently in them, but strip off their clothes and lay themselves along to bask in the sun, in the same manner as we had seen practised at their village. Their canoes of the larger sort are, indeed, sufficiently spacious for that purpose, and perfectly dry; so that, under shelter of a skin, they are, except in rainy weather, much more comfortable habitations than their houses.

Though their food, strictly speaking, may be said to consist of every thing animal or vegetable that they can procure, the quantity of the latter bears an exceeding small proportion to that of the former. Their greatest reliance seems to be upon the sea, as affording fish, muscles, and smaller shell-fish, and sea-animals. Of the first, the principal are herrings and sardines; the two species of bream, formerly mentioned, and small cod. But the herrings and sardines are not only eaten fresh, in their season, but likewise serve as stores, which, after being dried and smoked, are preserved, by being sewed up in mats, so as to form large bales, three or four feet square. It seems that the herrings also supply them with another grand resource for food; which is a vast quantity of roe, very curiously prepared. It is strewed upon, or as it were incrustated about small branches of the Canadian pine. They also prepare it upon a long narrow sea-grass, which grows plentifully upon the rocks, under water. This _caviare_, if it may be so called, is kept in baskets or bags of mat, and used occasionally, being first dipped in water. It may be considered as the winter bread of these people, and has no disagreeable taste. They also eat the roe of some other fish, which, from the size of its grains, must be very large; but it has a rancid taste and smell. It does not appear that they prepare any other fish in this manner, to preserve them for any length of time. For though they split and dry a few of the bream and _chimæræ_, which are pretty plentiful, they do not smoke them as the herrings and sardines.

The next article, on which they seem to depend for a large proportion of their food, is the large muscle; great abundance of which are found in the Sound. These are roasted in their shells, then stuck upon long wooden-skewers, and taken off occasionally as wanted; being eat without any other preparation, though they often dip them in oil as a sauce. The other marine productions, such as the smaller shell-fish, though they contribute to increase the general stock, are by no means to be looked upon as a standing or material article of their food, when compared to those just mentioned.

Of the sea-animals, the most common that we saw in use amongst them as food is the porpoise; the fat or rind of which, as well as the flesh, they cut in large pieces, and having dried them, as they do the herrings, eat them without any farther preparation. They also prepare a sort of broth from this animal, in its fresh state, in a singular manner, putting pieces of it in a square wooden vessel or bucket, with water, and then throwing heated stones into it. This operation they repeat till they think the contents are sufficiently stewed or seethed. They put in the fresh, and take out the other stones, with a cleft stick, which serves as tongs; the vessel being always placed near the fire for that purpose. This is a pretty common dish amongst them, and, from its appearance, seems to be strong, nourishing food. The oil which they procure from these and other sea-animals, is also used by them in great quantities; both supping it alone, with a large scoop or spoon made of horn, or mixing it with other food, as sauce.

It may also be presumed, that they feed upon other sea-animals, such as seals, sea-otters, and whales; not only from the skins of the two first being frequent amongst them, but from the great number of implements of all sorts intended to destroy these different animals; which clearly points out their dependence upon them; though perhaps they do not catch them in great plenty, at all seasons; which seemed to be the case while we lay there, as no great number of fresh skins, or pieces of the flesh, were seen.

The same might, perhaps, be said of the land-animals, which, though doubtless the natives sometimes kill them, appeared to be scarce at this time; as we did not see a single piece of the flesh belonging to any of them; and though their skins be in tolerable plenty, it is probable that many of these are procured by traffic from other tribes. Upon the whole, it seems plain, from a variety of circumstances, that these people procure almost all their animal food from the sea, if we except a few birds, of which the gulls or sea-fowl, which they shoot with their arrows, are the most material.

As the Canadian pine-branches and sea-grass, on which the fish roe is strewed, may be considered as their only winter vegetables; so, as the spring advances, they make use of several others as they come in season. The most common of these, which we observed, were two sorts of liliaceous roots, one simply tunicated, the other granulated upon its surface, called _mahkatte_ and _koohquoppa_, which have a mild sweetish taste, and are mucilaginous, and eaten raw. The next, which they have in great quantities, is a root called _aheita_, resembling, in taste, our liquorice; and another fern root, whose leaves were not yet disclosed. They also eat, raw, another small, sweetish, insipid root, about the thickness of _sarsaparilla_; but we were ignorant of the plant to which it belongs; and also of another root, which is very large and palmated, which we saw them dig tip near the Village, and afterward eat it. It is also probable, that, as the season advances, they have many others, which we did not see. For, though there be no appearance of cultivation amongst them, there are great quantities of alder, gooseberry, and currant bushes, whose fruits they may eat in their natural state, as we have seen them eat the leaves of the last, and of the lilies, just as they were plucked from the plant. It must, however, be observed, that one of the conditions which they seem to require, in all food, is, that it should be of the bland, or less acrid kind; for they would not eat the leek or garlic, though they brought vast quantities to sell, when they understood we were fond of it. Indeed, they seemed to have no relish for any of our food; and when offered spirituous liquors, they rejected them as something unnatural and disgusting to the palate.

Though they sometimes eat small marine animals in their fresh state, raw, it is their common practice to roast or broil their food; for they are quite ignorant of our method of boiling; unless we allow that of preparing their porpoise broth is such; and indeed their vessels being all of wood, they are quite insufficient for this purpose.

Their manner of eating is exactly consonant to the nastiness of their houses and persons; for the troughs and platters, in which they put their food, appear never to have been washed from the time they were first made, and the dirty remains of a former meal are only sweeped away by the succeeding one. They also tear every thing solid, or tough, to pieces, with their hands and teeth; for, though they make use of their knives to cut off the larger portions, they have not, as yet, thought of reducing these to smaller pieces and mouthfuls by the same means, though obviously more convenient and cleanly. But they seem to have no idea of cleanliness; for they eat the roots which they dig from the ground, without so much as shaking off the soil that adheres to them.

We are uncertain if they have any set time for meals; for we have seen them eat at all hours in their canoes. And yet, from seeing several messes of the porpoise broth preparing toward noon, when we visited the village, I should suspect that they make a principal meal about that time.

Their weapons are bows and arrows, slings, spears, short truncheons of bone, somewhat like the _patoo patoo_ of New Zealand, and a small pick-axe, not unlike the common American _tomahawk_. The spear has generally a long point, made of bone. Some of the arrows are pointed with iron; but most commonly their points were of indented bone. The tomahawk is a stone, six or eight inches long, pointed at one end, and the other end fixed into a handle of wood. This handle resembles the head and neck of the human figure; and the stone is fixed in the mouth, so as to represent an enormously large tongue. To make the resemblance still stronger, human hair is also fixed to it. This weapon they call _taaweesh_, or _tsuskeeah_. They have another stone weapon called _seeaik_, nine inches or a foot long, with a square point.

From the number of stone weapons and others, we might almost conclude, that it is their custom to engage in close fight; and we had too convincing proofs that their wars are both frequent and bloody, from the vast number of human sculls which they brought to sell.

Their manufactures and mechanic arts are far more extensive and ingenious, whether we regard the design or the execution, than could have been expected from the natural disposition of the people, and the little progress that civilization has made amongst them in other respects. The flaxen and woollen garments, with which they cover themselves, must necessarily engage their first care; and are the most material of those that can be racked under the head of manufactures. The former of these are made of the bark of a pine-tree, beat into a hempen state. It is not spun, but, after being properly prepared, is spread upon a stick, which is fastened across to two others that stand upright. It is disposed in such a manner, that the manufacturer, who sits on her hams at this simple machine, knots it across with small plaited threads, at the distance of half an inch from each other. Though, by this method, it be not so close or firm as cloth that is woven, the bunches between the knots make it sufficiently impervious to the air, by filling the interstices; and it has the additional advantage of being softer and more pliable. The woollen garments, though probably manufactured in the same manner, have the strongest resemblance to woven cloth. But the various figures, which are very artificially inserted in them, destroy the supposition of their being wrought in a loom; it being extremely unlikely that these people should be so dexterous as to be able to finish such a complex work, unless immediately by their hands. They are of different degrees of fineness; some resembling our coarsest rugs or blankets; and others almost equal to our finest sorts, or even softer, and certainly warmer. The wool, of which they are made, seems to be taken from different animals, as the fox and brown _lynx_; the last of which is by far the finest sort, and, in its natural state, differs little from the colour of our coarser wools; but the hair, with which the animal is also covered, being intermixed, its appearance, when wrought, is somewhat different. The ornamental parts or figures in these garments, which are disposed with great taste, are commonly of a different colour, being dyed, chiefly either of a deep brown or of a yellow; the last of which, when it is new, equals the best in our carpets as to brightness.

To their taste or design in working figures upon their garments, corresponds their fondness for carving in every thing they make of wood. Nothing is without a kind of freeze-work, or the figure of some animal upon it; but the most general representation is that of the human face, which is often cut out upon birds, and the other monstrous figures mentioned before; and even upon their stone and their bone weapons. The general design of all these things is perfectly sufficient to convey a knowledge of the object they are intended to represent; but the carving is not executed with the nicety that a dexterous artist would bestow even upon an indifferent design. The same, however, cannot be said of many of the human masks and heads; where they shew themselves to be ingenious sculptors. They not only preserve, with great exactness, the general character of their own faces, but finish the more minute parts with a degree of accuracy in proportion, and neatness in execution. The strong propensity of this people to works of this sort, is remarkable, in a vast variety of particulars. Small whole human figures; representations of birds, fish, and land and sea-animals; models of their household utensils and of their canoes, were found amongst them in great abundance.

The imitative arts being nearly allied, no wonder that, to their skill in working figures in their garments, and carving them in wood, they should add that of drawing them in colours. We have sometimes seen the whole process of their whale-fishery painted on the caps they wear. This, though rudely executed, serves, at least, to shew, that, though there be no appearance of the knowledge of letters amongst them, they have some notion of a method of commemorating and representing actions in a lasting way, independently of what may be recorded in their songs and traditions. They have also other figures painted on some of their things; but it is doubtful if they ought to be considered as symbols, that have certain established significations, or only the mere creation of fancy and caprice.

Their canoes are of a simple structure; but, to appearance, well calculated for every useful purpose. Even the largest, which carry twenty people or more, are formed of one tree. Many of them are forty feet long, seven broad, and about three deep. From the middle, toward each end, they become gradually narrower, the after-part, or stern, ending abruptly or perpendicularly, with a small knob on the top; but the fore-part is lengthened out, stretching forward and upward, ending in a notched point or prow, considerably higher than the sides of the canoe, which run nearly in a straight line. For the most part they are without any ornament; but some have a little carving, and are decorated by setting seals' teeth on the surface, like studs, as is their practice on their masks and weapons. A few have, likewise, a kind of additional head or prow, like a large cut-water, which is painted with the figure of some animal. They have no seats, nor any other supporters, on the inside, than several round sticks, little thicker than a cane, placed across, at mid depth. They are very light, and their breadth and flatness enable them to swim firmly, without an out-rigger, which none of them have; a remarkable distinction between the navigation of all the American nations and that of the southern parts of the East Indies, and the islands in the Pacific Ocean. Their paddles are small and light; the shape, in some measure, resembling that of a large leaf, pointed at the bottom, broadest in the middle, and gradually losing itself in the shaft, the whole being about five feet long. They have acquired great dexterity in managing these paddles, by constant use; for sails are no part of their art of navigation.

Their implements for fishing and hunting, which are both ingeniously contrived, and well made, are nets, hooks and lines, harpoons, gigs, and an instrument like an oar. This last is about twenty feet long, four or five inches broad, and about half an inch thick. Each edge, for about two-thirds of its length, (the other third being its handle,) is set with sharp bone-teeth, about two inches long. Herrings and sardines, and such other small fish as come in shoals, are attacked with this instrument; which is struck into the shoal, and the fish are caught either upon or between the teeth. Their hooks are made of bone and wood, and rather inartificially; but the harpoon, with which they strike the whales and lesser sea-animals, shew a great reach of contrivance. It is composed of a piece of bone, cut into two barbs, in which is fixed the oval blade of a large muscle-shell, in which is the point of the instrument. To this is fastened about two or three fathoms of rope; and to throw this harpoon, they use a shaft of about twelve or fifteen feet long, to which the line or rope is made fast; and to one end of which the harpoon is fixed, so as to separate from the shaft, and leave it floating upon the water as a buoy, when the animal darts away with the harpoon.

We can say nothing as to the manner of their catching or killing land-animals, unless we may suppose that they shoot the smaller sorts with their arrows, and engage bears, or wolves and foxes, with their spears. They have, indeed, several nets, which are probably applied to that purpose;[3] as they frequently threw them over their heads, to shew their use, when they brought them to us for sale. They also, sometimes, decoy animals, by covering themselves with a skin, and running about upon all-fours, which they do very nimbly, as appeared from the specimens of their skill, which they exhibited to us, making a kind of noise, or neighing, at the same time; and on these occasions, the masks or carved heads, as well as the real dried heads of the different animals, are put on.

[Footnote 3: One of the methods of catching sea-otters, when ashore at Kamptschatka, is with nets.--See _Coxe's Russian Discoveries_, p. 13.--D.]

As to the materials, of which they make their various articles, it is to be observed, that every thing of the rope kind is formed either from thongs of skins and sinews of animals, or from the same flaxen substance of which their mantles are manufactured. The sinews often appeared to be of such a length, that it might be presumed they could be of no other animal than the whale. And the same may be said of the bones of which they made their weapons already mentioned; such as their bark-beating instruments, the points of their spears, and the barbs of their harpoons.

Their great dexterity in works of wood, may, in some measure, be ascribed to the assistance they receive from iron tools. For, as far as we know, they use no other; at least we saw only one chisel of bone. And though originally their tools must have been of different materials, it is not improbable that many of their improvements have been made since they acquired a knowledge of that metal, which now is universally used in their various wooden works. The chisel and the knife are the only forms, as far as we saw, that iron assumes amongst them. The chisel is a long flat piece, filled into a handle of wood. A stone serves for a mallet, and a piece of fish-skin for a polisher. I have seen some of these chisels that were eight or ten inches long, and three or four inches broad, but, in general, they were smaller. The knives are of various sizes; some very large; and their blades are crooked, somewhat like our pruning-knife, but the edge is on the back or convex part. Most of them that we saw were about the breadth and thickness of an iron-hoop, and their singular form marks that they are not of European make. Probably they are imitations of their own original instruments, used for the same purposes. They sharpen these iron tools upon a coarse slate whetstone, and likewise keep the whole instrument constantly bright.

Iron, which they call _seekemaile_, (which name they also give to tin and all white metals,) being familiar to these people, it was very natural for us to speculate about the mode of its being conveyed to them. Upon our arrival in the Sound, they immediately discovered a knowledge of traffic, and an inclination for it; and we were convinced afterward, that they had not received this knowledge from a cursory interview with any strangers, but, from their method, it seemed to be an established practice, of which they were fond, and in which they were also well skilled. With whom they carry on this traffic, may, perhaps, admit of some doubt. For though we found amongst them things doubtless of European manufacture, or at least derived, from some civilized nation, such as iron and brass, it by no means appears that they receive them immediately from these nations. For we never observed the least sign of their having seen ships like ours before, nor of their having traded with such people. Many circumstances serve to prove this almost beyond a doubt. They were earnest in their enquiries, by signs, on our arrival, if we meant to settle amongst them, and if we came as friends; signifying, at the same time, that they gave the wood and water freely, from friendship. This not only proves, that they considered the place as entirely their property, without fearing any superiority; but the enquiry would have been an unnatural one, on a supposition that any ships had been here before; had trafficked, and supplied themselves with wood and water; and had then departed; for, in that case, they might reasonably expect we would do the same. They, indeed, expressed no marks of surprise at seeing our ships. But this, as I observed before, may be imputed to their natural indolence of temper, and want of curiosity. Nor were they even startled at the report of a musquet; till one day, upon their endeavouring to make us sensible, that their arrows and spears could not penetrate the hide-dresses, one of our gentlemen shot a musquet-ball through one of them, folded six times. At this they were so much staggered, that they plainly discovered their ignorance of the effect of fire-arms. This was very often confirmed afterward, when we used them at their village and other places to shoot birds, the manner of which plainly confounded them; and our explanations of the use of shot and ball were received with the most significant marks of their having no previous ideas on this matter.

Some account of a Spanish voyage to this coast, in 1774, or 1775, had reached England before I sailed; but the foregoing circumstances sufficiently prove that these ships had not been at Nootka.[4] Besides this, it was evident, that iron was too common here; was in too many hands; and the uses of it were too well known, for them to have had the first knowledge of it so very lately; or indeed at any earlier period, by an accidental supply from a ship. Doubtless, from the general use they make of this metal, it maybe supposed to come from some constant source, by way of traffic, and that not of a very late date; for they are as dexterous in using their tools as the longest practice can make them. The most probable way, therefore, by which we can suppose that they get their iron, is by trading for it with other Indian tribes, who either have immediate communication with European settlements upon that continent, or receive it, perhaps, through several intermediate nations. The same might be said of the brass and copper found amongst them.

[Footnote 4: We now know that Captain Cook's conjecture was well founded. It appears, from the Journal of this Voyage, already referred to, that the Spaniards had intercourse with the natives of this coast only in three places, in latitude 41° 7'; in latitude 47° 21'; and in latitude 57° 18'. So that they were not within two degrees of Nootka; and it is most probable that the people there never heard of these Spanish ships.--D.]

Whether these things be introduced by way of Hudson's Bay and Canada, from the Indians, who deal with our traders, and so successively across from one tribe to the other; or whether they be brought from the north-western parts of Mexico in the same manner, perhaps cannot be easily determined. But it should seem, that not only the rude materials, but some articles in their manfactured state, find their way hither. The brass ornaments for noses, in particular, are so neatly made, that I am doubtful whether the Indians are capable of fabricating them. The materials, certainly, are European; as no American tribes have been found, who knew the method of making brass; though copper has been commonly met with, and, from its softness, might be fashioned into any shape, and also polished. If our traders to Hudson's Bay and Canada do not use such articles in their traffic with the natives, they must have been introduced at Nootka from the quarter of Mexico, from whence, no doubt, the two silver table-spoons, met with here, were originally derived. It is most probable, however, that the Spaniards are not such eager traders, nor have formed such extensive connections with the tribes north of Mexico, as to supply them with quantities of iron, from which they can spare so much to the people here.[5]

[Footnote 5: Though the two silver table-spoons, found at Nootka Sound, most probably came from the Spaniards in the south, there seems to be sufficient grounds for believing that the regular supply of iron comes from a different quarter. It is remarkable, that the Spaniards, in 1775, found at _Puerto de la Trinidad_, in latitude 41°7', _arrows pointed with copper or iron, which they understood were procured from the north_. Mr Daines Barrington, in a note at this part of the Spanish journal, p. 20, says "I should conceive, that the copper and iron here mentioned, must have originally been bartered at our forts in Hudson's Bay."--D.]

Of the political and religious institutions established amongst them, it cannot be supposed that we should learn much. This we could observe, that there are such men as chiefs, who are distinguished by the name or title of _Acweek_, and to whom the others are, in some measure, subordinate. But I should guess, the authority of each of these great men extends no farther than the family to which he belongs, and who own him as their head. These _Acweeks_ were not always elderly men; from which I concluded that this title came to them by inheritance.

I saw nothing that could give the least insight into their notions of religion, besides the figures before mentioned, called by them _Klumma_. Most probably these were idols; but as they frequently mentioned the word _acweek_, when they spoke of them, we may, perhaps, be authorised to suppose, that they are the images of some of their ancestors, whom they venerate as divinities. But all this is mere conjecture; for we saw no act of religious homage paid to them; nor could we gain any information, as we had learned little more of their language than to ask the names of things, without being able to hold any conversation with the natives, that might instruct us as to their institutions or traditions.

In drawing up the preceding account of the people of this Sound, I have occasionally blended Mr Anderson's observations with my own; but I owe every thing to him. that relates to their language; and the following remarks are in his own words.

"Their language is by no means harsh or disagreeable, farther than proceeds from their using the _k_ and _h_ with more force, or pronouncing them with less softness than we do; and, upon the whole, it abounds rather with what we may call labial and dental, than with guttural sounds. The simple sounds, which we have not heard them use, and which, consequently, may be reckoned rare, or wanting in their language, are those represented by the letters _b, d, f, g, r,_ and _v_. But, on the other hand, they have one, which is very frequent, and not used by us. It is formed, in a particular manner, by clashing the tongue partly against the roof of the mouth with considerable force, and may be compared to a very coarse or harsh method of lisping. It is difficult to represent this sound by any composition of our letters, unless somehow from _lszthl_. This is one of their most usual terminations, though we sometimes found it in the beginning of words. The next most general termination is composed of _tl_; and many words end with _z_ and _ss_. A specimen or two of each of these is here put down:

_Opulszthl_, The sun. _Onulszthl_, The moon. _Kahsheetl_, Dead. _Teeshcheetl_, To throw a stone. _Kooomitz_, A human scull. _Quahmiss_, Fish roe.

"They seem to take so great a latitude in their mode of speaking, that I have sometimes observed four or five different terminations of the same word. This is a circumstance very puzzling at first to a stranger, and marks a great imperfection in their language.

"As to the composition of it, we can say very little; having been scarcely able to distinguish the several parts of speech. It can only be inferred, from their method of speaking, which is very slow and distinct, that it has few prepositions or conjunctions; and, as far as we could discover, is destitute of even a single interjection, to express admiration or surprise. From its having few conjunctions, it may be conceived, that these being thought unnecessary, as being understood, each single word with them will also express a great deal, or comprehend several simple ideas; which seems to be the case. But, for the same reason, the language will be defective in other respects; not having words to distinguish or express differences which really exist, and hence not sufficiently copious. This was observed to be the case in many instances, particularly with respect to the names of animals. The relation or affinity it may bear to other languages, either on this or on the Asiatic continent, I have not been able sufficiently to trace for want of proper specimens to compare it with, except those of the Esquimaux and Indians about Hudson's Bay; to neither of which it bears the least resemblance. On the other hand, from the few Mexican words I have been able to procure, there is the most obvious agreement, in the very frequent terminations of the words in _l_, _tl_, or _z_, throughout the language."[6]

[Footnote 6: May we not, in confirmation of Mr Anderson's remark, observe, that _Opulszthl_, the Nootka name of the Sun; and _Vitziputzli_, the name of the Mexican Divinity, have no very distant affinity in sound?--D.]

The large vocabulary of the Nootka language, collected by Mr Anderson, shall be reserved for another place,[7] as its insertion here would too much interrupt our narration. At present I only select their numerals, for the satisfaction of such of our readers as love to compare those of different nations in different parts of the world:

_Tsawack_, One. _Akkla_, Two. _Katsitsa_, Three. _Mo_, or _Moo_, Four. _Sochah_, Five. _Nofpo_, Six. _Atstepoo_, Seven. _Atlaquolthl_, Eight. _Tsawaquulthl_, Nine. _Haeeoo_, Ten.

[Footnote 7: It will be found at the end of the voyage.]

Were I to affix a name to the people of Nootka, as a distinct nation, I would call them _Wakashians_; from the word _wakash_, which was very frequently in their mouths. It seemed to express applause, approbation, and friendship. For when they appeared to be satisfied, or well pleased with any thing they saw, or any incident that happened, they would, with one voice, call out, _wakash! wakash!_ I shall take my leave of them, with remarking, that, differing so essentially, as they certainly do, in their persons, their customs, and language, from the inhabitants of the islands in the Pacific Ocean, we cannot suppose their respective progenitors to have been united in the same tribe, or to have had any intimate connection, when they emigrated from their original settlements, into the places where we now find their descendants.

My account of the transactions in Nootka Sound would be imperfect, without adding the astronomical and nautical observations made by us, while the ships were in that station.

_Latitude._

The latitude of the \ Sun 49° 36' 1", 15"' observatory, by } Stars / South 49 36 8, 36 / \ North 49 36 10, 30 ________________ The mean of these means 49 36 6, 47 north.

_Longitude._

| Twenty sets \ | taken on the | 233° 26' 18", 7"' | 21st and 23d | | of March. / | The longitude, by / Ninety-three \ lunar observations. \ taken at the } 233 18 6, 6 | observatory /

| Twenty-four \ | taken on the | 233 7 16, 7 | 1st, 2d, and | | 3d of May. / The mean of these means 233 17 14, 0 East.

But by reducing each set, taken | before we arrived in the Sound, | and after we left it, by the time- \ 233° 17' 30", 5"' keeper, and adding them up / with those made on the spot, | the mean of the 137 sets, will be |

Longitude by the / Greenwich rate 235° 46' 51", 0"' time-keeper \ Ulietea rate 333 59 24, 0

From the results of the last fifteen days observations of equal altitudes of the sun, the daily rate of the time-keeper was losing, on mean time, 7"; and on the 16th of April, she was too slow for mean time by 16^h 0^m 58",45. There was found an irregularity in her rate greater than at any time before. It was thought proper to reject the first five days, as the rate in them differed so much from that of the fifteen following; and even in these, each day differed from another more than usual.

_Variation of the Compass._

/A.M.\ Observatory / 15° 57' 48-1/2" \ April 4.{ } { } 15° 49' 25" East. \PM / Mean of four Needles\ 15 41 2 /

5. /A.M.\ On board the ship / 9° 50 49 \ { } { } 19 44 47-1/2 6. \P.M./ Mean of four Needles\ 19 38 46 /

The variation found on board the ship ought to be taken for the true one; not only as it agreed with what we observed at sea, but because it was found that there was something ashore that had a considerable effect upon the compasses; in some places more than others. At one spot, on the west point of the Sound, the needle was attracted 113/4 points from its proper direction.

_Inclination of the Dipping Needle._

April 5th. /Marked \End North \ 71° 26' 22-1/2"\ On board with { } } } 71° 40' 22-1/2" balanced needle. \Unmarked /and dipping / 71 54 22-1/2 /

The Same needle /Marked \End North \ 72 3 45 \ at the { } } } 70 0 0 observatory. \Unmarked /and dipping / 71 56 15 /

/Marked \End North \ 71 58 20 \ 18th ditto { } } } 72 7 15 \Unmarked /and dipping / 72 16 10 /

5th. Spare needle /Marked \End North \ 72 32 30 \ at the { } } } 72 49 15 observatory \Unmarked /and dipping / 73 6 0 /

/Marked \End North \ 72 55 0 \ 18th ditto { } } } 73 11 45 \Unmarked /and dipping / 73 28 30 /

22d. Spare /Marked \End North \ 73 28 38 \ needle on { } } } 73 11 0 board \Unmarked /and dipping / 72 53 30 /

Hence the mean dip, with both needles, on shore, was 72 32 3-1/4

On board 72 25 45-1/4

This is as near as can be expected; and shews, that whatever it was that affected the compasses, whether on board or ashore, it had no effect upon the dipping needles.

_Tides._

It is high water on the days of the new and full moon at 12^h 20^m. The perpendicular rise and fall, eight feet nine inches; which is to be understood of the day-tides, and those which happen two or three days after the full and new moon. The night-tides, at this time, rise near two feet higher. This was very conspicuous during the spring-tide of the full moon, which happened soon after our arrival; and it was obvious, that it would be the same in those of the new moon, though we did not remain here long enough to see the whole of its effect.

Some circumstances, that occurred daily, relating to this, deserve particular notice. In the cove, where we got wood and water, was a great deal of drift wood thrown ashore; a part of which we had to remove to come at the water. It often happened, that large pieces of trees, which we had removed in the day out of the reach of the then high water, were found, the next morning, floated again in our way; and all our spouts, for conveying down the water, thrown out of their places, which were immoveable during the day-tides. We also found, that wood, which we had split up for fuel, and had deposited beyond the reach of the day-tide, floated away during the night. Some of these circumstances happened every night or morning, for three or four days in the height of the spring-tides; during which time we were obliged to attend every morning-tide, to remove the large logs out of the way of watering.

I cannot say whether the flood-tide falls into the Sound from the north-west, south-west, or south-east. I think it does not come from the last quarter; but this is only conjecture, founded upon the following observations: The south-east gales, which we had in the Sound, were so far from increasing the rise of the tide, that they rather diminished it; which would hardly have happened, if the flood and wind had been in the same direction.

SECTION IV.

_A Storm, after sailing from Nootka Sound.--Resolution springs a Leak.--Pretended Strait of Admiral de Fonte passed unexamined.--Progress along the Coast of America.--Behring's Bay.--Kaye's Island.--Account of it.--The Ships come to an Anchor.--Visited by the Natives.--Their Behaviour.--Fondness for Beads and Iron.--Attempt to plunder the Discovery.--Resolution's Leak stopped.--Progress up the Sound.--Messrs Gore and Roberts sent to examine its Extent.--Reasons against a Passage to the North through it.--The Ships proceed down it to the open Sea._

Having put to sea on the evening of the 26th, as before related, with strong signs of an approaching storm, these signs did not deceive us. We were hardly out of the Sound, before the wind, in an instant, shifted from north-east to south-east by east, and increased to a strong gale, with squalls and rain, and so dark a sky, that we could not see the length of the ship. Being apprehensive, from the experience I had since our arrival on this coast, of the wind veering more to the south, which would put us in danger of a lee-shore, we got the tacks on board, and stretched off to the south-west, under all the sail that the ships could bear. Fortunately, the wind veered no farther southerly than south-east; so that at day-light the next morning we were quite clear of the coast.

The Discovery being at some distance a-stern, I brought-to till she came up, and then bore away, steering north-west; in which direction I supposed the coast to lie. The wind was at south-east, blew very hard, and in squalls, with thick hazy weather. At half-past one in the afternoon, it blew a perfect hurricane; so that I judged it highly dangerous to run any longer before it, and therefore brought the ships to, with their heads to the southward, under the foresails and mizen-stay-sails. At this time the Resolution sprung a leak, which, at first, alarmed us not a little. It was found to be under the starboard buttock; where, from the bread-room, we could both hear and see the water rush in; and, as we then thought, two feet under water. But in this we were happily mistaken; for it was afterward found to be even with the water-line, if not above it, when the ship was upright. It was no sooner discovered, than the fish-room was found to be full of water, and the casks in it afloat; but this was, in a great measure, owing to the water not finding its way to the pumps through the coals that lay in the bottom of the room. For, after the water was baled out, which employed us till midnight, and had found its way directly from the leak to the pumps, it appeared that one pump kept it under, which gave us no small satisfaction. In the evening, the wind veered to the south, and its fury, in some degree, ceased. On this we set the main-sail, and two topsails close-reefed, and stretched to the westward. But at eleven o'clock the gale again increased, and obliged us to take in the topsails, till five o'clock the next morning, when the storm began to abate, so that we could bear to set them again.

The weather now began to clear up, and being able to see several leagues round us, I steered more to the northward. At noon, the latitude, by observation, was 50° 1'; longitude 229° 26'.[1] I now steered N.W. by N., with a fresh gale at S.S.E. and fair weather. But at nine in the evening, it began again to blow hard, and in squalls, with rain. With such weather, and the wind between S.S.E. and S.W. I continued the same course till the 30th, at four in the morning, when I steered N. by W. in order to make the land. I regretted very much indeed that I could not do it sooner; for this obvious reason, that we were now passing the place where geographers[2] have placed the pretended strait of Admiral de Fonte. For my own part, I give no credit to such vague and improbable stories, that carry their own confutation along with them. Nevertheless, I was very desirous of keeping the American coast aboard, in order to clear up this point beyond dispute. But it would have been highly imprudent in me to have engaged with the land in weather so exceedingly tempestuous, or to have lost the advantage of a fair wind by waiting for better weather. This same day, at noon, we were in the latitude of 53° 22', and in the longitude of 225° 14'.

[Footnote 1: As in the remaining part of this chapter, the latitude and longitude are very frequently set down, the former being invariably North, and the latter East, the constant repetition of the two words, _North_ and _East_, has been omitted, to avoid unnecessary precision.]

[Footnote 2: See de Lisle's _Générale des Découvertes de l'Amiral de Fonte_, &c. Paris, 1752; and many other maps.]

The next morning, being the 1st of May, seeing nothing of the land, I steered north-easterly, with a fresh breeze at S.S.E. and S., with squalls, and showers of rain and hail. Our latitude at noon 54° 43', and our longitude 224° 44'. At seven in the evening, being in the latitude of 55° 20', we got sight of the land, extending from N.N.E. to E., or E. by S. about twelve or fourteen leagues distant. An hour after, I steered N. by W.; and at four the next morning, the coast was seen from N. by W. to S.E. the nearest part about six leagues distant.[3]

[Footnote 3: This must be very near that part of the American coast where Tscherikow anchored in 1741, for Muller places its latitude in 56°. Had this Russian navigator been so fortunate as to proceed a little farther northward along the coast, he would have found, as we now learn from Captain Cook, bays, and harbours, and islands, where his ship might have been sheltered, and his people protected in landing. For the particulars of the misfortunes he met with here, two boats' crews, which he sent ashore, having never returned, probably cut off by the natives, see _Muller's Découvertes de Russes_, p. 248, 254. The Spaniards, in 1775, found two good harbours on this part of the coast; that called _Guadalupe_, in latitude 57° 11', and the other, _De los Remedios_, in latitude 57° 18'.--D.]

At this time the northern point of an inlet, or what appeared to be one, bore E. by S. It lies in the latitude of 56°; and from it to the northward, the coast seemed to be much broken, forming bays or harbours every two or three leagues, or else appearances much deceived us. At six o'clock, drawing nearer the land, I steered N.W. by N., this being the direction of the coast; having a fresh gale at S.E. with some showers of hail, snow, and sleet. Between eleven and twelve o'clock, we passed a group of small islands, lying under the main land, in the latitude of 56° 48'; and off, or rather to the northward of the south point of a large bay. An arm of this bay, in the northern part of it, seemed to extend in toward the north, behind a round elevated mountain that lies between it and the sea. This mountain I called _Mount Edgcumbe_; and the point of land that shoots out from it _Cape Edgcumbe_. The latter lies in the latitude of 57° 3', and in the longitude of 224° 7'; and at noon it bore north 20° W. six leagues distant.

The land, except in some places close to the sea, is all of a considerable height, and hilly; but Mount Edgcumbe far out-tops all the other hills. It was wholly covered with snow; as were also all the other elevated hills; but the lower ones, and the flatter spots, bordering upon the sea, were free from it, and covered with wood.

As we advanced to the north, we found the coast from Cape Edgcumbe to trend north and north-easterly for six or seven leagues, and there form a large bay. In the entrance of that bay are some islands; for which reason I named it the _Bay of Islands_. It lies in the latitude of 57° 20';[4] and seemed to branch into several arms, one of which turned to the south, and may probably communicate with the bay on the east side of Cape Edgcumbe, and make the land of the Cape an island. At eight o'clock in the evening, the Cape bore S.E. 1/2 S.; the Bay of Islands N. 53° E.; and another inlet, before which are also some islands, bore N. 52° E. five leagues distant. I continued to steer N.N.W. 1/2 W. and N.W. by W. as the coast trended, with a fine gale at N.E. and clear weather.

[Footnote 4: It should seem, that, in this very bay, the Spaniards, in 1775, found their port which they call _De los Remedios_. The latitude is exactly the same; and their journal mentions its being protected by a long ridge of high islands. See Miscellanies, by the Honourable Daines Barrington, p. 503, 504.--D.]

At half-an-hour past four in the morning, on the 3d, Mount Edgcumbe bore S. 54° E.; a large inlet, N. 50° E., distant six leagues; and the most advanced point of the land, to the N.W. lying under a very high-peaked mountain, which obtained the name of _Mount Fairweather_, bore N. 32° W. The inlet was named _Cross Sound_, as being first seen on that day, so marked in our calendar. It appeared to branch in several arms, the largest of which turned to the northward. The S.E. point of this Sound is a high promontory, which obtained the name of _Cross Cape_. It lies in the latitude of 57° 57', and its longitude is 223° 21'. At noon it bore S.E.; and the point under the peaked mountain, which was called _Cape Fairweather_, N. by W. 1/4 W., distant thirteen leagues. Our latitude at this time was 58° 17', and our longitude 222° 14'; and we were distant from the shore three or four leagues. In this situation we found the variation of the compass to be from 24° 11' to 26° 11' E.

Here the N.E. wind left us, and was succeeded by light breezes from the N.W. which lasted for several days. I stood to the S.W. and W.S.W. till eight o'clock the next morning, when we tacked, and stood toward the shore. At noon, the latitude was 58° 22', and the longitude 220° 45'. Mount Fairweather, the peaked mountain over the Cape of the same name, bore N. 63° E.; the shore under it twelve leagues distant. This mountain, which lies in the latitude of 58° 52', and in the longitude of 222°, and five leagues inland, is the highest of a chain, or rather a ridge of mountains, that rise at the N.W. entrance of Cross Sound, and extend to the N.W. in a parallel direction with the coast. These mountains were wholly covered with snow, from the highest summit down to the sea-coast; some few places excepted, where we could perceive trees rising, as it were, out of the sea; and which, therefore, we supposed, grew on low land, or on islands bordering upon the shore of the continent.[5] At five in the afternoon, our latitude being then 58° 53', and our longitude 220° 52', the summit of an elevated mountain appeared above the horizon, bearing N., 26° W., and, as was afterwards found, forty leagues distant. We supposed it to be Beering's Mount St Elias; and it stands by that name in our chart.

[Footnote 5: According to Muller, Beering fell in with the coast of North America in latitude 58° 28', and he describes its aspect thus: "_L'aspect du pays étoit affrayaut par ses hautes montagnes couvertes de niege._" The chain or ridge of mountains covered with snow, mentioned here by Captain Cook, in the same latitude, exactly agrees with what Beering met with. See Muller's _Voyages et Découvertes de Russes_, p. 248-254.--D.]

This day we saw several whales, seals, and porpoises; many gulls, and several flocks of birds, which had a black ring about the head; the tip of the tail, and the upper part of the wings, with a black band; and the rest bluish above and white below. We also saw a brownish duck, with a black or deep-blue head and neck, sitting upon the water.

Having but light winds, with some calms, we advanced slowly; so that on the 6th at noon we were only in the latitude of 59° 8', and in the longitude of 220° 19'. Mount Fairweather bore S. 63° E. and Mount Elias N. 30° W.; the nearest land about eight leagues distant. In the direction of N. 47° E. from this station, there was the appearance of a bay, and an island off the S. point of it that was covered with wood. It is here where I suppose Commodore Beering to have anchored. The latitude, which is 59° 18', corresponds pretty well with the map of his voyage,[6] and the longitude is 221° E. Behind the bay, (which I shall distinguish by the name of Beering's Bay, in honour of its discoverer,) or rather to the south of it, the chain of mountains before mentioned is interrupted by a plain of a few leagues extent; beyond which the sight was unlimited; so that there is either a level country or water behind it. In the afternoon, having a few hours calm, I took this opportunity to sound, and found seventy fathoms water, over a muddy bottom. The calm was succeeded by a light breeze from the N., with which we stood to the westward; and at noon the next day, we were in the latitude of 59° 27', and the longitude of 219° 7'. In this situation, Mount Fairweather bore S. 70° E.; Mount St Elias N. 1/2 W.; the westernmost land in sight N. 52° W.; and our distance from the shore four or five leagues; the depth of water being eighty-two fathoms over a muddy bottom. From this station we could see a bay (circular to appearance) under the high land, with low wood-land on each side of it.

[Footnote 6: Probably Captain Cook means Muller's map, prefixed to his History of the Russian Discoveries.--D.]

We now found the coast to trend very much to the west, inclining hardly any thing to the north; and as we had the wind mostly from the westward, and but little of it, our progress was slow. On the 9th at noon, the latitude was 59° 30', and the longitude 217°. In this situation the nearest land was nine leagues distant; and Mount St Elias bore N., 30° E, nineteen leagues distant. This mountain lies twelve leagues inland in the latitude of 60° 27', and in the longitude of 219°. It belongs to a ridge of exceedingly high mountains, that may be reckoned a continuation of the former, as they are only divided from them by the plain above mentioned. They extend as far to the west as the longitude of 217°; where, although they do not end, they lose much of their height, and become more broken and divided.

At noon on the 10th, our latitude was 59° 51', and our longitude 215° 56', being no more than three leagues from, the coast of the continent, which extended from E. 1/2 N., to N.W. 1/2 W., as far as the eye could reach. To the westward of this last direction was an island that extended from N., 52° W., to S., 85° W., distant six leagues. A point shoots out from the main toward the N.E. end of the island, bearing, at this time, N., 30° W., five or six leagues distant. This point I named _Cape Suckling_. The point of the cape is low; but within it, is a tolerably high hill, which is disjoined from the mountains by low land; so that, at a distance, the cape looks like an island. On the north side of Cape Suckling is a bay that appeared to be of some extent, and to be covered from most winds. To this bay I had some thoughts of going, to stop our leak, as all our endeavours to do it at sea had proved ineffectual. With this view, I steered for the cape; but as we had only variable light breezes, we approached it slowly. However, before night, we were near enough to see some low land spitting out from the cape to the north-west, so as to cover the east part of the bay from the south wind. We also saw some small islands in the bay, and elevated rocks between the cape and the north-east end of the island. But still there appeared to be a passage on both sides of these rocks; and I continued steering for them all night, having from forty-three to twenty-seven fathoms water over a muddy bottom.

