Chapter 5

remained, and were growing, though I think it is probable they will never be got out of the ground.[2]

Next morning I sent over to the cove, where the natives reside, to haul the seine; and took with me a boar, and a young sow, two cocks, and two hens, we had brought from the isles. These I gave to the natives, being persuaded they would take proper care of them, by their keeping Captain Furneaux's sow near five months; for I am to suppose it was caught soon after we sailed. We had no better success with the seine than before; nevertheless we did not return on board quite empty, having purchased a large quantity from the natives. When we were upon this traffic, they shewed a great inclination to pick my pockets, and to take away the fish with one hand, which they had just given me with the other. This evil one of the chiefs undertook to remove, and with fury in his eyes made a shew of keeping the people at a proper distance. I applauded his conduct, but at the same time kept so good a look-out, as to detect him in picking my pocket of an handkerchief; which I suffered him to put in his bosom before I seemed to know any thing of the matter, and then told him what I had lost. He seemed quite ignorant and innocent, till I took it from him; and then he put it off with a laugh, acting his part with so much address, that it was hardly possible for me to be angry with him; so that we remained good friends, and he accompanied me on board to dinner. About that time, we were visited by several strangers, in four or five canoes, who brought with them fish, and other articles, which they exchanged for cloth, &c. These newcomers took up their quarters in a cove near us; but very early the next morning moved off with six of our small water casks; and with them all the people we found here on our arrival. This precipitate retreat of these last, we supposed was owing to the theft the others had committed. They left behind them some of their dogs, and the boar I had given them the day before, which I now took back again as I had not another. Our casks were the least loss we felt by these people leaving us: While they remained, we were generally well supplied with fish at a small expence.

We had fair weather, with the wind at N.E., on the 9th, which gave us some hopes of seeing the Adventure; but these hopes vanished in the afternoon, when the wind shifted to the westward.[3]

The next morning, our friends the natives returned again, and brought with them a quantity of fish, which they exchanged for two hatchets.

Fair weather on the 12th, enabled us to finish picking, airing, and baking our biscuit; four thousand two hundred and ninety-two pounds of which we found totally unfit to eat; and about three thousand pounds more could only be eaten by people in our situation.[4]

On the 13th, clear and pleasant weather. Early in the morning the natives brought us a quantity of fish, which they exchanged as usual. But their greatest branch of trade was the green talc or stone, called by them Poenammoo, a thing of no great value; nevertheless it was so much sought after by our people, that there was hardly a thing they would not give for a piece of it.[5]

The 15th being a pleasant morning, a party of us went over to the East Bay, and climbed one of the hills which overlooked the eastern part of the Strait, in order to look for the Adventure. We had a fatiguing walk to little purpose; for when we came to the summit, we found the eastern horizon so foggy, that we could not see above two miles. Mr Forster, who was one of the party, profited by this excursion, in collecting some new plants. I now began to despair of seeing the Adventure any more; but was totally at a loss to conceive what was become of her. Till now, I thought she had put into some port in the Strait, when the wind came to N.W., the day we anchored in the Cove, and waited to complete her water. This conjecture was reasonable enough at first, but it was now hardly probable she could be twelve days in our neighbourhood, without our either hearing or seeing something of her.

The hill we now mounted is the same that I was upon in 1770, when I had the second view of the Strait: We then built a tower, with the stones we found there, which we now saw had been levelled to the ground; no doubt by the natives, with a view of finding something hid in it. When we returned from the hill, we found a number of them collected round our boat. After some exchanges, and making them some presents, we embarked, in order to return on board; and, in our way, visited others of the inhabitants, by whom we were kindly received.

Our friends, the natives, employed themselves on the 17th in fishing in our neighbourhood; and, as fast as they caught the fish, came and disposed of them to us; insomuch that we had more than we could make use of. From this day to the 22d nothing remarkable happened, and we were occupied in getting every thing in readiness to put to sea, being resolved to wait no longer than the assigned time for the Adventure.

The winds were between the south and west, stormy with rain till the 23d, when the weather became settled, clear, and pleasant. Very early in the morning, we were visited by a number of the natives, in four or five canoes, very few of whom we had seen before. They brought with them various articles (curiosities), which they exchanged for Otaheitean cloth, &c. At first, the exchanges were very much in our favour, till an old man, who was no stranger to us, came and assisted his countrymen with his advice; which, in a moment, turned the trade above a thousand per cent, against us.[6]

After these people were gone, I took four hogs (that is, three sows and one boar), two cocks and two hens, which I landed in the bottom of the West Bay; carrying them a little way into the woods, where we left them with as much food as would serve them ten or twelve days. This was done with a view of keeping them in the woods, lest they should come down to the shore in search of food, and be discovered by the natives; which, however, seemed not probable, as this place had never been frequented by them; nor were any traces of them to be seen near it. We also left some cocks and hens in the woods in Ship Cove; but these will have a chance of falling into the hands of the natives, whose wandering way of life will hinder them from breeding, even suppose they should be taken proper care of. Indeed, they took rather too much care of those which I had already given them, by keeping them continually confined, for fear of losing them in the woods. The sow pig we had not seen since the day they had her from me; but we were now told she was still living, as also the old boar and sow given them by Captain Furneaux; so that there is reason to hope they may succeed. It will be unfortunate, indeed, if every method I have taken, to provide this country with useful animals, should be frustrated. We were likewise told, that the two goats were still alive, and running about; but I gave more credit to the first story than this. I should have replaced them, by leaving behind the only two I had left, but had the misfortune to lose the ram soon after our arrival here, in a manner we could hardly account for. They were both put ashore at the tents, where they seemed to thrive very well; at last, the ram was taken with fits bordering on madness. We were at a loss to tell whether it was occasioned by any thing he had eaten, or by being stung with nettles, which were in plenty about the place; but supposed it to be the latter, and therefore did not take the care of him we ought to have done. One night, while he was lying by the centinel, he was seized with one of these fits, and ran headlong into the sea; but soon came out again, and seemed quite easy. Presently after, he was seized with another fit, and ran along the beach, with the she-goat after him. Some time after she returned, but the other was never seen more. Diligent search was made for him in the woods to no purpose; we therefore supposed he had run into the sea a second time, and had been drowned. After this accident, it would have been in vain to leave the she-goat, as she was not with kid; having kidded but a few days before we arrived, and the kids dead. Thus the reader will see how every method I have taken to stock this country with sheep and goats has proved ineffectual.

When I returned on board in the evening, I found our good friends the natives had brought us a large supply of fish. Some of the officers visiting them at their habitations, saw, among them, some human thigh- bones, from which the flesh had been but lately picked. This, and other circumstances, led us to believe that the people, whom we took for strangers this morning, were of the same tribe; that they had been out on some war expedition; and that those things they sold us, were the spoils of their enemies. Indeed, we had some information of this sort the day before; for a number of women and children came off to us in a canoe, from whom we learnt that a party of men were then out, for whose safety they were under some apprehension; but this report found little credit with us, as we soon after saw some canoes come in from fishing, which we judged to be them.

Having now got the ship in a condition for sea, and to encounter the southern latitudes, I ordered the tents to be struck, and every thing to be got on board.

The boatswain, with a party of men, being in the woods cutting broom, some of them found a private hut of the natives, in which was deposited most of the treasure they had received from us, as well as some other articles of their own. It is very probable some were set to watch this hut; as, soon after it was discovered, they came and took all away. But missing some things, they told our people they had stolen them; and in the evening, came and made their complaint to me, pitching upon one of the party as the person who had committed the theft. Having ordered this man to be punished before them, they went away seemingly satisfied; although they did not recover any of the things they had lost, nor could I by any means find out what had become of them; though nothing was more certain, than that something had been stolen by some of the party, if not by the very man the natives had pitched upon. It was ever a maxim with me, to punish the least crimes any of my people committed against these uncivilized nations. Their robbing us with impunity is, by no means, a sufficient reason why we should treat them in the same manner, a conduct, we see, they themselves cannot justify: They found themselves injured, and sought for redress in a legal way. The best method, in my opinion, to preserve a good understanding with such people, is, first, by shewing them the use of firearms, to convince them of the superiority they give you over them, and then to be always upon your guard. When once they are sensible of these things, a regard for their own safety will deter them from disturbing you, or from being unanimous in forming any plan to attack you; and strict honesty, and gentle treatment on your part, will make it their interest not to do it.

Calm or light airs from the north all day on the 23d, hindered us from putting to sea as intended.[7] In the afternoon, some of the officers went on shore to amuse themselves among the natives, where they saw the head and bowels of a youth, who had lately been killed, lying on the beach; and the heart stuck on a forked stick, which was fixed to the head of one of the largest canoes. One of the gentlemen bought the head, and brought it on board, where a piece of the flesh was broiled and eaten by one of the natives, before all the officers and most of the men. I was on shore at this time, but soon after returning on board, was informed of the above circumstances; and found the quarter-deck crowded with the natives, and the mangled head, or rather part of it, (for the under-jaw and lip were wanting) lying on the tafferal. The skull had been broken on the left side, just above the temples; and the remains of the face had all the appearance of a youth under twenty.[8]

The sight of the head, and the relation of the above circumstances, struck me with horror, and filled my mind with indignation against these cannibals. Curiosity, however, got the better of my indignation, especially when I considered that it would avail but little; and being desirous of becoming an eye-witness of a fact which many doubted, I ordered a piece of the flesh to be broiled and brought to the quarter-deck, where one of these cannibals eat it with surprising avidity. This had such an effect on some of our people as to make them sick. Oedidee (who came on board with me) was so affected with the sight as to become perfectly motionless, and seemed as if metamorphosed into the statue of horror. It is utterly impossible for art to describe that passion with half the force that it appeared in his countenance. When roused from this state by some of us, he burst into tears; continued to weep and scold by turns; told them they were vile men; and that he neither was, nor would be any longer their friend. He even would not suffer them to touch him; he used the same language to one of the gentlemen who cut off the flesh; and refused to accept, or even touch the knife with which it was done. Such was Oedidee's indignation against the vile custom; and worthy of imitation by every rational being.

I was not able to find out the reason for their undertaking this expedition; all I could understand for certain was, that they went from hence into Admiralty Bay (the next inlet to the west), and there fought with their enemies, many of whom they killed. They counted to me fifty; a number which exceeded probability, as they were not more, if so many, themselves. I think I understood them clearly, that this youth was killed there; and not brought away prisoner, and afterwards killed. Nor could I learn that they had brought away any more than this one; which increased the improbability of their having killed so many. We had also reason to think that they did not come off without loss; for a young woman was seen, more than once, to cut herself, as is the custom when they lose a friend or relation.

That the New Zealanders are cannibals, can now no longer be doubted. The account given of this in my former voyage, being partly founded on circumstances, was, as I afterwards understood, discredited by many persons. Few consider what a savage man is in his natural state, and even after he is, in some degree, civilized. The New Zealanders are certainly in some state of civilization; their behaviour to us was manly and mild, shewing, on all occasions, a readiness to oblige. They have some arts among them which they execute with great judgment and unwearied patience; they are far less addicted to thieving than the other islanders of the South Sea; and I believe those in the same tribe, or such as are at peace one with another, are strictly honest among themselves. This custom of eating their enemies slain in battle (for I firmly believe they eat the flesh of no others) has undoubtedly been handed down to them from the earliest times; and we know it is not an easy matter to wean a nation from their ancient customs, let them be ever so inhuman and savage; especially if that nation has no manner of connexion or commerce with strangers. For it is by this that the greatest part of the human race has been civilized; an advantage which the New Zealanders, from their situation, never had. An intercourse with foreigners would reform their manners, and polish their savage minds. Or, were they more united under a settled form of government, they would have fewer enemies, consequently this custom would be less in use, and might in time be in a manner forgotten. At present, they have but little idea of treating others as themselves would _wish_ to be treated, but treat them as they _expect_ to be treated. If I remember right, one of the arguments they made use of to Tupia, who frequently expostulated with them against this custom, was, that there could be no harm in killing and eating the man who would do the same by them if it was in his power. "For," said they, "can there be any harm in eating our enemies, whom we have killed in battle? Would not those very enemies have done the same to us?" I have often seen them listen to Tupia with great attention; but I never found his arguments have any weight with them, or that with all his rhetoric, he could persuade any one of them that this custom was wrong. And when Oedidee, and several of our people, shewed their abhorrence of it, they only laughed at them.

Among many reasons which I have heard assigned for the prevalence of this horrid custom, the want of animal food has been one; but how far this is deducible either from facts or circumstances, I shall leave those to find out who advanced it. In every part of New Zealand where I have been, fish was in such plenty, that the natives generally caught as much as served both themselves and us. They have also plenty of dogs; nor is there any want of wild fowl, which they know very well how to kill. So that neither this, nor the want of food of any kind, can, in my opinion, be the reason. But, whatever it may be, I think it was but too evident, that they have a great liking for this kind of food.[9]

I must here observe, that Oedidee soon learnt to converse with these people, as I am persuaded, he would have done with the people of Amsterdam, had he been a little longer with them; for he did not understand the New Zealanders, at first, any more, or not so much, as he understood the people of Amsterdam.