At four o'clock next morning, the wind, which had been mostly at N.E., shifted to N. This being against us, I gave up the design of going within the island, or into the bay, as neither could be done without loss of time. I therefore bore up for the west end of the island. The wind blew faint, and at ten o'clock it fell calm. Being not far from the island, I went in a boat, and landed upon it, with a view of seeing what lay on the other side; but finding it farther to the hills than I expected, and the way being steep and woody, I was obliged to drop the design. At the foot of a tree, on a little eminence not far from the shore, I left a bottle with a paper in it, on which were inscribed the names of the ships, and the date of our discovery. And along with it, I inclosed two silver two-penny pieces of his majesty's coin, of the date 1772. These, with many others, were furnished me by the Reverend Dr Kaye;[7] and, as a mark of my esteem and regard for that gentleman, I named the island, after him, _Kaye's Island_. It is eleven or twelve leagues in length, in the direction of N.E. and S.W.; but its breadth is not above a league, or a league and a half, in any part of it. The S.W. point, which lies in the latitude of 59° 49', and the longitude of 216° 58', is very remarkable, being a naked rock, elevated considerably above the land within it. There is also an elevated rock lying off it, which, from some points of view, appears like a ruined castle. Toward the sea, the island terminates in a kind of bare-sloping cliffs, with a beach, only a few paces across to their foot, of large pebble stones, intermixed in some places with a brownish clayey sand, which the sea seems to deposit after rolling in, having been washed down from the higher parts, by the rivulets or torrents. The cliffs are composed of a bluish stone or rock, in a soft or mouldering state, except in a few places. There are parts of the shore interrupted by small vallies and gullies. In each of these, a rivulet or torrent rushes down with considerable impetuosity; though it may be supposed that they are only furnished from the snow, and last no longer than till it is all melted. These vallies are filled with pine-trees, which grow down close to the entrance, but only to about half way up the higher or middle part of the island. The woody part also begins, every-where, immediately above the cliffs, and is continued to the same height with the former; so that the island is covered, as it were, with a broad girdle of wood, spread upon its side, included between the top of the cliffy shore; and the higher parts in the centre. The trees, however, are far from being of an uncommon growth; few appearing to be larger than one might grasp round with his arms, and about forty or fifty feet high; so that the only purpose they could answer for shipping, would be to make top-gallant masts, and other small things. How far we may judge of the size of the trees which grow on the neighbouring continent, it may be difficult to determine. But it was observed, that none larger than those we saw growing, lay upon the beach amongst the drift-wood. The pine-trees seemed all of one sort; and there was neither the Canadian pine, nor cypress, to be seen. But there were a few which appeared to be the alder, that were but small, and had not yet shot forth their leaves. Upon the edges of the cliffs, and on some sloping ground, the surface was covered with a kind of turf, about half a foot thick, which seemed composed of the common moss; and the top, or upper part of the island, had almost the same appearance as to colour; but whatever covered it seemed to be thicker. I found amongst the trees some currant and hawberry bushes; a small yellow-flowered violet; and the leaves of some other plants not yet in flower, particularly one which Mr Anderson supposed to be the _heracleum_ of Linnæus, the sweet herb, which Steller, who attended Beering, imagined the Americans here dress for food, in the same manner as the natives of Kamtschatka.

[Footnote 7: Then sub-almoner and chaplain to his majesty, afterwards Dean of Lincoln.--D.]

We saw, flying about the wood, a crow; two or three of the white-headed eagles mentioned at Nootka; and another sort full as large, which appeared also of the same colour, or blacker, and had only a white breast.[8] In the passage from the ship to the shore, we saw a great many fowls sitting upon the water, or flying about in flocks or pairs; the chief of which were a few quebrantaheuses, divers, ducks, or large peterels, gulls, shags, and burres. The divers were of two sorts; one very large, of a black colour, with a white breast and belly; the other smaller, and with a longer and more pointed bill, which seemed to be the common guillemot. The ducks were also of two sorts; one brownish, with a black or deep blue head and neck, and is perhaps the stone-duck described by Steller. The others fly in larger flocks, but are smaller than these, and are of a dirty black colour. The gulls were of the common sort, and those which fly in flocks. The shags were large and black, with a white spot behind the wings as they flew; but probably only the larger water cormorant. There was also a single bird seen flying about, to appearance of the gull kind, of a snowy white colour, with black along part of the upper side of its wings. I owe all these remarks to Mr Anderson. At the place where we landed, a fox came from the verge of the wood, and eyed us with very little emotion, walking leisurely without any signs of fear. He was of a reddish-yellow colour, like some of the skins we bought at Nootka, but not of a large size. We also saw two or three little seals off shore; but no other animals or birds, nor the least signs of inhabitants having ever been upon the island.

[Footnote 8: This species is in the Leverian Museum, and described by Mr Latham, in his Synopsis of Birds, vol. i. p. 33, No. 72, under the name of the _White-bellied Eagle_.]

I returned on board at half past two in the afternoon; and, with a light breeze easterly, steered for the S.W. point of the island, which we got round by eight o'clock, and then stood for the westernmost land now in sight, which, at this time, bore N.W. 1/2 N. On the N.W. side of the N.E. end of Kaye's Island, lies another island, stretching S.E. and N.W. about three leagues, to within the same distance of the N.W. boundary of the bay above mentioned, which is distinguished by the name of _Comptroller's Bay_.

Next morning, at four o'clock, Kaye's Island was still in sight, bearing E. 1/4 S. At this time, we were about four or five leagues from the main; and the most western part in sight bore N.W. 1/2 N. We had now a fresh gale at E.S.E., and as we advanced to the N.W., we raised land more and more westerly, and, at last, to the southward of W.; so that, at noon, when the latitude was 61° 11", and the longitude 213° 28', the most advanced land bore from us S.W. by W. 1/2 W. At the same time, the E. point of a large inlet bore W.N.W., three leagues distant.

From Comptroller's Bay to this point, which I named _Cape Hinchingbroke_, the direction of the coast is nearly E. and W. Beyond this, it seemed to incline to the southward; a direction so contrary to the modern charts founded upon the late Russian discoveries, that we had reason to expect that, by the inlet before us, we should find a passage to the N.; and that the land to the W. and S.W. was nothing but a group of islands. Add to this, that the wind was now at S.E., and we were threatened with a fog and a storm; and I wanted to get into some place to stop the leak, before we encountered another gale. These reasons induced me to steer for the inlet, which we had no sooner reached, than the weather became so foggy, that we could not see a mile before us, and it became necessary to secure the ships in some place, to wait for a clearer sky. With this view, I hauled close under Cape Hinchingbroke, and anchored before a small cove, a little within the cape, in eight fathoms water, a clayey bottom, and about a quarter of a mile from the shore.

The boats were then hoisted out, some to sound, and others to fish. The seine was drawn in the cove; but without success, for it was torn. At some short intervals, the fog cleared away, and gave us a sight of the lands around us. The cape bore S. by W. 1/2 W., one league distant; the W. point of the inlet S.W. by W., distant five leagues; and the land on that side extended as far as W. by N. Between this point and N.W. by W., we could see no land; and what was in the last direction seemed to be at a great distance. The westernmost point we had in sight on the N. shore, bore N.N.W. 1/2 W., two leagues distant. Between this point, and the shore under which we were at anchor, is a bay about three leagues deep; on the S.E. side of which there are two or three coves, such as that before which we had anchored, and in the middle some rocky islands.

To these islands Mr Gore was sent in a boat, in hopes of shooting some eatable birds. But he had hardly got to them, before about twenty natives made their appearance in two large canoes; on which he thought proper to return to the ships, and they followed him. They would not venture alongside, but kept at some distance, hollowing aloud, and alternately clasping and extending their arms; and, in a short time, began a kind of song exactly after the manner of those at Nootka. Their heads were also powdered with feathers. One man held out a white garment, which we interpreted as a sign of friendship; and another stood up in the canoe, quite naked, for almost a quarter of an hour, with his arms stretched out like a cross, and motionless. The canoes were not constructed of wood, as at King George's or Nootka Sound. The frame only, being slender laths, was of that substance; the outside consisting of the skins of seals, or of such like animals. Though we returned all their signs of friendship, and, by every expressive gesture, tried to encourage them to come alongside, we could not prevail. Some of our people repeated several of the common words of the Nootka language, such as _seekemaile_, and _mahook_; but they did not seem to understand them. After receiving some presents, which were thrown to them, they retired toward that part of the shore from whence they came; giving us to understand by signs, that they would visit us again the next morning. Two of them, however, each in a small canoe, waited upon us in the night; probably with a design to pilfer something, thinking we should be all asleep; for they retired as soon as they found themselves discovered.

During the night, the wind was at S.S.E., blowing hard and in squalls, with rain, and very thick weather. At ten o'clock next morning, the wind became more moderate, and the weather being somewhat clearer, we got under sail, in order to look out for some snug place, where we might search for, and stop the leak; our present station being too much exposed for this purpose. At first I proposed to have gone up the bay, before which we had anchored; but the clearness of the weather tempted me to steer to the northward, farther up the great inlet, as being all in our way. As soon as we had passed the N.W. point of the bay above mentioned, we found the coast on that side to turn short to the eastward. I did not follow it, but continued our course to the north, for a point of land which we saw in that direction.

The natives who visited us the preceding evening, came off again in the morning, in five or six canoes; but not till we were under sail; and although they followed us for some time, they could not get up with us. Before two in the afternoon, the bad weather returned again, with so thick a haze, that we could see no other land besides the point just mentioned, which we reached at half past four, and found it to be a small island, lying about two miles from the adjacent coast, being a point of land, on the east side of which we discovered a fine bay, or rather harbour. To this we plied up, under reefed topsails and courses. The wind blew strong at S.E., and in excessively hard squalls, with rain. At intervals, we could see land in every direction; but in general the weather was so foggy, that we could see none but the shores of the bay into which we were plying. In passing the island, the depth of water was twenty-six fathoms, with a muddy bottom. Soon after, the depth increased to sixty and seventy fathoms, a rocky bottom; but in the entrance of the bay, the depth was from thirty to six fathoms; the last very near the shore. At length, at eight o'clock, the violence of the squalls obliged us to anchor in thirteen fathoms, before we had got so far into the bay as I intended; but we thought ourselves fortunate that we had already sufficiently secured ourselves at this hour; for the night was exceedingly stormy.

The weather, bad as it was, did not hinder three of the natives from paying us a visit. They came off in two canoes; two men in one, and one in the other, being the number each could carry. For they were built and constructed in the same manner with those of the Esquimaux; only in the one were two holes for two men to sit in, and in the other but one. Each of these men had a stick, about three feet long, with the large feathers or wing of birds tied to it. These they frequently held up to us, with a view, as we guessed, to express their pacific disposition.[9]

[Footnote 9: Exactly corresponding to this, was the manner of receiving Beering's people, at the Schumagin Islands, on this coast, in 1741. Muller's words are--"On sait ce que c'est que le _Calumet_, que les Americans septentrionaux présentent en signe de paix. Ceux-ci en tenoient de pareils en main. C'étoient des bâtons avec _ailes de faucon_ attachées au bout"--Decouvertes, p. 268.--D.]

The treatment these men met with, induced many more to visit us, between one and two the next morning, in both great and small canoes. Some ventured on board the ship; but not till some of our people had stepped into their boats. Amongst those who came on board, was a good-looking middle-aged man, whom we afterward found to be the chief. He was cloathed in a dress made of the sea-otter's skin; and had on his head such a cap as is worn by the people of King George's Sound, ornamented with sky-blue glass beads, about the size of a large pea. He seemed to set a much higher value upon these, than upon our white glass beads. Any sort of beads, however, appeared to be in high estimation with these people; and they readily gave whatever they had in exchange for them, even their fine sea-otter skins. But here I must observe, that they set no more value upon these than upon other skins, which was also the case at King George's Sound, till our people set a higher price upon them; and even after that, the natives of both places would sooner part with a dress made of these, than with one made of the skins of wild-cats or of martins.

These people were also desirous of iron; but they wanted pieces eight or ten inches long at least, and of the breadth of three or four fingers. For they absolutely rejected small pieces. Consequently, they got but little from us; iron having, by this time, become rather a scarce article. The points of some of their spears or lances were of that metal; others were of copper, and a few of bone; of which the points of their darts, arrows, &c. were composed. I could not prevail open the chief to trust himself below the upper deck; nor did he and his companions remain long on board. But while we had their company, it was necessary to watch them narrowly, as they soon betrayed a thievish disposition. At length, after being about three at four hours alongside the Resolution, they all left her, and went to the Discovery; none having been there before, except one man, who, at this time, came from her, and immediately returned thither in company with the rest. When I observed this, I thought this man had met with something there, which he knew would please his countrymen better than what they met with at our ship. But in this I was mistaken, as will soon appear.

As soon as they were gone, I sent a boat to sound the head of the bay. For, as the wind was moderate, I had thoughts of laying the ship ashore, if a convenient place could be found where I might begin our operations to stop the leak. It was not long before all the Americans left the Discovery, and instead of returning to us, made their way toward our boat employed as above. The officer in her seeing, this, returned to the ship, and was followed by all the canoes. The boat's crew had no sooner come on board, leaving in her two of their number by way of a guard, than some of the Americans stepped into her. Some presented their spears before the two men; others cast loose the rope which fastened her to the ship; and the rest attempted to tow her away. But the instant they saw us preparing to oppose them, they let her go, stepped out of her into their canoes, and made signs to us to lay down our arms, having the appearance of being as perfectly unconcerned as if they had done nothing amiss. This, though rather a more daring attempt, was hardly equal to what they had meditated on board the Discovery. The man who came and carried all his countrymen from the Resolution to the other ship had first been on board of her, where, after looking down all the hatchways, and seeing nobody but the officer of the watch, and one or two more, he no doubt thought they might plunder her with ease, especially as she lay at some distance from us. It was unquestionably with this view, that they all repaired to her. Several of them, without any ceremony, went on board; drew their knives; made signs to the officer and people on deck to keep off; and began to look about them for plunder. The first thing they met with was the rudder of one of the boats, which they threw over-board to those of their party who had remained in the canoes. Before they had time to find another object that pleased their fancy, the crew were alarmed, and began to come upon deck armed with cutlasses. On seeing this, the whole company of plunderers sneaked off into their canoes, with as much deliberation and indifference as they had given up the boat; and they were observed describing to those who had not been on board, how much longer the knives of the ship's crew were than their own. It was at this time, that my boat was on the sounding duty, which they must have seen; for they proceeded directly for her, after their disappointment at the Discovery. I have not the least doubt, that their visiting us so very early in the morning was with a view to plunder; on a supposition, that they should find every body asleep.

May we not, from these circumstances, reasonably infer, that these people are unacquainted with fire-arms? For, certainly, if they had known any thing of their effect, they never would have dared to attempt taking a boat from under ship's guns, in the face of above a hundred men; for most of my people were looking at them, at the very instant they made the attempt. However, after all these tricks, we had the good fortune to leave them as ignorant, in this respect, as we found them. For they neither heard nor saw a musquet fired, unless at birds.

Just as we were going to weigh the anchor, to proceed farther up the bay, it began to blow and to rain as hard as before; so that we were obliged to veer away the cable again, and lay fast. Toward the evening, finding that the gale did not moderate, and that it might be some time before an opportunity offered to get higher up, I came to a resolution to heel the ship where we were; and, with this view, moored her with a kedge-anchor and hawser. In heaving the anchor out of the boat, one of the seamen, either through ignorance or carelessness, or both, was carried over-board by the buoy-rope, and followed the anchor to the bottom. It is remarkable, that, in this very critical situation, he had presence of mind to disengage himself, and come up to the surface of the water, where he was taken up, with one of his legs fractured in a dangerous manner.

Early the next morning, we gave the ship a good heel to port, in order to come at, and stop the leak. On ripping off the sheathing, it was found to be in the seams, which were very open, both in and under the wale, and, in several places, not a bit of oakum in them. While the carpenters were making good these defects, we filled all our empty water-casks, at a stream hard by the ship. The wind was now moderate, but the weather was thick and hazy, with rain.

The natives, who left us the preceding day, when the bad weather came on, paid us another visit this morning. Those who came first, were in small canoes; others, afterward, arrived in large boats; in one of which were twenty women, and one man, besides children.

In the evening of the 16th, the weather cleared up, and we then found ourselves surrounded on every side by land. Our station was on the east side of the Sound, in a place, which in the chart is distinguished by the name of _Snug Corner Bay_. And a very snug place it is. I went, accompanied by some of the officers, to view the head of it, and we found that it was sheltered from all winds, with a depth of water from even to three fathoms over a muddy bottom. The land, near the shore, is low, part clear, and part wooded. The clear ground was covered, two or three feet thick, with snow; but very little lay in the woods. The very summits of the neighbouring hills were covered with wood; but those farther inland seemed to be naked rocks, buried in snow.

The leak being stopped, and the sheathing made good over it, at four o'clock in the morning of the 17th, we weighed, and steered to the north-westward, with a light breeze at E.N.E.; thinking, if there should be any passage to the north through this inlet, that it must be in that direction. Soon after we were under sail, the natives, in both great and small canoes, paid us another visit, which gave us an additional opportunity of forming a more perfect idea of their persons, dress, and other particulars, which shall be afterward described. Our visitors seemed to have no other business, but to gratify their curiosity; for they entered into no sort of traffic with us. After we had got over to the N.W. point of the arm in which we had anchored, we found that the flood-tide came into the inlet through the same channel by which we had entered. Although this circumstance did not make wholly against a passage, it was, however, nothing in its favour. After passing the point above mentioned, we met with a good deal of foul ground, and many sunken rocks, even out in the middle of the channel, which is here five or six leagues wide. At this time the wind failed us, and was succeeded by calms and light airs from every direction; so that we had some trouble to extricate ourselves from the threatening danger. At length, about one o'clock, with the assistance of our boats, we got to an anchor, under the eastern shore, in thirteen fathoms water, and about four leagues to the north of our last station. In the morning, the weather had been very hazy; but it afterward cleared up, so as to give us a distinct view of all the land round us, particularly to the northward, where it seemed to close. This left us but little hopes of finding a passage that way, or, indeed, in any other direction, without putting out again to sea.

To enable me to form a better judgment, I dispatched Mr Gore, with two armed boats, to examine the northern arm; and the master, with two other boats, to examine another arm that seemed to take an easterly direction. Late in the evening they both returned. The master reported, that the arm he had been sent to, communicated with that from which we had last come; and that one side of it was only formed by a group of islands. Mr Gore informed me, that he had seen the entrance of an arm, which, he was of opinion, extended a long way to the N.E.; and that, probably by it, a passage might be found. On the other hand, Mr Roberts, one of the mates, whom I had sent with Mr Gore to sketch out the parts they had examined, was of opinion, that they saw the head of this arm. The disagreement of these two opinions, and the circumstance already mentioned of the flood-tide entering the Sound from the south, rendered the existence of a passage this way very doubtful. And, as the wind in the morning had become favourable for getting out to sea, I resolved to spend no more time in searching for a passage in a place that promised so little success. Besides this, I considered, that, if the land on the west should prove to be islands, agreeably to the late Russian Discoveries,[10] we could not fail of getting far enough to the north, and that in good time, provided we did not lose the season in searching places, where a passage was not only doubtful, but improbable. We were now upward of five hundred and twenty leagues to the westward of any part of Baffin's, or of Hudson's Bay. And whatever passage there may be, it must be, or, at least, part of it, must lie to the north of latitude 72°.[11] Who could expect to find a passage or strait of such extent?

[Footnote 10: Captain Cook seems to take his ideas of these from Mr Stæhlin's map, prefixed to the account of the Northern Archipelago, published by Dr Maty. London, 1774.--D.]

[Footnote 11: On what evidence Captain Cook formed his judgment as to this, is mentioned in the Introduction.--D.]

Having thus taken my resolution, next morning at three o'clock, we weighed, and with a gentle breeze at north, proceeded to the southward down the inlet, and met with the same broken ground, as on the preceding day. However, we soon extricated ourselves from it, and afterward never struck ground with a line of forty fathoms. Another passage into this inlet was now discovered to the S.W. of that by which we came in, which enabled us to shorten our way out to sea. It is separated from the other by an island, extending eighteen leagues in the direction of N.E. and S.W.; to which I gave the name of _Montagu Island_.

In this S.W. channel are several islands. Those that lie in the entrance, next the open sea, are high and rocky. But those within are low ones; and being entirely free from snow, and covered with wood and verdure, on this account they were called _Green Islands_.

At two in the afternoon, the wind veered to the S.W., and S.W. by S., which reduced us to the necessity of plying. I first stretched over to within two miles of the eastern, shore, and tacked in fifty-three fathoms water. In standing back to Montagu Island, we discovered a ledge of rocks, some above, and others under water, lying three miles to the north of the northern point of Green Islands. Afterward, some others were seen in the middle of the channel farther out than the islands. These rocks made unsafe plying in the night (though not very dark); and, for that reason, we spent it standing off and on, under Montagu Island; for the depth of water was too great to come to an anchor.

At day-break, the next morning, the wind came more favourable, and we steered for the channel between Montagu Island and the Green Islands, which is between two and three leagues broad, and from thirty-four to seventeen fathoms deep. We had but little wind all the day, and, at eight o'clock in the evening, it was a dead calm, when we anchored in twenty-one fathoms water, over a muddy bottom, about two miles from the shore of Montagu's Island. The calm continued till ten o'clock the next morning, when, it was succeeded by a small breeze from the north, with which we weighed; and, by six o'clock in the evening, we were again in the open sea, and found the coast trending west by south, as far as the eye could reach.

SECTION V.

_The Inlet called Prince William's Sound.--Its Extent.--Persons of the Inhabitants described.--Their Dress.--Incision of the Under-lip.--Various other Ornaments.--Their Boats.--Weapons, fishing, and hunting Instruments.--Utensils.--Tools.--Uses Iron is applied to.--Food.--Language, and a Specimen of it.--Animals.--Birds.--Fish.--Iron and Beads, whence received._

To the inlet, which we had now left, I gave the name of _Prince William's Sound_. To judge of this Sound from what we saw of it, it occupies, at least, a degree and a half of latitude, and two of longitude, exclusive of the arms or branches, the extent of which is not known.

The natives, who came to make us several visits while we were in the Sound, were generally not above the common height, though many of them were under it. They were square, or strongly-chested, and the most disproportioned part of their body seemed to be their heads, which were very large, with thick, short necks, and large, broad or spreading faces, which, upon the whole, were flat. Their eyes, though not small, scarcely bore a proportion to the size of their faces; and their noses had full, round points, hooked, or turned up at the tip. Their teeth were broad, white, equal in size, and evenly set. Their hair was black, thick, straight, and strong, and their beards, in general, thin, or wanting; but the hairs about the lips of those who have them, were stiff or bristly, and frequently of a brown colour. And several of the elderly men had even large and thick, but straight beards.

Though, in general, they agree in the make of their persons, and largeness of their heads, there is a considerable variety in their features; but very few can be said to be of the handsome sort, though their countenance commonly indicates a considerable share of vivacity, good-nature, and frankness. And yet some of them had an air of sullenness and reserve. Some of the women have agreeable faces; and many are easily distinguishable from the men by their features, which are more delicate; but this should be understood chiefly of the youngest sort, or middle-aged. The complexion of some of the women, and of the children, is white; but without any mixture of red. And some of the men, who were seen naked, had rather a brownish or swarthy cast, which could scarcely be the effect of any stain; for they do not paint their bodies.

Their common dress (for men, women, and children are cloathed alike), is a kind of close frock, or rather robe; reaching generally to the ancles, though sometimes only to the knees. At the upper part is a hole just sufficient to admit the head, with sleeves that reach to the wrist. These frocks are made of the skins of different animals; the most common of which are those of the sea-otter, grey fox, racoon, and pine-martin, with many of seal-skins, and, in general, they are worn with the hairy side outward. Some also have these frocks made of the skins of fowls, with only the down remaining on them, which they glue on other substances. And we saw one or two woollen garments like those of Nootka. At the seams, where the different skins are sewed together, they are commonly ornamented with tassels or fringes of narrow thongs, cut out of the same skins. A few have a kind of cape, or collar, and some a hood; but the other is the most common form, and seems to be their whole dress in good weather. When it rains, they put over this another frock, ingeniously made from the intestines of whales, or some other large animal, prepared so skilfully, as almost to resemble our gold-beater's leaf. It is made to draw tight round the neck; its sleeves reach as low as the wrist, round which they are tied with a string; and its skirts, when they are in their canoes, are drawn over the rim of the hole in which they sit, so that no water can enter. At the same time, it keeps the men entirely dry upward. For no water can penetrate through it, any more than through a bladder. It must be kept continually moist or wet, otherwise it is apt to crack or break. This, as well as the common frock made of the skins, bears a great resemblance to the dress of the Greenlanders, as described by Crantz.[1]

[Footnote 1: Crantz's History of Greenland, vol. i. p. 136-138. The reader will find in Crantz many very striking instances, in which the Greenlanders, and Americans of Prince William's Sound, resemble each other, besides those mentioned in this Section by Captain Cook. The dress of the people of Prince William's Sound, as described by Captain Cook, also agrees with that of the inhabitants of Schumagin's Islands, discovered by Beering in 1741. Muller's words are, "Leur habillement étoit de boyaux de baleines pour le haut du corps, et de peaux de chiens-marins pour le bas."--_Découvertes des Russes_, p. 274.]

In general, they do not cover their legs or feet; but a few have a kind of skin-stockings, which reach half-way up the thigh; and scarcely any of them are without mittens for the hands, made of the skins of bears' paws. Those who wear any thing on their heads, resembled, in this respect, our friends at Nootka, having high truncated conic caps, made of straw, and sometimes of wood, resembling a seal's head well painted.

The men commonly wear the hair cropt round the neck and forehead; but the women allow it to grow long, and most of them tie a small lock of it on the crown, or a few club it behind, after our manner. Both sexes have the ears perforated with several holes, about the outer and lower part of the edge, in which they hang little bunches of beads, made of the same tubulous shelly substance used for this purpose by those of Nootka. The _septum_ of the nose is also perforated, through which they frequently thrust the quill-feathers of small birds, or little bending ornaments, made of the above shelly substance, strung on a stiff string or cord, three or four inches long, which give them a truly grotesque appearance. But the most uncommon and unsightly ornamental fashion, adopted by some of both sexes, is their having the under-lip slit, or cut, quite through, in the direction of the mouth, a little below the swelling part. This incision, which is made even in the sucking children, is often above two inches long, and either by its natural retraction, when the wound is fresh, or by the repetition of some artificial management, assumes the true shape of lips, and becomes so large as to admit the tongue through. This happened to be the case, when the first person having this incision was seen by one of the seamen, who called out, that the man had two mouths, and, indeed, it does not look unlike it. In this artificial mouth they stick a flat narrow ornament, made chiefly out of a solid shell or bone, cut into little narrow pieces, like small teeth, almost down to the base or thickest part, which has a small projecting bit at each end that supports it when put into the divided lip, the cut part then appearing outward. Others have the lower lip only perforated into separate holes, and then the ornament consists of as many distinct shelly studs, whose points are pushed through these holes, and their heads appear within the lip, as another row of teeth immediately under their own.

These are their native ornaments. But we found many beads of European manufacture among them, chiefly of a pale-blue colour, which they hang in their ears, about their caps, or join to their lip-ornaments, which have a small hole drilled in each point to which they are fastened, and others to them, till they hang sometimes as low as the point of the chin. But, in this last case, they cannot remove them so easily; for, as to their own lip-ornaments, they can take them out with their tongue, or suck them in, at pleasure. They also wear bracelets of the shelly-beads, or others of a cylindrical shape, made of a substance like amber, with such also as are used in their ears and noses. And so fond are they, in general, of ornament, that they stick any thing in their perforated lip; one man appearing with two of our iron nails projecting from it like prongs; and another endeavouring to put a large brass button into it.

The men frequently paint their faces of a bright red, and of a black colour, and sometimes of a blue, or leaden colour, but not in any regular figure; and the women, in some measure, endeavoured to imitate them, by puncturing or staining the chin with black, that comes to a point in each cheek; a practice very similar to which is in fashion amongst the females of Greenland, as we learn from Crantz. Their bodies are not painted, which may be owing to the scarcity of proper materials; for all the colours which they brought to sell in bladders, were in very small quantities. Upon the whole, I have no where seen savages who take more pains than these people do, to ornament, or rather to disfigure, their persons.

Their boats or canoes are of two sorts, the one being large and open, and the other small and covered. I mentioned already, that in one of the large boats were twenty women, and one man, besides children. I attentively examined and compared the construction of this, with Crantz's description of what he calls the great, or women's boat in Greenland, and found that they were built in the same manner, parts like parts, with no other difference than in the form of the head and stern; particularly of the first, which bears some resemblance to the head of a whale. The framing is of slender pieces of wood, over which the skins of seals, or of other larger sea-animals, are stretched, to compose the outside. It appeared also, that the small canoes of these people are made nearly of the same form, and of the same materials with those used by the Greenlanders and Esquimaux; at least the difference is not material. Some of these, as I have before observed, carry two men. They are broader in proportion to their length, than those of the Esquimaux, and the head or fore-part curves somewhat like the head of a violin.

The weapons, and instruments for fishing and hunting, are the very same that are made use of by the Esquimaux and Greenlanders; and it is unnecessary to be particular in my account of them, as they are all very accurately described by Crantz. I did not see a single one with these people that he has not mentioned, nor has he mentioned, one that they have not. For defensive armour they have a kind of jacket, or coat of mail, made of thin laths, bound together with sinews, which makes it quite flexible, though so close as not to admit an arrow or dart. It only covers the trunk of the body, and may not be improperly compared to a woman's stays.

As none of these people lived in the bay where we anchored, or where any of us landed, we saw none of their habitations, and I had not time to look after them. Of their domestic utensils, they brought in their boats some round and oval shallow dishes of wood, and others of a cylindrical shape much deeper. The sides were made of one piece, bent round, like our chip-boxes, though thick, neatly fastened with thongs, and the bottoms fixed in with small wooden pegs. Others were smaller, and of a more elegant shape, somewhat resembling a large oval butterboat, without a handle, but more shallow, made from a piece of wood, or horny substance. These last were sometimes neatly carved. They had many little square bags, made of the same gut with their outer frocks, neatly ornamented with very minute red feathers interwoven with it, in which were contained some very fine sinews, and bundles of small cord, made from them, most ingeniously plaited. They also brought many chequered baskets, so closely wrought as to hold water; some wooden models of their canoes; a good many little images, four or five inches long, either of wood, or stuffed, which were covered with a bit of fur, and ornamented with pieces of small quill feathers, in imitation of their shelly beads, with hair fixed on their heads. Whether these might be mere toys for children, or held in veneration, as representing their deceased friends, and applied to some superstitious purpose, we could not determine. But they have many instruments made of two or three hoops, or concentric pieces of wood, with a cross-bar fixed in the middle, to hold them by. To these are fixed a great number of dried barnacle-shells, with threads, which serve as a rattle, and make a loud noise; when they shake them. This contrivance seems to be a substitute for the rattling-bird at Nootka; and perhaps both of them are employed on the same occasions.[2]

[Footnote 2: The rattling-ball found by Steller, who attended Beering in 1741, at no great distance from this Sound, seems to be for a similar use. See Muller, p, 256.--D.]

With what tools they make their wooden utensils, frames of boats, and other things, is uncertain; as the only one seen amongst them was a kind of stone-adze, made almost after the manner of those of Otaheite, and the other islands of the South Sea. They have a great many iron knives; some of which are straight, others a little curved, and some very small ones, fixed in pretty long handles, with the blades bent upward, like some of our shoe-makers' instruments. But they have still knives of another sort, which are sometimes near two feet long, shaped almost like a dagger, with a ridge in the middle. These they wear in sheaths of skins, hung by a thong round the neck, under their robe, and they are, probably, only used as weapons; the other knives being apparently applied to other purposes. Every thing they have, however, is as well and ingeniously made, as if they were furnished with the most complete tool-chest; and their sewing, plaiting of sinews, and small work on their little bags, may be put in competition with the most delicate manufactures found in any part of the known world. In short, considering the otherwise uncivilized or rude slate in which these people are, their northern situation, amidst a country perpetually covered with snow, and the wretched materials they have to work with, it appears, that their invention and dexterity, in all manual works, are at least equal to that of any other nation.

The food which we saw them eat, was dried fish, and the flesh of some animal, either broiled or roasted. Some of the latter that was bought, seemed to be bear's flesh, but with a fishy taste. They also eat the larger sort of fern root, mentioned at Nootka, either baked, or dressed in some other way; and some of our people saw them eat freely of a substance which they supposed to be the inner part of the pine-bark. Their drink is most probably water; for in their boats they brought snow in the wooden vessels, which they swallowed by mouthfuls. Perhaps it could be carried with less trouble in these open vessels, than water itself. Their method of eating seems decent and cleanly; for they always took care to separate any dirt that might adhere to their victuals. And though they sometimes did eat the raw fat of some sea-animal, they cut it carefully into mouthfuls, with their small knives. The same might be said of their persons, which, to appearance, were always clean and decent, without grease or dirt; and the wooden vessels, in which their victuals are probably put, were kept in excellent order, as well as their boats, which were neat, and free from lumber.

Their language seems difficult to be understood at first; not from any indistinctness or confusion in their words and sounds, but from the various significations they have. For they appeared to use the very same word, frequently, on very different occasions; though doubtless this might, if our intercourse had been of longer duration, have been found to be a mistake on our side. The only words I could obtain, and for them I am indebted to Mr Anderson,[3] were those that follow; the first of which was also used at Nootka, in the same sense; though we could not trace an affinity between the two dialects in any other instance.

[Footnote 3: We are also indebted to him for many remarks in this Section, interwoven with those of Captain Cook, as throwing considerable light on many parts of his journal.--D.]

Akashou, _What's the name of that?_ Namuk, _An ornament for the ear._ Lukluk, _A brown shaggy skin, perhaps a bear's._ Aa, _Yes._ Natooneshuk, _The skin of a sea-otter._ Keeta, _Give me something._ Naema, _Give me something in exchange_, or _barter_.

/ _Of_, or _belonging to me.--Will_ Ooonaka, { _you barter for this that belongs_ \ _to me_?

Manaka, Ahleu, _A spear._ Weena, _or_ Veena, _Stranger--calling to one._ Keelashuk, _Guts of which they make jackets._ Tawuk, _Keep it._

/ _A piece of white bear's skin_, or Amilhtoo, { _perhaps the hair that covered_ \ _it._

Whaehai, _Shall I keep it? do you give it me?_ Yaut, _I'll go_; or _shall I go?_ Chilke, _One._ Taiha, _Two._ Tokke, _Three._ (Tinke,) Chukelo,[4] _Four?_ Koeheene, _Five?_ Takulai, _Six?_ Keichilho, _Seven?_ Klu, _or_ Kliew, _Eight?_

[Footnote 4: With regard to these numerals, Mr Anderson observes, that the words corresponding to ours, are not certain after passing _three_; and therefore he marks those, about whose position he is doubtful, with a point of interrogation.--D.]

As to the animals of this part of the continent, the same must be understood as of those at Nootka; that is, that the knowledge we have of them is entirely taken from the skins which the natives brought to sell. These were chiefly of seals; a few foxes; the whitish cat, or _lynx_; common and pine-martins; small ermines; bears; racoons; and sea-otters. Of these, the most common were the martin, racoon, and sea-otter skins, which composed the ordinary dress of the natives; but the skins of the first, which in general were of a much lighter brown than those at Nootka, were far superior to them in fineness; whereas the last, which, as well as the martins, were far more plentiful than at Nootka, seemed greatly inferior in the fineness and thickness of their fur, though they greatly exceeded them in size, and were almost all of the glossy black sort, which is doubtless the colour most esteemed in those skins. Bear and seal skins were also pretty common, and the last were in general white, very beautifully spotted with black, or sometimes simply white; and many of the bears here were of a brown, or sooty colour.

Besides these animals, which were all seen at Nootka, there are some others in this place which we did not find there; such as the white bear, of whose skins the natives brought several pieces, and some entire skins of cubs, from which their size could not be determined. We also found the wolverene, or quickhatch, which had very bright colours; a larger sort of ermine than the common one, which is the same as at Nootka, varied with a brown colour, and with scarcely any black on its tail. The natives also brought the skin of the head of some very large animal; but it could not be positively determined what it was; though, from the colour and shagginess of the hair, and its unlikeness to any land animal, we judged it might probably be that of the large male ursine seal, or sea-bear. But one of the most beautiful skins, and which seems peculiar to this place, as we never saw it before, is that of a small animal about ten inches long, of a brown or rusty colour on the back, with a great number of obscure whitish specks, and the sides of a blueish ash colour, also with a few of these specks. The tail is not above a third of the length, of its body, and is covered with hair of a whitish colour at the edges. It is no doubt the same with those called spotted field mice, by Mr Stæhlin,[5] in his short account of the New Northern Archipelago. But whether they be really of the mouse kind, or a squirrel, we could not tell, for want of perfect skins; though Mr Anderson was inclined to think that it is the same animal described under the name of the _Casan_ marmot, by Mr Pennant. The number of skins we found here, points out the great plenty of these several animals just mentioned; but it is remarkable, that we neither saw the skins of the mouse nor of the common deer.

[Footnote 5: In his account of Kodjak, p. 32 and 34.]

Of the birds mentioned at Nootka, we found here only the white-headed eagle, the shag, the _alcyon_, or great kingfisher, which had very fine bright colours, and the humming-bird, which came frequently and flew about the ship, while at anchor, though it can scarcely live here in the winter, which must be very severe. The water-fowls were geese, a small sort of duck, almost like that mentioned at Kerguelen's Land; another sort which none of us knew; and some of the black seapyes, with red bills, which we found at Van Diemen's Land and New Zealand. Some of the people who went on shore, killed a grouse, a snipe, and some plover. But though, upon the whole, the water-fowls were pretty numerous, especially the ducks and geese, which frequent the shores, they were so shy, that it was scarcely possible to get within shot; so that we obtained a very small supply of them as refreshment. The duck mentioned above is as large as the common wild-duck, of a deep black colour, with a short pointed tail, and red feet. The bill is white, tinged with red toward the point, and has a large black spot, almost square, near its base, on each side, where it is also enlarged or distended. And on the forehead is a large triangular while spot, with one still larger on the back part of the neck. The female has much duller colours, and none of the ornaments of the bill, except the two black spots, which are obscure.

There is likewise a species of diver here, which seems peculiar to the place. It is about the size of a partridge, has a short, black, compressed bill, with the head and upper part of the neck of a brown black, the rest of a deep brown, obscurely waved with black, except the under-part, which is entirely of a blackish cast, very minutely varied with white; the other (perhaps the female) is blacker above, and whiter below. A small land bird, of the finch kind, about the size of a yellow-hammer, was also found; but was suspected to be one of those which change their colour with the season, and with their migrations. At this time, it was of a dusky brown colour, with a reddish tail, and the supposed male had a large yellow spot on the crown of the head, with some varied black on the upper part of the neck; but the last was on the breast of the female.

The only fish we got were some torsk and halibut, which were chiefly brought by the natives to sell; and we caught a few sculpins about the ship, with some purplish star-fish, that had seventeen or eighteen rays. The rocks were observed to be almost destitute of shell-fish; and the only other animal of this tribe seen, was a red crab, covered with spines of a very large size.

The metals we saw were copper and iron; both which, particularly the latter, were in such plenty, as to constitute the points of most of the arrows and lances. The ores, with which they painted themselves, were a red, brittle, unctuous ochre, or iron-ore, not much unlike cinnabar in colour; a bright blue pigment, which we did not procure; and black-lead. Each of these seems to be very scarce, as they brought very small quantities of the first and last, and seemed to keep them with great care.

Few vegetables of any kind were seen; and the trees which chiefly grew here, were the Canadian and spruce-pine, and some of them tolerably large.

The beads and iron found amongst these people, left no room to doubt, that they must have received them from some civilized nation. We were pretty certain, from circumstances already mentioned, that we were the first Europeans with whom they had ever communicated directly; and it remains only to be decided, from what quarter they had got our manufactures by intermediate conveyance. And there cannot be the least doubt of their having received these articles, through the intervention of the more inland tribes, from Hudson's Bay, or the settlements on the Canadian lakes; unless it can be supposed, (which, however, is less likely,) that the Russian traders, from Kamtschatka, have already extended their traffic thus far; or at least that the natives of their most easterly fox islands communicate along the coast with those of Prince William's Sound.[6]

[Footnote 6: There is a circumstance mentioned by Muller, in his account of Beering's voyage to the coast of America in 1741, which seems to decide this question. His people found iron at the Schumagin Islands, as may be fairly presumed from the following quotation: "Un seul homme avoit un couteau pendu à sa ceinture, qui parut fort singulier à nos gens par sa figure. Il étoit long de huit pouces, et fort épais, et large à l'endroit où devoit être la pointe. On ne pent savoir quel étoit l'usage de cet outil." _Découvertes des Russes_, p. 274.

If there was iron amongst the natives on this part of the American coast, prior to the discovery of it by the Russians, and before there was any traffic with them carried on from Kamtschatka, what reason can there be to make the least doubt of the people of Prince William's Sound, as well as those of Schumagin's Islands, having got this metal from the only probable source, the European settlements on the north-east coast of this continent?--D.]

As to the copper, these people seem to procure it themselves, or at most it passes through few hands to them; for they used to express its being in a sufficient quantity amongst them, when they offered any to barter, by pointing to their weapons; as if to say, that having so much of this metal of their own, they wanted no more.

It is, however, remarkable, if the inhabitants of this Sound be supplied with European articles, by way of the intermediate traffic to the east coast, that they should, in return, never have given to the more inland Indians any of their sea-otter skins, which would certainly have been seen, some time or other, about Hudson's Bay. But, as far as I know, that is not the case; and the only method of accounting for this, must be by taking into consideration the very great distance, which, though it might not prevent European goods coming so far, as being so uncommon, might prevent the skins, which are a common article, from passing through more than two or three different tribes, who might use them for their own cloathing, and send others, which they esteemed less valuable, as being of their own animals, eastward, till they reach the traders from Europe.

SECTION VI.

_Progress along the Coast.--Cape Elizabeth.--Cape St Hermogenes.--Accounts of Beering's Voyage very defective.--Point Banks--Cape Douglas.--Cape Bede.--Mount St Augustin.--Hopes of finding a Passage up an Inlet.--The Ships proceed up it.--Indubitable Marks of its being a River.--Named Cook's River.--The Ships return down it.--Various Visits from the Natives.--Lieutenant King lands, and takes Possession of the Country.--His Report.--The Resolution runs aground on a Shoal.--Reflections on the Discovery of Cook's River.--The considerable Tides in it accounted for._

After leaving Prince William's Sound, I steered to the S.W., with a gentle breeze at N.N.E.; which, at four o'clock, the next morning, was succeeded by a calm, and soon after, the calm was succeeded by a breeze from S.W. This freshening, and veering to N.W., we still continued to stretch to the S.W., and passed a lofty promontory, situated in the latitude of 59° 10', and the longitude of 207° 45'. As the discovery of it was connected with the Princess Elizabeth's birth-day, I named it _Cape Elizabeth_. Beyond it we could see no land; so that, at first, we were in hopes that it was the western extremity of the continent; but not long after, we saw our mistake, for fresh land appeared in sight, bearing W.S.W.

The wind, by this time, had increased to a very strong gale, and forced us to a good distance from the coast. In the afternoon of the 22d, the gale abated, and we stood to the northward for Cape Elizabeth, which at noon, the next day, bore W., ten leagues distant. At the same time, a new land was seen, bearing S. 77° W., which was supposed to connect Cape Elizabeth with the land we had seen to the westward.

The wind continued at W., and I stood to the southward till noon the next day, when we were within three leagues of the coast which we had discovered on the 23d. It here formed a point that bore W.N.W. At the same time more land was seen extending to the southward, as far as S.S.W., the whole being twelve or fifteen leagues distant. On it was seen a ridge of mountains covered with snow, extending to the N.W., behind the first land, which we judged to be an island, from the very inconsiderable quantity of snow that lay upon it. This point of land is situated in the latitude of 58° 15', and in the longitude of 207° 42'; and by what I can gather from the account of Beering's voyage, and the chart that accompanies it in the English edition,[1] I conclude, that it must be what he called Cape St Hermogenes. But the account of that voyage is so very much abridged, and the chart so extremely inaccurate, that it is hardly possible, either by the one or by the other, or by comparing both together, to find out any one place which that navigator either saw or touched at. Were I to form a judgment of Beering's proceedings on this coast, I should suppose that he fell in with the continent near Mount Fairweather. But I am by no means certain, that the bay to which I have given his name, is the place where he anchored. Nor do I know, that what I called Mount St Elias, is the same conspicuous mountain to which he gave that name. And as to his Cape St Elias, I am entirely at a loss to pronounce where it lies.[2]

[Footnote 1: Captain Cook means Muller's, of which a translation had been published in London some time before be sailed.--D.]

[Footnote 2: Mr Coxe, who has been at considerable pains in endeavouring to reconcile the accounts of Muller and Steller, and in comparing them with the journals of Cook and Vancouver, is induced to conjecture that Beering first discovered the continent of America in the neighbourhood of Kaye's Island, and not where Captain Cook assigns. This is a very probable opinion, as might easily be shewn, but not without anticipating matter that belongs to another voyage. It is enough just now to hint at the circumstance, lest the remarks of Cook, always well entitled to respect, should be too much confided in by the reader. No man's judgment is to be disparaged, because of an error committed, where so little information has been given for its guidance.--E.]

On the N.E. side of Cape St Hermogenes, the coast turned toward the N.W., and appeared to be wholly unconnected with the land seen by us the preceding day. In the chart above mentioned, there is here a space, where Beering is supposed to have seen no land. This also favoured the later account published by Mr Stæhlin, who makes Cape St Hermogenes, and all the land that Beering discovered to the S.W. of it, to be a cluster of islands; placing St Hermogenes amongst those which are destitute of wood. What we now saw seemed to confirm this, and every circumstance inspired us with hopes of finding here a passage northward, without being obliged to proceed any farther to the S.W.

We were detained off the Cape, by variable light airs and calms, till two o'clock the next morning, when a breeze springing up at N.E. we steered N.N.W. along the coast; and soon found the land of Cape St Hermogenes to be an island, about six leagues in circuit, separated from the adjacent coast by a channel only one league broad. A league and a half to the north of this island, lie some rocks above water; on the N.E. side of which we had from thirty to twenty fathoms.

At noon, the island of St Hermogenes bore S. 1/2 E. eight leagues distant; and the land to the N.W. of it extended from S. 1/2 W. to near W. In this last direction it ended in a low point, now five leagues distant, which was called _Point Banks_. The latitude of the ship, at this time, was 58° 41', and its longitude 207° 44'. In this situation, the land, which was supposed to connect Cape Elizabeth with this S.W. land, was in sight, bearing N.W. 1/2 N. I steered directly for it; and, on a nearer approach, found it to be a group of high islands and rocks, entirely unconnected with any other land. They obtained the name of _Barren Isles_, from their very naked appearance. Their situation is in the latitude of 59°, and in a line with Cape Elizabeth and Point Banks; three leagues distant from the former, and five from the latter.

I intended going through one of the channels that divide these islands; but meeting with a strong current setting against us, I bore up, and went to the leeward of them all. Toward the evening, the weather, which had been hazy all day, cleared up, and we got sight of a very lofty promontory, whose elevated summit, forming two exceedingly high mountains, was seen above the clouds. This promontory I named _Cape Douglas_, in honour of my very good friend, Dr Douglas, canon of Windsor.[3] It is situated in the latitude of 58° 56', and in the longitude of 206° 10'; ten leagues to the westward of Barren Isles, and twelve from Point Banks, in the direction of N.W. by W. 1/2 W.

[Footnote 3: The reader of course is aware, that this gentleman, afterwards successively Bishop of Carlisle and Salisbury, is the person to whom we are indebted for the original edition of this voyage, as we have elsewhere mentioned.--E.]

Between this point and Cape Douglas, the coast seemed to form a large and deep bay; which, from some smoke that had been seen on Point Banks, obtained the name of _Smokey Bay_.

At day-break, the next morning, being the 26th, having got to the northward of the Barren Isles, we discovered more land, extending from Cape Douglas to the north. It formed a chain of mountains of vast height; one of which, far more conspicuous than the rest, was named _Mount St Augustin_. The discovery of this land did not discourage us, as it was supposed to be wholly unconnected with the land of Cape Elizabeth. For, in a N.N.E. direction, the sight was unlimited by every thing but the horizon. We also thought that there was a passage to the N.W., between, Cape Douglas and Mount St Augustin. In short, it was imagined, that the land on our larboard, to the N. of Cape Douglas, was composed of a group of islands, disjoined by so many channels, any one of which we might make use of according as the wind should serve.

With these flattering ideas, having a fresh-gale at N.N.E., we stood to the N.W. till eight o'clock, when we clearly saw, that what we had taken for islands were summits of mountains, every where connected by lower land, which the haziness of the horizon had prevented us from seeing at a greater distance. This land was every where covered with snow, from the tops of the hills down to the very sea-beach; and had every other appearance of being part of a great continent. I was now fully persuaded that I should find no passage by this inlet; and my persevering in the search of it here, was more to satisfy other people than to confirm my own opinion.

At this time Mount St Augustin bore N., 40 W., three or four leagues distant. This mountain is of a conical figure, and of very considerable height; but it remains undetermined whether it be an island or part of the continent. Finding that nothing could be done to the W., we tacked, and stood over to Cape Elizabeth, under which we fetched at half-past five in the afternoon. On the N. side of Cape Elizabeth, between it and a lofty promontory, named Cape Bede,[4] is a bay, in the bottom of which there appeared to be two snug harbours. We stood well into this bay, where we might have anchored in twenty-three fathoms water; but as I had no such view, we tacked and stood to the westward, with the wind at N. a very strong gale, attended by rain, and thick hazy weather.

[Footnote 4: In naming this and Mount St Augustin, Captain Cook was directed by our Calendar.--D.]

The next morning the gale abated; but the same weather continued till three o'clock in the afternoon, when it cleared up. Cape Douglas bore S.W. by W.; Mount St Augustin W. 1/2 S.; and Cape Bede S., 15° E., five leagues distant. In this situation, the depth of water was forty fathoms, over a rocky bottom. From Cape Bede, the coast trended N.E. by E. with a chain of mountains inland, extending in the same direction. The land on the coast was woody; and there seemed to be no deficiency of harbours. But, what was not much in our favour, we discovered low land in the middle of the inlet, extending from N.N.E. to N.E. by E. 1/2 E. However, as this was supposed to be an island, it did not discourage us. About this time we got a light breeze southerly, and I steered to the westward of this low land; nothing appeared to obstruct us in that direction. Our soundings during the night were from thirty to twenty-five fathoms.

On the 28th, in the morning, having but very little wind, and observing the ship to drive to the southward, in order to stop her, I dropped a kedge-anchor, with an eight-inch hawser bent to it. But, in bringing the ship up, the hawser parted near the inner end; and we lost both it and the anchor. For although we brought the ship up with one of the bowers, and spent most of the day in sweeping for them, it was to no effect. By an observation, we found our station to be in the latitude of 59° 51'; the low land above mentioned extended from N.E. to S., 75° E., the nearest part two leagues distant. The land on the western shore was about seven leagues distant, and extended from S. 35° W., to N. 7° E.; so that the extent of the inlet was now reduced to three points and a half of the compass; that is, from N. 1/2 E. to N.E. Between these two points no land was to be seen. Here was a strong tide setting to the southward out of the inlet. It was the ebb, and ran between three and four knots in an hour; and it was low water at ten o'clock. A good deal of sea-weed, and some drift-wood, were carried out with the tide. The water, too, had become thick like that in rivers; but we were encouraged to proceed, by finding it as salt at low water as the ocean. The strength of the flood-tide was three knots, and the stream ran up till four in the afternoon.

As it continued calm all day, I did not move till eight o'clock in the evening; when, with a light breeze at E., we weighed, and stood to the N., up the inlet. We had not been long under sail, before the wind veered to the N., increasing to a fresh gale, and blowing in squalls, with rain. This did not, however, hinder us from plying up as long as the flood continued; which was till near five o'clock the next morning. We had soundings from thirty-five to twenty-four fathoms. In this last depth we anchored about two leagues from the eastern shore, in the latitude of 60° 8'; some low land, that we judged to be an island, lying under the western shore, extended from N. 1/2 W. to N.W. by N., distant three or four leagues.

The weather had how become fair and tolerably clear, so that we could see any land that might lie within our horizon; and in a N.N.E. direction, no land, nor any thing to obstruct our progress, was visible. But on each side was a ridge of mountains, rising one behind another, without the least separation. I judged it to be low water, by the shore, about ten o'clock; but the ebb ran down till near noon. The strength of it was four knots and a half; and it fell, upon a perpendicular, ten feet three inches, that is; while we lay at anchor; so that there is reason to believe that this was not the greatest fall. On the eastern shore we now saw two columns of smoke; a sure sign that there were inhabitants.

At one in the afternoon we weighed, and plied up under double-reefed top-sails and courses, having a very strong gale at N.N.E. nearly right down the inlet. We stretched over to the western shore, and fetched within two leagues of the south end of the low land, or island before mentioned, under which I intended to have taken shelter till the gale should cease. But falling suddenly into twelve fathoms water, from upward of forty, and seeing the appearance of a shoal ahead, spitting out from the low land, I tacked, and stretched back to the eastward, and anchored under that shore in nineteen fathoms water, over a bottom of small pebble stones.

Between one and two in the morning of the 30th, we weighed again with the first of the flood, the gale having, by this time quite abated, but still continuing contrary; so that we plied up till near seven o'clock, when the tide being done, we anchored in nineteen fathoms, under the same shore as before. The N.W. part of it, forming a bluff point, bore N., 20° E., two leagues distant; a point on the other shore opposite to it, and nearly of the same height, bore N., 36° W.; our latitude, by observation, 60° 37'.

About noon, two canoes, with a man in each, came off to the ship from near the place where we had seen the smoke the preceding day. They laboured very hard in paddling across the strong tide, and hesitated a little before they would come quite close; but upon signs being made to them, they approached. One of them talked a great deal to no purpose; for we did not understand a word he said. He kept pointing to the shore, which we interpreted to be an invitation to go thither. They accepted a few trifles from me, which I conveyed to them from the quarter-gallery. These men, in every respect, resembled the people we had met with in Prince William's Sound, as to their persons and dress. Their canoes were also of the same construction. One of our visitors had his face painted jet black, and seemed to have no beard; but the other, who was more elderly, had no paint, and a considerable beard, with a visage much like the common sort of the Prince William's people. There was also smoke seen upon the flat western shore this day, from whence we may infer that these lower spots and islands are the only inhabited places.

When the flood made we weighed, and then the canoes left us. I stood over to the western shore, with a fresh gale at N.N.E., and fetched under the point above-mentioned. This, with the other on the opposite shore, contracted the channel to the breadth of four leagues. Through this channel ran a prodigious tide. It looked frightful to us, who could not tell whether the agitation of the water was occasioned by the stream, or by the breaking of the waves against rocks or sands. As we met with no shoal, it was concluded to be the former; but, in the end, we found ourselves mistaken. I now kept the western shore aboard, it appearing to be the safest. Near the shore we had a depth of thirteen fathoms; and two or three miles off, forty and upwards. At eight in the evening, we anchored under a point of land which bore N.E., three leagues distant, in fifteen fathoms water. Here we lay during the ebb, which ran near five knots in the hour.

Until we got thus far, the water had retained the same degree of saltness at low as at high water; and at both periods was as salt as that in the ocean. But now the marks of a river displayed themselves. The water taken up this ebb, when at the lowest, was found to be very considerably fresher than any we had hitherto tasted; insomuch that I was convinced that we were in a large river, and not in a strait, communicating with the northern seas. But as we had proceeded thus far, I was desirous of having stronger proofs; and therefore weighed with the next flood in the morning of the 31st, and plied higher up, or rather drove up with the tide; for we had but little wind.

About eight o'clock, we were visited by several of the natives, in one large and several small canoes. The latter carried only one person each; and some had a paddle, with a blade at each end, after the manner of the Esquimaux. In the large canoes, were men, women, and children. Before they reached the ship, they displayed a leathern frock, upon a long pole, as a sign, as we understood it, of their peaceable intentions. This frock they conveyed into the ship, in return for some trifles which I gave them. I could observe no difference between the persons, dress, ornaments, and boats of these people, and those of Prince William's Sound, except that the small canoes were rather of a less size, and carried only one man. We procured from them some of their fur dresses, made of the skins of sea-otters, martins, hares, and other animals; a few of their darts, and a small supply of salmon and halibut. In exchange for these they took old clothes, beads, and pieces of iron. We found that they were in possession of large iron knives, and of sky-blue glass beads, such as we had found amongst the natives of Prince William's Sound. These latter they seemed to value much, and consequently those which we now gave them. But their inclination led them especially to ask for large pieces of iron; which metal, if I was not much mistaken, they called by the name of _goone_; though, like their neighbours in Prince William's Sound, they seemed to have many significations to one word. They evidently spoke the same language; as the words _keeta_, _naema_, _oonaka_, and a few others of the most common we heard in that Sound, were also frequently used by this new tribe. After spending about two hours between the one ship and the other, they all retired to the western shore.

At nine o'clock, we came to an anchor, in sixteen fathoms water, about two leagues from the west shore, and found the ebb already begun. At its greatest strength, it ran only three knots in the hour, and fell, upon a perpendicular, after we had anchored, twenty-one feet. The weather was misty, with drizzling rain, and clear, by turns. At the clear intervals, we saw an opening between the mountains on the eastern shore, bearing east from the station of the ships, with low land, which we supposed to be islands lying between us and the main land. Low land was also seen to the northward, that seemed to extend from the foot of the mountains on the one side to those on the other; and at low water we perceived large shoals stretching out from this low land, some of which were at no great distance from us. From these appearances we were in some doubt whether the inlet did not take an easterly direction through the above opening; or whether that opening was only a branch of it, and the main channel continued its northern direction through the low land now in sight. The continuation and direction of the chain of mountains on each side of it, strongly indicated the probability of the latter supposition.

To determine this point, and to examine the shoals, I dispatched two boats under the command of the master, and as soon as the flood-tide made, followed with the ships; but as it was a dead calm, and the tide strong, I anchored, after driving about ten miles in an east direction. At the lowest of the preceding ebb, the water at the surface, and for near a foot below it, was found to be perfectly fresh; retaining, however, a considerable degree of saltness at a greater depth. Besides this, we had now many other, and but too evident proofs of being in a great river; such as low shores; very thick and muddy water; large trees, and all manner of dirt and rubbish, floating up and down with the tide. In the afternoon, the natives, in several canoes, paid us another visit; and trafficked with our people for some time, without ever giving us reason to accuse them of any act of dishonesty.

At two o'clock next morning, being the 1st of June, the master returned, and reported, that he found the inlet, or rather river, contracted to the breadth of one league, by low land on each side, through which it took a northerly direction. He proceeded three leagues through this narrow part, which he found navigable for the largest ships, being from twenty to seventeen fathoms deep. The least water, at a proper distance from the shore and shoals, was ten fathoms; and this was before he entered the narrow part. While the ebb or stream run down, the water was perfectly fresh; but after the flood made it became brackish; and toward high water, very much so, even as high up as he went. He landed upon an island, which lies between this branch and the eastern one; and upon it saw some currant bushes, with the fruit already set; and some other fruit-trees and bushes, unknown to him. The soil appeared to be clay, mixed with sand. About three leagues beyond the extent of his search, or to the northward of it, he observed there was another separation in the eastern chain of mountains, through which he supposed the river took a N.E. direction; but it seemed rather more probable that this was only another branch, and that the main channel kept its northern direction, between the two ridges or chains of mountains before mentioned. He found that these two ridges, as they extended to the north, inclined more and more to each other, but never appeared to close; nor was any elevated land seen between them, only low land, part woody, and part clear.

All hopes of finding a passage were now given up. But as the ebb was almost spent, and we could not return against the flood, I thought I might as well take the advantage of the latter to get a nearer view of the eastern branch; and by that means finally to determine, whether the low land on the east side of the river was an island, as we had supposed, or not. With this purpose in view, we weighed with the first breeze of the flood, and having a faint breeze at N.E. stood over for the eastern shore, with boats ahead, sounding. Our depth was from twelve to five fathoms; the bottom a hard gravel, though the water was exceedingly muddy. At eight o'clock a fresh breeze sprung up at east, blowing in an opposite direction to our course; so that I despaired of reaching the entrance of the river, to which we were plying up, before high water. But thinking, that what the ships could not do might be done by boats, I dispatched two, under the command of Lieutenant King, to examine the tides, and to make such other observations as might give us some insight into the nature of the river.

At ten o'clock, finding the ebb began, I anchored in nine fathoms water, over a gravelly bottom. Observing the tide to be too strong for the boats to make head against it, I made a signal for them to return on board, before they had got half way to the entrance of the river they were sent to examine, which bore from us S. 80° E., three leagues distant. The principal information gained by this tide's work, was the determining that all the low land, which we had supposed to be an island or islands, was one continued tract, from the banks of the great river to the foot of the mountains, to which it joined; and that it terminated at the south entrance of this eastern branch, which I shall distinguish by the name of _River Turnagain_. On the north side of this river, the low land again begins, and stretches out from the foot of the mountains down to the banks of the great river; so that, before the river Turnagain, it forms a large bay, on the south side of which we were now at anchor, and where we had from twelve to five fathoms, from half-flood to high water.

After we had entered the bay, the flood set strong into the river Turnagain, and ebb came out with still greater force; the water falling, while we lay at anchor, twenty feet upon a perpendicular. These circumstances convinced me, that no passage was to be expected by this side-river anymore than by the main branch. However, as the water, during the ebb, though very considerably fresher, had still a strong degree of saltness, it is but reasonable to suppose, that both these branches are navigable by ships much farther than we examined them; and that by means of this river, and its several branches, a very extensive inland communication lies open. We had traced it as high as the latitude of 61° 30', and the longitude of 210°; which is seventy leagues or more from its entrance, without seeing the least appearance of its source.

If the discovery of this great river,[5] which promises to vie with the most considerable ones already known to be capable of extensive inland navigation, should prove of use either to the present or to any future age, the time we spent in it ought to be the less regretted. But to us, who had a much greater object in view, the delay thus occasioned was an essential loss. The season was advancing apace. We knew not how far we might have to proceed to the south; and we were now convinced, that the continent of North America extended farther to the west, than from the modern most reputable charts we had reason to expect. This made the existence of a passage into Baffin's or Hudson's Bay less probable, or at least shewed it to be of greater extent. It was a satisfaction to me, however, to reflect, that, if I had not examined this very considerable inlet, it would have been assumed, by speculative fabricators of geography, as a fact, that it communicated with the sea to the north, or with Baffin's or Hudson's Bay to the east; and been marked, perhaps, on future maps of the world, with greater precision, and more certain signs of reality, than the invisible, because imaginary, Straits of de Fuca and de Fonte.

[Footnote 5: Captain Cook having here left a blank which he had not filled up with any particular name, Lord Sandwich directed, with the greatest propriety, that it should be called _Cook's River_.--D.

Some readers may require to be informed, that, for reasons mentioned in the account of his voyage, Captain Vancouver has called it _Cook's Inlet_.--E.]

In the afternoon, I sent Mr King again, with two armed boats, with orders to land on the north-eastern point of the low land, on the south-east side of the river; there to display the flag; to take possession of the country and river in his majesty's name; and to bury in the ground a bottle, containing some pieces of English coin of the year 1772, and a paper, on which was inscribed the names of our ships, and the date of our discovery. In the mean time, the ships were got under sail, in order to proceed down the river. The wind still blew fresh, easterly; but a calm ensued, not long after we were under way; and the flood-tide meeting us off the point where Mr King landed, (and which thence got the name of _Point Possession_,) we were obliged to drop anchor in six fathoms water, with the point bearing S., two miles distant.

When Mr King returned, he informed me, that as he approached the shore, about twenty of the natives made their appearance, with their arms extended; probably to express thus their peaceable disposition, and to shew that they were without weapons. On Mr King's, and the gentlemen with him, landing, with musquets in their hands, they seemed alarmed, and made signs, expressive of their request to lay them down. This was accordingly done; and then they suffered the gentlemen to walk up to them, and appeared to be cheerful and sociable. They had with them a few pieces of fresh salmon, and several dogs. Mr Law, surgeon of the Discovery, who was one of the party, having bought one of the latter, took it down toward the boat, and shot it dead, in their sight. This seemed to surprise them exceedingly; and as if they did not think themselves safe in such company, they walked away; but it was soon after discovered, that their spears, and other weapons, were hid in the bushes close behind them. Mr King also informed me, that the ground was swampy, and the soil poor, light, and black. It produced a few trees and shrubs; such as pines, alders, birch, and willows; rose and currant bushes; and a little grass; but they saw not a single plant in flower.

We weighed anchor as soon as it was high water, and, with a faint breeze, southerly, stood over to the west shore, where the return of the flood obliged us to anchor early next morning. Soon after, several large, and some small canoes, with natives, came off, who bartered their skins; after which they sold their garments, till many of them were quite naked. Amongst others, they brought a number of white hare or rabbit skins; and very beautiful reddish ones of foxes; but there were only two or three skins of otters. They also sold us some pieces of salmon and halibut. They preferred iron to every thing else offered to them in exchange. The lip ornaments did not seem so frequent amongst them as at Prince William's Sound; but they had more of those which pass through the nose, and in general these were also much longer. They had, however, a greater quantity of a kind of white and red embroidered work on some parts of their garments, and on other things, such as their quivers and knife-cases.

At half-past ten, we weighed with the first of the ebb, and having a gentle breeze at south, plied down the river; in the doing of which, by the inattention and neglect of the man at the lead, the Resolution struck, and stuck fast on a bank, that lies nearly in the middle of the river, and about two miles above the two projecting bluff points before mentioned. This bank was, no doubt, the occasion of that very strong rippling, or agitation of the stream, which we had observed when turning up the river. There was not less than twelve feet depth of water about the ship, at the lowest of the ebb, but other parts of the bank were dry. As soon as the ship came aground, I made a signal for the Discovery to anchor. She, as I afterward understood, had been near ashore on the west side of the bank. As the flood-tide came in, the ship floated off, soon after five o'clock in the afternoon, without receiving the least damage, or giving us any trouble; and, after standing over to the west shore into deep water, we anchored to wait for the ebb, as the wind was still contrary.

We weighed again with the ebb, at ten o'clock at night; and, between four and five next morning, when the tide was finished, once more cast anchor, about two miles below the bluff point, on the west shore, in nineteen fathoms water. A good many of the natives came off when we were in this station, and attended upon us all the morning. Their company was very acceptable; for they brought with them a large quantity of very fine salmon, which they exchanged for such trifles as we had to give them. Most of it was split ready for drying; and several hundred weight of it was procured for the two ships.

In the afternoon, the mountains, for the first time since our entering the river, were clear of clouds; and we discovered a volcano in one of those on the west side. It is in the latitude of 60° 23'; and it is the first high mountain to the north of Mount St Augustin. The volcano is on that side of it that is next the river, and not far from the summit. It did not now make any striking appearance, emitting only a white smoke, but no fire.

The wind remaining southerly, we continued to tide it down the river; and on the 5th, in the morning, coming to the place where we had lost our kedge-anchor, made an attempt to recover it, but without success. Before we left this place, six canoes came off from the east shore; some conducted by one, and others by two men. They remained at a little distance from the ships, viewing them with a kind of silent surprise, at least half an hour, without exchanging a single word with us, or with one another. At length they took courage, and came alongside; began to barter with our people; and did not leave us till they had parted with every thing they brought with them, consisting of a few skins and some salmon. And here it may not be improper to remark, that all the people we had met with, in this river, seemed, by every striking instance of resemblance, to be of the same nation with those who inhabit Prince William's Sound, but differing essentially from those of Nootka, or King George's Sound, both in their persons and language. The language of these is rather more guttural; but, like the others, they speak strongly and distinct, in words which seem sentences.

I have before observed, that they are in possession of iron; that is, they have the points of their spears and knives of this metal; and some of the former are also made of copper. Their spears are like our spontoons; and their knives, which they keep in sheaths, are of a considerable length. These, with a few glass beads, are the only things we saw amongst them that were not of their own manufacture. I have already offered my conjectures from whence they derive their foreign articles; and shall only add here, that if it were probable that they found their way to them from such of their neighbours with whom the Russians may have established a trade, I will be bold to say, the Russians themselves have never been amongst them; for if that had been the case, we should hardly have found them clothed in such valuable skins as those of the sea-otter.

There is not the least doubt, that a very beneficial fur-trade might be carried on with the inhabitants of this vast coast. But unless a northern passage should be found practicable, it seems rather too remote for Great Britain to receive any emolument from it. It must, however, be observed, that the most valuable, or rather the only valuable skins I saw on this west side of America, were those of the sea-otter. All their other skins seemed to be of an inferior quality; particularly those of their foxes and martins. It must also be observed, that most of the skins which we purchased were made up into garments. However, some of these were in good condition; but others were old and ragged enough; and all of them very lousy. But as these poor people make no other use of skins but for clothing themselves, it cannot be supposed that they are at the trouble of dressing more of them than are necessary for this purpose. And, perhaps, this is the chief use for which they kill the animals; for the sea and the rivers seem to supply them with their principal articles of food. It would, probably, be much otherwise, were they once habituated to a constant trade with foreigners. This intercourse would increase their wants, by introducing them to an acquaintance with new luxuries; and, in order to be enabled to purchase these, they would be more assiduous in procuring skins, which they would soon discover to be the commodity most sought for; and a plentiful supply of which, I make no doubt, would be had in the country.

It will appear, from what has been said occasionally of the tide, that it is considerable in this river, and contributes very much to facilitate the navigation of it. It is high-water in the stream, on the days of the new and full moon, between two and three o'clock; and the tide rises, upon a perpendicular, between three and four fathoms. The reason of the tide's being greater here than at other parts of this coast, is easily accounted for. The mouth of the river being situated in a corner of the coast, the flood that comes from the ocean is forced into it by both shores, and by that means swells the tide to a great height.

The variation of the compass was 25° 40' E.

SECTION VII.

_Discoveries after leaving Cook's River.--Island of St Hermogenes.--Cape Whitsunday.--Cape Greville.--Cape Barnabas.--Two-headed Point.--Trinity Island.--Beering's Foggy Island.--A beautiful Bird described.--Kodiak and the Schumagin Islands.--A Russian Letter brought on Board by a Native.--Conjectures about it.--Rock Point.--Halibut Island.--A Volcano Mountain.--Providential Escape.--Arrival of the Ships at Oonalaschka.--Intercourse with the Natives there.--Another Russian Letter.--Samganoodha Harbour described._

As soon as the ebb tide made in our favour, we weighed, and, with a light breeze, between W.S.W., and S.S.W., plied down the river, till the flood obliged us to anchor again. At length, about one o'clock next morning, a fresh breeze sprung up at W., with which we got under sail, and, at eight, passed the Barren Islands, and stretched away for Cape St Hermogenes. At noon, this cape bore S.S.E., eight leagues distant; and the passage between the island of that name, and the main land, bore S. For this passage I steered, intending to go through it. But soon after the wind failed us, and we had baffling light airs from the eastward, so that I gave up my design of carrying the ships between the island and the main.

At this time we saw several columns of smoke on the coast of the continent, to the northward of the passage; and, most probably, they were meant as signals to attract us thither. Here the land forms a bay, or perhaps a harbour, off the N.W. point of which lies a low, rocky island. There are also some other islands of the same appearance, scattered along the coast, between this place and Point Banks.

At eight in the evening, the island of St Hermogenes extended from S. 1/2 E. to S.S.E. 1/4 E., and the rocks that lie on the N. side of it bore S.E., three miles distant. In this situation, we had forty fathoms water over a bottom of sand and shells. Soon after, on putting over hooks and lines, we caught several halibut.

At midnight, being past the rocks, we bore up to the southward, and, at noon, St Hermogenes bore N., four leagues distant. At this time, the southernmost point of the main land, within or to the westward of St Hermogenes, lay N. 1/2 W., distant five leagues. This promontory, which is situated in the latitude of 58° 15', and in the longitude of 207° 24', was named, after the day, _Cape Whitsunday_. A large bay, which lies to the W. of it, obtained the name of _Whitsuntide Bay_. The land on the E. side of this bay, of which Cape Whitsunday is the most southern point, and Point Banks the northern one, is, in all respects, like the island of St Hermogenes, seemingly destitute of wood, and partly free from snow. It was supposed to be covered with a mossy substance, that gave it a brownish cast. There were some reasons to think it was an island. If this be so, the last-mentioned bay is only the strait or passage that separates it from the main land.[1]

[Footnote 1: Such seems to be the opinion of Arrowsmith, as indicated by his map of America, 1804. That map, however, is far from being minute or satisfactory as to this part of the voyage. The chart of the Russian and English discoveries, which Mr Coxe has inserted in his work so often alluded to, is perhaps a better guide. But indeed both are faulty. The reader need not be informed that the geography of this region is still very imperfect.--E.]

Between one and two in the afternoon, the wind, which had been at N.E., shifted at once to the southward. It was unsettled till six, when it fixed at S., which was the very direction of our course, so that we were obliged to ply up the coast. The weather was gloomy, and the air dry, but cold. We stood to the eastward till midnight, then tacked, and stood in for the land; and, between seven and eight in the morning of the 8th, we were within four miles of it, and not more than half a league from some sunken rocks, which bore W.S.W. In this situation we tacked in thirty-five fathoms water, the island of St Hermogenes bearing N. 20° E., and the southernmost land in sight, S.

In standing in for this coast, we crossed the mouth of Whitsuntide Bay, and saw land all round the bottom of it, so that either the land is connected, or else the points lock in, one behind another. I am more inclined to think, that the former is the case, and that the land, east of the bay, is a part of the continent. Some small islands lie on the west of the bay. The sea-coast to the southward of it is rather low, with projecting rocky points, between which are small bays or inlets. There was no wood, and but little snow upon the coast; but the mountains, which lie at some distance inland, were wholly covered with the latter. We stood off till noon, then tacked, and stood in for the land. The latitude, at this time, was 57° 52-1/2'; Cape St Hermogenes bore N. 30° W., eight leagues distant, and the southernmost part of the coast in sight; the same that was seen before, bore S.W., ten leagues distant. The land here forms a point, which was named _Cape Greville_. It lies in the latitude of 57° 33', and in the longitude of 207° 15', and is distant fifteen leagues from Cape St Hermogenes, in the direction of S. 17° W.

The three following days we had almost constant misty weather, with drizzling rain, so that we seldom had a sight of the coast. The wind was S.E. by S., and S.S.E., a gentle breeze, and the air raw and cold. With this wind and weather, we continued to ply up the coast, making boards of six or eight leagues each. The depth of water was from thirty to fifty-five fathoms, over a coarse, black sandy bottom.

The fog clearing up, with the change of the wind to S.W., in the evening of the 12th, we had a sight of the land bearing W., twelve leagues distant. We stood in for it early next morning. At noon we were not above three miles from it; an elevated point, which obtained the name of _Cape Barnabas_, lying in the latitude of 57° 13', bore N.N. E. 1/2 E., ten miles distant, and the coast extended from N. 42° E., to W.S.W. The N.E. extreme was lost in a haze, but the point to the S.W., whose elevated summit terminated in two round hills, on that account was called _Two-headed Point_. This part of the coast, in which are several small bays, is composed of high hills and deep valleys, and in some places we could see the tops of other hills, beyond those that form the coast, which was but little encumbered with snow, but had a very barren appearance. Not a tree or bush was to be seen upon it; and, in general, it had a brownish hue, probably the effect of a mossy covering.

I continued to ply to the S.W. by W., as the coast trended, and, at six in the evening, being midway between Cape Barnabas and Two-headed Point, and two leagues from the shore, the depth of water was sixty-two fathoms. From this station, a low point of land made its appearance beyond Two-headed Point, bearing S. 69° W., and, without it, other land that had the appearance of an island, bore S. 59° W.

At noon, on the 13th, being in latitude 56° 49', Cape St Barnabas bore N. 52° E., Two-headed Point, N. 14° W., seven or eight miles distant, and the coast of the continent extended as far as S. 72 1/2 W., and the land seen the preceding evening, and supposed to be an island, now appeared like two islands. From whatever quarter Two-headed Point was viewed, it had the appearance of being an island, or else it is a peninsula, on each side of which the shore forms a bay. The wind still continued westerly, a gentle breeze, the weather rather dull and cloudy, and the air sharp and dry.

We were well up with the southernmost land next morning, and found it to be an island, which was named _Trinity Island_. Its greatest extent is six leagues in the direction of E. and W. Each end is elevated naked land, and in the middle it is low, so that, at a distance, from some points of view, it assumes the appearance of two islands. It lies in the latitude of 56° 36', and in the longitude of 205°, and between two and three leagues from the continent, which space is interspersed with small islands and rocks, but there seemed to be good passage enough, and also safe anchorage. At first we were inclined to think, that this was Beering's _Foggy Island_,[2] but its situation so near the main does not suit his chart.

[Footnote 2: _Tumannoi-ostrow_, c'est-à-dire, _L'isle Nebuleuse_.--Muller, p. 261.]

At eight in the evening, we stood in for the land, till we were within a league of the above-mentioned small islands. The westernmost part of the continent now in sight, being a low point facing Trinity Island, and which we called _Cape Trinity_, now bore W.N.W. In this situation, having tacked in fifty-four fathoms water, over a bottom of black sand, we stood over for the island, intending to work up between it and the main. The land to the westward of Two-headed Point, is not so mountainous as it is to the N.E. of it, nor does so much snow lie upon it. There are, however, a good many hills considerably elevated, but they are disjoined by large tracts of flat land that appeared to be perfectly destitute of wood, and very barren.

As we were standing over toward the island, we met two men in a small canoe, paddling from it to the main. Far from approaching us, they seemed rather to avoid it. The wind now began to incline to the S., and we had reason to expect, that it would soon be at the S.E. Experience having taught us, that a south-easterly wind was here generally, if not always, accompanied by a thick fog, I was afraid to venture through between the island and the continent, lest the passage should not be accomplished before night, or before the thick weather came on, when we should be obliged to anchor, and by that means lose the advantage of a fair wind. These reasons induced me to stretch out to sea, and we passed two or three rocky islets that lie near the east end of Trinity Island. At four in the afternoon, having weathered the island, we tacked, and steered west-southerly, with a fresh gale at S.S.E., which, before midnight, veered to the S.E., and was, as usual, attended with misty, drizzling, rainy weather.

By the course we steered all night, I was in hopes of falling in with the continent in the morning. And, doubtless, we should have seen it, had the weather been in the least clear, but the fog prevented. Seeing no land at noon, and the gale increasing, with a thick fog and rain, I steered W.N.W., under such sail as we could easily haul the wind with, being fully sensible of the danger of running before a strong gale in a thick fog, in the vicinity of an unknown coast. It was, however, necessary to run some risk when the wind favoured us; for clear weather, we had found, was generally accompanied with winds from the west.

Between two and three in the afternoon, land was seen through the fog, bearing N.W., not more than three or four miles distant. Upon this, we immediately hauled up south, close to the wind. Soon after, the two courses were split, so that we had others to bring to the yards, and several others of our sails received considerable damage. At nine, the gale abated, the weather cleared up, and we lost sight of the coast again, extending from W. by S. to N.W., about four or five leagues distant. On sounding, we found a hundred fathoms water, over a muddy bottom. Soon after, the fog returned, and we saw no more of the land all night.

At four next morning, the fog being now dispersed, we found ourselves in a manner surrounded by land; the continent, or what was supposed to be the continent, extending from W.S.W. to N.E. by N., and some elevated land bearing S.E. 1/2 S., by estimation eight or nine leagues distant. The N.E. extreme of the main was the same point of land that we had fallen in with during the fog, and we named it _Foggy Cape_. It lies in latitude 56° 31'. At this time, having had but little wind all night, a breeze sprung up at N.W. With this we stood to the southward, to make the land, seen in that direction, plainer.

At nine o'clock, we found it to be an island of about nine leagues in compass, lying in the latitude of 56° 10', and in the longitude of 202° 46'; and it is distinguished in our chart by the name of _Foggy Island_, having reason to believe, from its situation, that it is the same which had that name given to it by Beering. At the same time, three or four islands, lying before a bay, formed by the coast of the main land; bore N. by W.; a point, with three or four pinnacle rocks upon it, which was called _Pinnacle Point_, bore N.W. by W.; and a cluster of small islets, or rocks, lying about nine leagues from the coast, S.S.E.

At noon, when our latitude was 56° 9', and our longitude 201° 45', these rocks bore S. 58' E., ten miles distant; Pinnacle Point, N.N.W., distant seven leagues; the nearest part of the main land N.W. by W., six leagues distant; and the most advanced land to the S.W., which had the appearance of being an island, bore W., a little southerly. In the afternoon, we had little or no wind, so that our progress was inconsiderable. At eight in the evening, the coast extended from S.W. to N.N.E., the nearest part about eight leagues distant.

On the 17th, the wind was between W. and N.W., a gentle breeze, and sometimes almost calm. The weather was clear, and the air sharp and dry. At noon, the continent extended from S.W. to N. by E., the nearest part seven leagues distant. A large group of islands lying about the same distance from the continent, extended from S. 26° W. to S. 52° W.

It was calm great part of the 18th, and the weather was clear and pleasant. We availed ourselves of this, by making observations for the longitude and variation. The latter was found to be 21° 27' E. There can be no doubt that there is a continuation of the continent between Trinity Island and Foggy Cape, which the thick weather prevented us from seeing. For some distance to the S.W., of that cape, this country is more broken or rugged than any part we had yet seen, both with respect to the hills themselves, and to the coast, which seemed full of creeks, or small inlets, none of which appeared to be of any great depth. Perhaps, upon a closer examination, some of the projecting points between these inlets will be found to be islands. Every part had a very barren aspect, and was covered with snow, from the summits of the highest hills, down to a very small distance from the sea coast.