At four o'clock in the morning, on the 24th, we unmoored with an intent to put to sea; but the wind being at N. and N.E. without, and blowing strong puffs into the cove, made it necessary for us to lie fast. While we were unmooring, some of our old friends came on board to take their leave of us, and afterwards left the cove with all their effects; but those who had been out on the late expedition remained; and some of the gentlemen having visited them, found the heart still sticking on the canoe, and the intestines lying on the beach; but the liver and lungs were now wanting. Probably they had eaten them, after the carcase was all gone.

On the 25th, early in the morning, we weighed, with a small, breeze out of the cove, which carried us no farther than between Motuara and Long Island, where we were obliged to anchor; but presently after a breeze springing up at north, we weighed again, turned out of the Sound, and stood over for Cape Teerawhitte.

During our stay in the Sound, we were plentifully supplied with fish, procured from the natives at a very easy rate; and, besides the vegetables our own gardens afforded, we found every where plenty of scurvy grass and cellery, which I caused to be dressed every day for all hands. By this means, they had been mostly on a fresh diet for the three preceding months; and at this time, we had neither a sick nor scorbutic man on board. It is necessary to mention, for the information of others, that we had now some pork on board, salted at Ulietea, and as good as any I ever eat. The manner in which we cured it, was this: In the cool of the evening the hogs were killed, dressed, cut up, the bones cut out, and the flesh salted while it was yet hot. The next morning we gave it a second salting, packed it into a cask, and put to it a sufficient quantity of strong pickle. Great care is to be taken that the meat be well covered with pickle, otherwise it will soon spoil.

The morning before we sailed, I wrote a memorandum, setting forth the time we last arrived, the day we sailed, the route I intended to take, and such other information as I thought necessary for Captain Furneaux, in case he should put into the Sound; and buried it in a bottle under the root of a tree in the garden, which is in the bottom of the cove, in such a manner as must be found by him or any other European who might put into the cove. I, however, had little reason to hope it would fall into the hands of the person for whom it was intended, thinking it hardly possible that the Adventure could be in any port in New Zealand, as we had not heard of her all this time. Nevertheless I was resolved not to leave the coast without looking for her, where I thought it most likely for her to be. It was with this view that I stood over for Cape Teerawhitte, and afterwards ran along- shore, from point to point, to Cape Palliser, firing guns every half hour; but all to no effect. At eight o'clock we brought-to for the night, Cape Palliser bearing S.E. by E. distant three leagues; in which situation we had fifty fathoms water.

I had now an opportunity of making the following remarks on the coast between Cape Teerawhitte and Cape Palliser: The bay which lies on the west side of the last Cape, does not appear to run so far inland to the northward as I at first thought; the deception being caused by the land in the bottom of it being low: It is, however, at least five leagues deep, and full as wide at the entrance. Though it seems to be exposed to southerly and S.W. winds, it is probable there may be places in the bottom of it sheltered even from these. The bay or inlet, on the east side of Cape Teerawhitte, before which we anchored, lies in north, inclining to the west, and seemed to be sheltered from all winds. The middle cape, or point of land that disjoins these two bays, rises to a considerable height, especially inland; for close to the sea is a skirt of low land, off which lie some pointed rocks, but so near to the shore as to be noways dangerous. Indeed, the navigation of this side of the Strait seems much safer than the other, because the tides here are not near so strong. Cape Teerawhitte and Cape Palliser lie in the direction of N. 69° W., and S. 69° east, from each other distant ten leagues. The cape which disjoins the two bays above- mentioned lies within, or north of this direction. All the land near the coast, between and about these capes, is exceedingly barren; probably owing to its being so much exposed to the cold southerly winds. From Cape Teerawhitte to the Two Brothers, which lie off Cape Koamoroo, the course is nearly N.W. by N. distant sixteen miles. North of Cape Teerawhitte, between it and Entry Island, is an island lying pretty near the shore. I judged this to be an island when I saw it in my former voyage, but not being certain, left it undetermined in my chart of the Strait, which is the reason of my taking notice of it now, as also of the bays, &c. above- mentioned.

At day-light in the morning on the 26th, we made sail round Cape Palliser, firing guns as usual, as we ran along the shore. In this manner we proceeded till we were three or four leagues to the N.E. of the Cape; when the wind shifted to N.E., we bore away for Cape Campbell on the other side of the Strait. Soon after, seeing a smoke ascend, at some distance inland, away to the N.E, we hauled the wind, and continued to ply till six o'clock in the evening; which was several hours after the smoke disappeared, and left us not the least signs of people.

Every one being unanimously of opinion that the Adventure could neither be stranded on the coast, nor be in any of the harbours thereof, I gave up looking for her, and all thoughts of seeing her any more during the voyage, as no rendezvous was absolutely fixed upon after leaving New Zealand. Nevertheless, this did not discourage me from fully exploring the southern parts of the Pacific Ocean, in the doing of which I intended to employ the whole of the ensuing season.

On our quitting the coast, and consequently all hopes of being joined by our consort, I had the satisfaction to find that not a man was dejected, or thought the dangers we had yet to go through, were in the least increased by being alone; but as cheerfully proceeding to the south, or wherever I might think proper to lead them, as if the Adventure, or even more ships, had been in our company.[10]

[1] "They expressed great satisfaction at our calling them by their names, doubtless because it served to persuade them that we were particularly concerned for their welfare, by retaining them in memory. The weather was fair and warm, considering the season, but our New Zealanders were all covered with shaggy cloaks, which are their winter dresses."--G.F.

[2] "We found almost all the radishes and turnips shot into seed, the cabbages and carrots very fine, and abundance of onions and parsley in good order; the pease and beans were almost entirely lost, and seemed to have been destroyed by rats. The potatoes were likewise all extirpated; but, from appearances, we guessed this to have been the work of the natives. The thriving state of our European pot-herbs, gave us a strong and convincing proof of the mildness of the winter in this part of New Zealand, where it seems it had never frozen hard enough to kill these plants, which perish in our winters. The indigenous plants of this country were not yet so forward; the deciduous trees and shrubs, in particular, were but just beginning to look green, and the vivid colour of their fresh leaves well contrasted with the dark wintery hue of the evergreens. The flag, of which the natives prepare their hemp, was, however, in flower, together with some other early species."--G.F.