Having occasion to send a boat on board the Discovery, one of the people in her shot a very beautiful bird of the hawk kind. It is somewhat less than a duck, and of a black colour, except the fore-part of the head, which is white, and from above and behind each eye arises an elegant yellowish-white crest, revolved backward as a ram's horn. The bill and feet are red. It is, perhaps, the _alca monochroa_ of Steller, mentioned in the history of Kamtschatka.[3] I think the first of these birds was seen by us a little to the southward of Cape St Hermogenes. From that time, we generally saw some of them every day, and sometimes in large flocks. Besides these, we daily saw most of the other sea-birds, that are commonly found in other northern oceans, such as gulls, shags, puffins, sheerwaters, and sometimes ducks, geese, and swans. And seldom a day passed without seeing seals, whales, and ether large fish.

[Footnote 3: P. 158. Eng. Trans.--The Tufted Aek.--_Pennant's Arct. Zool._ ii. N°. 432.]

In the afternoon, we got a light breeze of wind southerly, which enabled us to steer W., for the channel that appeared between the islands and the continent; and, at day-break next morning, we were at no great distance from it, and found several other islands, within those already seen by us, of various extent both in height and circuit. But between these last islands, and those before seen, there seemed to be a clear channel, for which I steered, being afraid to keep the coast of the continent aboard, lest we should mistake some point of it for an island, and, by that means, be drawn into some inlet, and lose the advantage of the fair wind, which at this time blew.

I therefore kept along the southernmost chain of islands, and at noon we were in the latitude of 55° 18', and in the narrowest part of the channel, formed by them and those which lie along the continent, where it is about a league and a half, or two leagues over. The largest island in this group was now on our left, and is distinguished by the name of _Kodiak_,[4] according to the information we afterwards received. I left the rest of them without names. I believe them to be the same that Beering calls Schumagin's Islands,[5] or those which he called by that name, to be a part of them, for this group is pretty extensive. We saw islands as far to the southward as an island could be seen. They commence in the longitude of 200° 15' E., and extend a degree and a half, or two degrees, to the westward. I cannot be particular, as we could not distinguish all the islands from the coast of the continent. Most of these islands are of a good height, very barren and rugged, abounding with rocks and steep cliffs, and exhibiting other romantic appearances. There are several snug bays and coves about them, streams of fresh water run from their elevated parts, some drift-wood was floating around, but not a tree or bush was to be seen growing on the land. A good deal of snow still lay on many of them, and the parts of the continent, which shewed themselves between the innermost islands, were quite covered with it.[6]

[Footnote 4: See an account of Kodiac, in Stæhlin's New Northern Archipelago, p. 30-39.]

[Footnote 5: See Muller's _Découvertes des Russes_, p. 262-277.]

[Footnote 6: Coxe's work maybe advantageously consulted for information respecting the islands now mentioned. But few persons, it is presumed, feel so interested about them, as to desire any addition to the text. Besides, though a connected account of this archipelago might be either amusing or necessary, it is obvious that detached notices would have little value to commend them to attention.--E.]

At four in the afternoon, we had passed all the islands that lay to the southward of us; the southernmost, at this time, bearing S. 5° E., and the westernmost point of land now in sight, S. 82° W. For this point we steered, and passed between it and two or three elevated rocks that lie about a league to the east of it.

Some time after we had got through this channel, in which we found forty fathoms water, the Discovery, now about two miles astern, fired three guns, and brought-to, and made a signal to speak with us. This alarmed me not a little; and, as no apparent danger had been remarked in the passage through the channel, it was apprehended that some accident, such as springing a leak, must have happened. A boat was immediately sent to her, and in a short time returned with Captain Clerke. I now learned from him, that some natives, in three or four canoes, who had been following the ship for some time, at length got under his stern. One of them then made many signs, taking off his cap, and bowing, after the manner of Europeans. A rope being handed down from the ship, to this he fastened a small thin wooden case or box, and having delivered this safe, and spoken something, and made some more signs, the canoes dropped astern, and left the Discovery. No one on board her had any suspicion that the box contained any thing, till after the departure of the canoes, when it was accidentally opened, and a piece of paper was found, folded up carefully, upon which something was written in the Russian language, as was supposed. The date 1778 was prefixed to it, and, in the body of the written note, there was a reference to the year 1776. Not learned enough to decypher the alphabet of the writer, his numerals marked sufficiently that others had preceded us in visiting this dreary part of the globe, who were united to us by other ties besides those of our common nature; and the hopes of soon meeting with some of the Russian traders could not but give a sensible satisfaction to those who had, for such a length of time, been conversant with the savages of the Pacific Ocean, and of the continent of North America.

Captain Clerke was, at first, of opinion, that some Russians had been shipwrecked here, and that these unfortunate persons, seeing our ships pass, had taken this method to inform us of their situation. Impressed with humane sentiments, on such an occasion, he was desirous of our stopping till they might have time to join us. But no such idea occurred to me. It seemed obvious, that if this had been the case, it would have been the first step taken by such shipwrecked persons, in order to secure to themselves, and to their companions, the relief they could not but be solicitous about, to send some of their body off to the ships in the canoes. For this reason, I rather thought that the paper contained a note of information, left by some Russian trader, who had lately been amongst these islands, to be delivered to the next of their countrymen who should arrive; and that the natives, seeing our ships pass, and supposing us to be Russians, had resolved to bring off the note, thinking it might induce us to stop. Fully convinced of this, I did not stay to enquire any farther into the matter, but made sail, and stood away to the westward, along the coast; perhaps I should say along the islands, for we could not pronounce, with certainty, whether the nearest land, within us, was continent or islands. If not the latter, the coast here forms some tolerably large and deep bays.

We continued to run all night with a gentle breeze at N.E., and, at two o'clock next morning, some breakers were seen within us, at the distance of about two miles. Two hours after, others were seen a-head, and on our larboard bow, and between us and the land, they were innumerable. We did but just clear them, by holding a south course. These breakers were occasioned by rocks, some of which were above water. They extend seven leagues from the land, and are very dangerous, especially in thick weather, to which this coast seems much subject. At noon, we had just got on their outside, and, by observation, we were in the latitude of 54° 44', and in the longitude of 198°. The nearest land, being an elevated bluff point, which was called _Rock Point_, bore N., seven or eight leagues distant; the westernmost part of the main, or what was supposed to be the main, bore N. 80° W.; and a round hill, without, which was found to be an island, and was called _Halibut-Head_, bore S. 64° W., thirteen leagues distant.

On the 21st at noon, having made but little progress, on account of faint winds and calms, Halibut-Head, which lies in the latitude of 54° 27', and in the longitude of 197°, bore N. 24° W., and the island on which it is, and called _Halibut Island_, extended from N. by E. to N.W. by W., two leagues distant. This island is seven or eight leagues in circuit, and, except the head, the land of it is low and very barren. There are several small islands near it, all of the same appearance, but there seemed to be a passage between them and the main, two or three leagues broad.[7]

[Footnote 7: So Arrowsmith's map has it. The chart in Coxe's work, 4th edition, does not mention Halibut Island.--E.]

The rocks and breakers, before mentioned, forced us so far from the continent, that we had but a distant view of the coast between Rock Point and Halibut Island. Over this and the adjoining islands we could see the main land covered with snow, but particularly some hills, whose elevated tops were seen, towering above the clouds, to a most stupendous height. The most south-westerly of these hills was discovered to have a _volcano_, which continually threw up vast columns of black smoke. It stands not far from the coast, and in the latitude of 54° 48', and in the longitude of 195° 45'. It is also remarkable from its figure, which is a complete cone, and the volcano is at the very summit. We seldom saw this (or indeed any other of these mountains) wholly clear of clouds. At times, both base and summit would be clear, when a narrow cloud, sometimes two or three, one above another, would embrace the middle like a girdle, which, with the column of smoke, rising perpendicular to a great height out of its top, and spreading before the wind into a tail of vast length, made a very picturesque appearance. It may be worth remarking, that the wind, at the height to which the smoke of this volcano reached, moved sometimes in a direction contrary to what it did at sea, even when it blew a fresh gale.

In the afternoon, having three hours calm, our people caught upwards of a hundred halibuts, some of which weighed a hundred pounds, and none less than twenty pounds. This was a very seasonable refreshment to us. In the height of our fishing, which was in thirty-five fathoms water, and three or four miles from the shore, a small canoe, conducted by one man, came to us from the large island. On approaching the ship, be took off his cap, and bowed, as the other had done, who visited the Discovery the preceding day. It was evident that the Russians must have a communication and traffic with these people, not only from their acquired politeness, but from the note before mentioned. But we had now a fresh proof of it; for our present visitor wore a pair of green cloth breeches, and a jacket of black cloth or stuff, under the gut-shirt or frock of his own country. He had nothing to barter, except a grey fox skin, and some fishing implements or harpoons, the heads of the shafts of which, for the length of a foot or more, were neatly made of bone, as thick as a walking cane, and carved. He had with him a bladder full of something, which we supposed to be oil, for he opened it, took a mouthful, and then fastened it again.

His canoe was of the same make with those we had seen before, but rather smaller. He used a double bladed-paddle, as did also those who had visited the Discovery. In his size and features, he exactly resembled those we saw in Prince William's Sound, and in the Great River, but he was quite free from paint of any kind, and had the perforation of his lips made in an oblique direction, without any ornament in it. He did not seem to understand any of the words commonly used by our visitors in the Sound, when repeated to him. But, perhaps, our faulty pronunciation, rather than his ignorance of the dialect, may be inferred from this.

The weather was cloudy and hazy, with now and then sunshine, till the afternoon of the 22d, when the wind came round to the S.E., and, as usual, brought thick rainy weather. Before the fog came on, no part of the main land was in sight, except the volcano, and another mountain close by it. I continued to steer W. till seven in the evening, when, being apprehensive of falling in with the land in thick weather, we hauled the wind to the southward, till two o'clock next morning, and then bore away W. We made but little progress, having the wind variable, and but little of it, till at last it fixed in the western board, and at five in the afternoon, having a gleam of sunshine, we saw land bearing N. 59° W., appearing in hillocks like islands.

At six in the morning of the 24th, we got a sight of the continent, and at nine it was seen extending from N.E. by E. to S.W. by W. 1/2 W., the nearest part about four leagues distant. The land to the S.W. proved to be islands, the same that had been seen the preceding evening. But the other was a continuation of the continent, without any islands to obstruct our view of it. In the evening, being about four leagues from the shore, in forty-two fathoms water, having little or no wind, we had recourse to our hooks and lines, but only two or three small cod were caught.

The next morning we got a breeze easterly, and what was uncommon with this wind, clear weather, so that we not only saw the volcano, but other mountains, both to the east and west of it, and all the coast of the main land under them, much plainer than at any time before. It extended from N.E. by N. to N.W. 1/2 W., where it seemed to terminate. Between this point and the islands without it, there appeared a large opening, for which I steered, till we raised land beyond it. This land, although we did not perceive that it joined the continent, made a passage through the opening very doubtful. It also made it doubtful, whether the land which we saw to the S.W., was insular or continental, and, if the latter, it was obvious that the opening would be a deep bay or inlet, from which, if once we entered it with an easterly wind, it would not be so easy to get out. Not caring, therefore, to trust too much to appearances, I steered to the southward. Having thus got without all the land in sight, I then steered west, in which direction the islands lay, for such we found this land to be.

By eight o'clock we had passed three of them, all of a good height. More of them were now seen to the westward, the south-westernmost part of them bearing W.N.W. The weather, in the afternoon, became gloomy, and at length turned to a mist, and the wind blew fresh at E. I therefore, at ten at night, hauled the wind to the southward till day-break, when we resumed our course to the W.

Day-light availed us little, for the weather was so thick, that we could not see a hundred yards before us; but as the wind was now moderate, I ventured to run. At half-past four, we were alarmed at hearing the sound of breakers on our larboard bow. On heaving the lead, we found twenty-eight fathoms water, and the next cast, twenty-five. I immediately brought the ship to, with her head to the northward, and anchored in this last depth, over a bottom of coarse sand, calling to the Discovery, she being close by us, to anchor also.

A few hours after, the fog having cleared away a little, it appeared that we had escaped very imminent danger. We found ourselves three quarters of a mile from the N.E. side of an island, which extended from S. by W. 1/2 W. to N. by E. 1/2 E., each extreme about a league distant. Two elevated rocks, the one bearing S. by E., and the other E. by S., were about half a league each from us, and about the same distance from each other. There were several breakers about them, and yet Providence had, in the dark, conducted the ships through, between these rocks, which I should not have ventured in a clear day, and to such an anchoring-place, that I could not have chosen a better.

Finding ourselves so near land, I sent a boat to examine what it produced. In the afternoon she returned, and the officer, who commanded her, reported, that it produced some tolerable good grass, and several other small plants, one of which was like purslain, and eat very well, either in soups or as a sallad. There was no appearance of shrubs or trees, but on the beach were a few pieces of drift wood. It was judged to be low water between ten and eleven o'clock, and we found, where we lay at anchor, that the flood-tide came from the E. or S.E.

In the night, the wind blew fresh at S., but was more moderate toward the morning, and the fog partly dispersed. Having weighed at seven o'clock, we steered to the northward, between the island under which we had anchored, and another small one near it. The channel is not above a mile broad; and before we were through it, the wind failed, and we were obliged to anchor in thirty-four fathoms water. We had now land in every direction. That to the S., extended to the S.W., in a ridge of mountains, but our sight could not determine whether it composed one or more islands. We afterward found it to be only one island, and known by the name of _Oonalashka_. Between it, and the land to the N., which had the appearance of being a group of islands, there seemed to be a channel, in the direction of N.W. by N. On a point, which bore W. from the ship, three quarters of a mile distant, were several natives and their habitations. To this place we saw them tow in two whales, which we supposed they had just killed. A few of them, now and then, came off to the ships, and bartered a few trifling things with our people, but never remained above a quarter of an hour at a time. On the contrary, they rather seemed shy, and yet we could judge that they were no strangers to vessels, in some degree, like ours. They behaved with a degree of politeness uncommon to savage tribes.

At one o'clock in the afternoon, having a light breeze at N.E., and the tide of flood in our favour, we weighed, and steered for the channel above-mentioned, in hopes, after we were through, of finding the land trend away to the northward, or, at least, a passage out to sea to the W. For we supposed ourselves, as it really happened, to be amongst islands, and not in an inlet of the continent. We had not been long under sail, before the wind veered to the N., which obliged us to ply. The soundings were from forty to twenty-seven fathoms, over a bottom of sand and mud. In the evening, the ebb making against us, we anchored about three leagues from our last station, with the passage bearing N.W.

At day-break the next morning, we weighed, with a light breeze at S., which carried us up to the passage, when it was succeeded by variable light airs from all directions. But as there run a rapid tide in our favour, the Resolution got through before the ebb made. The Discovery was not so fortunate. She was carried back, got into the race, and had some trouble to get clear of it. As soon as we were through, the land on one side was found to trend W. and S.W., and that on the other side to trend N. This gave us great reason to hope, that the continent had here taken a new direction, which was much in our favour. Being in want of water, and perceiving that we run some risk of driving about in a rapid tide, without wind to govern the ship, I stood for a harbour, lying on the S. side of the passage, but we were very soon driven past it, and, to prevent being forced back through the passage, came to an anchor in twenty-eight fathoms water, pretty near the southern shore, out of the reach of the strong tide. And yet, even here, we found it to run full five knots and a half in the hour.

While we lay here, several of the natives came off to us, each in a canoe, and bartered a few fishing implements for tobacco. One of them, a young man, overset his canoe, while along-side of one of our boats. Our people caught hold of him, but the canoe went adrift, and, being picked up by another, was carried ashore. The youth, by this accident, was obliged to come into the ship; and he went down into my cabin, upon the first invitation, without expressing the least reluctance or uneasiness. His dress was an upper garment, like a shirt, made of the large gut of some sea-animal, probably the whale, and an under garment of the same shape, made of the skins of birds, dressed with the feathers on, and neatly sewed together, the feathered side being wore next his skin. It was mended or patched with pieces of silk-stuff, and his cap was ornamented with two or three sorts of glass beads. His own clothes being wet, I gave him others, in which he dressed himself with as much ease as I could have done. From his behaviour, and that of some others, we were convinced that these people were no strangers to Europeans, and to some of their customs. But there was something in our ships that greatly excited their curiosity; for such as could not come off in canoes, assembled on the neighbouring hills to look at them.[8]

[Footnote 8: Of Oonalashka, Unalashka, or Aghunalaska, for it is known by these three names, Mr Coxe has presented several interesting enough notices. The Russians were no strangers to it previous to this voyage.--E.]

At low water, having weighed and towed the ship into the harbour, we anchored there in nine fathoms water, over a bottom of sand and mud. The Discovery got in soon after. A launch was now sent for water, and a boat to draw the seine, but we caught only four trout, and a few other small fish.

Soon after we anchored, a native of the island brought on board such another note as had been given to Captain Clerke. He presented it to me, but it was written in the Russian language, which, as already observed, none of us could read. As it could be of no use to me, and might be of consequence to others, I returned it to the bearer, and dismissed him with a few presents, for which he expressed his thanks, by making several low bows as he retired.

In walking, next day, along the shore, I met with a group of natives of both sexes, seated on the grass, at a repast, consisting of raw fish, which they seemed to eat with as much relish as we should a turbot, served up with the richest sauce. By the evening, we had completed our water, and made such observations as the time and weather would permit. I have taken notice of the rapidity of the tide without the harbour, but it was inconsiderable within. It was low water at noon, and high water at half-past six in the evening, and the water rose, upon a perpendicular, three feet four inches, but there were marks of its sometimes rising a foot higher.

Thick fogs, and a contrary-wind, detained us till the 2d of July, which afforded an opportunity of acquiring some knowledge of the country and of its inhabitants. The result of our observations will be mentioned in another place. At present I shall only describe the harbour.

It is called, by the natives, _Samganoodha_, and is situated on the north side of Oonalashka, in the latitude of 58° 55', in the longitude of 193° 30'; and in the strait, or passage, that separates this island from those that lie to the north of it, and whose position before the harbour shelters it from the winds that blow from that quarter. It runs in S. by W., about four miles, and is about a mile broad at the entrance, narrowing toward the head, where its breadth is not above a quarter of a mile, and where ships can lie land-locked, in seven, six, and four fathoms water. Great plenty of good water may be easily got, but not a single stick of wood of any size.

SECTION VIII.

_Progress Northward, after leaving Oonalashka.--The Islands Oonella and Acootan.--Ooneemak.--Shallowness of the Water along the Coast--Bristol Bay.--Round Island.--Calm Point.--Cape Newenham.--Lieutenant Williamson lands, and his Report.--Bristol Bay, and its Extent.--The Ships obliged to return on account of Shoals.--Natives come off to the Ships.--Death of Mr Anderson; his Character; and Island named after him.--Point Rodney.--Sledge Island, and Remarks on Landing there.--King's Island.--Cape Prince of Wales, the Western Extreme of America. Course Westward.--Anchor in a Bay on the Coast of Asia._

Having put to sea with a light breeze, at S.S.E., we steered to the N., meeting with nothing to obstruct us in this course. For, as I observed before, the island of Oonalashka on the one side, trended S.W., and on the other, no land was to be seen in a direction more northerly than N.E., the whole of which laud was a continuation of the same group of islands which we had fallen in with on the 25th of June. That which lies before Samganoodha, and forms the N.E. side of the passage through which we came, is called _Oonella_, and is about seven leagues in circumference. Another island to the N.E. of it, is called _Acootan_, which is considerably larger than Oonella, and hath in it some very high mountains which were covered with snow. It appeared, that we might have gone very safely between, these two islands and the continent, the S.W. point of which opened off the N.E. point of Acootan, in the direction of N. 60° E.; and which proved to be the same point of land we had seen when we quitted the coast of the continent, on the 25th of June, to go without the islands. It is called by the people of these parts _Ooneemak_, and lies in the latitude of 54° 30', and in the longitude of 192° 30'. Over the cape, which of itself is high land, is a round elevated mountain, at this time entirely covered with snow.

At six in the evening, this mountain bore E. 2° N., and at eight we had no land in sight. Concluding, therefore, that the coast of the continent had now taken a north-easterly direction, I ventured to steer the same course till one o'clock the next morning, when the watch on deck thought they saw land a-head. Upon this we wore, and stood to the S.W. for two hours, and then resumed our course to the E.N.E.

At six o'clock, land was seen a-head, bearing S.E., about five leagues distant. As we advanced, we raised more and more land, all connected, and seemingly in the direction of our course. At noon, it extended from S.S.W. to E., the nearest part five or six leagues distant; Our latitude at this time was 55° 21', and our longitude 195° 18'. This coast is on the N.W. side of the volcano mountain, so that we must have seen it, if the weather had been tolerably clear.

At six in the evening, after having run eight leagues upon an E. by N. course from noon, we sounded, and found forty-eight fathoms, over a bottom of black sand. Being at this time four leagues from the land, the eastern part in sight bore E.S.E., and appeared as a high round hummock, seemingly detached from the main.

Having continued to steer E.N.E. all night, at eight in the morning of the 4th, the coast was seen from S.S.W. to E. by S.; and at times we could see high land, covered with snow behind it. Soon after it fell calm, and being in thirty fathoms water, we put over hooks and lines, and caught a good number of cod-fish. At noon, having now a breeze from the east, and the weather being clear, we found ourselves six leagues from the land, which extended from S. by W. to E. by S. The hummock, seen the preceding evening, bore S.W. by S. ten leagues distant. Our latitude was now 55° 50', and our longitude 197° 3'. A great hollow swell, from W.S.W., assured us that there was no main land near in that direction. I stood to the N. till six in the afternoon, when the wind having veered to S.E., enabled us to steer E.N.E. The coast lay in this direction, and at noon, the next day, was about four leagues distant.

On the 6th and 7th, the wind being northerly, we made but little progress. At eight in the evening of the latter, we were in nineteen fathoms water, and about three or four leagues from the coast, which, on the 8th, extended from S.S.W. to E. by N., and was all low land, with a ridge of mountains behind it, covered with snow. It is probable, that this low coast extends, some distance, to the S.W.; and that such places as we sometimes, took for inlets or bays, are only valleys between the mountains.

On the morning of the 9th, with a breeze at N.W., we steered E. by N., to get nearer the coast. At noon, we were in the latitude of 57° 49', and in the longitude of 201° 33', and about two leagues from the land, which extended from S. by E. to E.N.E.; being all a low coast, with points shooting out in some places, which, from the deck, appeared like islands; but, from the mast-head, low land was seen to connect them. In this situation, the depth of water was fifteen fathoms, the bottom a fine black sand.

As we had advanced to the N.E., we had found the depth of water gradually decreasing, and the coast trending more and more northerly. But the ridge of mountains behind it continued to lie in the same direction as those more westerly; so that the extent of the low land, between the foot of the mountains and the sea-coast, insensibly increased. Both high and low grounds were perfectly destitute of wood; but seemed to be covered with a green turf, except the mountains, which were covered with snow. Continuing to steer along the coast, with a gentle breeze, westerly, the water gradually shoaled from fifteen to ten fathoms, though we were at the distance of eight or ten miles from the shore. At eight in the evening, an elevated mountain, which had been in sight for some time, bore S.E. by E., twenty-one leagues distant. Some other mountains, belonging to the same chain, and much farther distant, bore E. 3° N. The coast extended as far as N.E. 1/2 N., where it seemed to terminate in a point, beyond which we hoped and expected, that it would take a more easterly direction. But, soon after, we discovered low land, extending from behind this point, as far as N.W. by W., where it was lost in the horizon; and behind it was high land, that appeared in detached hills.

Thus the fine prospect we had of getting to the north vanished in a moment. I stood on till nine o'clock, for so long it was light, and then the point above mentioned bore N.E. 1/2 E., about three miles distant. Behind this point is a river, the entrance of which seemed to be a mile broad; but I can say nothing as to its depth. The water appeared to be discoloured, as upon shoals, but a calm would have given it the same aspect. It seemed to have a winding direction, through the great flat that lies between the chain of mountains to the S.E., and the hills to the N.W. It must abound with salmon, as we saw many leaping in the sea before the entrance; and some were found in the maws of cod which we had caught. The entrance of this river, distinguished by the name of _Bristol River_, lies in the latitude of 58° 27', and in the longitude of 201° 55'.[1]

[Footnote 1: Mr Arrowsmith lays down this river, but without naming it. Mr Coxe does neither. Both of them specify Bristol Bay. Mr A.'s delineation of the coast of the peninsular projection, corresponds extremely well with Captain Cook's description.--E.]

Having spent the night in making short boards, at day-break on the morning of the 10th, we made sail to the W.S.W., with a gentle breeze at N.E. At eleven o'clock, we thought the coast to the N.W. terminated in a point, bearing N.W. by W.; and as we had now deepened the water from nine to fourteen fathoms, I steered for the point, ordering the Discovery to keep ahead. But before she had run a mile, she made a signal for shoal water. At that instant we had the depth of seven fathoms; and before we could get the ship's head the other way, had less than five; but the Discovery had less than four.

We stood back to the N.E. three or four miles; but finding there was a strong tide or current setting to the W.S.W., that is toward the shoal, we anchored in ten fathoms, over a bottom of fine sand. Two hours after we had anchored, the water had fallen two feet and upward; which proved, that it was the tide of ebb that came from, the river above mentioned. We also examined some of the water which we had taken up, and found that it was not half so salt as common sea-water. This furnished another proof that we were before a large river.

At four in the afternoon, the wind shifting to S.W., we weighed, and stood to the southward, with boats ahead, sounding; and passed over the south end of the shoal in six fathoms water. We then got into thirteen and fifteen; in which last depth we anchored, at half-past eight; some part of the chain of mountains, on the S.E. shore, in sight, bearing S.E. 1/2 S., and the westernmost land, on the other shore, N.W. We had, in the course of the day, seen high land, bearing N. 60° W., by estimation twelve leagues distant.

Having weighed next morning, at two o'clock, with a light breeze at S.W. by W., we plied to windward till nine; when, judging the flood-tide to be now made against us, we came to an anchor in twenty-four fathoms. We lay here till one, when the fog, which had prevailed this morning, dispersing, and the tide making in our favour, we weighed, and plied to the S.W. in the evening, the wind was very variable, and we had some thunder. We had heard none before since our arrival upon the coast; and this was at a great distance.

The wind having settled again in the S.W. quarter, in the morning of the 12th, we stood to the N.W., and at ten saw the continent. At noon, it extended from N.E. by N., to N.W. 1/4 W.; and an elevated hill bore N.N.W., ten leagues distant. This proved to be an island, which, from its figure, obtained the name of _Round Island_. It lies in the latitude of 58° 37', and in the longitude of 200° 6', and seven miles from the continent. In the evening, at nine, having stood to the northward to within three leagues of the shore, we tacked in fourteen fathoms water; the extremes of the coast bearing E.S.E. 1/2 E. and W. The wind veering to the N.W. enabled us to make a good stretch along shore till two o'clock in the morning, when we got all at once into six fathoms water, being at this time two leagues from the shore. After edging off a little, our depth gradually increased, and at noon we had twenty fathoms, when the latitude was 53° 13', and the longitude 199°. Round Island bore N., 5° E.; and the west extreme of the coast N., 16° W., seven leagues distant. It is an elevated point, which obtained the name of _Calm Point_, from our having calm weather when off it. To the N.W. of Round Island are two or three hillocks that appeared like islands; and it is possible they may be such; for we had but a distant view of the coast in this place.[2]

[Footnote 2: Both Round Island and Calm Point are named by Coxe; Arrowsmith marks them, but has omitted the names.--E.]

During the 14th and 15th our progress was slow, having little wind, and sometimes so thick a fog, that we could not see the length of the ship. The soundings were from fourteen to twenty-six fathoms; and we had tolerable success in fishing, catching cod, and now and then a few flat fish. At five in the morning of the 16th, the fog having cleared up, we found ourselves nearer the land than we expected. Calm Point bore N., 72° E., and a point eight leagues from it, in the direction of W., bore N., 30° E., three miles distant. Between these two points, the coast forms a bay, in some parts of which the land was hardly visible from the mast-head. There is also a bay on the N.W. side of this last point, between it and an elevated promontory, which at this time bore N., 36° W. sixteen miles distant. At nine, I sent Lieutenant Williamson to this promontory, with orders to land, and see what direction the coast took beyond it, and what the country produced; for from the ships it had but a barren appearance. We found here the flood-tide setting strongly to the N.W. along the coast. At noon it was high water, and we anchored in twenty-four fathoms, four leagues distant from the shore. At five in the afternoon, the tide making in our favour, we weighed, and drove with it, for there was no wind.

Soon after, Mr Williamson returned; and reported, that he had landed on the point, and having climbed the highest hill, found, that the farthest part of the coast in sight bore nearly north. He took possession of the country in his majesty's name; and left on the hill a bottle, in which was inscribed, on a piece of paper, the names of the ships, and the date of the discovery. The promontory, to which he gave the name of _Cape Newenham_, is a rocky point, of tolerable height, situated in the latitude of 58° 42', and in the longitude of 197° 36'. Over, or within it, are two elevated hills, rising one behind the other. The innermost, or easternmost, is the highest. The country, as far as Mr Williamson could see, produces neither tree nor shrub. The hills are naked; but on the lower grounds grew grass and other plants, very few of which were in flower. He saw no other animal but a doe and a fawn; and a dead sea-horse or cow upon the beach. Of these animals we had lately seen a great many.

As the coast takes a northerly direction from Cape Newenham, that Cape fixes the northern limit of the great bay and gulf lying before the river Bristol, which, in honour of the Admiral, Earl of Bristol, was named _Bristol Bay_. _Cape Ooneemak_ is the south limit of this bay; and is distant eighty-two leagues from Cape Newenham, in the direction of S.S.W.[3]

[Footnote 3: Cape Newenham is mentioned by Arrowsmith, but not by Coxe; both have Shoal Ness, soon to be spoken of.--E.]

About eight in the evening, a light breeze springing up, which fixed at S.S.E., we steered N.W. and N.N.W., round Cape Newenham, which, at noon next day, bore S. by E., distant four leagues. At this time the most advanced land to the northward bore N., 30° E.; our depth of water was seventeen fathoms, and the nearest shore 3-1/2 leagues distant. We had but little wind all the afternoon; so that, at ten at night, we had only made three leagues upon a north course.

We steered N. by W. till eight the next morning, when, our depth of water decreasing suddenly to five and seven fathoms, we brought-to, till a boat from each ship was sent ahead to sound, and then steered N.E. after them; and at noon we had deepened the water to seventeen fathoms. At this time, Cape Newenham bore S., 9° E., distant eleven or twelve leagues; the N.E. extreme of the land in sight N., 66° E.; and the nearest shore about four or five leagues distant. Our latitude, by observation, was 59° 16'.

Between this latitude and Cape Newenham, the coast is composed of hills and low land, and appeared to form several bays. A little before one o'clock, the boats ahead made the signal for meeting with shoal water. It seems they had only two fathoms; and at the same time the ships were in six fathoms. By hauling a little more to the northward, we continued in much the same depth till between five and six o'clock, when the boats meeting with less and less water, I made the signal to the Discovery, she being then ahead, to anchor, which we did soon after. In bringing our ship up, the cable parted at the clinch, which obliged us to come-to with the other anchor. We rode in six fathoms water, a sandy bottom, and about four or five leagues from the main land; Cape Newenham bearing S., seventeen leagues distant. The farthest hills we could see to the north, bore N.E. by E.; but there was low land stretching out from the high land as far as N. by E. Without this was a shoal of sand and stones, that was dry at half ebb.

I had sent the two masters, each in a boat, to sound between this shoal and the coast. On their return, they reported, that there was a channel, in which they found six and seven fathoms water; but that it was narrow and intricate. At low water, we made an attempt to get a hawser round the lost anchor, but did not succeed then. However, being determined not to leave it behind me, as long as there was a probability of recovering it, I persevered in my endeavours, and at last succeeded in the evening of the 20th.

While we were thus employed, I ordered Captain Clerke to send his master in a boat to look for a passage in the S.W. quarter. He did so; but no channel was to be found in that direction; nor did there appear to be any way to get clear of these shoals, but to return by the track which had brought us in. For although, by following the channel we were in, we might probably have got farther down the coast; and though, possibly, this channel might have led us at last to the north, clear of the shoals, still the attempt would have been attended with vast risk; and if we should not have succeeded, there would have been a considerable loss of time that could ill be spared. These reasons induced me to return by the way in which we came; and so get without the shoals.

A number of lunar observations, made by Mr King and myself on this and the four preceding days, and all reduced to the ship's present station, gave the longitude

197° 45' 48" By the time-keeper it was 197 26 48 Our latitude was 59 37 30 Variation by the \ A.M. 23° 34' 3" \ mean of three } P.M. 22 19 40 / mean 22° 56' 51" E. compasses, /

The northernmost part of the coast that we could see from this station, I judged to lie in the latitude of 60°. It seemed to form a low point, which obtained the name of _Shoal-Ness_.

The tide of flood sets to the north, and the ebb to the south. It rises and falls, upon a perpendicular, five or six feet; and I reckon it to be high-water on the full and change days at eight o'clock.

Having weighed at three in the morning on the 21st, with a light breeze at N.N.W., we steered back to the southward, having three boats ahead to direct us. But, notwithstanding this precaution, we found more difficulty in returning than we had in advancing; and at last were obliged to anchor, to avoid running upon a shoal, which had only a depth of five feet. While we lay here, twenty-seven men of the country, each in a canoe, came off to the ships, which they approached with great caution, hollowing and opening their arms as they advanced. This, we understood, was to express their pacific intentions. At length, some approached near enough to receive a few trifles that were thrown to them. This encouraged the rest to venture alongside; and a traffic presently commenced between them and our people; who got dresses of skins, bows, arrows, darts, wooden vessels, &c.; our visitors taking in exchange for these whatever was offered them. They seemed to be the same sort of people that we had of late met with all along this coast; wore the same kind of ornaments in their lips and noses; but were far more dirty, and not so well clothed. They appeared to be wholly unacquainted with people like us; they knew not the use of tobacco; nor was any foreign article seen in their possession, unless a knife may be looked upon as such. This, indeed, was only a piece of common iron fitted in a wooden handle, so as to answer the purpose of a knife. They, however, knew the value and use of this instrument so well, that it seemed to be the only article they wished for. Most of them had their hair shaved or cut short off, leaving only a few locks behind, or on one side. For a covering for the head they wore a hood of skins, and a bonnet which appeared to be of wool. One part of their dress, which we got from them, was a kind of girdle, very neatly made of skin, with trappings depending from it, and passing between the legs, so as to conceal the adjoining parts. By the use of such a girdle, it should seem that they sometimes go naked, even in this high latitude; for they would hardly wear it under their other clothing.

The canoes were made of skins, like all the others we had lately seen; only with this difference, that these were broader, and the hole in which the man sits was wider than in any I had before met with. Our boats returning from sounding seemed to alarm them, so that they all left us sooner than probably they would otherwise have done.

It was the 22d in the evening before we got clear of these shoals, and then I durst not venture to steer to the westward in the night, but spent it off Cape Newenham; and at day-break, next morning, steered to the N.W., ordering the Discovery to lead. Before we had run two leagues, our depth of water decreased to six fathoms. Fearing, if we continued this course, that we should find less and less water, I hauled to the southward; the wind being at east, a fresh breeze. This course brought us gradually. into eighteen fathoms, and having that depth, I ventured to steer a little westerly; and afterward west, when we at last found twenty-six fathoms water.

On the 24th at noon, we were, by observation in the latitude of 58° 7', and in the longitude of 194° 22'. Three leagues to the westward of this station we had twenty-eight fathoms water, and then steered W.N.W., the water gradually deepening to thirty-four fathoms. I would have steered more northerly, but the wind having veered in that direction, I could not.

The 25th, in the evening, having a very thick fog, and but little wind, we dropped anchor in thirty fathoms water. Our latitude was now 58° 29', and our longitude 191° 37'. At six, the next morning, the weather clearing up a little, we weighed, and, with a small breeze at east, steered north, our soundings being from twenty-eight to twenty-five fathoms. After running nine leagues upon this course, the wind returned back to the north, which obliged us to steer more westerly.

The weather continued for the most part foggy till toward noon on the 28th, when we had a few hours clear sunshine; during which we made several lunar observations. The mean result of them, reduced to noon, when the latitude was 59° 55', gave 190° 6' longitude; and the time-keeper gave 189° 59'. The variation of the compass was 18° 40' E. Continuing our westerly course, the water having now deepened to thirty-six fathoms, at four o'clock next morning we discovered land, bearing N.W. by W., six leagues distant. We stood toward it till half-past ten, when we tacked in twenty-four fathoms water, being at this time a league from the land, which bore N.N.W. It was the S.E. extremity, and formed a perpendicular cliff of considerable height; on which account it was called _Point Upright_, and lies in the latitude of 60° 17', and in the longitude of 187° 30'. More land was seen to the westward of the point; and, at a clear interval, we saw another elevated portion of land in the direction of W. by S.; and this seemed to be entirely separated from the other. Here we met with an incredible number of birds, all of the awk kind before described.

We had baffling light winds all the afternoon, so that we made but little progress; and the weather was not clear enough to enable us to determine the extent of the land before us. We supposed it to be one of the many islands laid down by Mr Stæhlin, in his map of the New Northern Archipelago; and we expected every moment to see more of them.[4]

[Footnote 4: The opinion here given, we shall find, is afterwards corrected; and the land in question proved to be a discovery unknown to the Russians.--E.]

At four in the afternoon of the 30th, Point Upright bore N.W. by N., six leagues distant. About this time, a light breeze springing up at N.N.W., we stood to the N.E. till four o'clock next morning, when the wind veering to the eastward, we tacked, and stood to the N.W. Soon after the wind came to S.E.; and we steered N.E. by N.; which course we continued, with soundings from thirty-five to twenty fathoms, till next day at noon. At this time we were in the latitude of 60° 58', and in the longitude of 191°. The wind now veering to N.E., I first made a stretch of ten leagues to the N.W.; and then, seeing no land in that direction, I stood back to the eastward about fifteen leagues, and met with nothing but pieces of drift-wood. The soundings were from twenty-two to nineteen fathoms.

Variable, light winds, with showers of rain, prevailed all the 2d; but fixing in the S.E. quarter in the morning of the 3d, we resumed our course to the northward. At noon, we were, by observation, in the latitude of 62° 34', our longitude was 192°, and our depth of water sixteen fathoms.

Mr Anderson, my surgeon, who had been lingering under a consumption for more than twelve months, expired between three and four this afternoon. He was a sensible young man, an agreeable companion, well skilled in his own profession, and had acquired considerable knowledge in other branches of science. The reader of this Journal will have observed how useful an assistant I had found him in the course of the voyage; and had it pleased God to have spared his life, the public, I make no doubt, might have received from him such communications, on various parts of the natural history of the several places we visited, as would have abundantly shewn that he was not unworthy of this commendation.[5] Soon after he had breathed his last, land was seen to the westward, twelve leagues distant. It was supposed to be an island; and, to perpetuate the memory of the deceased, for whom I had a very great regard, I named it _Anderson's Island_. The next day, I removed Mr Law, the surgeon of the Discovery, into the Resolution, and appointed Mr Samuel, the surgeon's first mate of the Resolution, to be surgeon of the Discovery.

[Footnote 5: Mr Anderson's Journal seems to have been discontinued for about two months before his death; the last date in his MSS. being of the 3d of June.--D.

The Biographia Britannica informs us, that Mr Anderson left his papers to Sir Joseph Banks; but that the Admiralty took possession of the larger part of them, and, for what reason is not mentioned, retained them. Such parts, however, it is said, as related solely to natural history, were delivered by Captain King to the Baronet, who bears testimony "to the excellence of Mr A.'s character, the utility of his observations, and to the great probability, that, if he had survived, he would have given to the world something which would have done him credit." Much of this commendatory opinion might be inferred from what has been published of Mr A.'s labours, which constitute no inconsiderable portion, either in bulk or value, of Captain Cook's communications.--E.]

On the 4th, at three in the afternoon, land was seen, extending from N.N.E. to N.W. We stood on toward it till four o'clock, when, being four or five miles from it, we tacked; and, soon after, the wind falling, we anchored in thirteen fathoms water, over a sandy bottom; being about two leagues from the land, and, by our reckoning, in the latitude of 64° 27', and in the longitude of 194° 18'. At intervals, we could see the coast extending from E. to N.W., and a pretty high island, bearing W. by N. three leagues distant.

The land before us, which we supposed to be the continent of America, appeared low next the sea; but, inland, it swelled into hills, which rise, one behind another, to a considerable height. It had a greenish hue, but seemed destitute of wood, and free from snow. While we lay at anchor, we found that the flood-tide came from the east, and set to the west, till between ten and eleven o'clock. From that time till two the next morning, the stream set to the eastward, and the water fell three feet. The flood ran both stronger and longer than the ebb; from which I concluded, that, besides the ebb, there was a westerly current.