[3] "The weather, during this time, was as boisterous and inconstant, as that which had so long kept us out of this harbour. Scarce a day passed without heavy squalls of wind, which hurried down with redoubled velocity from the mountains, and strong showers of rain, which retarded all our occupations. The air was commonly cold and raw, vegetation made slow advances, and the birds were only found in vallies sheltered from the chilling southern blast. This kind of weather, in all likelihood, prevails throughout the winter, and likewise far into the midst of summer, without a much greater degree of cold in the former, or of warmth in the latter season. Islands far remote from any continent, or at least not situated near a cold one, seem in general to have an uniform temperature of air, owing, perhaps, to the nature of the ocean, which every where surrounds them. It appears from the meteorological journals, kept at Port Egmont, on the Falkland Islands, (inserted in Mr Dalrymple's collection) that the extremes of the greatest cold, and the greatest heat, observed there throughout the year, do not exceed thirty degrees on Fahrenheit's scale. The latitude of that port is 51° 25' S.; and that of Ship Cove, in Queen Charlotte's Sound, only 41° 5'. This considerable difference of site will naturally make the climate of New Zealand much milder than that of Falkland's Islands, but cannot affect the general hypothesis concerning the temperature of all islands; and the immense height of the mountains in New Zealand, some of which are covered with snow throughout the year, doubtless contributes to refrigerate the air, so as to assimilate it to that of the Falkland's Islands, which are not so high."--G.F.

[4] "In the morning, the weather being clear again, Dr Sparrman, my father, and myself, went to the Indian Cove, which we found uninhabited. A path, made by the natives, led through the forest a considerable way up the steep mountain, which separates this cove from Shag Cove. The only motive which could induce the New Zealanders to make this path, appeared to be the abundance of ferns towards the summit of the mountain, the roots of that plant being an article of their diet. The steepest part of the path was cut in steps, paved with shingle or slate, but beyond that the climbers impeded our progress considerably. About half way up, the forest ended, and the rest was covered with various shrubs and ferns, though it appeared to be naked and barren from the ship. At the summit we met with many plants which grow in the vallies, and by the sea-side, at Dusky Bay, owing to the difference of the climate, which is so much more vigorous in that southern extremity of New Zealand. The whole to the very top consists of the same talcous clay, which is universal all over the island, and of a talcous stone, which, when exposed to the sun and air, crumbles in pieces, and dissolves into lamellae. Its colour is whitish, greyish, and sometimes tinged with a dirty yellowish-red, perhaps owing to irony particles. The south side of the mountain is clad in forests, almost to the summit. The view from hence was very extensive and pleasing: We looked into East Bay as into a fish-pond, and saw Cape Tera-wittee beyond the Strait. The mountains in the south arose to a vast height, and were capt with snow; and the whole prospect on that side was wild and chaotic."--G.F.

[5] "Our sailors carried on their former amours with the women, amongst whom there was but one who had tolerable features, and something soft and humane in her looks. She was regularly given in marriage by her parents to one of our ship-mates, who was particularly beloved by this nation, for devoting much of his time to them, and treating them with those marks of affection, which, even among a savage race, endear mankind to one another. Togheeree, for so the girl was called, proved as faithful to her husband as if he had been a New Zealander, and constantly rejected the addresses of other seamen, professing herself a married woman, (_tirratane_.) Whatever attachment the Englishman had to his New Zealand wife, he never attempted to take her on board, foreseeing that it would be highly inconvenient to lodge the numerous retinue which crowded in her garments, and weighed down the hair of her head. He, therefore, visited her on shore, and only day by day, treating her with plenty of the rotten part of our biscuit, which we rejected, But which she and all her countrymen eagerly devoured."--G.F.

[6] "They were more dressed than we had commonly seen any, during this second stay, at Queen Charlotte's Sound; their hair was tied up, and their cheeks painted red. All these circumstances conspired to confirm the account which the women had given us the day before, that their husbands were gone to fight, as it is usual for them to put on their best apparel on those occasions. I am much afraid that their unhappy differences with other tribes, were revived on our account. Our people, not satisfied with purchasing all the hatchets of stone, &c. &c. of which the natives of our acquaintance were possessed, continually enquired for more, and shewed them such large and valuable pieces of Otaheite cloth, as would not fail to excite their desires. It is not improbable, that as soon as this appetite prevailed among the New Zealanders, they would reflect that the shortest way to gratify it, would be to rob their neighbours of such goods, as the Europeans coveted. The great store of arms, ornaments, and clothes, which they produced at this time, seemed to prove, that such a daring and villainous design had really been put in execution; nor was it to be supposed that this could have been accomplished without bloodshed."--G.F.

[7] An instance of the ferocity of manners of this savage nation, was presented this day. A boy, about six or seven years old, demanded a piece of broiled penguin, which his mother held in her hands. As she did not immediately comply with his demand, he took up a large stone and threw it at her. The woman, incensed at this action, ran to punish him, but she had scarcely given him a single blow, when her husband came forward, beat her unmercifully, and dashed her against the ground, for attempting to correct her unnatural child. Our people, who were employed in filling water, told my father they had frequently seen similar instances of cruelty among them, and particularly, that the boys had actually struck their unhappy mother, whilst the father looked on lest she should attempt to retaliate. Among all savage nations the weaker sex is ill-treated, and the law of the strongest is put in force. Their women are mere drudges, who prepare raiment and provide dwellings, who cook and frequently collect their food, and are requited by blows, and all kinds of severity. At New Zealand, it seems they carry this tyranny to excess, and the males are taught, from their earliest age, to hold their mothers in contempt, contrary to all our principles of morality."--G.F.

Mr Forster immediately goes on to relate the remainder of this day's occurrences, so painfully pregnant in discoveries relative to this savage people. The reader, it is believed, will think the account in the text abundantly minute, without any addition. What a fine specimen to prove the accuracy of Rousseau's delineation of our species, in its uncontaminated state!--E.

[8] Mr G. Forster informs us, that Mr Pickersgill purchased the head from the savages for a nail, and that it was afterwards deposited in the collection of Mr John Hunter. He adds, that some of these people expressed an ardent desire of repossessing it, signifying, by the most intelligible gestures, that it was delicious to the taste. This strongly corroborates what Captain Cook afterwards states, of their really relishing such kind of food.--E.

[9] This distressing subject has, perhaps, already too much engrossed the reader's attention and feelings; and, unfortunately, it must again be brought before him, when we treat of the third voyage of Cook. He might think then, that at present, he ought to be spared farther comment on what is so odious; but neither the apprehension, nor the experience of the unpleasant impressions it produces, is sufficient reason for declining the consideration of the atrocities of which human nature is capable. Self-conceit, indeed, may be mortified at the unavoidable thought of identity of species, which it may seek many imaginary devices to conceal; and feverish sensibility may be wrought up to indignant discontent, at the power which placed it amid such profligacy. But the humble philosopher, on the other hand, will investigate the causes, without ceasing to deplore the effects, and will rejoice in the belief, that there are any means by which mankind may be redeemed from the condemnation which his judgment cannot fail to award. To him, accordingly, the following observations of Mr G. Forster are addressed, as preparatory to the farther consideration of the subject, in which he will afterwards be engaged. "Philosophers, who have only contemplated mankind in their closets, have strenuously maintained, that all the assertions of authors, ancient and modern, of the existence of men-eaters, are not to be credited; and there have not been wanting persons amongst ourselves who were sceptical enough to refuse belief to the concurrent testimonies, in the history of almost all nations, in this particular. But Captain Cook had already, in his former voyage, received strong proof that the practice of eating human flesh existed in New Zealand; and as now we have with our own eyes seen the inhabitants devouring human flesh, all controversy on that point must be at an end. The opinions of authors on the origin of this custom, are infinitely various, and have lately been collected by the very learned canon, Pauw, at Xanten, in his _Recherches Philosophiques sur les Americains_, vol. i, p. 207. He seems to think that men were first tempted to devour each other from real want of food, and cruel necessity. His sentiments are copied by Dr Hawkesworth, who has disingenuously concealed their author. Many weighty objections, however, may be made against this hypothesis; amongst which the following is one of the greatest. There are very few countries in the world so miserably barren as not to afford their inhabitants sufficient nourishment, and those, in particular, where anthropophagi still exist, do not come under that description. The northern isle of New Zealand, on a coast of near four hundred leagues, contains scarcely one hundred thousand inhabitants, according to the most probable guess which can be made; a number inconsiderable for that vast space of country, even allowing the settlements to be confined only to the sea-shore. The great abundance of fish, and the beginnings of agriculture in the Bay of Plenty, and other parts of the Northern Isle, are more than sufficient to maintain this number, because they have always had enough to supply strangers with what was deemed superfluous. It is true, before the dawn of the arts among them, before the invention of nets, and before the cultivation of potatoes, the means of subsistence may have been more difficult, but then the number of inhabitants must likewise have been infinitely smaller. Single instances are not conclusive in this case, though they prove how far the wants cf the body may stimulate mankind to extraordinary actions. In 1772, during a famine which happened throughout all Germany, a herdsman was taken on the manor of Baron Boineburg, in Hessia, who had been urged by hunger to kill and devour a boy, and afterwards to make a practice of it for several months. From his confession, it appeared, that he looked upon the flesh of young children as a very delicious food; and the gestures of the New Zealanders indicated exactly the same thing. An old woman, in the province of Matogrosso, in Brazil, declared to the Portuguese governor, M. de Pinto, afterwards ambassador at the British court, that she had eaten human flesh several times, liked it very much, and should be very glad to feast upon it again, especially if it was part of a little boy. But it would be absurd to suppose from such circumstances, that killing men for the sake of feasting upon them, has ever been the spirit of a whole nation; because it is utterly incompatible with the existence of society. Slight causes have ever produced the most remarkable events among mankind, and the most trifling quarrels have fired their minds with incredible inveteracy against each other. Revenge has always been a strong passion among barbarians, who are less subject to the sway of reason, than civilized people, and has stimulated them to a degree of madness, which is capable of all kinds of excesses. The people who first consumed the body of their enemies, seem to have been bent upon exterminating their very inanimate remains, from an excess of passion; but, by degrees, finding the meat wholesome and palatable, it is not to be wondered at that they should make a practice of eating their enemies as often as they killed any, since the action of eating human flesh, whatever our education may teach us to the contrary, is certainly neither unnatural nor criminal in itself. It can only become dangerous as far as it steels the mind against that compassionate fellow-feeling, which is the great basis of society; and for this reason, we find it naturally banished from every people as soon as civilization has made any progress among them. But though we are too much polished to be cannibals, we do not find it unnaturally and savagely cruel to take the field, and to cut one another's throats by thousands, without a single motive, besides the ambition of a prince, or the caprice of his mistress! Is it not from prejudice that we are disgusted with the idea of eating a dead man, when we feel no remorse in depriving him of life? If the practice of eating human flesh makes men unfeeling and brutal, we have instances that civilized people, who would, perhaps, like some of our sailors, have turned sick at the thought of eating human flesh, have committed barbarities, without example, amongst cannibals. A New Zealander, who kills and eats his enemy, is a very different being from an European, who, for his amusement, tears an infant from the mother's breast, in cool blood, and throws it on the earth, to feed his hounds,--an atrocious crime, which Bishop Las Casas says, he saw committed in America by Spanish soldiers. The New Zealanders never eat their adversaries unless they are killed in battle; they never kill their relations for the purpose of eating them; they do not even eat them if they die of a natural death, and they take no prisoners with a view to fatten them for their repast; though these circumstances have been related, with more or less truth, of the American Indians. It is therefore not improbable, that in process of time, they will entirely lay aside this custom; and the introduction of new domestic animals into their country might hasten that period, since greater affluence would tend to make them more sociable. Their religion does not seem likely to be an obstacle, because from what we could judge, they are not remarkably superstitious, and it is only among very bigotted nations that the custom of offering human flesh to the gods, has prevailed after civilization."--These are evidently hasty speculations, and by no means conclusive, but they point with tolerable clearness to some principle of human nature adequate, independent of necessity, to account for the practice, and shew in what manner the investigation into its nature, causes, and remedy, ought to be carried on.--E.