At ten in the morning of the 5th, with the wind at S.W., we ran down, and anchored between the island and the continent, in seven fathoms water. Soon after I landed upon the island, accompanied by Mr King and some others of the officers. I hoped to have had from it a view of the coast and sea to the westward; but the fog was so thick in that direction, that the prospect was not more extensive than from the ship. The coast of the continent seemed to take a turn to the northward, at a low point, named _Point Rodney_, which bore from the island N.W. 1/2 W., three or four leagues distant; but the high land, which took a more northerly direction, was seen a great way farther.

This island, which was named _Sledge Island_, and lies in the latitude of 64° 30', and in the longitude of 193° 57', is about four leagues in circuit. The surface of the ground is composed chiefly of large loose stones, that are, in many places, covered with moss and other vegetables, of which there were above twenty or thirty different sorts, and most of them in flower. But I saw neither shrub nor tree, either upon this island or on the continent. On a small low spot, near the beach where we landed, was a good deal of wild purslain, pease, long-wort, &c.; some of which we took on board for the pot. We saw one fox, a few plovers, and some other small birds; and we met with some decayed huts that were partly built below ground. People had lately been on the island; and it is pretty clear, that they frequently visit it for some purpose or other, as there was a beaten path from the one end to the other. We found, a little way from the shore where we landed, a sledge, which occasioned this name being given to the island, it seemed to be such a one as the Russians in Kamtschatka make use of to convey goods from place to place over the ice or snow. It was ten feet long, twenty inches broad, and had a kind of rail-work on each side, and was shod with bone. The construction of it was admirable, and all the parts neatly put together; some with wooden pins, but mostly with thongs or lashings of whalebone, which made me think it was entirely the workmanship of the natives.

At three o'clock the next morning we weighed, and proceeded to the north-westward, with a light southerly breeze. We had an opportunity to observe the sun's meridian altitude for the latitude; and to get altitudes, both in the forenoon and afternoon, to obtain the longitude by the time-keeper. As we had but little wind, and variable withal, we advanced but slowly; and at eight in the evening, finding the ships settle fast toward the land into shoal water, I anchored in seven fathoms, about two leagues from the coast. Sledge Island bore S., 51° E., ten leagues distant, and was seen over the south point of the main land.

Soon after we had anchored, the weather, which had been misty, clearing up, we saw high land extending from N., 40° E., to N., 30° W., apparently disjoined from the coast, under which we were at anchor, which seemed to trend away N.E. At the same time, an island was seen bearing N., 81° W., eight or nine leagues distant. It appeared to have no great extent, and was named _King's Island_. We rode here till eight o'clock next morning, when we weighed, and stood to the N.W. The weather clearing up toward the evening, we got sight of the N.W. land, extending from N. by W. to N.W. by N., distant about three leagues. We spent the night making short boards, the weather being misty and rainy, with little wind; and, between four and five of the morning of the 8th, we had again a sight of the N.W. land; and soon after, on account of a calm, and a current driving us toward the shore, we found it necessary to anchor in twelve fathoms water, about two miles from the coast. Over the western extreme is an elevated peaked hill, situated in latitude 65° 36', and in longitude 192° 18'. A breeze at N.E. springing up at eight o'clock, we weighed, and stood to the S.E., in hopes of finding a passage between the coast on which we had anchored on the 6th in the evening, and this N.W. land. But we soon got into seven fathoms water, and discovered low land connecting the two coasts, and the high land behind it.

Being now satisfied that the whole was a continued coast, I tacked, and stood away for its N.W. part, and came to an anchor under it in seventeen fathoms water. The weather at this time was very thick with rain; but at four next morning it cleared up, so that we could see the land about us. A high steep rock or island bore W. by S.; another island to the N. of it; and much larger, bore W. by N.; the peaked hill above mentioned S.E. by E.; and the point under it, S., 32° E. Under this hill lies some low land, stretching out towards the N.W., the extreme point of which bore N.E. by E., about three miles distant. Over and beyond it some high land was seen, supposed to be a continuation of the continent.

This point of land, which I named _Cape Prince of Wales_, is the more remarkable, by being the western extremity of all America hitherto known. It is situated in the latitude of 65° 45', and in the longitude of 191° 45'. The observations by which both were determined, though made in sight of it, were liable to some small error, on account of the haziness of the weather. We thought we saw some people upon the coast; and probably we were not mistaken, as some elevations, like stages, and others like huts, were seen at the same place. We saw the same things on the continent within Sledge Island, and on some other parts of the coast.

It was calm till eight o'clock in the morning, when a faint breeze at north springing up, we weighed. But we had scarcely got our sails set, when it began to blow and rain very hard, with misty weather. The wind and current being in contrary directions, raised such a sea that it frequently broke into the ship. We had a few minutes sunshine at noon; and from the observation then obtained, we fixed the above-mentioned latitude.

Having plied to windward till two in the afternoon, with little effect, I bore up for the island we had seen to the westward, proposing to come to an anchor under it till the gale should cease. But on getting to this land, we found it composed of two small islands, each not above three or four leagues in circuit, and consequently they could afford us little shelter. Instead of anchoring, therefore, we continued to stretch to the westward; and at eight o'clock, land was seen in that direction, extending from N.N.W. to W. by S., the nearest part six leagues distant. I stood on till ten, and then made a board to the eastward, in order to spend the night.

At day-break in the morning of the 10th, we resumed our course to the west for the land we had seen the preceding evening. At eleven minutes after seven, when the longitude, by the time-keeper, was 189° 24', it extended from S. 72° W. to N. 41° E. Between the S.W. extreme, and a point which bore W., two leagues distant, the shore forms a large bay, in which we anchored at ten o'clock in the forenoon, about two miles from the north shore, in ten fathoms water, over a gravelly bottom. The south part of the bay bore S. 58° W., the north point N. 43° E., the bottom of the bay N. 60° W., two or three leagues distant, and. the two islands we had passed the preceding day, N. 72° E., distant fourteen leagues.

SECTION IX.

_Behaviour of the Natives, the Tschutski, on seeing the Ships.--Interview with some of them.--Their Weapons.--Persons.--Ornaments.--Clothing.--Winter and Summer Habitations.--The Ships cross the Strait, to the Coast of America.--Progress Northward.--Cape Mulgrave.--Appearance of Fields of Ice.--Situation of Icy Cape.--The Sea blocked up with Ice.--Sea-horses killed, and used as Provisions.--These Animals described.--Dimensions of one of them.--Cape Lisburne.--Fruitless Attempt to get through the Ice at a Distance from the Coast.--Observations on the Formation of thin Ice.--Arrival on the Coast of Asia.--Cape North.--The Prosecution of the Voyage deferred to the ensuing Year._

As we were standing into this bay, we perceived on the north shore a village, and some people, whom the sight of the ships seemed to have thrown into confusion or fear. We could plainly see persons running up the country with burdens upon their backs. At these habitations I proposed to land; and accordingly went with three armed boats, accompanied by some of the officers. About thirty or forty men, each armed with a spontoon, a bow, and arrows, stood drawn up on a rising ground close by the village. As we drew near, three of them came down toward the shore, and were so polite as to take off their caps, and to make us low bows. We returned the civility; but this did not inspire them with sufficient confidence to wait for our landing, for the moment we put the boats ashore, they retired. I followed them alone, without any thing in my hand; and by signs and gestures prevailed on them to stop, and to receive some trifling presents. In return for these they gave me two fox-skins, and a couple of sea-horse teeth. I cannot say whether they or I made the first present; for it appeared to me that they had brought down with them these things for this very purpose, and that they would have given them to me, even though I had made no return.

They seemed very fearful and cautious, expressing their desire by signs, that no more of our people should be permitted to come up. On my laying my hand on the shoulder of one of them, he started back several paces. In proportion as I advanced, they retreated backward, always in the attitude of being ready to make use of their spears, while those on the rising ground stood ready to support them with their arrows. Insensibly, myself and two or three of my companions, got in amongst them. A few beads distributed to those about us, soon created a kind of confidence, so that they were not alarmed when a few more of our people joined us, and, by degrees, a sort of traffic between us commenced. In exchange for knives, beads, tobacco, and other articles, they gave us some of their clothing, and a few arrows. But nothing that we had to offer could induce them to part with a spear or a bow. These they held in constant readiness, never once quitting them, except at one time, when four or five persons laid theirs down, while they gave us a song and a dance. And even then, they placed them in such a manner, that they could lay hold of them in an instant, and, for their security, they desired us to sit down.

The arrows were pointed either with bone or stone, but very few of them had barbs, and some had a round blunt point. What use these may be applied to I cannot say, unless it be to kill small animals, without damaging the skin. The bows were such as we had seen on the American coast, and like those that were used by the Esquimaux. The spears, or spontoons, were of iron or steel; and of European or Asiatic workmanship, in which no little pains had been taken to ornament them with carving, and inlayings of brass, and of a white metal. Those who stood ready with bows and arrows in their hands, had the spear slung over their right shoulder by a leathern strap. A leathern quiver, slung over their left shoulder, contained arrows; and some of these quivers were extremely beautiful, being made of red leather, on which was very neat embroidery, and other ornaments.

Several other things, and in particular their clothing, shewed that they were possessed of a degree of ingenuity, far surpassing what one could expect to find amongst so northern a people. All the Americans we had seen since our arrival on that coast, were rather low of stature, with round chubby faces, and high cheek-bones. The people we now were amongst, far from resembling them, had long visages, and were stout and well-made. In short, they appeared to be a quite different nation. We saw neither women nor children of either sex, nor any aged, except one man, who was bald-headed, and he was the only one who carried no arms. The others seemed to be picked men, and rather under than above the middle age. The old man had a black mark across his face, which I did not see in any others. All of them had their ears bored, and some had glass beads hanging to them. These were the only fixed ornaments we saw about them, for they wear none to the lips. This is another thing in which they differ from the Americans we had lately seen.

Their clothing consisted of a cap, a frock, a pair of breeches, a pair of boots, and a pair of gloves, all made of leather, or of the skins of deer, dogs, seals, &c. and extremely well dressed, some with the hair or fur on, but others without it. The caps were made to fit the head very close; and besides these caps, which most of them wore, we got from them some hoods, made of skins of dogs, that were large enough to cover both head and shoulders. Their hair seemed to be black; but their heads were either shaved, or the hair cut close off, and none of them wore any beard. Of the few articles which they got from us, knives and tobacco were what they valued most.

We found the village composed both of their summer and their winter habitations. The latter are exactly like a vault, the floor of which is sunk a little below the surface of the earth. One of them which I examined was of an oval form, about twenty feet long, and twelve or more high. The framing was composed of wood and the ribs of whales, disposed in a judicious manner, and bound together with smaller materials of the same sort. Over this framing is laid a covering of strong coarse grass, and that again is covered with earth, so that, on the outside, the house looks like a little hillock, supported by a wall of stone, three or four feet high, which is built round the two sides and one end. At the other end, the earth is raised sloping, to walk up to the entrance, which is by a hole in the top of the roof over that end. The floor was boarded, and under it a kind of cellar, in which I saw nothing but water. And at the end of each house was a vaulted room, which I took to be a store-room. These store-rooms communicated with the house, by a dark passage, and with the open air, by a hole in the roof, which was even with the ground one walked upon; but they cannot be said to be wholly under ground, for one end reached to the edge of the hill, along which they were made, and which was built up with stone. Over it stood a kind of sentry-box, or tower, composed of the large bones of large fish.

The summer huts were pretty large and circular, being brought to a point at the top. The framing was of slight poles and bones, covered with the skins of sea-animals. I examined the inside of one. There was a fire-place just within the door, where lay a few wooden vessels, all very dirty. Their bed-places were close to the side, and took up about half the circuit. Some privacy seemed to be observed; for there were several partitions made with skins. The bed and bedding were of deer-skins, and most of them were dry and clean.

About the habitations were erected several stages, ten or twelve feet high, such as we had observed on some parts of the American coast. They were wholly composed of bones, and seemed intended for drying their fish and skins, which were thus placed beyond the reach of their dogs, of which they had a great many. These dogs are of the fox kind, rather large, and of different colours, with long soft hair like wool. They are, probably, used in drawing their sledges in winter. For sledges they have, as I saw a good many laid up in one of the winter huts. It is also not improbable, that dogs may constitute a part of their food. Several lay dead that had been killed that morning.

The canoes of these people are of the same sort with those of the Northern Americans, some, both of the large and of the small ones, being seen lying in a creek under the village.

By the large fish-bones, and of other sea-animals, it appeared that the sea supplied them with the greatest part of their subsistence. The country appeared to be exceedingly barren, yielding neither tree nor shrub, that we could see. At some distance westward, we observed a ridge of mountains covered with snow that had lately fallen.

At first, we supposed this land to be a part of the island of Alaschka, laid down in Mr Stæhlin's map before-mentioned. But from the figure of the coast, the situation of the opposite shore of America, and from the longitude, we soon began to think that it was, more probably, the country of the Tschutski, or the eastern extremity of Asia, explored by Beering in 1728. But to have admitted this, without farther examination, I must have pronounced Mr Stæhlin's map, and his account of the new northern archipelago, to be either exceedingly erroneous, even in latitude, or else to be a mere fiction; a judgment which I had no right to pass upon a publication so respectably vouched, without producing the clearest proofs.[1]

[Footnote 1: If the account of Beering's voyage had been accurately given, Captain Cook need not have hesitated about the situation or nature of the place he now visited. Captain Billings afterwards anchored in the same bay on his voyage to complete the discoveries of Cook, as related in Mr Coxe's work. Still, however, our acquaintance with this part of Asia is very imperfect. Captain Cook, it may be proper to remark here, had the merit of ascertaining the vicinity of the two continents, which had been but vaguely conjectured before his time.--E.]

After a stay of between two and three hours with these people, we returned to our ships, and soon after, the wind veering to the south, we weighed anchor, stood out of the bay, and steered to the N.E., between the coast and the two islands. The next day, at noon, the former extended from S. 80° W. to N. 84° W., the latter bore S. 40° W., and the peaked mountain, over Cape Prince of Wales, bore S. 36° E., with land extending from it as far as S. 75° E. The latitude of the ship was 66° 5-1/4', the longitude 191° 19', our depth of water twenty-eight fathoms, and our position nearly in the middle of the channel between the two coasts, each being seven leagues distant.

From this station we steered east, in order to get nearer the American coast. In this course the water shoaled gradually, and there being little wind, and all our endeavours to increase our depth tailing, I was obliged at last to drop anchor in six fathoms, the only remedy we had left to prevent the ships driving into less. The nearest part of the western land bore W., twelve leagues distant, the peaked hill over Cape Prince of Wales, S. 16° W., and the northernmost part of the American continent in sight, E.S.E., the nearest part about four leagues distant. After we had anchored, I sent a boat to sound, and the water was found to shoal gradually toward the land. While we lay at anchor, which was from six to nine in the evening, we found little or no current, nor could we perceive that the water either rose or fell.

A breeze of wind springing up at N., we weighed, and stood to the westward, which course soon brought us into deep water, and, during the 12th, we plied to the N., both coasts being in sight, but we kept nearest to that of America.

At four in the afternoon of the 13th, a breeze springing up at S., I steered N.E. by N., till four o'clock next morning, when, seeing no land, we directed our course E. by N., and between nine and ten, land, supposed to be a continuation of the continent, appeared. It extended from E. by S. to E. by N., and soon after we saw more land, bearing N. by E. Coming pretty suddenly into thirteen fathoms water, at two in the afternoon, we made a trip off till four, when we stood in again for the land, which was seen soon after, extending from N. to S.E., the nearest part three or four leagues distant. The coast here forms a point, named _Point Mulgrave_, which lies in the latitude of 67° 45', and in the longitude of 194° 51'. The land appeared very low next the sea; but, a little back, it rises into hills of a moderate height. The whole was free from snow, and, to appearance, destitute of wood. I now tacked, and bore away N.W. by W., but soon after, thick weather with rain coming on, and the wind increasing, I hauled more to the west.

Next morning, at two o'clock, the wind veered to S.W. by S.; and blew a strong gale, which abated at noon; and the sun shining out, we found ourselves, by observation, in the latitude of 68° 18'. I now steered N.E., till six o'clock the next morning, when I steered two points more easterly. In this run, we met with several sea-horses and flights of birds, some like sand-larks, and others no bigger than hedge-sparrows. Some shags were also seen, so that we judged ourselves to be not far from land. But as we had a thick fog, we could not expect to see any; and, as the wind blew strong, it was not prudent to continue a course which was most likely to bring us to it. From the noon of this day, to six o'clock in the morning of the following, I steered E. by N., which course brought us into sixteen fathoms water. I now steered N.E. by E., thinking, by this course, to deepen our water. But, in the space of six leagues, it shoaled to eleven fathoms, which made me think it proper to haul close to the wind that now blew at west. Toward noon, both sun and moon were seen clearly at intervals, and we got some flying observations for the longitude, which, reduced to noon, when the latitude was 70° 33', gave 197° 41'. The time-keeper, for the same time, gave 198°, and the variation was 35° 1' 22" E. We had, afterward, reason to believe, that the observed longitude was within a very few miles of the truth.

Some time before noon, we perceived a brightness in the northern horizon, like that reflected from ice, commonly called the blink. It was little noticed, from a supposition that it was improbable we should meet with ice so soon. And yet the sharpness of the air, and gloominess of the weather, for two or three days past, seemed to indicate some sudden change. About an hour after, the sight of a large field of ice, left us no longer in doubt about the cause of the brightness of the horizon. At half-past two, we tacked, close to the edge of the ice, in twenty-two fathoms water, being then in the latitude of 70° 41', not being able to stand on any farther. For the ice was quite impenetrable, and extended from W. by N. to E. by N. as far as the eye could reach. Here were abundance of sea-horses, some in the water, but far more upon the ice. I had thoughts of hoisting out the boats to kill some, but the wind freshening, I gave up the design, and continued to ply to the southward, or rather to the westward, for the wind came from that quarter.

We gained nothing; for, on the 18th at noon, our latitude was 70° 44', and we were near five leagues farther to the eastward. We were, at this time, close to the edge of the ice, which was as compact as a wall, and seemed to be ten or twelve feet high at least. But, farther north, it appeared much higher. Its surface was extremely rugged; and here and there, we saw upon it pools of water.

We now stood to the southward; and, after running six leagues, shoaled the water to seven fathoms, but it soon deepened to nine fathoms. At this time, the weather, which had been hazy, clearing up a little, we saw land extending from S. to S.E. by E., about three or four miles distant. The eastern extreme forms a point, which was much encumbered with ice, for which reason it obtained the name of _Icy Cape_. Its latitude is 70° 29', and its longitude 198° 20'. The other extreme of the land was lost in the horizon, so that there can be no doubt of its being a continuation of the American continent. The Discovery being about a mile astern, and to leeward, found less water than we did, and tacking on that account, I was obliged to tack also, to prevent separation.

Our situation was now more and more critical. We were in shoal water, upon a lee-shore, and the main body of the ice to windward, driving down upon us. It was evident, that if we remained much longer between it and the land, it would force us ashore, unless it should happen to take the ground before us. It seemed nearly to join the land to leeward; and the only direction that was open, was to the S.W. After making a short board to the northward, I made the signal for the Discovery to tack, and tacked myself at the same time. The wind proved rather favourable, so that we lay up S.W. and S.W. by W.

At eight in the morning of the 19th, the wind veering back to W., I tacked to the northward, and, at noon, the latitude was 70° 6', and the longitude 195° 42'. In this situation, we had a good deal of drift-ice about us; and the main ice was about two leagues to the N. At half-past one, we got in with the edge of it. It was not so compact as that which we had seen to the northward; but it was too close, and in too large pieces, to attempt forcing the ships through it. On the ice lay a prodigious number of sea-horses; and, as we were in want of fresh provisions, the boats from each ship were sent to get some.

By seven o'clock in the evening, we had received, on board the Resolution, nine of these animals, which, till now, we had supposed to be sea-cows; so that we were not a little disappointed, especially some of the seamen, who, for the novelty of the thing, had been feasting their eyes for some days past. Nor would they have been disappointed now, nor have known the difference, if we had not happened to have one or two on board, who had been in Greenland, and declared what animals these were, and that no one ever eat of them. But, notwithstanding this, we lived upon them as long as they lasted; and there were few on board who did not prefer them to our salt meat.

The fat; at first, is as sweet as marrow; but in a few days it grows rancid, unless it be salted, in which state it will keep much longer. The lean flesh is coarse, black, and has rather a strong taste; and the heart is nearly as well tasted as that of a bullock. The fat, when melted, yields a good deal of oil, which burns very well in lamps; and their hides, which are very thick, were very useful about our rigging. The teeth or tusks of most of them were, at this time, very small; even some of the largest and oldest of these animals had them not exceeding six inches in length. From this we concluded, that they had lately shed their old teeth.

They lie, in herds of many hundreds, upon the ice, huddling one over the other like swine, and roar or bray very loud, so that, in the night or in foggy weather, they gave us notice of the vicinity of the ice before we could see it. We never found the whole herd asleep, some being always upon the watch. These, on the approach of the boat, would wake those next to them, and the alarm being thus gradually communicated, the whole herd would be awake presently. But they were seldom in a hurry to get away, till after they had once been fired at. Then they would tumble one over the other, into the sea, in the utmost confusion. And if we did not, at the first discharge, kill those we fired at, we generally lost them, though mortally wounded. They did not appear to us to be that dangerous animal some authors have described, not even when attacked. They are rather more so to appearance than in reality. Vast numbers of them would follow, and come close up to the boats. But the flash of a musket in the pan, or even the bare pointing of one at them, would send them down in an instant. The female will defend the young one to the very last, and at the expense of her own life, whether in the water, or upon the ice. Nor will the young one quit the dam, though she be dead; so that, if you kill one, you are sure of the other. The dam, when in the water, holds the young one between her fore-fins.

Mr Pennant, in his _Synopsis Quadr._ p. 835,[2] has given a very good description of this animal under the name of _Arctic Walrus_, but I have no where seen a good drawing of one. Why they should be called sea-horses is hard to say, unless the word be a corruption of the Russian name _Morse_, for they have not the least resemblance of a horse. This is, without doubt, the same animal that is found in the Gulf of St Laurence, and there called Sea-cow. It is certainly more like a cow than a horse; but this likeness consists in nothing but the snout. In short, it is an animal like a seal, but incomparably larger. The dimensions and weight of one, which was none of the largest, were as follows:--

Feet. Inches.

Length from the snout to the tail 9 4 Length of the neck, from the snout to the shoulder-bone 2 6 Height of the shoulder 5 0

Length of the fins { Fore 2 4 { Hind 2 6

Breadth of the fins { Fore 1 2-1/2 { Hind 2 0

Snout { Breadth 0 5-1/2 { Depth 1 3

Circumference of the neck close to the ears 2 7 Circumference of the body at the shoulder 7 10 Circumference near the hind fins 5 6 From the snout to the eyes 0 7

lbs. Weight of the carcase, without the head, skin, or entrails 854 Head 41-1/2 Skin 205

[Footnote 2: Mr Pennant, since Captain Cook wrote this, has described this animal in a work which he calls Arctic Zoology. We refer the reader to N° 72. of that work.--D.]

I could not find out what these animals feed upon. There was nothing in the maws of those we killed.

It is worth observing, that for some days before this date, we had frequently seen flocks of ducks flying to the southward. They were of two sorts, the one much larger than the other, the largest were of a brown colour; and, of the small sort, either the duck or drake was black and white, and the other brown. Some said they saw geese also. Does not this indicate that there must be land to the north, where these birds find shelter, in the proper season, to breed, and from whence they were now returning to a warmer climate?

By the time that we had got our sea-horses on board, we were, in a manner, surrounded with the ice, and had no way left to clear it, but by standing to the southward, which was done till three o'clock next morning, with a gentle breeze westerly, and for the most part, thick, foggy weather. The soundings were from twelve to fifteen fathoms. We then tacked, and stood to the north till ten o'clock, when the wind veering to the northward, we directed our course to the S.W. and W. At two in the afternoon, we fell in with the main ice, along the edge of which we kept, being partly directed by the roaring of the sea-horses, for we had a very thick fog. Thus we continued sailing till near midnight, when we got in amongst the loose ice, and heard the surge of the sea upon the main ice.

The fog being very thick, and the wind easterly, I now hauled to the southward; and, at ten o'clock the next morning, the fog clearing away, we saw the continent of America, extending from S. by E. to E. by S., and at noon, from S.W. 1/2 S. to E., the nearest part five leagues distant. At this time we were in the latitude of 69° 32', and in the longitude of 195° 48'; and as the main ice was at no great distance from us, it is evident that it now covered a part of the sea, which, but a few days before, had been clear, and that it extended farther to the S., than where we first fell in with it. It must not be understood, that I supposed any part of this ice which we had seen to be fixed; on the contrary, I am well assured, that the whole was a moveable mass.

Having but little wind in the afternoon, I sent the master in a boat, to try if there was any current, but he found none. I continued to steer in for the American land, until eight o'clock, in order to get a nearer view of it, and to look for a harbour; but seeing nothing like one, I stood again to the N., with a light breeze westerly. At this time, the coast, extended from S.W. to E., the nearest part four or five leagues distant. The southern extreme seemed to form a point, which was named _Cape Lisburne_. It lies in the latitude of 69° 5', and in the longitude of 194° 42', and appeared to be pretty high land, even down to the sea. But there may be low land under it, which we might not see, being not less than ten leagues distant from it. Every where else, as we advanced northward, we had found a low coast, from which the land rises to a middle height. The coast now before us was without snow, except in one or two places, and had a greenish hue. But we could not perceive any wood upon it.

On the 22d, the wind was southerly, and the weather mostly foggy, with some intervals of sunshine. At eight in the evening it fell calm, which continued till midnight, when we heard the surge of the sea against the ice, and had several loose pieces about us. A light breeze now sprung up at N.E., and as the fog was very thick, I steered to the southward to clear the ice. At eight o'clock next morning, the fog dispersed, and I hauled to the westward. For, finding that I could not get to the north near the coast, on account of the ice, I resolved to try what could be done at a distance from it; and as the wind seemed to be settled at north, I thought it a good opportunity.

As we advanced to the west, the water deepened gradually to twenty-eight fathoms, which was the most we had. With the northerly wind the air was raw, sharp, and cold, and we had fogs, sunshine, showers of snow and sleet, by turns. At ten in the morning of the 26th, we fell in with the ice. At noon, it extended from N.W. to E. by N., and appeared to be thick and compact. At this time, we were, by observation, in the latitude 69° 36', and in the longitude of 184°; so that it now appeared we had no better prospect of getting to the north here, than nearer the shore.

I continued to stand to the westward, till five in the afternoon, when we were in a manner embayed by the ice, which appeared high, and very close in the N.W. and N.E. quarters, with a great deal of loose ice about the edge of the main field. At this time we had baffling light winds, but it soon fixed at S., and increased to a fresh gale, with showers of rain. We got the tack aboard, and stretched to the eastward, this being the only direction in which the sea was clear of ice.

At four in the morning of the 27th, we tacked and stood to the W., and, at seven in the evening, we were close in with the edge of the ice, which lay E.N.E., and W.S.W., as far each way as the eye could reach. Having but little wind, I went with the boats to examine the state of the ice. I found it consisting of loose pieces, of various extent, and so close together, that I could hardly enter the outer edge with a boat; and it was as impossible for the ships to enter it, as if it had been so many rocks. I took particular notice, that it was all pure transparent ice, except the upper surface, which was a little porous. It appeared to be entirely composed of frozen snow, and to have been all formed at sea. For setting aside the improbability, or rather impossibility, of such huge masses floating out of rivers, in which there is hardly water for a boat, none of the productions of the land were found incorporated, or fixed in it, which must have unavoidably been the case, had it been formed in rivers, either great or small. The pieces of ice that formed the outer edge of the field, were from forty or fifty yards in extent, to four or five; and I judged, that the larger pieces reached thirty feet, or more, under the surface of the water. It also appeared to me very improbable, that this ice could have been the production of the preceding winter alone. I should suppose it rather to have been the production of a great many winters. Nor was it less improbable, according to my judgment, that the little that remained of the summer could destroy the tenth part of what now subsisted of this mass, for the sun had already exerted upon it the full influence of his rays. Indeed I am of opinion, that the sun contributes very little toward reducing these great masses. For although that luminary is a considerable while above the horizon, it seldom shines out for more than a few hours at a time, and often is not seen for several days in succession. It is the wind, or rather the waves raised by the wind, that brings down the bulk of these enormous masses, by grinding one piece against another, and by undermining and washing away those parts that lie exposed to the surge of the sea. This was evident, from our observing, that the upper surface of many pieces had been partly washed away, while the base or under part remained firm for several fathoms round that which appeared above water, exactly like a shoal round an elevated rock. We measured the depth of water upon one, and found it to be fifteen feet, so that the ships might have sailed over it. If I had not measured this depth, I would not have believed that there was a sufficient weight of ice above the surface to have sunk the other so much below it. Thus it may happen, that more ice is destroyed in one stormy season, than is formed in several winters, and an endless accumulation is prevented. But that there is always a remaining store, every one who has been upon the spot will conclude, and none but closet-studying philosophers will dispute.[3]

[Footnote 3: These observations of Captain Cook, in addition to some remarks which were formerly given on the subject, seem conclusive against the supposition of such large masses of ice being the product of rivers, as has not unfrequently been maintained. They may, however, have proceeded from land in another way, being occasioned by the consolidation of snow into such masses as were of sufficient weight to separate from the declivities where they had been formed. This undoubtedly may sometimes happen; but the explanation of their origin formerly offered, seems much more entitled to consideration, as a generally operating cause. The last remark which Captain Cook makes, appears to have been levelled at some would-be-wise heads, who had hazarded reflections about the possibility of some time or other finding an open sea in high latitudes. But, however illiberally stated, it is in all probability just, though for a reason unknown to Cook. The chemical reader will perceive we allude to the circumstance of the absorption of heat that takes places during the liquefaction of ice, in consequence of which the temperature of the surrounding atmosphere is reduced so much, as to prevent any more of the ice being dissolved. A contrary operation, as is now well known, takes place during the congelation of water, and heat is evolved. Thus then the cold of winter is moderated. And so, on the whole, the temperature is kept more uniform, than, without such adjustment, would be the case.--E.]

A thick fog, which came on while I was thus employed with the boats, hastened me aboard, rather sooner than I could have wished, with one sea-horse to each ship. We had killed more, but could not wait to bring them with us. The number of these animals, on all the ice that we had seen, is almost incredible. We spent the night standing off and on amongst the drift ice; and at nine o'clock the next morning, the fog having partly dispersed, boats from each ship were sent for sea-horses. For, by this time, our people began to relish them, and those we had procured before were all consumed. At noon, our latitude was 69° 17', our longitude 183°, the variation by the morning azimuths, 25° 56' E., and the depth of water twenty-five fathoms. At two o'clock, having got on board as much marine beef as was thought necessary, and the wind freshening at S.S.E., we took on board the boats, and stretched to the S.W. But not being able to weather the ice upon this tack, or to go through it, we made a board to the east, till eight o'clock, then resumed our course to the S.W., and before midnight were obliged to tack again, on account of the ice. Soon after, the wind shifted to the N.W., blowing a stiff gale, and we stretched to the S.W., close hauled.

In the morning of the 29th, we saw the main ice to the northward, and not long after, land bearing S.W. by W. Presently after this, more land shewed itself, bearing W. It shewed itself in two hills like islands, but afterward the whole appeared connected. As we approached the land, the depth of water decreased very fast; so that at noon, when we tacked, we had only eight fathoms, being three miles from the coast, which extended from S., 30° E., to N., 60° W. This last extreme terminated in a bluff point, being one of the hills above mentioned.

The weather at this time was very hazy, with drizzling rain; but soon after it cleared, especially to the southward, westward, and northward. This enabled us to have a pretty good view of the coast, which, in every respect, is like the opposite one of America; that is, low land next the sea, with elevated land farther back. It was perfectly destitute of wood, and even snow; but was, probably, covered with a mossy substance, that gave it a brownish cast. In the low ground, lying between the high land and the sea, was a lake, extending to the S.E., farther than we could see. As we stood off, the westernmost of the two hills before mentioned came open off the bluff point, in the direction of N.W. It had the appearance of being an island; but it might be joined to the other by low land, though we did not see it. And if so, there is a two-fold point, with a bay between them. This point, which is steep and rocky, was named _Cape North_. Its situation is nearly in the latitude of 68° 56', and in the longitude of 180° 51'. The coast beyond it must take a very westerly direction; for we could see no land to the northward of it, though the horizon was there pretty clear. Being desirous of seeing more of the coast to the westward, we tacked again at two o'clock in the afternoon, thinking we could weather Cape North. But finding we could not, the wind freshening, a thick fog coming on, with much snow, and being fearful of the ice coming down upon us, I gave up the design I had formed of plying to the westward, and stood off shore again.

The season was now so far advanced, and the time when the frost is expected to set in so near at hand, that I did not think it consistent with prudence, to make any farther attempts to find a passage into the Atlantic this year, in any direction, so little was the prospect of succeeding. My attention was now directed toward finding out some place where we might supply ourselves with wood and water; and the object uppermost in my thoughts was, how I should spend the winter, so as to make some improvements in geography and navigation, and, at the same time, be in a condition to return to the north, in farther search of a passage, the ensuing summer.

SECTION X.

_Return from Cape North, along the Coast of Asia.--Views of the Country.--Burner's Island.--Cape Serdze Kamen, the Northern Limit of Beering's Voyage.--Pass the East Cape of Asia.--Description and Situation of it.--Observations on Muller.--The Tschutski.--Bay of Saint Laurence.--Two other Bays, and Habitations of the Natives.--Beering's Cape Tschukotskoi.--Beering's Position of this Coast accurate.--Island of Saint Laurence.--Pass to the American Coast.--Cape Darby.--Bald Head.--Cape Denbigh, on a Peninsula.--Besborough Island.--Wood and Water procured.--Visits from the Natives.--Their Persons and Habitations.--Produce of the Country.--Marks that the Peninsula had formerly been surrounded by the Sea.--Lieutenant King's Report.--Norton Sound.--Lunar Observations there.--Stæhlin's Map proved to be erroneous,--Plan of future Operations._

After having stood off till we got into eighteen fathoms water, I bore up to the eastward, along the coast, which, by this time; it was pretty certain, could only be the continent of Asia. As the wind blew fresh, with a very heavy fall of snow, and a thick mist, it was necessary to proceed with great caution. I therefore brought-to for a few hours in the night.

At day-break, on the 30th, we made sail, and steered such a course as I thought would bring us in with the land, being in a great measure guided by the lead. For the weather was as thick as ever, and it snowed incessantly. At ten, we got sight of the coast, bearing S.W., four miles distant; and presently after, having shoaled the water to seven fathoms, we hauled off. At this time, a very low point, or spit, bore S.S.W., two or three miles distant; to the E. of which there appeared to be a narrow channel, leading into some water that we saw over the point. Probably the lake before mentioned communicates here with the sea.

At noon, the mist dispersing for a short interval, we had a tolerably good view of the coast, which extended from S.E. to N.W. by W. Some parts appeared higher than others; but in general it was very low, with high land farther up the country. The whole was now covered with snow, which had lately fallen quite down to the sea. I continued to range along the coast at two leagues distance, till ten at night, when we hauled off; but we resumed our course next morning, soon after day-break, when we got sight of the coast again, extending from W. to S.E. by S. At eight, the eastern part bore S., and proved to be an island, which at noon bore S.W. 1/2 S., four or five miles distant. It is about four or five miles in circuit, of a middling height, with a steep, rocky coast, situated about three leagues from the main, in the latitude of 67° 45', and distinguished in the chart by the name of _Burney's Island_.

The inland country hereabout is full of hills, some of which are of a considerable height. The land was covered with snow, except a few spots upon the sea-coast, which still continued low, but less so than farther westward. For the two preceding days, the mean height of the mercury in the thermometer had been very little above the freezing point, and often below it; so that the water in the vessels upon the deck was frequently covered with a sheet of ice.

I continued to steer S.S.E., nearly in the direction of the coast, till five in the afternoon, when land was seen bearing S., 50° E., which we presently found to be a continuation of the coast, and hauled up for it. Being abreast of the eastern land at ten at night, and in doubts of weathering it, we tacked, and made a board to the westward, till past one the next morning, when we stood again to the east, and found that it was as much as we could do to keep our distance from the coast, the wind being exceedingly unsettled, varying continually from N. to N.E. At half an hour past eight, the eastern extreme above mentioned bore S. by E., six or seven miles distant. At the same time, a head-land appeared in sight, bearing E. by S., 1/2 S.; and, soon after, we could trace the whole coast lying between them, and a small island at some distance from it.

The coast seemed to form several rocky points, connected by a low shore, without the least appearance of a harbour. At some distance from the sea, the low land appeared to swell into a number of hills. The highest of these were covered with snow, and, in other respects, the whole country seemed naked. At seven in the evening, two points of land, at some distance beyond the eastern head, opened off it, in the direction of S., 37° E. I was now well assured, of what I had believed before, that this was the country of the Tschutski, or the N.E. coast of Asia; and that thus far Beering proceeded in 1728; that is, to this head, which Muller says is called _Serdze Kamen_, on account of a rock upon it, shaped like a heart. But I conceive, that Mr Muller's knowledge of the geography of these parts is very imperfect. There are many elevated rocks upon this cape, and possibly some one or other of them may have the shape or a heart. It is a pretty lofty promontory, with a steep rocky cliff facing the sea, and lies in the latitude of 67° 3', and in the longitude of 188° 11'. To the eastward of it, the coast is high and bold; but to the westward it is low, and trends N.N.W., and N.W. by W., which is nearly its direction all the way to Cape North. The soundings are every where the same at the same distance from the shore, which is also the case on the opposite shore of America. The greatest depth we found in ranging along it was twenty-three fathoms. And, in the night, or in foggy weather, the soundings are no bad guide in sailing along either of these shores.

At eight o'clock in the morning of the 2d, the most advanced land to the S.E., bore S., 25° E., and from this point of view had the appearance of being an island. But the thick snow showers, which succeeded one another pretty, fast, and settled upon the land, hid great part of the coast at this time from our sight. Soon after, the sun, whose face we had not seen for near five days, broke out at the intervals between the showers, and, in some measure, freed the coast from the fog, so that we had a sight of it, and found the whole to be connected. The wind still continued at north, the air was cold, and the mercury in the thermometer never rose above 35°, and was sometimes as low as 30°. At noon the observed latitude was 66° 37', Cape Serdze Kamen bore N., 52° W., thirteen leagues distant; the southernmost point of land in sight S., 41° E., the nearest part of the coast two leagues distant, and our depth of water twenty-two fathoms.

We had now fair weather and sunshine, and as we ranged along the coast, at the distance of four miles, we saw several of the inhabitants, and some of their habitations, which looked like little hillocks of earth. In the evening we passed the _Eastern Cape_, or the point above mentioned, from which the coast changes its direction, and trends S.W. It is the same point of land which we had passed on the 11th of August. They who believed implicitly in Mr Stæhlin's map, then thought it the east point of his island Alaschka; but we had, by this time, satisfied ourselves, that it is no other than the eastern promontory of Asia, and probably the proper _Tschukotskoi Noss_, though the promontory, to which Beering gave that name, is farther to the S.W.

Though Mr Muller, in his map of the Russian Discoveries, places the Tschukotskoi Noss nearly in 75° of latitude, and extends it somewhat to the eastward of this cape, it appears to me, that he had no good authority for so doing. Indeed, his own accounts, or rather Deshneff's,[1] of the distance between the Noss, and the river Anadir, cannot be reconciled with this very northerly position. But as I hope to visit these parts again, I shall leave the discussion of this point till then. In the mean time, I must conclude, as Beering did before me, that this is the most eastern point of Asia. It is a peninsula of considerable height, joined to the continent by a very low, and, to appearance, narrow neck of land. It shews a steep rocky clift next the sea, and off the very point are some rocks like spires. It is situated in the latitude of 66° 6', and in the longitude of 190° 22', and is distant from Cape Prince of Wales, on the American coast, thirteen leagues, in the direction of N., 53° W. The land about this promontory is composed of hills and vallies. The former terminate at the sea in steep rocky points, and the latter in low shores. The hills seemed to be naked rocks; but the vallies had a greenish hue, but destitute of tree or shrub.[2]

[Footnote 1: Avec le vent le plus favorable, on peut aller par mer de cette pointe (des Tschukotschis), jusqu' à l'Anadir en trois fois 24 heures; et par terre le chemin ne peut guère etre plus long.--_Muller_, p. 13.--D.]

[Footnote 2: Deshnef's voyage in 1648, is considered the only one previous to this of Cook, in which the north-eastern extremity of Asia was doubled. Some account of it is given in Coxe's work. Others have pretended to this achievement, but there is not evidence to warrant belief of the fact. Beering, indeed, in 1728, got as far north as 67° 18'; but as he immediately returned, and made no progress on the Asiatic coast, he is not entitled to this merit, although the extent of his discovery, as to the separation of the two continents, has procured him the honour of giving a name to the Strait which divides them.--E.]