[10] "The officers and passengers entered upon this second cruise under several difficulties, which did not exist before. They had now no livestock to be compared to that which they took from the Cape of Good Hope; and the little store of provisions, which had supplied their table with variety in preference to that of the common sailor, was now so far consumed, that they were nearly upon a level, especially as the seamen were inured to that way of life, by constant habit, almost from their infancy; and the others had never experienced it before. The hope of meeting with new lands was vanished, the topics of common conversation were exhausted, the cruise to the south could not present any thing new, but appeared in all its chilling horrors before us, and the absence of our consort doubled every danger. We had enjoyed a few agreeable days between the tropics, we had feasted as well as the produce of various islands would permit, and we had been entertained with the novelty of many objects among different nations; but according to the common vicissitudes of fortune, this agreeable moment was to be replaced by a long period of fogs and frosty weather, of fasting, and of tedious uniformity. If any thing alleviated the dreariness of the prospect, with a great part of our shipmates, it was the hope of completing the circle round the South Pole, in a high latitude, during the next inhospitable summer, and of returning to England within the space of eight months. This hope contributed to animate the spirits of our people during the greatest part of our continuance in bad weather; but in the end it vanished like a dream, and the only thought which could make them amends, was the certainty of passing another season among the happy islands in the torrid zone."--G.F.

SECTION VI.

_Route of the Ship from New Zealand in Search of a Continent; with an Account of the various Obstructions met with from the Ice, and the Methods pursued to explore the Southern Pacific Ocean._

AT eight o'clock in the evening of the 26th, we took our departure from Cape Palliser, and steered to the south, inclining to the east, having a favourable gale from the N.W. and S.W. We daily saw some rock-weeds, seals, Port Egmont hens, albatrosses, pintadoes, and other peterels; and on the 2d of December, being in the latitude of 48° 23' south, longitude 179° 16' west, we saw a number of red-billed penguins, which remained about us for several days. On the 5th, being in the latitude 50° 17' south, longitude 179° 40' east, the variation was 18° 25' east. At half an hour past eight o'clock the next evening, we reckoned ourselves antipodes to our friends in London, consequently as far removed from them as possible.[1]

On the 8th, being in the latitude 55° 39', longitude 178° 53' west, we ceased to see penguins and seals, and concluded that those we had seen, retired to the southern parts of New Zealand, whenever it was necessary for them to be at land. We had now a strong gale at N.W., and a great swell from S.W. This swell we got as soon as the south point of New Zealand came in that direction; and as we had had no wind from that quarter the six preceding days, but, on the contrary, it had been at east, north, and N.W., I conclude there can be no land to the southward, under the meridian of New Zealand, but what must lie very far to the south. The two following days we had very stormy weather, sleet and snow, winds between the north and south- west.

The 11th the storm abated, and the weather clearing up, we found the latitude to be 61° 15' south, longitude 173° 4' W. This fine weather was of short duration; in the evening, the wind increased to a strong gale at S. W., blew in squalls, attended with thick snow showers, hail, and sleet. The mercury in the thermometer fell to thirty-two; consequently the weather was very cold, and seemed to indicate that ice was not far off.[2]

At four o'clock the next morning, being in the latitude of 62° 10' south, longitude 172° west, we saw the first ice island, 11° 1/2 farther south than the first ice we saw the preceding year after leaving the Cape of Good Hope. At the time we saw this ice, we also saw an antarctic peterel, some grey albatrosses, and our old companions pintadoes and blue peterels. The wind kept veering from S.W. by the N.W. to N.N.E. for the most part a fresh gale, attended with a thick haze and snow; on which account we steered to the S.E. and E., keeping the wind always on the beam, that it might be in our power to return back nearly on the same track, should our course have been interrupted by any danger whatever. For some days we had a great sea from the N.W. and S.W., so that it is not probable there can be any land near, between these two points.

We fell in with several large islands on the 14th, and about noon, with a quantity of loose ice, through which we sailed. Latitude 64° 55' south, longitude 163° 20' west. Grey albatrosses, blue peterels, pintadoes, and fulmers, were seen. As we advanced to the S.E. by E. with a fresh gale at west, we found the number of ice islands increase fast upon us. Between noon and eight in the evening we saw but two; but before four o'clock in the morning of the 15th, we had passed seventeen, besides a quantity of loose ice which we ran through. At six o'clock, we were obliged to haul to the N.E., in order to clear an immense field that lay to the south and S. E. The ice, in most part of it, lay close packed together; in other places, there appeared partitions in the field, and a clear sea beyond it. However, I did not think it safe to venture through, as the wind would not permit us to return the same way that we must go in. Besides, as it blew strong, and the weather at times was exceedingly foggy, it was the more necessary for us to get clear of this loose ice, which is rather more dangerous than the great islands. It was not such ice as is usually found in bays or rivers and near shore; but such as breaks off from the islands, and may not improperly be called parings of the large pieces, or the rubbish or fragments which fall off when the great islands break loose from the place where they are formed.[3]

We had not stood long to the N.E. before we found ourselves embayed by the ice, and were obliged to tack and stretch to the S.W., having the field, or loose ice, to the south, and many huge islands to the north. After standing two hours on this tack, the wind very luckily veering to the westward, we tacked, stretched to the north, and soon got clear of the loose ice; but not before we had received several hard knocks from the larger pieces, which, with all our care, we could not avoid. After clearing one danger we still had another to encounter; the weather remained foggy, and many large islands lay in our way; so that we had to luff for one, and bear up for another. One we were very near falling aboard of, and, if it had happened, this circumstance would never have been related.[4] These difficulties, together with the improbability of finding land farther south, and the impossibility of exploring it, on account of the ice, if we should find any, determined me to get more to the north. At the time we last tacked, we were in the longitude of 159° 20' W., and in the latitude of 66° 0' S. Several penguins were seen on some of these islands, and a few antarctic peterels on the wing.

We continued to stand to the north, with a fresh gale at west, attended with thick snow showers, till eight o'clock in the evening, when the wind abated, the sky began to clear up, and at six o'clock in the morning of the 16th it fell calm. Four hours after, it was succeeded by a breeze at N.E. with which we stretched to the S.E., having thick hazy weather, with snow showers, and all our rigging coated with ice. In the evening, we attempted to take some up out of the sea, but were obliged to desist; the sea running too high, and the pieces being so large, that it was dangerous for the boat to come near them.

The next morning, being the 17th, we succeeded better; for, falling in with a quantity of loose ice, we hoisted out two boats; and by noon got on board as much as we could manage. We then made sail for the east, with a gentle breeze northerly, attended with snow and sleet, which froze to the rigging as it fell. At this time we were in the latitude of 64° 41' south, longitude 155° 44' west. The ice we took up proved to be none of the best, being chiefly composed of frozen snow; on which account it was porous, and had imbibed a good deal of salt water; but this drained off, after lying a while on deck, and the water then yielded was fresh. We continued to stretch to the east, with a piercing cold northerly wind, attended with a thick fog, snow, and sleet, that decorated all our rigging with icicles. We were hourly meeting with some of the large ice islands, which, in these high latitudes, render navigation so very dangerous: At seven in the evening, falling in with a cluster of them, we narrowly escaped running aboard of one, and, with difficulty, wore clear of the others. We stood back to the west till ten o'clock; at which time the fog cleared away, and we resumed our course to the east. At noon, the next day, we were in the latitude of 64° 49' S., longitude 149° 19' W. Some time after, our longitude, by observed distance of the sun and moon, was 149° 19' W.; by Mr Kendal's watch 148° 36'; and, by my reckoning, 148° 43', latitude 64° 48' S.

The clear weather, and the wind veering to N.W., tempted me to steer south; which course we continued till seven in the morning of the 20th, when the wind changing to N.E. and the sky becoming clouded, we hauled up S.E. In the afternoon the wind increased to a strong gale, attended with a thick fog, snow, sleet, and rain, which constitutes the very worst of weather. Our rigging, at this time, was so loaded with ice, that we had enough to do to get our topsails down, to double the reef. At seven o'clock in the evening, in the longitude of 147° 46', we came, the second time, within the antarctic or polar circle, continuing our course to the S.E. till six o'clock the next morning. At that time, being in the latitude of 67° 5' S., all at once we got in among a cluster of very large ice islands, and a vast quantity of loose pieces; and as the fog was exceedingly thick, it was with the utmost difficulty we wore clear of them. This done, we stood to the N.W. till noon, when, the fog being somewhat dissipated, we resumed our course again to the S.E. The ice islands we met with in the morning were very high and rugged, forming at their tops, many peaks; whereas the most of those we had seen before, were flat at top, and not so high; though many of them were between two and three hundred feet in height, and between two and three miles in circuit, with perpendicular cliffs or sides, astonishing to behold.[5] Most or our winged companions had now left us; the grey albatrosses only remained; and, instead of the other birds, we were visited by a few antarctic peterels.

The 22d we steered E.S.E. with a fresh gale at north, blowing in squalls, one of which took hold of the mizen top-sail, tore it all to rags, and rendered it forever after useless. At six o'clock in the morning, the wind veering towards the west, our course was east northerly. At this time we were in the latitude of 67° 31', the highest we had yet been in, longitude 142° 54' W.

We continued our course to the E. by N. till noon, the 23d, when being in the latitude of 67° 12', longitude 138° 0', we steered S.E.; having then twenty-three ice islands in sight, from off the deck, and twice that number from the mast-head; and yet we could not see above two or three miles round us. At four o'clock in the afternoon, in the latitude of 67° 20', longitude 137° 12', we fell in with such a quantity of field, or loose ice, as covered the sea in the whole extent from south to east, and was so thick and close as wholly to obstruct our passage. At this time, the wind being pretty moderate, and the sea smooth, we brought-to, at the outer edge of the ice, hoisted out two boats, and sent them to take some up. In the mean time, we laid hold of several large pieces along-side, and got them on board with our tackle. The taking up ice proved such cold work, that it was eight o'clock by the time the boats had made two trips, when we hoisted them in, and made sail to the west, under double-reefed top-sails and courses, with a strong gale at north, attended with snow and sleet, which froze to the rigging as it fell, making the ropes like wires, and the sails like boards or plates of metal. The sheaves also were frozen so fast in the blocks, that it required our utmost efforts to get a top-sail down and up; the cold so intense as hardly to be endured; the whole sea, in a manner, covered with ice; a hard gale, and a thick fog.[6]

Under all these unfavourable circumstances, it was natural for me to think of returning more to the north; seeing no probability of finding any land here, nor a possibility of getting farther south. And to have proceeded to the east in this latitude, must have been wrong, not only on account of the ice, but because we must have left a vast space of sea to the north unexplored, a space of 24° of latitude; in which a large tract of land might have lain. Whether such a supposition was well-grounded, could only be determined by visiting those parts.

While we were taking up ice, we got two of the antarctic peterels so often mentioned, by which our conjectures were confirmed of their being of the peterel tribe. They are about the size of a large pigeon; the feathers of the head, back, and part of the upper side of the wings, are of a light- brown; the belly, and under side of the wings white, the tail feathers are also white, but tipped with brown; at the same time, we got another new peterel, smaller than the former, and all of a dark-grey plumage. We remarked that these birds were fuller of feathers than any we had hitherto seen; such care has nature taken to clothe them suitably to the climate in which they live. At the same time we saw a few chocolate-coloured albatrosses; these, as well as the peterels above-mentioned, we no where saw but among the ice; hence one may with reason conjecture that there is land to the south. If not, I must ask where these birds breed? A question which perhaps will never be determined; for hitherto we have found these lands, if any, quite inaccessible. Besides these birds, we saw a very large seal, which kept playing about us some time. One of our people who had been at Greenland, called it a sea-horse; but every one else took it for what I have said. Since our first falling in with the ice, the mercury in the thermometer had been from 33 to 31 at noon-day.

On the 24th, the wind abated, veering to the N.W., and the sky cleared up, in the latitude of 67° 0' longitude 138° 15'. As we advanced to the N.E. with a gentle gale at N.W., the ice islands increased so fast upon us, that this day, at noon, we could see near 100 round us, besides an immense number of small pieces. Perceiving that it was likely to be calm, I got the ship into as clear a birth as I could, where she drifted along with the ice, and by taking the advantage of every light air of wind, was kept from falling aboard any of these floating isles. Here it was we spent Christmas day, much in the same manner as we did the preceding one. We were fortunate in having continual day-light, and clear weather, for had it been as foggy as on some of the preceding days, nothing less than a miracle could have saved us from being dashed to pieces.[7]

In the morning of the 26th, the whole sea was in a manner covered with ice, 200 large islands, and upwards, being seen within the compass of four or five miles, which was the limits of our horizon, besides smaller pieces innumerable. Our latitude at noon was 66° 15', longitude 134° 22'. By observation we found that the ship had drifted, or gone about 20 miles to the N.E. or E.N.E.; whereas, by the ice islands, it appeared that she had gone little or nothing; from which we concluded that the ice drifted nearly in the same direction, and at the same rate. At four o'clock a breeze sprung up at W.S.W., and enabled us to steer north, the most probable course to extricate ourselves from these dangers.