After passing the cape, I steered S.W. 1/2 W., for the northern point of St Laurence Bay, in which we had anchored on the 10th of last month. We reached it by eight o'clock next morning, and saw some of the inhabitants at the place where I had seen them before, as well as several others on the opposite side of the bay. None of them, however, attempted to come off to us, which seemed a little extraordinary, as the weather was favourable enough; and those whom we had lately visited had no reason, that I know of, to dislike our company. These people must be the Tschutski; a nation that, at the time Mr Muller wrote, the Russians had not been able to conquer. And, from the whole of their conduct with us, it appears that they have not, as yet, brought them under subjection; though it is obvious that they must have a trade with the Russians, either directly, or by means of some neighbouring nation, as we cannot otherwise account for their being in possession of the spontoons, in particular, of which we took notice.

This bay of St Laurence[3] is, at least, five leagues broad at the entrance, and four leagues deep, narrowing towards the bottom, where it appeared to be tolerably well sheltered from the sea-winds, provided there be a sufficient depth of water for ships. I did not wait to examine it, although I was very desirous of finding an harbour in those parts, to which I might resort next spring. But I wanted one where wood might be got, and I knew that none was to be found here. From the south point of this bay, which lies in the latitude of 65° 30', the coast trends W. by S., for about nine leagues, and there forms a deep bay, or river, or else the land there is so low that we could not see it.

[Footnote 3: Captain Cook gives it this name, having anchored in it on St Laurence's day, August 10. It is remarkable, that Beering sailed past this very place on the 10th of August 1728; on which account, the neighbouring island was named by him after the same Saint.--D.

But Dr Douglas seems to err in this observation. At least, according to Mr Coxe's account, it would appear, that it was the island of St Laurence, which we shall immediately find Captain Cook afterwards fell in with, and not the bay so named, which Beering passed on the 10th August. This, however, is a trivial correction, if even the imperfect relation we possess of Beering's progress could prove it to be one.--E.]

At one in the afternoon, in the direction of our course, we saw what was first taken for a rock; but it proved to be a dead whale, which some natives of the Asiatic coast had killed, and were towing ashore. They seemed to conceal themselves behind the fish to avoid being seen by us. This was unnecessary, for we pursued our course, without taking any notice of them.

At day-break on the 4th, I hauled to the N.W., in order to get a nearer view of the inlet seen the preceding day; but the wind, soon after, veering to that direction, I gave up the design; and steered to the southward along the coast, past two bays, each about two leagues deep. The northernmost lies before a hill, which is remarkable by being rounder than any other upon the coast. And there is an island lying before the other. It may be doubted, whether there be a sufficient depth for ships in either of these bays, as we always met with shoal water, when we edged in for the shore. The country here is exceedingly hilly and naked. In several places on the low ground, next the sea, were the dwellings of the natives; and near all of them were erected stages of bones, such as before described. These may be seen at a great distance, on account of their whiteness.

At noon the latitude was 64° 31', and the longitude 188° 45'; the southernmost point of the main in sight bore S., 48° W., and the nearest shore about three or four leagues distant. By this time, the wind had veered again to the N., and blew a gentle breeze. The weather was clear, and the air cold. I did not follow the direction of the coast, as I found that it look a westerly direction toward the Gulf of Anadir, into which I had no inducement to go, but steered to the southward, in order to get a sight of the island of St Laurence, discovered by Beering, which accordingly shewed itself, and at eight o'clock in the evening, it bore S., 20° E., by estimation, eleven leagues distant. At the same time, the southernmost point of the main land bore S., 83° W., distant twelve leagues. I take this to be the point which Beering calls the east point of Suchotski, or _Cape Tschukotskoi_; a name which he gave it, and with propriety, because it was from this part of the coast that the natives came off to him, who called themselves of the nation of Tschutski. I make its latitude to be 64° 13', and its longitude 186° 36'.

In justice to the memory of Beering, I must say, that he has delineated the coast very well, and fixed the latitude and longitude of the points better than could be expected from the methods he had to go by. This judgment is not formed from Mr Muller's account of the voyage, or the chart prefixed to his book; but from Dr Campbell's account of it in his edition of Harris's collection, and a map thereto annexed, which is both more circumstantial and accurate than that of Mr Muller.

The more I was convinced of my being now upon the coast of Asia, the more I was at a loss to reconcile Mr Stæhlin's map of the New Northern Archipelago with my observations; and I had no way to account for the great difference, but by supposing, that I had mistaken some part of what he calls the island of Alaschka for the American continent, and had missed the channel that separates them. Admitting even this, there would still have been a considerable difference. It was with me a matter of some consequence, to clear up this point the present season, that I might have but one object in view the next. And, as these northern isles are represented by him as abounding with wood, I was in hopes, if I should find them, of getting a supply of that article, which we now began to be in great want of on board.

With these views, I steered over for the American coast; and, at five in the afternoon the next day, saw land bearing S. 1/4 E., which we took to be Anderson's Island, or some other land near it, and therefore did not wait to examine it. On the 6th, at four in the morning, we got sight of the American coast near Sledge Island; and at six, the same evening, this island bore N., 6° E., ten leagues distant; and the easternmost land in sight N., 49° E. If any part of what I had supposed to be American coast could possibly be the island of Alaschka, it was that now before us; and in that case, I must have missed the channel between it and the main, by steering to the west, instead of the east, after we first fell in with it. I was not, therefore, at a loss where to go, in order to clear up these doubts.

At eight in the evening of the 7th, we had got close in with the land, Sledge Island bearing N. 85° W., eight or nine leagues distant; and the eastern part of the coast N. 70° E., with high land in the direction of E. by N., seemingly at a great distance beyond the point. At this time we saw a light ashore, and two canoes, filled with people, coming off toward us. I brought-to, that they might have time to come up. But it was to no purpose; for, resisting all the signs of friendship we could exhibit, they kept at the distance of a quarter of a mile; so that we left them, and pursued our course along the coast.

At one in the morning of the 8th, finding the water shoal pretty fast, we dropped anchor in ten fathoms, where we lay until day-light, and then resumed our course along the coast, which we found to trend E., and E. 1/2 S. At seven in the evening, we were abreast of a point, lying in the latitude of 64° 21', and in the longitude of 197°, beyond which the coast takes a more northerly direction. At eight, this point, which obtained the name of _Cape Darby_, bore S. 62° W.; the northernmost land in sight, N. 32° E., and the nearest shore three miles distant. In this situation we anchored in thirteen fathoms water, over a muddy bottom.

Next morning, at day-break, we weighed, and sailed along the coast. Two islands, as we supposed them to be, were at that time seen, the one bearing S. 70° E., and the other E. Soon after, we found ourselves upon a coast covered with wood; an agreeable sight, to which of late we had not been accustomed. As we advanced to the north, we raised land in the direction of N.E. 1/2 N., which proved to be a continuation of the coast we were upon. We also saw high land over the islands, seemingly at a good distance beyond them. This was thought to be the continent, and the other land the island of Alaschka. But it was already doubtful, whether we should find a passage between them; for the water shoaled insensibly as we advanced further to the north. In this situation, two boats were sent to sound before the ships, and I ordered the Discovery to lead, keeping nearly in the mid-channel, between the coast on our larboard, and the northernmost island on our starboard. Thus we proceeded till three in the afternoon, when, having passed the island, we had not more than three fathoms and a half of water, and the Resolution, at one time, brought the mud up from the bottom. More water was not to be found in any part of the channel, for, with the ships and boats, we had tried it from side to side.

I therefore thought it high time to return, especially as the wind was in such a quarter that we must ply back. But what I dreaded most was the wind increasing, and raising the sea into waves, so as to put the ships in danger of striking. At this time, a head-land on the west shore, which is distinguished by the name of _Bald Head_, bore N. by W., one league distant. The coast beyond it extended as far as N.E. by N., where it seemed to end in a point, behind which the coast of the high land, seen over the islands, stretched itself, and some thought they could trace where it joined. On the west side of Bald Head, the shore forms a bay, in the bottom of which is a low beach, where we saw a number of huts or habitations of the natives.

Having continued to ply back all night, by day-break the next morning we had got into six fathoms water. At nine o'clock, being about a league from the west shore, I took two boats, and landed, attended by Mr King, to seek wood and water. We landed where the coast projects out into a bluff head, composed of perpendicular _strata_ of a rock of a dark-blue colour, mixed with quartz and glimmer. There joins to the beach a narrow border of land, now covered with long grass, and where we met with some _angelica_. Beyond this, the ground rises abruptly. At the top of this elevation, we found a heath, abounding with a variety of berries; and further on, the country was level, and thinly covered with small spruce-trees, and birch and willows no bigger than broom-stuff. We observed tracks of deer and foxes on the beach; on which also lay a great quantity of drift-wood, and there was no want of fresh water. I returned on board, with an intention to bring the ships to an anchor here; but the wind then veering to N.E., which blew rather on this shore, I stretched over to the opposite one, in the expectation of finding wood there also, and anchored at eight o'clock in the evening, under the south end of the northernmost island, so we then supposed it to be; but, next morning, we found it to be a peninsula, united to the continent by a low neck of land, on each side of which the coast forms a bay. We plied into the southernmost, and about noon anchored in five fathoms water, over a bottom of mud; the point of the peninsula, which obtained the name of _Cape Denbigh_, bearing N. 68° W., three miles distant.

Several people were seen upon the peninsula, and one man came off in a small canoe. I gave him a knife, and a few beads, with which he seemed well pleased. Having made signs to him to bring us something to eat, he immediately left us, and paddled toward the shore. But meeting another man coming off, who happened to have two dried salmon, he got them from him; and on returning to the ship, would give them to nobody but me. Some of our people thought that he asked for me under the name of _Capitane_; but in this they were probably mistaken. He knew who had given him the knife and beads, but I do not see how he could know that I was the captain. Others of the natives soon after came off, and exchanged a few dry fish, for such trifles as they could get, or we had to give them. They were most desirous of knives, and they had no dislike to tobacco.

After dinner, Lieutenant Gore was sent to the peninsula, to see if wood and water were there to be got, or rather water; for the whole beach round the bay seemed to be covered with drift-wood. At the same time, a boat was sent from each ship, to sound round the bay; and, at three in the afternoon, the wind freshening at N.E., we weighed, in order to work farther in. But it was soon found to be impossible, on account of the shoals, which extended quite round the bay, to the distance of two or three miles from the shore, as the officers, who had been sent to sound, reported. We, therefore, kept standing off and on with the ships, waiting for Mr Gore, who returned about eight o'clock, with the launch laden with wood.

He reported, that there was but little fresh water; and that wood was difficult to be got at, by reason of the boats grounding at some distance from the beach. This being the case, I stood back to the other shore; and, at eight o'clock the next morning, sent all the boats, and a party of men with an officer, to get wood from the place where I had landed two days before. We continued for a while to stand on and off with the ships; but, at length, came to an anchor in one-fourth less than five fathoms, half a league from the coast, the south point of which bore S. 26° W.; and Bald Head, N. 60° E., nine leagues distant. Cape Denbigh bore S. 72° E., twenty-six miles distant; and the island under the east shore, to the southward of Cape Denbigh, named _Besborough Island_, S. 52° E., fifteen leagues distant.

As this was a very open road, and consequently not a safe station, I resolved not to wait to complete water, as that would require some time; but only to supply the ships with wood, and then to go in search of a more convenient place for the other article. We took off the drift-wood that lay upon the beach; and as the wind blew along shore, the boats could sail both ways, which enabled us to make great dispatch.

In the afternoon, I went ashore, and walked a little into the country, which, where there was no wood, was covered with heath and other plants, some of which produce berries in abundance. All the berries were ripe, the hurtle-berries too much so, and hardly a single plant was in flower. The underwood, such as birch, willows, and alders, rendered it very troublesome walking amongst the trees, which were all spruce, and none of them above six or eight inches in diameter. But we found some lying upon the beach more than twice this size. All the drift-wood in these northern parts was fir. I saw not a stick of any other sort.

Next day, a family of the natives came near to the place where we were taking off wood. I know not how many there were at first; but I saw only the husband, the wife, and their child; and a fourth person who bore the human shape, and that was all; for he was the most deformed cripple I had ever seen or heard of. The other man was almost blind; and neither he nor his wife were such good-looking people as we had sometimes seen amongst the natives of this coast. The under-lips of both were bored; and they had in their possession some such glass-beads as I had met with before amongst their neighbours. But iron was their beloved article. For four knives, which we had made out of an old iron hoop, I got from them near four hundred pounds weight of fish, which they had caught on this or the preceding day. Some were trout, and the rest were, in size and taste, somewhat between a mullet and a herring. I gave the child, who was a girl, a few beads; on which the mother burst into tears, then the father, then the cripple, and at last, to complete the concert, the girl herself. But this music continued not long.[4] Before night, we had got the ships, amply supplied with wood; and had carried on board about twelve tons of water to each.

[Footnote 4: Captain King has communicated the following account of an interview with the same family: "On the 12th, while I attended the wooding party, a canoe, full of natives, approached us; and, beckoning them to land, an elderly man and woman came on shore. I gave the woman a small knife, making her understand, that I would give, her a much larger one for some fish. She made signs to me to follow her. I had proceeded with them about a mile, when the man, in crossing a stony beach, fell down, and cut his foot very much. This made me stop; upon which the woman pointed to the man's eyes, which, I observed, were covered with a thick, white film. He afterward kept close to his wife, who apprised him of the obstacles in his way. The woman had a little child on her back, covered with the hood of her jacket; and which I took for a bundle till I heard it cry. At about two miles distant we came to their open skin boat, which was turned on its side, the convex part towards the wind, and served for their house. I was now made to perform a singular operation on the man's eyes. First, I was directed to hold my breath; afterwards, to breathe on the diseased eyes; and, next, to spit on them. The woman then took both my hands, and pressing them to his stomach, held them there for some time, while she related some calamitous history of her family; pointing sometimes to her husband, sometimes to a frightful cripple belonging to the family, and sometimes to her child. I purchased all the fish they had, consisting of very fine salmon, salmon-trout, and mullet; which were delivered most faithfully to the man I sent for them. The man was about five feet two inches high, and well made; his colour of a light copper; his hair black and short, and with little beard. He had two holes in his under-lip, but no ornaments in them. The woman was short and squat, with a plump round face; wore a deer-skin jacket, with a large hood, and had on wide boots. The teeth of both were black, and seemed as if they had been filed down level with the gums. The woman was punctured from the lip to the chin."--D.]

On the 14th, a party of men were sent on shore to cut brooms, which we were in want of, and the branches of spruce trees for brewing beer. Toward noon, every body was taken on board; for the wind freshening, had raised such a surf on the beach, that the boats could not continue to land without great difficulty. Some doubts being still entertained, whether the coast we were now upon belonged to an island or the American continent; and the shallowness of the water putting it out of our power to determine this with our ships, I sent Lieutenant King, with two boats under his command, to make such searches as might leave no room for a variety of opinions on the subject.[5] Next day, the ships removed over to the bay, which is on the S.E. side of Cape Denbigh, where we anchored in the afternoon. Soon after, a few of the natives came off in their small canoes, and bartered some dried salmon for such trifles as our people had to give them.

[Footnote 5: Captain King has been so good as to communicate his instructions on this occasion, and the particulars of the fatigue he underwent, in carrying them into execution:

"You are to proceed to the northward as far as the extreme point we saw on Wednesday last, or a little further, if you think it necessary; land there, and endeavour, from the heights, to discover whether the land you are then upon, supposed to be the island of Alaschka, is really an island, or joins to the land on the east, supposed to be the continent of America. If the former, you are to satisfy yourself with the depth of water in the channel between them, and which way the flood-tide comes. But if you find the two lands connected, lose no time in sounding; but make the best of your way back to the ship, which you will find at anchor near the point of land we anchored under on Friday last. If you perceive any likelihood of a change of weather for the worse, you are, in that case, to return to the ship, although you have not performed the service you are sent upon; and, at any rate, you are not to remain longer upon it than four or five days; but the sooner it is done the better. If any unforeseen or unavoidable accident should force the ships off the coast, so that they cannot return at a reasonable time, the rendezvous is at the harbour of Samganoodha; that is, the place where we last completed our water.

"JAMES COOK."

"_To Lieutenant King_."

"Our cutter being hoisted out, and the signal made for the Discovery's, at eight o'clock at night on the 14th, we set out. It was a little unlucky that the boats' crews had been much fatigued during the whole day in bringing things from the shore. They pulled stoutly, without rest or intermission, toward the land, till one o'clock in the morning of the 15th. I wanted much to have gone close to it, to have had the advantage of the wind, which had, very regularly in the evening, blown from the land, and in the day-time down the Sound, from the N.N.E., and was contrary to our course; but the men were at this time too much fatigued to press them farther. We, therefore, set our sails, and stood across the bay, which the coast forms to the west of Baldhead, and steered for it. But, as I expected, by three o'clock, the wind headed us; and, as it was in vain to endeavour to fetch Baldhead with our sails, we again took to the oars. The Discovery's boat, (being a heavy king's-built cutter, while ours was one from Deal,) had, in the night-time, detained us very much, and now we soon pulled out of sight of her; nor would I wait, being in great hopes to reach the extreme point that was in sight time enough to ascend the heights before dark, as the weather was at this time remarkably clear and fine, and we could see to a great distance. By two o'clock we had got within two miles of Baldhead, under the lee of the high land, and in smooth water; but, at the moment our object was nearly attained, all the men but two were so overcome with fatigue and sleep, that my utmost endeavours to make them put on were ineffectual. They at length dropped their oars, quite exhausted, and fell asleep in the bottom of the boat. Indeed, considering that they had set out fatigued, and had now been sixteen hours out of the eighteen since they left the ship, pulling in a poppling sea, it was no wonder that their strength and spirits should be worn out for want of sleep and refreshments. The two gentlemen who were with me and myself, were now obliged to lay hold of the oars; and, by a little after three, we landed between the Baldhead and a projecting point to the eastward."--D.]

At day-break, on the 16th, nine men, each in his canoe, paid us a visit. They approached the ship with some caution; and evidently came with no other view than to gratify their curiosity. They drew up abreast of each other, under our stern, and gave us a song; while one of their number beat upon a kind of drum, and another made a thousand antic motions with his hands and body. There was, however, nothing savage either in the song or in the gestures that accompanied it. None of us could perceive any difference between these people, either as to their size or features, and those whom we had met with on every other part of the coast, King George's Sound excepted. Their clothing, which consisted principally of deer-skins, was made after the same fashion; and they observed the custom of boring their under-lips, and fixing ornaments to them.

The dwellings of these people were seated close to the beach. They consist simply of a sloping roof, without any side-walls, composed of logs, and covered with grass and earth. The floor is also laid with logs; the entrance is at one end; the fire-place just within it, and a small hole is made near the door to let out the smoke.

After breakfast, a party of men were sent to the peninsula for brooms and spruce. At the same time, half the remainder of the people in each ship had leave to go and pick berries. These returned on board at noon, when the other half went on the same errand. The berries to be got here were wild currant-berries, hurtle-berries, partridge-berries, and heath-berries. I also went ashore myself, and walked over part of the peninsula. In several places there was very good grass; and I hardly saw a spot on which some vegetable was not growing. The low land which connects this peninsula with the continent is full of narrow creeks; and abounds with ponds of water, some of which were already frozen over. There were a great many geese and bustards; but so shy, that it was not possible to get within musket-shot of them. We also met with some snipes, and on the high ground were partridges of two sorts. Where there was any wood, musquitoes were in plenty. Some of the officers, who travelled farther than I did, met with a few of the natives of both sexes, who treated them with civility.

It appeared to me, that this peninsula must have been an island in remote times; for there were marks of the sea having flowed over the isthmus. And even now, it appeared to be kept out by a bank of sand, stones, and wood, thrown up by the waves. By this bank, it was evident, that the land was here encroaching upon the sea, and it was easy to trace its gradual formation.

About seven, in the evening, Mr King returned from his expedition; and reported, that he proceeded with the boats about three or four leagues farther than the ships had been able to go; that he then landed on the west side; that, from the heights, he could see the two coasts join, and the inlet to terminate in a small river or creek, before which were banks of sand or mud; and every where shoal water. The land, too, was low and swampy for some distance to the northward; then it swelled into hills; and the complete junction of those, on each side of the inlet, was easily traced.

From the elevated spot on which Mr King surveyed the Sound, he could distinguish many extensive valleys, with rivers running through them, well wooded, and bounded by hills of a gentle ascent and moderate height. One of these rivers to the N.W. appeared to be considerable; and from its direction, he was inclined to think, that it emptied itself into the sea at the head of the bay. Some of his people, who penetrated beyond this into the country, found the trees larger the farther they advanced.[6]

[Footnote 6: Here Mr Arrowsmith's map is to be preferred, as accurately following the description Captain King has given. Several names are omitted by Mr Coxe, and his delineation of the coast is rather unsatisfactory.--E.]

In honour of Sir Fletcher Norton,[7] Speaker of the House of Commons, and Mr King's nearest relation, I named this inlet _Norton Sound_. It extends to the northward as far as the latitude of 64° 55'. The bay, in which we were now at anchor, lies on the S.E. side of it; and is called by the natives _Chacktoole_. It is but an indifferent station, being exposed to the south and south-west winds. Nor is there a harbour in all this Sound. But we were so fortunate as to have the wind from the N. and N.E. all the time, with remarkable fine weather. This gave us an opportunity to make no less than seventy-seven sets of lunar observations between the 6th and 7th inclusive. The mean result of these made the longitude of the anchoring-place, on the west side of the Sound, to be

197° 13' Latitude 64 31 Variation of the compass 25 45 east. Dip of the needle 76 25

[Footnote 7: Afterwards Lord Grantley.]

Of the tides, it was observed, that the night-flood rose about two or three feet, and that the day-flood was hardly perceivable.

Having now fully satisfied myself, that Mr Stæhlin's map must be erroneous; and having restored the American continent to that space which he had occupied with his imaginary island of Alaschka, it was high time to think of leaving these northern regions, add to retire to some place during the winter, where I might procure refreshments for my people, and a small supply of provisions. Petropaulowska, or the harbour of St Peter and St Paul, in Kamtschatka, did not appear likely to furnish either the one or the other for so large a number of men. I had, besides, other reasons for not repairing thither at this time. The first, and on which all the others depended, was the great dislike I had to lie inactive for six or seven months; which would have been the necessary consequence of wintering in any of these northern parts. No place was so conveniently within our reach, where we could expect to have our wants relieved, as the Sandwich Islands. To them, therefore, I determined to proceed. But, before this could be carried into execution, a supply of water was necessary. With this view I resolved to search the American coast for a harbour, by proceeding along it to the southward, and thus endeavour to connect the survey of this part of it with that lying immediately to the north of Cape Newenham. If I failed in finding a harbour there my plan was then to proceed to Samganoodha, which was fixed upon as our place of rendezvous, in case of separation.

SECTION XI.

_Discoveries after leaving Norton Sound.--Stuart's Island.--Cape Stephens.--Point Shallow-Water.--Shoals on the American Coast.--Clerke's Island.--Gore's Island.--Pinnacle Island.--Arrival at Oonalashka.--Intercourse with the Natives and Russian Traders.--Charts of the Russian Discoveries, communicated by Mr Ismyloff.--Their Errors pointed out.--Situation of the Islands visited by the Russians.--Account of their Settlement at Oonalashka.--Of the Natives of the Island.--Their Persons.--Dress.--Ornaments.--Food.--Houses and domestic Utensils.--Manufactures.--Manner of producing Fire.--Canoes.--Fishing and Hunting Implements.--Fishes, and Sea Animals.--Sea and Water Fowls, and Land Birds.--Land Animals and Vegetables.--Manner of burying the Dead.--Resemblance of the Natives on this Side of America to the Greenlanders and Esquimaux.--Tides.--Observations for determining the Longitude of Oonalashka._

Having weighed, on the 17th in the morning, with a light breeze at east, we steered to the southward, and attempted to pass within Besborough Island; but though it lies six or seven miles from the continent, were prevented by meeting with shoal water. As we had but little wind all the day, it was dark before we passed the island; and the night was spent under an easy sail.

We resumed our course, at day-break on the 18th, along the coast. At noon, we had no more than five fathoms water. At this time the latitude was 63° 37'. Besborough, Island now bore N., 42° E.; the southernmost land in sight, which proved also to be an island, S., 66° W.; the passage between it and the main S., 40° W.; and the nearest land about two miles distant. I continued to steer for this passage, until the boats, which were ahead, made the signal for having no more than three fathoms water. On this we hauled without the island; and made the signal for the Resolution's boat to keep between the ships and the shore.

This island, which obtained the name of _Stuart's Island_, lies in the latitude of 63° 35', and seventeen leagues from. Cape Denbigh, in the direction of S., 27° W. It is six or seven leagues in circuit. Some parts of it are of a middling height; but, in general, it is low; with some rocks lying off the western part. The coast of the continent is, for the most part, low land; but we saw high land up the country. It forms a point, opposite the island, which was named _Cape Stephens_, and lies in latitude 63° 33', and in longitude 197° 41'. Some drift wood was seen upon the shores, both of the island and of the continent; but not a tree was perceived growing upon either. One might anchor, upon occasion, between the N.E. side of this island and the continent, in a depth of five fathoms, sheltered from westerly, southerly, and easterly winds. But this station would be wholly exposed to the northerly winds, the land, in that direction, being at too great distance to afford any security. Before we reached Stuart's Island, we passed two small islands, lying between us and the main; and as we ranged along the coast, several people appeared upon the shore, and, by signs, seemed to invite us to approach them.

As soon as we were without the island, we steered S. by W., for the southernmost point of the continent in sight, till eight o'clock in the evening, when, having shoaled the water from six fathoms to less than four, I tacked, and stood to the northward, into five fathoms, and then spent the night plying off and on. At the time we tacked, the southernmost point of land, the same which is mentioned above, and was named _Point Shallow-Water_, bore S. 1/2 E., seven leagues distant.

We resumed our course to the southward at day-break next morning, but shoal water obliged us to haul more to the westward. At length, we got so far advanced upon the bank, that we could not hold a N.N.W. course, meeting sometimes with only four fathoms. The wind blowing fresh at E.N.E. it was high time to look for deep water, and to quit a coast, upon which we could no longer navigate with any degree of safety. I therefore hauled the wind to the northward, and gradually deepened the water to eight fathoms. At the same time we hauled the wind, we were at least twelve leagues, from the continent, and nine to the westward of Stuart's Island. No land was seen to the southward of Point Shallow-Water, which I judge to lie in the latitude of 63°. So that, between this latitude and Shoal Ness, in latitude 60°, the coast is entirely unexplored. Probably, it is accessible only to boats, or very small vessels; or at least, if there be channels for large vessels, it would require some time to find them; and I am of opinion, that they must be looked for near the coast. From the mast-head, the sea within us appeared to be chequered with shoals; the water was very much discoloured and muddy, and considerably fresher than at any of the places where we had lately anchored. From this I inferred, that a considerable river runs into the sea in this unknown part.[1]

[Footnote 1: Mr Arrowsmith has filled up the coast betwixt the two points now mentioned, and supplied it also with rivers, according to the conjecture of Captain Cook. But it is obvious, that this is not sufficient authority; and therefore, unless better be given, Mr Coxe seems to have done more correctly, in indicating the space by a dotted line, the usual mark of an unexplored region.--E.]

As soon as we got into eight fathoms water, I steered to the westward, and afterward more southerly, for the land discovered on the 5th, which, at noon the next day, bore S.W. by W., ten or eleven leagues distant. At this time we had a fresh gale at north, with showers of hail and snow at intervals, and a pretty high sea; so that we got clear of the shoals but just in time. As I now found that the land before us lay too far to the westward to be Anderson's Island, I named it _Clerke's Island_. It lies in the latitude of 63° 15', and in the longitude of 190° 30'. It seemed to be a pretty large island, in which are four or more hills, all connected by low ground; so that, at a distance, it looks like a group of islands. Near its east part lies a small island, remarkable by having upon it three elevated rocks. Not only the greater island, but this small spot, was inhabited.[2]

[Footnote 2: It is somewhat singular, that neither Arrowsmith nor Coxe mentions Anderson's Island. The former, on additional authority, has marked but one island in the position specified, under the name of Eivoogiena, or Clerke's Island.--E.]

We got up to the northern point of Clerke's Island about six o'clock, and having ranged along its coast till dark, brought-to during the night. At day-break, next morning, we stood in again for the coast, and continued to range along it in search of a harbour till noon; when, seeing no likelihood of succeeding, I left it, and steered S.S.W. for the land which we had discovered on the 29th of July, having a fresh gale at north, with showers of sleet and snow. I remarked, that as soon as we opened the channel which separates the two continents, cloudy weather, with snow showers, immediately commenced; whereas, all the time we were in Norton Sound, we had, with the same wind, clear weather. Might not this be occasioned by the mountains to the north of that place attracting the vapours, and hindering them to proceed any farther?

At day-break, in the morning of the 23d, the land above mentioned appeared in sight, bearing S.W., six or seven leagues distant. From this point of view it resembled a group of islands; but it proved to be but one, of thirty miles in extent, in the direction of N.W. and S.E.; the S.E. end being Cape Upright, already taken notice of. The island is but narrow; especially at the low necks of land that connect the hills. I afterward found, that it was wholly unknown to the Russians; and therefore, considering it as a discovery of our own, I named it _Gore's Island_. It appeared to be barren, and without inhabitants; at least we saw none. Nor did we see so many birds about it as when we first discovered it. But we saw some sea-otters; an animal which we had not met with to the northward of this latitude.[3] Four leagues from Cape Upright, in the direction of S., 72° W., lies a small island, whose elevated summit terminates in several pinnacled rocks. On this account it was named _Pinnacle Island_. At two in the afternoon, after passing Cape Upright, I steered S.E. by S., for Samganoodha, with a gentle breeze at N.N.W., being resolved to spend no more time in searching for a harbour amongst islands, which I now began to suspect had no existence; at least not in the latitude and longitude where modern map-makers have thought proper to place them. In the evening of the 24th, the wind veered to S.W. and S., and increased to a fresh gale.

[Footnote 3: Mr Arrowsmith, as in the case of the island mentioned in the last note, has given the native name to this island, viz. Matwi, retaining also, however, the name of Gore.--E.]

We continued to stretch to the eastward, till eight o'clock in the morning of the 25th, when, in the latitude of 191° 10', we tacked and stood to the west; and soon after, the gale increasing, we were reduced to two courses, and close-reefed main top-sails. Not long after, the Resolution sprung a leak, under the starboard buttock, which filled the spirit-room with water before it was discovered; and it was so considerable as to keep one pump constantly employed. We durst not put the ship upon the other tack for fear of getting upon the shoals that lie to the N.W. of Cape Newenham; but continued standing to the west till six in the evening of the 26th, when we wore and stood to the eastward, and then the leak no longer troubled us. This proved that it was above the water line, which was no small satisfaction. The gale was now over, but the wind remained at S. and S.W. for some days longer.

At length, on the 2d of October, at day-break, we saw the island of Oonalashka, bearing S.E. But as this was to us a new point of view, and the land was obscured by a thick haze, we were not sure of our situation till noon, when the observed latitude determined it. As all harbours were alike to me, provided they were equally safe and convenient, I hauled into a bay, that lies ten miles to the westward of Samganoodha, known by the name of _Egoochshac_; but we found very deep water; so that we were glad to get out again. The natives, many of whom lived here, visited us at different times, bringing with them dried salmon and other fish, which they exchanged with the seamen for tobacco. But, a few days before, every ounce of tobacco that was in the ship had been distributed among them; and the quantity was not half sufficient to answer their demands. Notwithstanding this, so improvident a creature is an English sailor, that they were as profuse in making their bargains, as if we had now arrived at a port in Virginia; by which means, in less than eight and forty hours, the value of this article of barter was lowered above a thousand per cent.

At one o'clock in the afternoon of the 3d, we anchored in Samganoodha harbour; and the next morning the carpenters of both ships were set to work to rip off the sheathing of and under the wale, on the starboard side abaft. Many of the seams were found quite open; so that it was no wonder that so much water had found its way into the ship. While we lay here, we cleared the fish and spirit rooms, and the after-hold; disposing things in such a manner, that in case we should happen to have any more leaks of the same nature, the water might find its way to the pumps. And besides this work, and completing our water, we cleared the fore-hold to the very bottom, and took in a quantity of ballast.

The vegetables which we had met with when we were here before, were now mostly in a state of decay; so that we were but little benefited by the great quantities of berries every where found ashore. In order to avail ourselves as much as possible of this useful refreshment, one third of the people, by turns, had leave to go and pick them. Considerable quantities of them were also procured from the natives. If there were any seeds of the scurvy, in either ship, these berries, and the use of spruce beer, which they had to drink every other day, effectually eradicated them.

We also got plenty of fish; at first mostly salmon, both fresh and dried, which the natives brought us. Some of the fresh salmon was in high perfection; but there was one sort, which we called hook-nosed, from the figure of its head, that was but indifferent. We drew the seine several times, at the head of the bay; and caught a good many salmon-trout, and once a halibut that weighed two hundred and fifty-four pounds. The fishery failing, we had recourse to hooks and lines. A boat was sent out every morning, and seldom returned without eight or ten halibut; which was more than sufficient to serve all our people. The halibut was excellent, and there were few who did not prefer them to salmon. Thus we not only procured a supply of fish for present consumption, but had some to carry with us to sea. This enabled us to make a considerable saving of our provisions, which was an object of no small importance.

On the 8th, I received, by the hands of an Oonalashka man, named Derramoushk, a very singular present, considering the place. It was a rye loaf, or rather a pye made in, the form of a loaf, for it inclosed some salmon, highly seasoned with pepper. This man had the like present for Captain Clerke, and a note for each of us, written in a character which none of us could read. It was natural to suppose, that this present was from some Russians now in our neighbourhood; and therefore we sent, by the same hand, to these our unknown friends, a few bottles of rum, wine, and porter; which we thought would be as acceptable as anything we had besides; and we soon knew that in this we had not been mistaken. I also sent, along with Derramoushk, Corporal Lediard, of the marines, an intelligent man, with orders, that if he met with any Russians, he should endeavour to make them understand that we were English, the friends and allies of their nation.[4]

[Footnote 4: We must be allowed to notice some particulars in the history of this remarkable enough man, well known, it is probable, to most readers, who have been interested in the operations of the African Association, but, perhaps, not immediately recognised in the humble situation of a corporal of marines. Some years after this voyage, viz. in 1786, Lediard, by birth an American, resolved on a pedestrian excursion across his native continent; for which purpose, he, first of all, fixed on travelling to Siberia, whence he expected to be able to obtain a passage to its north-west coast. Sir Joseph Banks, and other gentlemen, favouring his project, subscribed a sum of money, not much exceeding fifty pounds, to enable him to put it into execution. He proceeded to Hamburgh; from thence to Copenhagen; and, as the gulf of Bothnia was not frozen over, actually walked round its shores by the way of Tornea, till he arrived at Petersburgh, in the beginning of March 1787. Here he remained till May, when he obtained permission to go with a convoy of military stores, intended for Captain Billings, formerly his ship-mate in Cook's voyage, and now waiting for it to commence his own examination of the American coast, &c. With this convoy, Lediard, in the month of August, reached Irkutsk, in Siberia, at which place, after having gone to Yakutsk, where he met with Billings, he purposed to remain a part of the winter, till an opportunity occurred of going to Ochotsk, from which his passage to America seemed very practicable. So far, then, he had to congratulate himself on his success. But his enterprise was speedily interrupted, and all his hopes frustrated, by an order from the empress; in consequence of which he was arrested, and, under the guard of an officer and two soldiers, hurried off in a sledge for Moscow, without being suffered to carry with him either his clothes, his money, or his papers. The reason of this extraordinary conduct has not been explained in the communication made by Sir Joseph Banks to the Biographia Britannica, from which we have collected these particulars. We are told, however, that the disappointed adventurer was successively conveyed from Moscow to Moialoff, in White Russia, and Tolochin, in Poland; at which last place, he was informed, that the empress had directed he should never enter her dominions again without her express permission. During the whole of his route, since he had been made a prisoner, he suffered extreme hardship from ill health, fatigue, and mortification. At last he reached Konigsberg; and, to use his own words, in a letter to his patron, after "a miserable journey, in a miserable country, in a miserable season, in miserable health, and with a miserable purse," arrived in England. The ardour of his mind, however, was still entire; and he appeared as ready as ever to engage in any service, however perilous, which promised to gratify his own curiosity, and was recommended by men whose judgment he respected. Accordingly, almost immediately on his return, it was proposed to him to undertake the first speculative excursion which the society alluded to projected. On this occasion it was, as is noticed by the ingenious Mr Forster, in his valuable Essay on Decision of Character, that he surprised the official person, who put the Question to him, "When he would be ready for his African journey?" by instantly answering, "To-morrow!" It may be doubted, if his acquirements were altogether equally well suited to this undertaking, as his undaunted spirit and enterprising disposition. These, indeed, promised interest; and no one could hesitate to believe, that he would zealously employ every faculty he possessed in accomplishing the objects committed to him. It was appointed him to traverse the continent of Africa from east to west, in the latitude of the river Niger. But this he never accomplished; as, on his arrival at Cairo, he was seized with a bilious disorder, which terminated in his death. So much, it seemed but justice to record in this place, of the person now employed by Captain Cook.--E.]

On the 10th, Lediard returned with three Russian seamen, or furriers, who, with some others, resided at Egoochshac, where they had a dwelling-house, some store-houses, and a sloop of about thirty tons burthen. One of these men was either master or mate of this vessel, another of them wrote a very good hand and understood figures, and they were all three well-behaved intelligent men, and very ready to give me all the information I could desire. But for want of an interpreter, we had some difficulty to understand each other. They appeared to have a thorough knowledge of the attempts that had been made by their countrymen to navigate the Frozen Ocean, and of the discoveries which had been made from Kamtschatka, by Beering, Tscherikoff, and Spanberg. But they seemed to know no more of Lieutenant Syndo, or Synd, than his name.[5] Nor had they the least idea what part of the world Mr Stæhlin's map referred to, when it was laid before them. When I pointed out Kamtschatka, and some other known places, upon that map, they asked, whether I had seen the islands there laid down; and on my answering in the negative, one of them put his finger upon a part of this map, where a number of islands are represented, and said, that he had cruized there for land, but never could find any. I then laid before them my own chart, and found that they were strangers to every part of the American coast, except what lies opposite this island. One of these men said, that he had been with Beering in his American voyage, but must then have been very young, for he had not now, at the distance of thirty-seven years, the appearance of being aged. Never was there greater respect paid to the memory of any distinguished person, than by these men to that of Beering.[6] The trade in which they are engaged is very beneficial; and its being undertaken and extended to the eastward of Kamtschatka, was the immediate consequence of the second voyage of that able navigator, whose misfortunes proved to be the source of much private advantage to individuals, and of public utility to the Russian nation. And yet, if his distresses had not accidentally carried him to die in the island which bears his name, and from whence the miserable remnant of his ship's crew brought back sufficient specimens of its valuable furs, probably the Russians never would have undertaken any future voyages, which could lead them to make discoveries in this sea, toward the coast of America. Indeed, after his time, government seems to have paid less attention to this; and we owe what discoveries have been since made, principally to the enterprising spirit of private traders, encouraged, however, by the superintending care of the court of Petersburg. The three Russians having remained with me all night, visited Captain Clerke next morning, and then left us, very well satisfied with the reception they had met with, promising to return in a few days, and to bring with them a chart of the islands lying between Oonalashka and Kamtschatka.

[Footnote 5: See the little that is known of Synd's voyage, accompanied with a chart, in Mr Coxe's Russian Discoveries, p. 300.--D.]

[Footnote 6: This may be considered as a very decisive testimony to the truth of the character given of him in Mr Coxe's publication. We are indebted to the same work for ample evidence in proof of the following remarks of Captain Cook--E.]

On the 14th, in the evening, while Mr Webber and I were at a village at a small distance from Samganoodha, a Russian landed there, who, I found, was the principal person amongst his countrymen in this and the neighbouring islands. His name was Erasim Gregorioff Sin Ismyloff. He arrived in a canoe carrying three persons, attended by twenty or thirty other canoes, each conducted by one man. I took notice, that the first thing they did after landing, was to make a small tent for Ismyloff, of materials which they brought with them, and then they made others for themselves, of their canoes and paddles, which they covered with grass; so that the people of the village were at no trouble to find them lodging. Ismyloff having invited us into his tent, set before us some dried salmon and berries, which, I was satisfied, was the best cheer he had. He appeared to be a sensible intelligent man; and I felt no small mortification in not being able to converse with him, unless by signs, assisted by figures and other characters, which however were a very great help. I desired to see him on board the next day; and accordingly he came, with all his attendants. Indeed, he had moved into our neighbourhood, for the express purpose of waiting upon us.

I was in hopes to have had by him, the chart which his three countrymen had promised, but I was disappointed. However, he assured me I should have it; and he kept his word. I found that he was very well acquainted with the geography of these parts, and with all the discoveries that had been made in them by the Russians. On seeing the modern maps, he at once pointed out their errors. He told me, he had accompanied Lieutenant Syndo, or Synd as he called him, in his expedition to the north; and, according to his account, they did not proceed farther than the Tschukotskoi Noss, or rather than the bay of St Laurence, for he pointed on our chart to the very place where I landed. From thence, he said, they went to an island in latitude 63°, upon which they did not land, nor could he tell me its name. But I should guess it to be the same to which I gave the name of Clerke's Island. To what place Synd went after that, or in what manner he spent the two years, during which, as Ismyloff said, his researches lasted, he either could not or would not inform us. Perhaps he did not comprehend our enquiries about this; and yet, in almost every other thing, we could make him understand us. This created a suspicion, that he had not really been in that expedition, notwithstanding his assertion.

Both Ismyloff and the others affirmed, that they knew nothing of the continent of America to the northward; and that neither Lieutenant Synd, nor any other Russian, had ever seen it. They call it by the same name which Mr Stæhlin gives to his great island, that is Alaschka. Stachtan Nitada, as it is called in the modern maps, is a name quite unknown to these people, natives of the islands as well as Russians; but both, of them know it by the name of America. From what we could gather from Ismyloff and his countrymen, the Russians have made several attempts to get a footing upon that part of this continent that lies contiguous to Oonalashka and the adjoining islands, but have always been repulsed by the natives, whom they describe as a very treacherous people. They mentioned two or three captains, or chief men, who had been murdered by them; and some of the Russians shewed us wounds which, they said, they had received there.

Some other information which we got from Ismyloff is worth recording, whether true or false. He told us, that in the year 1773, an expedition had been made into the Frozen Sea in sledges, over the ice, to three large islands that lie opposite the mouth of the river Kovyma. We were in some doubt, whether he did not mean the same expedition of which Muller gives an account; and yet he wrote down the year, and marked the islands on the chart.[7] But a voyage which he himself had performed, engaged our attention more than any other. He said, that on the 12th of May, 1771, he sailed from Bolscheretzk, in a Russian vessel, to one of the Kuril islands, named Mareekan, in the latitude of 47°, where there is a harbour, and a Russian settlement. From this island, he proceeded to Japan, where be seems to have made but a short stay. For when the Japanese came to know that he and his companions were Christians, they made signs for them to be gone; but did not, so far as we could understand him, offer any insult or force. From Japan, he got to Canton, and from thence to France, in a French ship. From France, he travelled to Petersburgh, and was afterward sent out again to Kamtschatka. What became of the vessel in which he first embarked, we could not learn, nor what was the principal object of the voyage. His not being able to speak one word of French, made this story a little suspicious. He did not even know the name of any one of the most common things that must have been in use every day, while he was on board the ship, and in France. And yet he seemed clear as to the times of his arriving at the different places, and of his leaving them, which he put down in writing.[8]

[Footnote 7: The latest expedition of this kind, taken notice of by Mr Muller, was in 1724. But in justice to Mr Ismyloff, it may be proper to mention, which is done on the authority of a MS. communicated by Mr Pennant, and the substance of which has been published by Mr Coxe, that, so late as 1768, the Governor of Siberia sent three young officers over the ice in sledges to the islands opposite the mouth of the Kovyma. There seems no reason for not supposing, that a subsequent expedition of this sort might also be undertaken in 1773. Mr Coxe, p. 324, places the expedition on sledges in 1764, but Mr Pennant's MS. may be depended upon.--D.]

[Footnote 8: There is nothing at all unlikely in the voyage now spoken of. According to Captain Krusenstern, whose information is in all probability quite unexceptionable, the Kuril islands and Jesso have been often visited by Russian merchants since 1741, when Spanberg and Walton reached the coast of Japan; though without any positive advantage, he says, accruing either to science or commerce from their visits.--E.]

The next morning, he would fain have made me a present of a sea-otter skin, which, he said, was worth eighty rubles at Kamtschatka. However, I thought proper to decline it; but I accepted of some dried fish, and several baskets of the lily, or _saranne_ root, which is described at large in the History of Kamtschatka.[9] In the afternoon, Mr Ismyloff, after dining with Captain Clerke, left us with all his retinue, promising to return in a few days. Accordingly, on the 19th, he made us another visit, and brought with him the charts before-mentioned, which he allowed me to copy, and the contents of which furnish matter for the following observations:--

There were two of them, both manuscripts, and bearing every mark of authenticity. The first comprehended the _Penschinskian Sea_, the coast of Tartary, as low as the latitude of 41°, the Kuril islands, and the peninsula of Kamtschatka. Since this map had been made, Wawseelee Irkecchoff, captain of the fleet, explored, in 1758, the coast of Tartary, from Okotsk, and the river Amur, to Japan, or 41° of latitude. Mr Ismyloff also informed us, that great part of the sea-coast of the peninsula of Kamtschatka had been corrected by himself, and described the instrument he made use of, which must have been a _theodolite_. He also informed us, that there were only two harbours fit for shipping, on all the east coast of Kamtschatka, viz. the bay of _Awatska_, and the river _Olutora_, in the bottom of the gulf of the same name, that there was not a single harbour upon its west coast, and that _Yamsk_ was the only one on all the west side of the Penschinskian Sea, except Okotsk, till we come to the river Amur. The Kuril islands afford only one harbour, and that is on the N.E. side of Mareekan, in the latitude of 47-1/2°, where, as I have before observed, the Russians have a settlement.

[Footnote 9: English translation, p. 83, 84.]

The second chart was to me the most interesting; for it comprehended all the discoveries made by the Russians to the eastward of Kamtschatka, toward America, which, if we exclude the voyage of Beering and Tscherikoff, will amount to little or nothing. The part of the American coast, with which the latter fell in, is marked in this chart, between the latitude of 58° and 58-1/2°, and 75° of longitude from Okotsk, or, 218-1/2° from Greenwich; and the place where the former anchored, in 59-1/2° of latitude, and 63-1/2° of longitude from Okotsk, or 207° from Greenwich. To say nothing of the longitude, which may be erroneous from many causes, the latitude of the coast, discovered by these two navigators, especially the part of it discovered by Tscherikoff, differs considerably from the account published by Mr Muller, and his chart. Indeed, whether Muller's chart, or this now produced by Mr Ismyloff, be most erroneous in this respect, it may be hard to determine, though it is not now a point worth discussing. But the islands that lie dispersed between 52° and 55° of latitude, in the space between Kamtschatka and America, deserve some notice. According to Mr Ismyloff's account, neither the number nor the situation of these islands is well ascertained. He struck out about one-third of them, assuring me they had no existence, and he altered the situation of others considerably, which, he said, was necessary, from his own observations. And there was no reason to doubt about this. As these islands lie all nearly under the same parallel, different navigators, being misled by their different reckonings, might easily mistake one island, or group of islands, for another, and fancy they had made a new discovery, when they had only found old ones in a different position from that assigned to them by their former visitors.

The islands of St Macarius, St Stephen, St Theodore, St Abraham, Seduction Island, and some others, which are to be found in Mr Muller's chart, had no place in this now produced to us; nay, both Mr Ismyloff, and the others, assured me, that they had been several times sought for in vain. And yet it is difficult to believe how Mr Muller, from whom subsequent map-makers have adopted them, could place them in this chart without some authority. Relying, however, on the testimony of these people, whom I thought competent witnesses, I have left them out of my chart, and made such corrections amongst the other islands as I was told was necessary. I found there was wanting another correction; for the difference of longitude, between the Bay of Awatska, and the harbour of Samganoodha, according to astronomical observations, made at these two places, is greater by five degrees and a half, than it is by the chart. This error I have supposed to be infused throughout the whole, though it may not be so in reality. There was also an error in the latitude of some places, but this hardly exceeded a quarter of a degree.

I shall now give some account of the islands, beginning with those that lie nearest to Kamtschatka, and reckoning the longitude from the harbour of Petropaulowska, in the Bay of Awatska. The first is _Beering's Island_, in 55° of latitude, and 6° of longitude. Ten leagues from the south end of this, in the direction of E. by S., or E.S.E., lies _Meidenoi Ostroff_, or the Copper Island. The next island is _Atakou_, laid down in 52° 45' of latitude, and in 15° or 16° of longitude. This island is about eighteen leagues in extent, in the direction of E. and W., and seems to be the same land which Beering fell in with, and named _Mount St John_. But there are no islands about it, except two inconsiderable ones, lying three or four leagues from the east end, in the direction of E.N.E.

We next come to a group, consisting of six or more islands, two of which, _Atghka_ and _Amluk_ are tolerably large, and in each of them is a good harbour. The middle of this group lies in the latitude of 52° 30', and 28° of longitude from Awatska, and its extent, E. and W., is four degrees. These are the isles that Mr Ismyloff said were to be removed four degrees to the E., which was done. And in the situation they have in my chart, was a group, consisting of ten small islands, which, I was told, were wholly to be struck out, and also two islands lying between them and the group to which Oonalashka belongs. In the place of these two, an island called Amoghta (which in the chart was situated in the latitude of 51° 45', and 4° of longitude to the W.) was brought.

Nothing more need be said to shew how erroneous the situation of many of these islands may be, and for which I am in nowise accountable. But the position of the largest group, of which Oonalashka is one of the principal islands, and the only one in which there is a harbour, is not liable to any such errors. Most of these islands were seen by us, and consequently their latitude and longitude were pretty exactly determined, particularly the harbour of Samganoodha in Oonalashka, which must be looked upon as a fixed point. This group of islands maybe said to extend as far as Halibut Isles, which are forty leagues from Oonalashka toward the E.N.E. Within these isles, a passage was marked in Ismyloff's chart, communicating with Bristol Bay, which converts about fifteen leagues of the coast, that I had supposed to belong to the continent, into an island, distinguished by the name of _Ooneemak_. This passage might easily escape us, as we were informed, that it is very narrow, shallow, and only to be navigated through with boats, or very small vessels.[10]

[Footnote 10: This passage is marked on all the modern maps, no doubt on the somewhat scanty authority here given. With respect to most of the islands now alluded to, the opinion entertained of their utter insignificance, will account for and perhaps justify the sparing solicitude we have used to ascertain their number and position. Some less suspicious data than are to be met with in the accounts of early Russian voyages, would be requisite, to induce much attention to a subject of even greater importance.--E.]

It appeared by the chart, as well as by the testimony of Ismyloff and the other Russians, that this is as far as their countrymen have made any discoveries, or have extended themselves, since Beering's time. They all said, that no Russians had settled themselves so far to the east as the place where the natives gave the note to Captain Clerke, which Mr Ismyloff, to whom I delivered it, on perusing it, said, had been written at Oomanak. It was, however, from him that we got the name of _Kodiak_, the largest of Schumagin's Islands; for it had no name upon the chart produced by him.[11] The names of all the other islands were taken from it, and we wrote them down as pronounced by him. He said, they were all such as the natives themselves called their islands by; but, if so, some of the names seem to have been strangely altered. It is worth observing, that no names were put to the islands which Ismyloff told us were to be struck out of the chart, and I considered this as some confirmation that they have no existence.

[Footnote 11: A Russian ship had been at Kodiak in 1776, as appears from a MS. obligingly communicated by Mr Pennant.--D.]

I have already observed, that the American continent is here called by the Russians, as well as by the islanders, Alaschka; which name, though it properly belong only to the country adjoining to Oonemak, is used by them when speaking of the American continent in general, which they know perfectly well to be a great land.

This is all the information I got from these people, relating to the geography of this part of the world; and I have reason to believe that this was all the information they were able to give. For they assured me, over and over again, that they knew of no other islands, besides those which were laid down upon this chart; and that no Russian had ever seen any part of the continent of America to the northward, except that which lies opposite the country of the Tschutskis.

If Mr Stæhlin was not grossly imposed upon, what could induce him to publish a map so singularly erroneous, and in which many of these islands are jumbled together in regular confusion, without the least regard to truth; and yet he is pleased to call it _a very accurate little map_.[12] Indeed, it is a map to which the most illiterate of his illiterate sea-faring countrymen would have been ashamed to set his name.

[Footnote 12: Stæhlin's New Northern Archipelago, p. 15.]

Mr Ismyloff remained with us till the 21st, in the evening, when he took his final leave. To his care I intrusted a letter to the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, in which was inclosed a chart of all the northern coasts I had visited. He said there would be an opportunity of sending it to Kamtschatka, or Okotsk, the ensuing spring, and that it would be at Petersburg the following winter. He gave me a letter to Major Behm, governor of Kamtschatka, who resides at Bolscheretsk, and another to the commanding officer, at Petropaulowska. Mr Ismyloff seemed to have abilities that might entitle him to a higher station in life, than that in which we found him. He was tolerably well versed in astronomy, and in the most useful branches of the mathematics. I made him a present of an Hadley's octant; and though, probably, it was the first he had ever seen, he made himself acquainted, in a very short time, with most of the uses to which that instrument can be applied.

In the morning of the 22d, we made an attempt to get to sea, with the wind at S.E., which miscarried. The following afternoon, we were visited by one Jacob Ivanovitch Soposnicoff, a Russian, who commanded a boat, or small vessel, at Oomanak. This man had a great share of modesty, and would drink no strong liquor, of which the rest of his countrymen, whom we had met with here, were immoderately fond. He seemed to know more accurately what supplies could be got at the harbour of Petropaulowska, and the price of the different articles, than Mr Ismyloff. But, by all accounts, every thing we should want at that place was very scarce, and bore a high price. Flour, for instance, was from three to five roubles the pood,[13] and deer from three to five roubles each. This man told us that he was to be at Petropaulowska in May next, and, as I understood, was to have the charge of my letter. He seemed to be exceedingly desirous of having some token from me to carry to Major Behm, and to gratify him, I sent a small spying-glass.

[Footnote 13: 36 lb.]

After we became acquainted with these Russians, some of our gentlemen, at different times, visited their settlement on the island, where they always met with a hearty welcome. This settlement consisted of a dwelling-house and two store-houses. And, besides the Russians, there was a number of the Kamtschadales, and of the natives, as servants, or slaves, to the former. Some others of the natives, who seemed independent of the Russians, lived at the same place. Such of them as belonged to the Russians were all males, and they are taken, or perhaps purchased, from their parents when young. There was, at this time, about twenty of these, who could be looked upon in no other light than, as children. They all live in the same house; the Russians at the upper end, the Kamtschadales in the middle, and the natives at the lower end, where is fixed a large boiler for preparing their food, which consists chiefly of what the sea produces, with the addition of wild roots and berries. There is little difference between the first and last table, besides what is produced by cookery, in which the Russians have the art to make indifferent things palatable. I have eat whale's flesh of their dressing, which I thought very good; and they made a kind of pan-pudding of salmon roe, beaten up fine, and fried, that is no bad _succedaneum_ for bread. They may, now and then, taste real bread, or have a dish in which flour is an ingredient; but this can only be an occasional luxury. If we except the juice of berries which they sip at their meals, they have no other liquor besides pure water; and it seems to be very happy for them that they have nothing stronger.

As the island supplies them with food, so it does, in a great measure, with clothing. This consists chiefly of skins, and is, perhaps, the best they could have. The upper garment is made like our waggoner's frock, and reaches as low as the knee. Besides this, they wear a waistcoat or two, a pair of breeches, a fur cap, and a pair of boots, the soles and upper leathers of which are of Russian leather, but the legs are made of some kind of strong gut. Their two chiefs, Ismyoff and Ivanovitch, wore each a calico frock, and they, as well as some others, had shirts, which were of silk. These, perhaps, were the only part of their dress not made amongst themselves.

There are Russians settled upon all the principal islands between Oonalashka and Kamtschatka, for the sole purpose of collecting furs. Their great object is the sea-beaver or otter. I never heard them enquire after any other animal; though those, whose skins are of inferior value, are also made part of their cargoes. I never thought to ask how long they have had a settlement upon Oonalashka, and the neighbouring isles; but to judge from the great subjection the natives are under, this cannot be of a very late date.[14] All these furriers are relieved, from time to time, by others. Those we met with arrived here from Okotsk, in 1776, and are to return in 1781; so that their stay at the island will be four years at least.[15]

[Footnote 14: The Russians began to frequent Oonalashka in 1762. See _Coxe's Russian Discoveries_, ch. viii. p. 80.--D.]

[Footnote 15: Captain Cook says nothing of the condition of these furriers, and probably indeed knew nothing of it. According to Krusenstern, who cannot be supposed to seek for occasion to censure his countrymen, it is wretched in the extreme. He himself admits that his transcript, though softened down from his original notes made at the time, will nevertheless expose him to the anger of a number of persons for whom, in other respects, he entertains the highest regard. But one may question if any of the accounts that have been given of the African slave-trade produce greater horror than this modified description occasions. The reader must not imagine that the physical difficulties of the climate constitute the misery of these deluded beings. These are certainly very formidable, and of themselves present a sufficient barrier to the enjoyment of any thing bearing the shape of comfort. But evils of another sort, arising from avarice and the abuse of power, are so galling, as would induce a man "to fly from even the most beautiful and the best-gifted country," if his residence in it subjected him to their tyranny. The agents of the Russian-American Company, as the reader will instantly divine, are chargeable with the enormous barbarity and injustice to which these remarks apply; and the fearless seaman does not scruple to expose them to public indignation, in consequence. We shall communicate a few particulars, referring those who desire more information on the subject to the work itself. The persons who engage in the Company's service, we are informed, are vagabonds and adventurers,--but not criminals, be it remembered,--to whom the fabulous reports of the state of affluence to be easily attained, which are industriously circulated, operate as an incentive to sail to America in the condition of Promiischleniks, a word originally signifying any who carry on a trade, but here, as it is the only occupation, restricted to those who collect furs. Their misery commences with their voyage, which is generally performed in vessels so exceedingly crowded, that a large proportion of the passengers are necessitated to sleep upon the deck, which, in such a climate, it is obvious, must expose them to almost certain disease and death. This last, indeed, is the most desirable destiny they can experience, as those who have the misfortune to survive are subjected to almost incalculable calamities from the want of proper food and clothing, under the rigours of the climate, and the still more relentless severity of their task-masters. From the treatment which the sick receive, we may perhaps, with some exercise of imagination, infer, what the mode of life must be, of those whom superior force of constitution preserves in health. Speaking of a particular case which he had an opportunity of witnessing, Captain K. says, "We went to visit the sick, and it is impossible for me to describe the shocking, the disgusting state in which we found them; nearly all appeared to labour under incurable scorbutic and venereal sores, although they had been ten months on shore, and had enjoyed the assistance of the surgeon of St Peter and St Paul. Even of this they were now about to be deprived, and on the point of being removed, by a long and tedious navigation, to places where they must either forego all surgical attendance, or obtain it from people totally unskilled in the practice. I was curious to learn on what food the sick were kept, and was shewn two casks of salt meat destined for them. I requested to see a piece of it; but, on opening the cask, so disgusting and pestilential a smell took possession of the hold as compelled me instantly to quit it. Two tons of this stinking salt meat, and some sacks of mouldy black biscuit, were the only nourishing provisions on board for twenty invalids, for, to this number, (out of seventy,) they actually amounted before the Maria (the vessel they were on board) left St Peter and St Paul (for Kodiak)." Was not the practice said to have been adopted at Jaffa by an extraordinary character, to be esteemed for mercifulness in comparison of this? Train oil and the flesh of the sea-lion, with a mixture of rye-meal and water, form the choicest provisions of those who are well, either on board a ship or on shore; these, it must be owned, are quite suitable to the iron rule of the agent, under whom there can be neither personal property nor individual security, because he is subject to no law, and there are no courts of justice in Kodiak, or any other of the company's possessions. Few of these wretched outcasts ever again reach Russian ground, very few indeed attain the object of their wishes (we dare not say hopes) to return to Europe. Disease, disappointment, innumerable sufferings, continual drunkenness, the only solace in which, for obvious reasons, they are indulged, bring them speedily to the end of their unhappy existence, and leave a vacant stage for the miseries of new victims. Should a remnant have a more lengthened career, and having, by infinite pain and trouble, amassed a little property, get back to Ochotsk, thinking to return home and spend their days in comfort with their relatives, they are beset by fresh and perhaps still more aggravated vexations. They cannot leave that place, it seems, till they have closed accounts with the agents, and, as this is frequently protracted, no doubt with the most diabolical design, they become idle, spend what they had acquired, run into debt, (for sufficient credit is allowed them), and at last are necessitated to revert to their former slavery with perhaps far less ability than formerly, and with no other expectation of relief than what is afforded by the certainty of their dissolution. It is impossible to contemplate this distressing picture a moment longer. Let us leave it.--E.]

It is now time to give some account of the native inhabitants. To all appearance, they are the most peaceable, inoffensive people, I ever met with. And, as to honesty, they might serve as a pattern to the most civilized nation upon earth. But, from what I saw of their neighbours, with whom the Russians have no connection, I doubt whether this was their original disposition, and rather think that it has been the consequence of their present state of subjection. Indeed, if some of our gentlemen did not misunderstand the Russians, they had been obliged to make some severe examples, before they could bring the islanders into any order. If there were severities inflicted at first, the best apology for them is, that they have produced the happiest consequences, and, at present, the greatest harmony subsists between the two nations. The natives have their own chiefs in each island, and seem to enjoy liberty and property unmolested. But whether or no they are tributaries to the Russians, we could never find out. There was some reason to think that they are.[16]

[Footnote 16: See the particulars of hostilities between the Russians and the natives, in Coxe, as cited above.--D.

It will readily be inferred from what has already been mentioned of the conduct of the Russian agents towards their own countrymen, that the circumstance of the unfortunate islanders, who are also subjected to their sway, cannot be very eligible. A single quotation from the work referred to, will answer every purpose we can have in view in alluding to them in this place. "The chief agent of the American Company is the boundless despot over an extent of country, which, comprising the Aleutic islands, stretches from 57 to 61 degrees of latitude, and from 130 to 190 degrees of east longitude. The population of the islanders annually decreasing, and the wretched condition of the Russians living there, sufficiently proves, that, from their first migration to these islands and to the American coast, up to the present moment, the Company's possessions have been entrusted to people, who were, indeed, zealous for its own advantage, but frequently more so for that of a few subordinate agents." A Lieutenant Davidoff, he gives us to understand, had collected some very important notices respecting these possessions of the Company, and had imparted to him a fragment of them relative to the situation of the islanders and their conquerors. This however is not communicated, apparently for a reason mentioned, viz. that this officer proposed publishing on the subject when he returned to St Petersburg; and that though unfortunately he lost his life in the Neva before that took place, his manuscript, which was in the hands of Admiral Schischkoff, will be printed by the Admiralty. We shall wonder if it be so, concluding as to its contents from what is already made known. Though it is possible, indeed, to imagine, that it may be made use of as a testimony against the bad management and inhuman conduct of the agents of the Company, in order to justify the interference of the legislature in their concerns, which certainly appears to be much wanted. Altogether, it is obvious then, that the statement of matters which Captain Cook has given in the text, applies to a golden age, in comparison of what we are assured was lately existing in these regions. What changes have been wrought by the representations of Krusenstern we have not heard.--E.]

These people are rather low of stature, but plump and well-shaped, with rather short necks, swarthy chubby faces, black eyes, small beards, and long, straight, black hair, which the men wear loose behind and cut before, but the women tie up in a bunch.

Their dress has been occasionally mentioned. Both sexes wear the same in fashion, the only difference is in the materials. The women's frock is made of seal-skin, and that of the men, of the skins of birds, both reaching below the knee. This is the whole dress of the women. But over their frock, the men wear another made of gut, which resists water, and has a hood to it, which draws over the head. Some of them wear boots, and all of them have a kind of oval snouted cap, made of wood, with a rim to admit the head. These caps are dyed with green and other colours; and round the upper part of the rim are stuck the long bristles of some sea-animal, on which are strung glass-beads, and on the front is a small image or two made of bone.

They make use of no paint; but the women puncture their faces slightly; and both men and women bore the under-lip, to which they fix pieces of bone. But it is as uncommon, at Oonalashka, to see a man with this ornament, as to see a woman without it. Some fix beads to the upper-lip, under the nostrils; and all of them hang ornaments in their ears.

Their food consists of fish, sea-animals, birds, roots, and berries, and even of sea-weed. They dry large quantities of fish in summer, which they lay up in small huts for winter use; and probably they preserve roots and berries for the same time of scarcity. They eat almost every thing raw. Boiling and broiling were the only methods of cookery that I saw them make use of; and the first was probably learnt from the Russians. Some have got little brass-kettles; and those who have not, make one of a flat stone, with sides of clay, not unlike a standing pye.

I was once present, when the chief of Oonalashka made his dinner of the raw head of a large halibut, just caught. Before any was given to the chief, two of his servants eat the gills, without any other dressing, besides squeezing out the slime. This done, one of them cut off the head of the fish, took it to the sea and washed it, then came with it, and sat down by the chief, first pulling up some grass, upon a part of which the head was laid, and the rest was strewed before the chief. He then cut large pieces of the cheeks, and laid these within the reach of the great man, who swallowed them with as much satisfaction as we should do raw oysters. When he had done, the remains of the head were cut in pieces, and given to the attendants, who tore off the meat with their teeth, and gnawed the bones like so many dogs.

As these people use no paint, they are not so dirty in their persons as the savages who thus besmear themselves; but they are full as lousy and filthy in their houses. Their method of building is as follows: They dig in the ground an oblong square pit, the length of which seldom exceeds fifty feet, and the breadth twenty; but in general the dimensions are smaller. Over this excavation they form the roof of wood which the sea throws ashore. This roof is covered first with grass, and then with earth, so that the outward appearance is like a dunghill. In the middle of the roof, toward each end, is left a square opening, by which the light is admitted; one of these openings being for this purpose only, and the other being also used to go in and out by, with the help of a ladder, or rather a post, with steps cut in it.[17] In some houses there is another entrance below; but this is not common. Round the sides and ends of the huts, the families, (for several are lodged together) have their separate apartments, where they sleep, and sit at work, not upon benches, but in a kind of concave trench, which is dug all round the inside of the house, and covered with mats; so that this part is kept tolerably decent. But the middle of the house, which is common to all the families, is far otherwise. For, although it be covered with dry grass, it is a receptacle for dirt of every kind, and the place for the urine trough; the stench of which is not mended by raw hides, or leather being almost continually steeped in it. Behind and over the trench, are placed the few effects they are possessed of, such as their cloathing, mats, and skins.

[Footnote 17: Mr Coxe's description of the habitations of the natives of Oonalashka, and the other Fox Islands, in general, agrees with Captain Cook's. See _Russian Discoveries_, p. 149. See also _Histoire des differents Peuples soumis à la Domination des Russes_, par M. Levesque, tom. i. p. 40, 41.--D.]

Their household furniture consists of bowls, spoons, buckets, piggins or cans, matted-baskets, and perhaps a Russian kettle or pot. All these utensils are very neatly made, and well formed; and yet we saw no other tools among them but the knife and the hatchet, that is, a small flat piece of iron, made like an adze, by fitting it into a crooked wooden handle. These were the only instruments we met with there made of iron. For although the Russians live amongst them, we found much less of this metal in their possession, than we had met with in the possession of other tribes on the American continent, who had never seen, nor perhaps had any intercourse with, the Russians. Probably a few beads, a little tobacco, and snuff, purchase all they have to spare. There are few, if any of them, that do not both smoke and chew tobacco, and take snuff; a luxury that bids fair to keep them always poor.

They did not seem to wish for more iron, or to want any other instruments, except sewing-needles, their own being made of bone. With these they not only sew their canoes, and make their clothes, but also very curious embroidery. Instead of thread they use the fibres of sinews, which they split to the thickness which each sort of work requires. All sewing is performed by the women. They are the tailors, shoe-makers, and boat-builders, or boat-coverers; for the men, most probably, construct the frame of wood over which the skins are sewed. They make mats and baskets of grass, that are both beautiful and strong. Indeed, there is a neatness and perfection in most of their work, that shews they neither want ingenuity nor perseverance.

I saw not a fire-place in any one of their houses; they are lighted as well as heated, by lamps, which are simple, and yet answer the purpose very well. They are made of a flat stone, hollowed on one side like a plate, and about the same size, or rather larger. In the hollow part they put the oil, mixed with a little dry grass, which serves the purpose of a wick. Both men and women frequently warm their bodies over one of these lamps, by placing it between their legs, under their garments, and sitting thus over it for a few minutes.

They produce fire both by collision and by attrition; the former by striking two stones one against another, on one of which a good deal of brimstone is first rubbed. The latter method is with two pieces of wood; one of which is a stick of about eighteen inches in length, and the other a flat piece. The pointed end of the slick they press upon the other, whirling it nimbly round as a drill; thus producing fire in a few minutes. This method is common in many parts of the world. It is practised by the Kamtschadales, by these people, by the Greenlanders, by the Brazilians, by the Otaheiteans, by the New Hollanders, and probably by many other nations. Yet some learned and ingenious men have founded an argument on this custom to prove, that this and that nation are of the same extraction. But accidental agreements, in a few particular instances, will not authorise such a conclusion; nor will a disagreement, either in manners or customs, between two different nations, of course, prove that they are of different extraction. I could support this opinion by many instances besides the one just mentioned.[18]

[Footnote 18: We formerly hazarded some observations, on this subject, which may properly claim regard, if the concurrent opinion of Cook be any commendation. It is rare with him to venture on theoretic conjectures; but his truly excellent remarks, so indicative of candid and unbiassed enquiry, may justly serve as the basis of very extensive reasoning. His professional career, in short, may be considered as a course of experimental investigations, from which there results a system of philosophy of no ordinary interest or importance. Can one help regretting, that he did not live, like Newton, to deduce the legitimate consequences of his own discoveries? But, alas! how rapidly are we now approaching to the last suggestions of his sagacious mind!--E.]

No such thing as an offensive or even defensive weapon was seen amongst the natives of Oonalashka. We cannot suppose that the Russians found them in such a defenceless state; it is more probable that, for their own security, they have disarmed them. Political reasons too may have induced the Russians not to allow these islanders to have any large canoes; for it is difficult to believe they had none such originally, as we found them amongst all their neighbours. However, we saw none here but one or two belonging to the Russians. The canoes made use of by the natives are the smallest we had any where seen upon the American coast, though built after the same manner, with some little difference in the construction. The stern of these terminates a little abruptly; the head is forked, the upper point of the fork projecting without the under one, which is even with the surface of the water. Why they should thus construct them is difficult to conceive; for the fork is apt to catch hold of every thing that comes in the way; to prevent which, they fix a piece of small stick from point to point. In other respects, their canoes are built after the manner of those used by the Greenlanders and Esquimaux; the framing being of slender laths, and the covering of seal-skins. They are about twelve feet long, a foot and a half broad in the middle, and twelve or fourteen inches deep. Upon occasion, they can carry two persons; one of whom is stretched at full length in the canoe, and the other sits in the seat, or round hole, which is nearly in the middle. Round this hole is a rim or hoop of wood, about which is sewed gut-skin, that can be drawn together, or opened like a purse, with leathern thongs fitted to the outer edge. The man seats himself in this place, draws the skin tight round his body over his gut-frock, and brings the ends of the thongs or purse-string, over the shoulder to keep it in its place. The sleeves of his frock are tied tight round his wrists, and it being close round his neck, and the hood drawn over his head, where it is confined by his cap, water can scarcely penetrate either to his body, or into the canoe. If any should, however, insinuate itself, the boatman carries a piece of spunge, with which he dries it up. He uses the double-bladed paddle, which is held with both hands in the middle, striking the water with a quick regular motion, first on one side and then on the other. By this means the canoe is impelled at a great rate, and in a direction as straight as a line can be drawn. In sailing from Egoochshak to Samganoodha, two or three canoes kept way with the ship, though she was going at the rate of seven miles an hour.

Their fishing and hunting implements lie ready upon the canoes, under straps fixed for the purpose. They are all made, in great perfection, of wood and bone, and differ very little from those used by the Greenlanders, as they are described by Crantz. The only difference is in the point of the missile dart, which, in some we saw here, is not above an inch long; whereas Crantz says, that those of the Greenlanders are a foot and a half in length. Indeed, these darts, as well as some others of their instruments, are so curious, that they deserve a particular description; but, as many of them were brought away on board the ships, this can be done at any time, if thought necessary. These people are very expert in striking fish, both in the sea, and in rivers. They also make use of hooks and lines, nets and wears. The hooks are composed of bone, and the lines of sinews.

The fishes which are common to other northern seas, are found here; such as whales, grampusses, porpoises, swordfish, halibut, cod, salmon, trout, seals, flat-fish; several other sorts of small fish; and there may be many more that we had no opportunity of seeing. Halibut and salmon seem to be in the greatest plenty, and on them the inhabitants of these isles subsist chiefly; at least, they were the only sort of fish, except a few cod, which we observed to be laid up for their winter store. To the north of 60°, the sea is, in a manner, destitute of small fish of every kind; but then whales are more numerous.

Seals and that whole tribe of sea-animals, are not so numerous as in many other seas. Nor can this be thought strange, since there is hardly any part of the coast, on either continent, nor any of the islands lying between them, that is not inhabited, and whose inhabitants hunt these animals for their food and clothing. Sea-horses are, indeed, in prodigious numbers about the ice; and the sea-otter is, I believe, no where found but in this sea. We sometimes saw an animal, with a head like a seal's, that blew after the manner of whales. It was larger than a seal, and its colour was white, with some dark spots. Probably this was the sea-cow, or _manati_.

I think I may venture to assert, that sea and water fowls are neither in such numbers, nor in such variety, as with us in the northern parts of the Atlantic Ocean. There are some, however, here, that I do not remember to have seen any where else; particularly the _alca monochroa_ of Steller, before mentioned; and a black and white duck, which I conceive to be different from the stone-duck described by Krascheninicoff.[19] All the other birds seen by us are mentioned by this author, except some that we met with near the ice; and most, if not all, of these, are described by Martin in his voyage to Greenland. It is a little extraordinary, that penguins, which are common in many parts of the world, should not be found in this sea. Albatrosses too are so very scarce, that I cannot help thinking that this is not their proper climate.

[Footnote 19: History of Kamtschatka. Eng. Trans. p. 160.]

The few land birds that we met with are the same with those in Europe; but there may be many others which we had no opportunity of knowing. A very beautiful bird was shot in the woods at Norton Sound, which, I am told, is sometimes found in England, and known by the name of Chatterer. Our people met with other small birds there, but in no great variety and abundance; such as the wood pecker, the bullfinch, the yellow finch, and a small bird called a tit-mouse.

As our excursions and observations were confined wholly to the sea-coast, it is not to be expected, that we could know much of the animals or vegetables of the country. Except musquitoes, there are few other insects; nor reptiles, that I saw, but lizards. There are no deer upon Oonalashka, or upon any other of the islands. Nor have they any domestic animals, not even dogs. Foxes and weasels were the only quadrupeds we saw; but they told us, that they had hares also, and the _marmottas_ mentioned by Krascheninicoff.[20] Hence it is evident, that the sea and rivers supply the greatest share of food to the inhabitants. They are also obliged to the sea for all the wood made use of for building, and other necessary purposes; for not a stick grows upon any of the islands, nor upon the adjacent coast of the continent.

[Footnote 20: History of Kamtschatka, p. 99.]

The learned tell us, that the seeds of plants are, by various means, conveyed from one part of the world to another, even to islands in the midst of great oceans, and far remote from any other land. How comes it to pass, that there are no trees growing on this part of the continent of America, nor any of the islands lying near it? They are certainly as well situated for receiving seeds, by all the various ways I have heard of, as any of those coasts are that abound in wood. May not nature have denied to some soil the power of raising trees, without the assistance of art? As to the drift-wood upon the shores of the islands, I have no doubt that it comes from America. For although there may be none on the neighbouring coast, enough may grow farther up the country, which torrents in the spring may break loose, and bring down to the sea. And not a little may be conveyed from the woody coasts, though they lie at a greater distance.[21]

[Footnote 21: More extensive observations than what Cook's time allowed him to make, would be requisite to determine the questions which he has just now started. Besides, it is fair to remark, that there is some reason for demurring at one of the premises, with which he sets out, viz. that the islands, he speaks of, are as well situate for receiving seeds, as any of the coasts are that abound in wood. At least, before admitting it, we ought to be assured of the equal vicinity of sources from which these seeds might be received, the predominance or occasional alteration of currents fit for their conveyance, &c. On the other hand, what is conjectured about the variety of soils, is so obvious, as to need no pointing out. With respect to the drift-wood, it may be right to state, by way of corroborating a supposition hazarded by Cook, that there is reason to believe, that much of the internal parts of North America, and even the declivities, though not the summits of most of the high ranges of mountains traversing it, either have been, or are, well covered with trees. Here, it is worth while to allude to a very singular circumstance mentioned in the account of Lewis and Clarke's Travels to the Source of the Missouri, &c. viz. that a great number of the trunks of trees of the pine genus were found standing erect, and with their roots fixed, but in a state of decay, in the bottom of the Columbia river, on the west coast. It is difficult to explain this, but on the supposition of some considerable change in the course of the river; and it is sufficiently obvious, that such changes, which we know have often occurred elsewhere, might soon occasion the removal of trees from their original situation to any distance. We cannot spare time or room to carry on the investigation of the subject; but no reader can be at a loss to estimate the probable results of the fact now mentioned. To some persons, however, it may be necessary to mention, that the Missouri itself is a striking instance of both changeability of course, and a corresponding operation in transporting trees, &c.; the latter circumstance being apparently both the cause and the effect of the former. Thus we are informed in the work already referred to, that at the place where the party embarked on the last-mentioned river, its current, which was extremely rapid, brought down great quantities of drift-wood, that its bottom was full of logs of trees, and that the course of the water was frequently varying from the effects of sand-bars, &c. of its own formation. For an obvious reason, it is to be wished, that Cook had mentioned to what species of trees the drift-wood he found had belonged. How rarely are even intelligent persons quite aware of the importance of the facts which are presented to them; and how much has been lost, or which is, in fact, the same thing, not gained to science, in consequence of the carelessness with which they have been examined!--E.]

There are a greater variety of plants at Oonalashka, and most of them were in flower the latter end of June. Several of them are such as we find in Europe, and in other parts of America, particularly in Newfoundland; and others of them, which are also met with in Kamtschatka, are eat by the natives both there and here. Of these, Krascheninicoff has given us descriptions. The principal one is the _saranne_, or lily root, which is about the size of a root of garlic, round, made up of a number of small cloves, and grains like groats. When boiled, it is somewhat like saloop; the taste is not disagreeable, and we found means to make some good dishes with it. It does not seem to be in great plenty; for we got none but what Ismyloff gave us. We must reckon amongst the food of the natives, some other wild roots; the stalk of a plant resembling _angelica_, and berries of several different sorts; such as bramble-berries, cran-berries, hurtle-berries, heath-berries, a small red berry, which, in Newfoundland, is called partridge-berry, and another brown berry, unknown to us. This has somewhat of the taste of a sloe, but is unlike it in every other respect. It is very astringent, if eaten in any quantity. Brandy might be distilled from it. Captain Clerke attempted to preserve some; but they fermented, and became as strong as if they had been steeped in spirits.

There were a few other plants, which we found serviceable, but are not made use of by either Russians or natives. Such as wild purslain, pea-tops, a kind of scurvy-grass, cresses, and some others. All these we found very palatable, dressed either in soups or in sallads. On the low ground, and in the vallies, is plenty of grass, which grows very thick, and to a great length. I am of opinion, that cattle might subsist at Oonalashka all the year round, without being housed. And the soil, in many places, seemed capable of producing grain, roots, and vegetables. But, at present, the Russian traders, and the natives, seem satisfied with what nature brings forth.

Native sulphur was seen amongst the inhabitants of the island; but I had no opportunity of learning where they got it. We found also ochre, a stone that gives a purple colour, and another that gives a very good green. It may be doubted, whether this last is known. In its natural state, it is of a greyish green colour, coarse and heavy. It easily dissolves in oil; but when put into water it entirely loses its properties. It seemed to be scarce in Oonalashka; but we were told, that it was in greater plenty on the island Oonemak. As to the stones about the shore and hills, I saw nothing in them that was uncommon.[22]

[Footnote 22: Very probably the stone that gave a green colour was an ore of copper; but the scanty description renders it difficult to ascertain the species. The other, which is said to have given a purple colour, may also have contained the same metal.--E.]

The people of Oonalashka bury their dead on the summits of hills, and raise a little hillock over the grave. In a walk into the country, one of the natives, who attended me, pointed out several of these receptacles of the dead. There was one of them, by the side of the road leading from the harbour to the village, over which was raised a heap of stones. It was observed, that every one who passed it, added one to it. I saw in the country several stone-hillocks, that seemed to have been raised by art. Many of them were apparently of great antiquity.

What their notions are of the Deity, and of a future state, I know not. I am equally unacquainted with their diversions; nothing having been seen that could give us an insight into either.

They are remarkably cheerful and friendly amongst each other, and always behaved with great civility to us. The Russians told us, that they never had any connections with their women, because they were not Christians. Our people were not so scrupulous; and some of them had reason to repent that the females of Oonalashka encouraged their addresses without any reserve; for their health suffered by a distemper that is not unknown here. The natives of this island are also subject to the cancer, or a complaint like it, which those whom it attacks are very careful to conceal. They do not seem to be long-lived. I no where saw a person, man or woman, whom I could suppose to be sixty years of age; and but very few who appeared to be above fifty. Probably their hard way of living may be the means of shortening their days.

I have frequently had occasion to mention, from the time of our arrival in Prince William's Sound, how remarkably the natives, on this north-west side of America, resemble the Greenlanders and Esquimaux, in various particulars of person, dress, weapons, canoes, and the like. However, I was much less struck with this, than with the affinity which we found subsisting between the dialects of the Greenlanders and Esquimaux, and those of Norton's Sound and Oonalashka. This will appear from a table of corresponding words which I put together.

It must he observed, however, with regard to the words which we collected on this side of America, that too much stress is not to be laid upon their being accurately represented; for, after Mr Anderson's death, we had few who took much pains about such matters; and I have frequently found, that the same words written down by two or more persons, from the mouth of the same native, on being compared together, differed not a little. But still, enough is certain, to warrant this judgment, that there is great reason to believe, that all these nations are of the same extraction; and if so, there can be little doubt of there being a northern communication of some sort, by sea, between this west side of America and the east side, through Baffin's Bay, which communication, however, may be effectually shut up against ships by ice, and other impediments. Such, at least, was my opinion at this time.[23]

[Footnote 23: This subject has been alluded to in the Introduction, and will in all probability receive consideration in the course of this Collection. It is unnecessary, therefore, to enter upon it in this place. We shall merely mention a few particulars. The west coast of Greenland has not been explored beyond 72° latitude. Little or nothing, that can be relied on, is known concerning the sea of Davis or Baffin's Bay; the latter, indeed, being generally considered as imaginary, and having no other evidence for its existence, than the assertions, of a man conceived unworthy of credit. The whole distance from the coast of that bay, as commonly laid down, to the point where Hearne saw the sea, viz. in 69° latitude, being about sixty degrees of longitude, is totally unknown. The same thing is to be said of both the space betwixt the last mentioned spot, and that at which Mackenzie's river is conceived to enter, which is denominated the Arctic Sea, amounting to upwards of twenty degrees more, and also of about an equal space betwixt this last position and Icy Cape, the highest point at which Captain Cook arrived in this voyage. If any passage do exist, it is certain, that it must be beyond 69° latitude, as high as which, it has been indubitably proved by the labours of Cook, Mackenzie, and Hearne, that the continent of America is unbroken by any navigable passage from sea to sea. Above that latitude, it is not only possible, but also even probable, that the Arctic Sea, supposing it to be the same which Mackenzie and Hearne saw, and that it is equally low down, or nearly so, throughout the other spaces alluded to, may, in some peculiarly mild seasons, admit the passage of canoes, if not of larger vessels. The circumstance of a much higher latitude having been actually navigated in the Atlantic Ocean, might seem to warrant such an opinion, and would, of course, justify some renewed attempts in such an enterprise, were it not, that it has been proved by the present voyage, that the ice extends lower down in the Pacific Ocean, and that there is no small reason to believe, that Greenland forms an integral part of the American continent. Still, however, in every view of the subject, there does appear encouragement to make some experiments of the nature of Hearne's and Mackenzie's, particularly towards the east of the track explored by the former; and it is even extremely probable, that some marine co-operation in the direction of both Hudson's Bay and Davis' Strait, would facilitate and secure some discovery of more utility, than a mere improvement of our maps. But it is improper to disburden imagination on such a subject in this place.--E.]

I shall now quit these northern regions, with a few particulars relative to the tides and currents upon the coast, and an account of the astronomical observations made by us in Samganoodha harbour.

The tide is no where considerable but in the great river.[24]

[Footnote 24: Cook's River.]

The flood comes from the south or south-east, every where following the direction of the coast to the north-westward. Between Norton Sound and Cape Prince of Wales, we found a current setting to the north-west, particularly off the cape and within Sledge Island. But this current extended only a little way from the coast, nor was it either consistent or uniform. To the north of Cape Prince of Wales, we found neither tide nor current, either on the American or on the Asiatic coast, though several times looked for. This gave rise to an opinion entertained by some on board our ships, that the two coasts were connected, either by land or by ice; which opinion received some strength, by our never having any hollow waves from the north, and by our seeing ice almost the whole way across.

The following are the results of the several observations made ashore, during our stay in the harbour of Samganoodha.

The latitude, by the mean of several observed meridian altitudes of the sun, 53° 5' 0" By the mean of 20 sets \ of lunar observations, } 193 47 45 / with the sun east of the } The longitude { moon / \By the mean of 14 sets, \ with the sun and stars } 193 11 45 west of the moon / ------------- The mean of these 193 29 45 The longitude assumed 193 30 0

By the mean of equal altitudes of the sun, taken on the 12th, 14th, 17th, and 21st, the time-keeper was found to be losing on mean time 8", 8 each day; and, on the last of these days, was too slow for mean time 13^h 46^m 43^s, 98. Hence the time-keeper must have been too slow on the 4th, the day after our arrival, by 13^h 44^m 26^s, 62; and the longitude, by Greenwich rate, will be 13^h 23^m 53^s, 8 200 58 27

By King George's (or Nootka) Sound rate, 12^h 56^m 40^s, 4 194 10 6

The 30th of June, the time-keeper, by the same rate, gave 193 12 0

The error of the time-keeper, at that time, was 0 18 0 W.

At this time, its error was 0 39 54 E.

The error of the time-keeper, between our leaving Samganoodha, and our return to it again, was 0 57 54

On the 12th of October, the variation /A.M. 20° 17' 2"\ Mean 19° 59' By the mean of three compasses, \P.M. 19 41' 27 / 15" East.

Dip of the needle / Unmarked end \Dipping, /68° 45'\ Face / 69° 30' \ Marked end / face East \69 55 / West \ 69 17

Mean of the dip of the north end of the needle 62° 23' 30".

SECTION XII.

_Departure from Oonalashka, and future Views,--The Island Amoghta.--Situation of a remarkable Rock.--The Strait between Oonalashka and Oonella repassed.--Progress to the South.--Melancholy Accident on board the Discovery.--Mowee, one of the Sandwich Islands, discovered.--Intercourse with the Natives.--Visit from Terreeoboo.--Another Island, called Owhyhee, discovered.--The Ships ply to windward to get round it.--An Eclipse of the Moon observed.--The Crew refuse to drink Sugar-cane Beer.--Cordage deficient in Strength.--Commendation of the Natives of Owhyhee.--The Resolution gets to Windward of the Island.--Her Progress down the South-East Coast.--Views of the Country, and Visits from the Natives.--The Discovery joins.--Slow Progress Westward.--Karakakooa Bay examined by Mr Bligh.--Vast Concourse of the Natives.--The Ships anchor in the Bay._

In the morning of Monday the 26th, we put to sea from Samganoodha harbour; and, as the wind was southerly, stood away to the westward.

My intention was now to proceed to Sandwich Islands, there to spend a few of the winter months, in case we should meet with the necessary refreshments, and then to direct our course to Kamtschatka, so as to endeavour to be there by the middle of May, the ensuing summer. In consequence of this resolution, I gave Captain Clerke orders how to proceed, in case of separation; appointing Sandwich Islands for the first place of rendezvous, and the harbour of Petropaulowska, in Kamtschatka, for the second.

Soon after we were out of the harbour, the wind veered to the S.E. and E.S.E., which, by the evening, carried us as far as the western part of Oonalashka, where we got the wind at S. With this we stretched to the westward, till seven o'clock the next morning, when we wore, and stood to the E. The wind, by this time, had increased in such a manner as to reduce us to our three courses. It blew in very heavy squalls, attended with rain, hail, and snow.

At nine o'clock in the morning of the 28th, the island of Oonalashka bore S.E., four leagues distant. We then wore and stood to the westward. The strength of the gale was now over, and toward evening the little wind that blew insensibly veered round to the E., where it continued but a short time before it got to N.E., and increased to a very hard gale with rain. I steered first to the southward, and as the wind inclined to the N. and N.W., I steered more westerly.

On the 29th, at half past six in the morning, we saw land extending from E. by S. to S. by W., supposed to be the island Amoghta. At eight, finding that we could not weather the island, as the wind had now veered, to the westward, I gave over plying, and bore away for Oonalashka, with a view of going to the northward and eastward of that island, not daring to attempt a passage to the S.E. of it, in so hard a gale of wind. At the time we bore away, the land extended from E. by S. 1/2 S. to S.S.W., four leagues distant. The longitude by the time-keeper was 191° 17', and the latitude 53° 38'. This will give a very different situation to this island from that assigned to it upon the Russian map. But it must be remembered, that this is one of the islands which Mr Ismyloff said was wrong placed. Indeed, it is a doubt if this be Amoghta;[1] for after Ismyloff had made the correction, no land appeared upon the map in this latitude; but, as I have observed before, we must not look for accuracy in this chart.

[Footnote 1: On the chart of Krenitzen's and Levasheff's voyage in 1768 and 1769, which we find in Mr Coxe's book, p. 251, an island called Amuckta, is laid down, not very far from the place assigned to Amoghta by Captain Cook.--D.]

At eleven o'clock, as we were steering to the N.E., we discovered an elevated rock, like a tower, bearing N.N.E. 1/2 E., four leagues distant. It lies in the latitude of 53° 57', and in the longitude of 191° 2', and hath no place in the Russian map.[2] We must have passed very near it in the night. We could judge of its steepness from this circumstance, that the sea, which now run very high, broke no where but against it. At three in the afternoon, after getting a sight of Oonalashka, we shortened sail, and hauled the wind, not having time to get through the passage before night. At day-break the next morning, we bore away under courses, and close-reefed top-sails, having a very hard gale at W.N.W., with heavy squalls, attended with snow. At noon, we were in the middle of the Strait, between Oonalashka, and Oonella, the harbour of Samganoodha bearing S.S.E., one league distant. At three in the afternoon, being through the Strait, and clear of the isles, Cape Providence bearing W.S.W., two or three leagues distant, we steered to the southward, under double-reefed top-sails and courses, with the wind at W.N.W., a strong gale, and fair weather.

[Footnote 2: Though this rock had no place in the Russian map produced by Ismyloff, it has a place in the chart of Krenitzen's and Levasheff's voyage above referred to. That chart also agrees with Captain Cook's, as to the general position of this group of islands. The singularly indented shores of the island of Oonalashka are represented in both charts much alike. These circumstances are worth attending to, as the more modern Russian maps of this Archipelago are so wonderfully erroneous.--D.]

On Monday, the 2d of November, the wind veered to the southward; and, before night, blew a violent storm, which obliged us to bring to. The Discovery fired several guns, which we answered; but without knowing on what occasion they were fired. At eight o'clock, we lost sight of her, and did not see her again till eight the next morning. At ten, she joined us; and, as the height of the gale was now over, and the wind had veered back to W.N.W., we made sail, and resumed our course to the southward.

The 6th, in the evening, being in the latitude of 42° 12', and in the longitude of 201° 26'", the variation was 17° 15' E. The next morning, our latitude being 41° 20', and our longitude 202°, a shag, or cormorant, flew several times round the ship. As these birds are seldom, if ever, known to fly far out of sight of land, I judged that some was not far distant. However, we could see none. In the afternoon, there being but little wind, Captain Clerke came on board, and informed me of a melancholy accident that happened on board his ship, the second night after we left Samganoodha. The main tack gave way, killed one man, and wounded the boatswain, and two or three more. In addition to this misfortune, I now learned, that, on the evening of the 2d, his sails and rigging received considerable damage; and that the guns which he fired were the signal to bring to.'

On the 8th, the wind was at N.; a gentle breeze with clear weather. On the 9th, in the latitude of 39-1/2°, we had eight hours calm. This was succeeded by the wind from, the S., attended with fair weather. Availing ourselves of this, as many of our people as could handle a needle, were set to work to repair the sails; and the carpenters were employed to put the boats in order.

On the 12th at noon, being then in the latitude of 38° 14', and in the longitude of 206° 17', the wind returned back to the northward; and, on the 15th, in the latitude of 33° 30', it veered to the E. At this time, we saw a tropic-bird, and a dolphin, the first that we had observed during the passage. On the 17th, the wind veered to the southward, where it continued till the afternoon of the 19th, when a squall of wind and rain brought it at once round by the W. to the N. This was in the latitude of 32° 26', and in the longitude of 207° 30'.

The wind presently increased to a very strong gale, attended with rain, so as to bring us under double-reefed top-sails. In lowering down the main top-sail to reef it, the wind tore it quite out of the foot rope, and it was split in several other parts. This sail had only been brought to the yard the day before, after having had a repair. The next morning we got another top-sail to the yard. This gale proved to be the forerunner of the trade-wind, which, in, latitude 25°, veered to E. and E.S.E.

I continued to steer to the southward till day-light in the morning of the 25th, at which time we were in the latitude of 20° 55'. I now spread the ships, and steered to the W. In the evening we joined, and at midnight brought-to. At day-break, next morning, land was seen extending from S.S.E. to W. We made sail, and stood for it. At eight, it extended from S.E. 1/2 S. to W., the nearest part two leagues distant. It was supposed that we saw the extent of the land to the east, but not to the west. We were now satisfied, that the group of the Sandwich Islands had been only imperfectly discovered; as those of them which we had visited in our progress northward, all lie to the leeward of our present station.

In the country was an elevated saddle hill, whose summit appeared above the clouds. From this hill, the land fell in a gentle slope, and terminated in a steep rocky coast, against which the sea broke in a dreadful surf. Finding that we could not weather the island, I bore up, and ranged along the coast to the westward. It was not long before we saw people on several parts of the shore, and some houses and plantations. The country seemed to be both well wooded and watered, and running streams were seen falling into the sea in various places.

As it was of the last importance to procure a supply of provisions at these islands; and experience having taught me that I could have no chance to succeed in this if a free trade with the natives were to be allowed; that is, if it were left to every man's discretion to trade for what he pleased, and in the manner he pleased; for this substantial reason, I now published an order, prohibiting all persons from trading, except such as should be appointed by me and Captain Clerke; and even these were enjoined to trade only for provisions and refreshments. Women were also forbidden to be admitted into the ships, except under certain restrictions. But the evil I meant to prevent by this regulation, I soon found, had already got amongst them.

At noon, the coast extended from S., 81° E., to N. 56° W.; a low flat, like an isthmus, bore S., 42° W.; the nearest shore three or four miles distant; the latitude was 20° 59', and the longitude 203° 50'. Seeing some canoes coming off to us, I brought-to. As soon as they got alongside, many of the people, who conducted them, came into the ship, without the least hesitation. We found them to be of the same nation with the inhabitants of the islands more to leeward, which we had already visited; and, if we did not mistake them, they knew of our having been there. Indeed, it rather appeared too evident; for these people had got amongst them, the venereal distemper; and, as yet, I knew of no other way of its reaching them but by an intercourse with their neighbours since our leaving them.

We got from our visitors a quantity of cuttle-fish for nails and pieces of iron. They brought very little fruit and roots; but told us that they had plenty or them on their island, as also hogs and fowls. In the evening, the horizon being clear to the westward, we judged the westernmost land in sight to be an island, separated from that off which we now were. Having no doubt that the people would return to the ships next day, with the produce of their country, I kept plying off all night, and in the morning stood close in shore. At first, only a few of the natives visited us; but, toward noon, we had the company of a good many, who brought with them bread-fruit, potatoes, tarro, or eddy roots, a few plantains, and small pigs; all of which they exchanged for nails and iron tools. Indeed, we had nothing else to give them. We continued trading with, them till four o'clock in the afternoon, when, having disposed of all their cargoes, and not seeming inclined to fetch more, we made sail, and stood off shore.

While we were lying-to, though the wind blew fresh, I observed that the ships drifted to the east, consequently there must have been a current setting in that direction. This encouraged me to ply to windward, with a view to get round the east end of the island, and so have the whole lee-side before us. In the afternoon of the 30th, being off the N.E. end of the island, several canoes came off to the ships. Most of these belonged to a chief, named Terreeoboo, who came in one of them. He made me a present of two or three small pigs; and we got, by barter, from the other people, a little fruit. After a stay of about two hours they all left us, except six or eight of their company, who chose to remain on board. A double-sailing canoe came soon after to attend upon them, which we towed astern all night. In the evening, we discovered another island to windward, which the natives call _Owhyhee_. The name of that, off which we had been for some days, we were also told is _Mowee_.

On the 1st of December, at eight in the morning, Owhyhee extended from S., 22' E, to S. 12° W.; and Mowee from N. 41° to N. 83° W. Finding that we could fetch Owhyhee, I stood for it; and our visitors from Mowee not choosing to accompany us, embarked in their canoe, and went ashore. At seven in the evening, we were close up with the north side of Owhyhee; where we spent the night, standing off and on.

In the morning of the 2d, we were surprised to see the summits of the mountains on Owhyhee covered with snow. They did not appear to be of any extraordinary height; and yet, in some places, the snow seemed to be of a considerable depth, and to have lain there some time. As we drew near the shore, some of the natives came off to us. They were a little shy at first; but we soon enticed some of them on board; and at last prevailed upon them to return to the island, and bring off what we wanted. Soon after they reached the shore, we had company enough; and few coming empty-handed, we got a tolerable supply of small pigs, fruit, and roots. We continued trading with them till six in the evening; when we made sail, and stood off, with a view of plying to windward round the island.

In the evening of the 4th, we observed an eclipse of the moon. Mr King made use of a night-telescope, a circular aperture being placed at the object end, about one-third of the size of the common aperture. I observed with the telescope of one of Ramsden's sextants; which, I think, answers this purpose as well as any other. The following times are the means, as observed by us both:

Longitude. 6^h 3' 25" beginning of the eclipse 204° 40' 45" 8 27 25 end of the eclipse 204 25 15 ------------ Mean 204 35 0

The _penumbra_ was visible at least ten minutes before the beginning and after the end of the eclipse. I measured the uneclipsed part of the moon with one of Ramsden's sextants, several times before, at, and after the middle of the eclipse; but did not get the middle so near as might have been effected by this method. Indeed, these observations were made only as an experiment, without aiming at much nicety. I also measured mostly one way; whereas I ought to have brought alternately the reflected and direct images on contrary sides with respect to each other; reading the numbers off the quadrant, in one case, to the left of the beginning of the divisions; and, in the other case, to the right hand of the same. It is evident, that half the sum of these two numbers must be the true measurement, independent of the error of the quadrant; and this is the method that I would recommend.

But I am well assured, that it might have been observed much nearer; and that this method maybe useful when neither the beginning nor end of an eclipse can be observed, which may often happen.

Immediately after the eclipse was over, we observed the distance of each limb of the moon from _Pollux_ and _alpha Arietis_; the one being to the east, and the other to the west. An opportunity to observe, under all these circumstances, seldom happens; but when it does, it ought not to be omitted; as, in this case, the local errors to which these observations are liable, destroy each other; which, in all other cases, would require the observations of a whole moon. The following are the results of these observations:

Myself with / _a Arietis_ - 204° 22' 07" \ mean 204° 21' 5" \ _Pollux_ - 204 20 4 /

Mr King with / _a Arietis_ - 204 27 45 \ mean 204 18 29 \ _Pollux_ - 204 9 12 / ----------- Mean of the two means 204 19 47

The time-keeper, at 4^h 30', to which time all the \ 204 04 45 lunar observations are reduced /

The current which I have mentioned, as setting to the eastward, had now ceased; for we gained but little by plying. On the 6th, in the evening, being about five leagues farther up the coast, and near the shore, we had some traffic with the natives. But, as it had furnished only a trifling supply, I stood in again next morning, when we had a considerable number of visitors; and we lay-to, trading with them, till two in the afternoon. By that time, we had procured pork, fruit, and roots, sufficient for four or five days. We then made sail, and continued to ply to windward.

Having procured a quantity of sugar-cane; and having, upon a trial, made but a few days before, found, that a strong decoction of it produced a very palatable beer, I ordered some more to be brewed for our general use. But when the cask was now broached, not one of my crew-would even so much as taste it. As I had no motive in preparing this beverage, but to save our spirit for a colder climate, I gave myself no trouble, either by exerting authority, or by having recourse to persuasion, to prevail upon them to drink it; knowing that there was no danger of the scurvy, so long as we could get a plentiful supply of other vegetables. But, that I might not be disappointed in my views, I gave orders that no grog should be served in either ship. I myself, and the officers, continued to make use of the sugar-cane beer whenever we could get materials for brewing it. A few hops, of which we had some on board, improved it much. It has the taste of new malt beer; and I believe no one will doubt of its being very wholesome. And yet my inconsiderate crew alleged that it was injurious to their health.

They had no better reason to support a resolution, which they took on our first arrival in King George's Sound, not to drink the spruce-beer made there. But, whether from a consideration that it was not the first time of their being required to use that liquor, or from some other reason, they did not attempt to carry their purpose into actual execution; and I had never heard of it till now, when they renewed their ignorant opposition to my best endeavours to serve them. Every innovation whatever on board a ship, though ever so much to the advantage of seamen, is sure to meet with their highest disapprobation. Both portable soup, and sour krout, were, at first, condemned as stuff unfit for human beings. Few commanders have introduced into their ships more novelties, as useful varieties of food and drink, than I have done. Indeed, few commanders have had the same opportunities of trying such experiments, or been driven to the same necessity of trying them. It has, however, been, in a great measure, owing to various little deviations from established practice, that I have been able to preserve my people, generally speaking, from that dreadful distemper, the scurvy, which has, perhaps, destroyed more of our sailors, in their peaceful voyages, than have fallen by the enemy in military expeditions.[3]

[Footnote 3: So much for the effect of ignorance and prejudice. One requires the strong evidence of such a careful observer as Captain Cook to be convinced of their existence, in such intense degree, among a set of people, accustomed, from the nature of their profession, to witness the vast variety of different manners and modes of life in different countries; though every notion we could form of their habits and tempers might lead us to infer _a priori_, the obstinacy with which they would resist any innovation on their established practices. Probably, however, when left to themselves, they readily enough fall in with changes; and hence it may often be more judicious to put temptations in their way, in order to obtain a salutary purpose, than to recommend or enforce it as conducive to their welfare. It is easy to understand, on the common principles of human nature, that the former method will generally prove most efficient; whereas the latter, because it implies a kind of restraint, will, consequently, be disliked, and opposed or evaded. Sailors, on the whole, perhaps, bear the greatest resemblance to children of any of the full-grown species. It is of some consequence to know how to treat them as such. A little coaxing and flattery is a very necessary ingredient in any thing intended for them; and often it may be extremely politic to seem to refuse, or to be averse to give them what we are at the same time really anxious they should have. But it is easy to prescribe in such cases!--E.]

I kept at some distance from the coast, till the 13th, when I stood in again, six leagues farther to windward than we had as yet reached; and, after having some trade with the natives who visited us, returned to sea. I should have got near the shore again on the 15th, for a supply of fruit or roots, but the wind happening to be at S.E. by S., and S.S.E., I thought this a good time to stretch to the eastward, in order to get round, or, at least, to get a sight of the S.E. end of the island. The wind continued at S.E. by S., most part of the 16th. It was variable between S. and E, on the 17th; and on the 18th, it was continually veering from one quarter to another; blowing, sometimes, in hard squalls, and, at other times, calm, with thunder, lightning, and rain. In the afternoon, we had the wind westerly for a few hours; but in the evening it shifted to E. by S., and we stood to the southward, close hauled, under an easy sail, as the Discovery was at some distance astern. At this time the S.E. point of the island bore S.W. by S., about five leagues distant; and I made no doubt that I should be able to weather it. But at one o'clock, next morning, it fell calm, and we were left to the mercy of a north-easterly swell, which impelled us fast towards the land; so that, long before day-break, we saw lights upon the shore, which was not more than a league distant. The night was dark, with thunder, lightning, and rain.

At three o'clock, the calm was succeeded by a breeze from the S.E. by E., blowing in squalls, with rain. We stood to the N.E., thinking it the best tack to clear the coast; but, if it had been day-light, we should have chosen the other. At day-break, the coast was seen extending from N. by W., to S.W. by W.; a dreadful surf breaking upon the shore, which was not more than half a league distant. It was evident that we had been in the most imminent danger. Nor were we yet in safety, the wind veering more easterly; so that, for some time, we did but just keep our distance from the coast. What made our situation more alarming, was the leach-rope of the main top-sail giving way, which was the occasion of the sail's being rent in two; and the two top-gallant sails gave way in the same manner, though not half worn out. By taking a favourable opportunity, we soon got others to the yards, and then we left the land astern. The Discovery, by being at some distance to the north, was never near the land, nor did we see her till eight o'clock.

On this occasion, I cannot help observing, that I have always found, that the bolt-ropes to our sails have not been of sufficient strength or substance. This at different times, has been the source of infinite trouble and vexation, and of much expence of canvas, ruined by their giving way. I wish also, that I did not think there is room for remarking, that the cordage and canvas, and, indeed, all the other stores made use of in the navy, are not of equal goodness with those, in general, used in the merchant service.

It seems to be a very prevalent opinion, amongst naval officers of all ranks, that the king's stores are better than any others, and that no ships are so well fitted out as those of the navy. Undoubtedly they are in the right, as to the quantity; but, I fear, not as to the quality of the stores. This, indeed, is seldom tried; for things are generally condemned, or converted to some other use, by such time as they are half worn out. It is only on such voyages as ours, that we have an opportunity of making the trial, as our situation makes it necessary to wear every thing to the very utmost.[4]

[Footnote 4: Captain Cook may, in part, be right in his comparison of some cordage used in the king's service, with what is used in that of the merchants; especially in time of war, when part of the cordage wanted in the navy is, from necessity, made by contract. But it is well known, that there is no better cordage than what is made in the king's yards. This explanation of the preceding paragraph has been subjoined, on the authority of a naval officer of distinguished rank, and great professional ability, who has, at the same time, recommended it as a necessary precaution, that ships fitted out on voyages of discovery, should be furnished with no cordage, but what is made in the king's yards; and, indeed, that every article of their store, of every kind, should be the best that can be made.--D.]

As soon as day-light appeared, the natives ashore displayed a white flag, which we conceived to be a signal of peace and friendship. Some of them ventured out after us; but the wind freshening, and it not being safe to wait, they were soon left astern.

In the afternoon, after making another attempt to weather the eastern extreme, which, failed, I gave it up, and run down to the Discovery. Indeed, it was of no consequence to get round the island; for we had seen its extent to the S.E., which was the thing I aimed at; and, according to the information which we had got from the natives, there is no other island to the windward of this. However, as we were so near the S.E. end of it, and as the least shift of wind, in our favour, would serve to carry us round, I did not wholly give up the idea of weathering it, and therefore continued to ply.

On the 20th, at noon, this S.E. point bore S., three leagues distant; the snowy hills W.N.W., and we were about four miles from the nearest shore. In the afternoon, some of the natives came off in their canoes, bringing with them a few pigs and plantains. The latter were very acceptable, having had no vegetables for some days; but the supply we now received was so inconsiderable, being barely sufficient for one day, that I stood in again the next morning, till within three or four miles of the land, where we were met by a number of canoes, laden with provisions. We brought-to, and continued trading with the people in them, till four in the afternoon, when, having got a pretty good supply, we made sail, and stretched off to the northward.

I had never met with a behaviour so free from reserve and suspicion, in my intercourse with any tribes of savages, as we experienced in the people of this island. It was very common for them to send up into the ship the several articles they brought off for barter; afterward, they would come in themselves, and make their bargains on the quarter-deck. The people of Otaheite, even after our repeated visits, do not care to put so much confidence in us. I infer from this, that those of Owhyhee must be more faithful in their dealings with one another, than the inhabitants of Otaheite are. For, if little faith were observed amongst themselves, they would not be so ready to trust strangers. It is also to be observed, to their honour, that they had never once attempted to cheat us in exchanges, nor to commit a theft. They understand trading as well as most people; and seemed to comprehend clearly the reason of our plying upon the coast. For, though they brought off provisions in great plenty, particularly pigs, yet they kept up their price; and, rather than dispose of them for less than they thought they were worth, would take them on shore again.[5]

[Footnote 5: The reader is desired to pay particular attention to the high testimony borne by Cook to the characters of these islanders. It is a circumstance too singularly interesting not to give rise to some painful reflections, that, on apparently good grounds, he should have entertained the best opinion of those very people, from whom he was destined shortly afterwards to receive the greatest of injuries. However that event is to be explained, it seems very fair that his evidence in their favour obtain full regard, and that they, therefore, be entitled to any benefits it may be supposed to confer.--E.]

On the 22d, at eight in the morning, we tacked to the southward, with a fresh breeze at E. by N. At noon, the latitude was 20° 28' 30"; and the snowy peak bore S.W. 1/2 S. We had a good view of it the preceding day, and the quantity of snow seemed to have increased, and to extend lower down the hill. I stood to the S.E. till midnight, then tacked to the N. till four in the morning, when we returned to the S.E. tack; and, as the wind was at N.E. by E., we had hopes of weathering the island. We should have succeeded, if the wind had not died away, and left us to the mercy of a great swell, which carried us fast toward the land, which was not two leagues distant. At length, we got our head off, and some light puffs of wind, which came with showers of rain, put us out of danger. While we lay, as it were, becalmed, several of the islanders came off with hogs, fowls, fruit, and roots. Out of one canoe we got a goose, which was about the size of a Muscovy duck. Its plumage was dark-grey, and the bill and legs black.

At four in the afternoon, after purchasing every thing that the natives had brought off, which was full as much as we had occasion for, we made sail, and stretched to the N., with the wind at E.N.E. At midnight, we tacked, and stood to the S.E. Upon a supposition that the Discovery would see us tack, the signal was omitted; but she did not see us, as we afterwards found, and continued standing to the N.; for at day-light next morning she was not in sight. At this time the weather being hazy we could not see far, so that it was possible the Discovery might be following us; and, being past the N.E. part of the island, I was tempted to stand on, till, by the wind veering to N.E., we could not weather the land upon the other tack. Consequently we could not stand to the N, to join, or look for, the Discovery. At noon, we were, by observation, in latitude of 19° 55', and in the longitude of 205° 3'; the S.E. point of the island bore S. by E. 1/4 E, six leagues distant; the other extreme bore N, 60° W., and we were two leagues from the nearest shore. At six in the evening, the southernmost extreme of the island bore S.W., the nearest shore seven or eight miles distant; so that we had now succeeded in getting to windward of the island, which we had aimed at with so much perseverance.

The Discovery, however, was not yet to be seen. But the wind, as we had it, being very favourable for her to follow us, I concluded, that it would not be long before she joined us. I therefore kept cruizing off this S.E. point of the island, which lies in the latitude of 19° 34', and in the longitude of 205° 6', till I was satisfied that Captain Clerke could not join me here. I now conjectured, that he had not been able to weather the N.E. part of the island, and had gone to leeward, in order to meet me that way.

As I generally kept from five to ten leagues from the land, no canoes, except one, came off to us till the 28th, when we were visited by a dozen or fourteen. The people who conducted them brought, as usual, the produce of the island. I was very sorry that they had taken the trouble to come so far. For we could not trade with them, our old stock not being, as yet, consumed; and we had found, by late experience, that the hogs could not be kept alive, nor the roots preserved from putrefaction, many days. However, I intended not to leave this part of the island before I got a supply, as it would not be easy to return to it again, in case it should be found necessary.

We began to be in want on the 30th, and I would have stood in near the shore, but was prevented by a calm; but a breeze springing up at midnight from S. and S.W., we were enabled to stand in for the land at day-break. At ten o'clock in the morning, we were met by the islanders with fruit and roots; but, in all the canoes, were only three small pigs. Our not having bought those which had been lately brought off, may be supposed to be the reason of this very scanty supply. We brought-to for the purposes of trade; but, soon after, our marketing was interrupted by a very hard rain, and, besides, we were rather too far from the shore. Nor durst I go nearer; for I could not depend upon the wind's remaining where it was for a moment; the swell also being high, and setting obliquely upon the shore, against which it broke in a frightful surf. In the evening the weather mended; the night was clear, and it was spent in making short boards.

Before day-break, the atmosphere was again loaded with heavy clouds, and the new year was ushered in with very hard rain, which continued, at intervals, till past ten o'clock. The wind was southerly; a light breeze with some calms, when the rain ceased and the sky cleared, and the breeze freshened. Being, at this time, about five miles from the land, several canoes arrived with fruit and roots, and, at last, some hogs were brought off. We lay to, trading with, them till three o'clock in the afternoon, when, having a tolerable supply, we made sail, with a view of proceeding to the N.W., or lee-side of the island, to look for the Discovery. It was necessary, however, the wind being at S., to stretch first to the eastward, till midnight, when the wind came more favourable, and we went upon the other tack. For several days past, both wind and weather had been exceedingly unsettled, and there fell a great deal of rain.

The three following days were spent in running down the S.E. side of the island. For, during the nights, we stood off and on; and part of each day was employed in lying-to, in order to furnish an opportunity to the natives of trading with us. They sometimes came on board, while we were five leagues from the shore. But, whether from a fear of losing their goods in the sea, or from the uncertainty of a market, they never brought much with them. The principal article procured was salt, which was extremely good.

On the 5th in the morning, we passed the south point of the island, which lies in the latitude of 18° 54', and beyond it we found the coast to trend N. 60° W. On this point stands a pretty large village, the inhabitants of which thronged off to the ship with hogs and women. It was not possible to keep the latter from coming on board, and no women I ever met with were less reserved. Indeed it appeared to me, that they visited us with no other view, than to make a surrender of their persons. As I had now got a quantity of salt, I purchased no hogs but such as were fit for salting, refusing all that were under size. However, we could seldom get any above fifty or sixty pounds weight. It was happy for us, that we had still some vegetables on board, for we now received few such productions. Indeed this part of the country, from its appearance, did not seem capable of affording them. Marks of its having been laid waste by the explosion of a volcano, every where presented themselves; and though we had as yet seen nothing like one upon the island, the devastation that it had made in this neighbourhood, was visible to the naked eye.

This part of the coast is sheltered from the reigning winds, but we could find no bottom to anchor upon, a line of an hundred and sixty fathoms not reaching it, within the distance of half a mile from the shore. The islanders having all left us, toward the evening, we ran a few miles down the coast, and then spent the night standing off and on.

The next morning, the natives visited us again, bringing with them the same articles of commerce as before. Being now near the shore, I sent Mr Bligh, the master, in a boat to sound the coast, with orders to land, and to look for fresh water. Upon his return, he reported, that, at two cables' lengths from the shore, he had found no soundings with a line of one hundred and sixty fathoms; that, when he landed, he found no stream or spring, but only rain-water, deposited in holes upon the rocks, and even that was brackish from the spray of the sea, and that the surface of the country was entirely composed of slags and ashes, with a few plants interspersed. Between ten and eleven we saw with pleasure the Discovery coming round the south point of the island, and at one in the afternoon she joined us. Captain Clerke then coming on board, informed me, that he had cruised four or five days where we were separated, and then plied round the east side of the island, but that, meeting with unfavourable winds, he had been carried to some distance from the coast. He had one of the islanders on board all this time, who had remained there from choice, and had refused to quit the ship, though opportunities had offered.

Having spent the night standing off and on, we stood in again the next morning, and when we were about a league from the shore, many of the natives visited us. At noon, the observed latitude was 19° 1', and the longitude, by the time-keeper, was 203° 26', the island extending from S. 74° E. to N. 13° W., the nearest part two leagues distant.

At day-break on the 8th, we found that the currents, during the night, which we spent in plying, had carried us back considerably to windward; so that we were now off the S.W. point of the island. There we brought-to, in order to give the natives an opportunity of trading with us. At noon our observed latitude was 19° 1', and our longitude, by the time-keeper, was 203° 13', the S.W. point of the island N. 30° E., two miles distant.

We spent the night as usual, standing off and on. It happened, that four men and ten women who had come on board the preceding day, still remained with us. As I did not like the company of the latter, I stood in shore towards noon, principally with a view to get them out of the ship; and some canoes coming off, I took that opportunity of sending away our guests.

We had light airs from N.W. and S.W., and calms, till eleven in the morning of the 10th, when the wind freshened at W.N.W., which, with a strong current setting to the S.E., so much retarded us, that, in the evening, between seven and eight o'clock, the S. point of the island bore N. 10-1/2° W., four leagues distant. The south snowy hill now bore N. 1-1/2° E.

At four in the morning of the 11th, the wind having fixed at W., I stood in for the land, in order to get some refreshments. As we drew near the shore, the natives began to come off. We lay to, or stood on and off, trading with them all the day, but got a very scanty supply at last. Many canoes visited us, whose people had not a single thing to barter, which convinced us, that this part of the island must be very poor, and that we had already got all that they could spare. We spent the 12th plying off and on, with a fresh gale at W. A mile from the shore and to the N.E. of the S. point of the island, having tried soundings, we found ground at fifty-five fathoms depth, the bottom a fine sand. At five in the evening, we stood to the S.W., with the wind at W.N.W., and soon after midnight we had a calm.

At eight o'clock next morning, having got a small breeze at S.S.E., we steered to the N.N.W., in for the land. Soon after, a few canoes came along-side with some hogs, but without any vegetables, which articles we most wanted. We had now made some progress; for at noon the S. point of the island bore S. 86-1/2° E., the S.W. point N. 13° W., the nearest shore two leagues distant; latitude, by observation, 18° 56', and our longitude, by the time-keeper, 203° 40'. We had got the length of the S.W. point of the island in the evening, but the wind now veering to the westward and northward, during the night we lost all that we had gained. Next morning, being still off the S.W. point of the island, some canoes came off; but they had nothing that we were in want of. We had now neither fruit nor roots, and were under a necessity of making use of some of our sea-provisions. At length, some canoes from the northward brought us a small supply of hogs and roots.

We had variable light airs next to a calm, the following day, till five in the afternoon, when a small breeze at E.N.E. springing up, we were at last enabled to steer along shore to the northward. The weather being fine, we had plenty of company this day, and abundance of every thing. Many of our visitors remained with us on board all night, and we towed their canoes astern.

At day-break on the 16th, seeing the appearance of a bay, I sent Mr Bligh, with a boat from each ship, to examine it, being at this time three leagues off. Canoes now began to arrive from all parts; so that before ten o'clock, there were no fewer than a thousand about the two ships, most of them crowded with people, and well laden with hogs and other productions of the island. We had the most satisfying proof of their friendly intentions; for we did not see a single person who had with him a weapon of any sort. Trade and curiosity alone had brought them off. Among such numbers as we had at times on board, it is no wonder that some should betray a thievish disposition. One of our visitors took out of the ship a boat's rudder. He was discovered, but too late to recover it. I thought this a good opportunity to shew these people the use of fire-arms; and two or three muskets, and as many four-pounders, were fired over the canoe, which carried off the rudder. As it was not intended that any of the shot should take effect, the surrounding multitude of natives seemed rather more surprised than frightened.

In the evening Mr Bligh returned, and reported, that he had found a bay in which was good anchorage, and fresh water in a situation tolerably easy to be come at. Into this bay I resolved to carry the ships, there to refit, and supply ourselves with every refreshment that the place could afford. As night approached, the greater part of our visitors retired to the shore, but numbers of them requested our permission to sleep on board. Curiosity was not the only motive, at least with some; for, the next morning, several things were missing, which determined me not to entertain so many another night.

At eleven o'clock in the forenoon, we anchored in the bay, (which is called by the natives _Karakakooa_,) in thirteen fathoms water, over a sandy bottom, and about a quarter of a mile from the N.E. shore. In this situation, the S. point of the bay bore S. by W., and the N. point W. 1/2 N. We moored with the stream-anchor and cable to the northward, unbent the sails, and struck yards and top-masts. The ships continued to be much crowded with natives, and were surrounded by a multitude of canoes. I had no where, in the course of my voyage, seen so numerous a body of people assembled at one place. For, besides those who had come off to us in canoes, all the shore of the bay was covered with spectators, and many hundreds were swimming round the ships like shoals of fish. We could not but be struck with the singularity of this scene; and perhaps there were few on board who now lamented our having failed in our endeavours to find a northern passage homeward last summer. To this disappointment we owed our having it in our power to revisit the _Sandwich Islands_, and to enrich our voyage with a discovery which, though the last, seemed, in many respects, to be the most important that had hitherto been made by Europeans, throughout the extent of the Pacific Ocean.[6]

[Footnote 6: Thus ends Captain Cook's journal of his proceedings, and the visible satisfaction which pervades the concluding sentences, as is noticed in the Biog. Brit., must strike the mind of every reader. They indicate the high value which our navigator attached to this last discovery, now so irrevocably, but so painfully, associated with the honours of his name; whilst, in his unapprehending confidence, and the wonted calmness of his style, we see the agency of that beneficent law in our system, by which we are preserved ignorant of the evils that every hour and moment of our time may bring over us. Nor ought we to omit remarking as something peculiar, that Cook's allusion to the present comfortable opinion and feelings of his associates on the failure of their labours in the northern hemisphere, founded, no doubt, on the general expression of satisfaction, serves as a material aggravation, in the way of contrast, to our conceptions of their subsequent distress and grief, under the calamity of his most afflicting death.--E.]