We continued our course to the north with a gentle breeze at west, attended with clear weather, till four o'clock the next morning, when meeting with a quantity of loose ice, we brought-to, and took on board as much as filled all our empty casks, and for several days present expence. This done, we made sail, and steered N.W. with a gentle breeze at N.E., clear frosty weather. Our latitude at this time was 65° 53' S., longitude 133° 42' W.; islands of ice not half so numerous as before.[8]

At four in the morning of the 28th, the wind having veered more to the E. and S.E., increased to a fresh gale, and was attended with snow showers. Our course was north till noon the next day. Being then in the latitude of 62° 24', longitude 134° 37', we steered N.W. by N. Some hours after, the sky cleared up, and the wind abating, veered more to the south.

On the 30th, had little wind westerly; dark gloomy weather; with snow and sleet at times; several whales seen playing about the ship, but very few birds; islands of ice in plenty, and a swell from W.N.W.

On the 31st, little wind from the westward, fair and clear weather, which afforded an opportunity to air the spare sails, and to clean and smoke the ship between decks. At noon our latitude was 59° 40' S., longitude 135° 11' W. Our observation to-day gave us reason to conjecture that we had a southerly current. Indeed, this was no more than what might reasonably be supposed, to account for such huge masses of ice being brought from the south. In the afternoon we had a few hours calm, succeeded by a breeze from the east, which enabled us to resume our N.W. by N. course.[9]

January 1st, the wind remained not long at east, but veered round by the south to the west; blew fresh, attended with snow showers. In the evening, being in the latitude of 58° 39' S., we passed two islands of ice, after which we saw no more till we stood again to the south.

At five o'clock in the morning on the 2d, it fell calm; being at this time in the latitude of 58° 2', longitude 137° 12'. The calm being succeeded by a breeze at east, we steered N.W. by W. My reason for steering this course, was to explore part of the great space of sea between us and our track to the south.

On the 3d, at noon, being in latitude 56° 46', longitude 139° 45', the weather became fair, and the wind veered to S.W. About this time we saw a few small divers (as we call them) of the peterel tribe, which we judged to be such as are usually seen near land, especially in the bays, and on the coast of New Zealand. I cannot tell what to think of these birds; had there been more of them, I should have been ready enough to believe that we were, at this time, not very far from land, as I never saw one so far from known land before. Probably these few had been drawn thus far by some shoal of fish; for such were certainly about us, by the vast number of blue peterels, albatrosses, and such other birds as are usually seen in the great ocean; all or most of which left us before night. Two or three pieces of seaweed were also seen, but these appeared old and decayed.

At eight o'clock in the evening, being in the latitude of 56° S., longitude 140° 31' W., the wind fixing in the western board, obliged us to steer north-easterly, and laid me under the necessity of leaving unexplored a space of the sea to the west, containing near 40° of longitude, and half that of latitude. Had the wind continued favourable, I intended to have run 15 or 20 degrees of longitude more to the west in the latitude we were then in, and back again to the east in the latitude of 50°. This route would have so intersected the space above mentioned, as hardly to have left room for the bare supposition of any land lying there. Indeed, as it was, we have little reason to believe that there is; but rather the contrary, from the great hollow swell we had had, for several days, from the W. and N.W., though the wind had blown from a contrary direction great part of the time; which is a great sign we had not been covered by any land between these two points.

While we were in the high latitudes, many of our people were attacked with a slight fever, occasioned by colds. It happily yielded to the simplest remedies; was generally removed in a few days; and, at this time, we had not above one or two on the sick list.[10]

We proceeded N.E. by N. till the 6th, at noon. Being then in the latitude of 52° 0' S., longitude 135° 32' W., and about 200 leagues from our track to Otaheite, in which space it was not probable, all circumstances considered, there is any extensive land, and it being still less probable any lay to the west, from the great mountainous billows we had had, and still continued to have, from that quarter, I therefore steered N.E., with a fresh gale at W.S.W.

At eight o'clock in the morning, on the 7th, being in the latitude of 50° 49' S., we observed several distances of the sun and moon, which gave the longitude as follows, viz.

By Mr. Wales, 133° 24' 0" West. Gilbert, 133 10 0 Clarke, 133 0 0 Smith, 133 37 25 Myself, 133 37 0 ------------- Mean, 133 21 43

By the Watch, 133 44 0 west. My reckoning, 133 39 0 ------------- Variation of the compass, 6 2 0 East. thermometer, 50 0 0

The next morning we observed again, and the results were agreeable to the preceding observations, allowing for the ship's run. I must here take notice, that our longitude can never be erroneous, while we have so good a guide as Mr Kendall's watch. This day, at noon, we steered E.N.E. 1/2 E., being then in the latitude of 49° 7' S., longitude 131° 2' W.

On the 9th, in latitude 48° 17' S., longitude 127° 10' W., we steered east, with a fine fresh gale at west, attended with clear pleasant weather, and a great swell from the same direction as the wind.

In the morning of the 10th, having but little wind, we put a boat in the water, in which some of the officers went and shot several birds. These afforded us a fresh meal; they were of the peterel tribe, and such as are usually seen at any distance from land. Indeed, neither birds, nor any other thing was to be seen, that could give us the least hopes of finding any; and, therefore, at noon the next day, being then in the latitude of 47° 51' S., longitude 122° 12' W., and a little more than 200 leagues from my track to Otaheite in 1769, I altered the course, and steered S.E., with a fresh gale at S.W. by W. In the evening, when our latitude was 48° 22' S., longitude 121° 29' W., we found the variation to be 2° 34' E., which is the least variation we had found without the tropic. In the evening of the next day, we found it to be 4° 30' E., our latitude, at that time, was 50° 5' S., longitude 119° 1/2 W.

Our course was now more southerly, till the evening of the 13th, when we were in the latitude of 53° 0' S., longitude 118° 3' W. The wind being then at N.W. a strong gale with a thick fog and rain, which made it unsafe to steer large, I hauled up S.W., and continued this course till noon the next day, when our latitude was 56° 4' S., longitude 122° 1' W. The wind having veered to the north, and the fog continuing, I hauled to the east, under courses and close-reefed top-sails. But this sail we could not carry long; for before eight o'clock in the evening, the wind increased to a perfect storm, and obliged us to lie-to, under the mizen-stay-sail, till the morning of the 16th, when the wind having a good deal abated, and veered to west, we set the courses, reefed top-sails, and stood to the south. Soon after, the weather cleared up, and, in the evening, we found the latitude to be 56° 48' S., longitude 119° 8' W.[11] We continued to steer to the south, inclining to the east, till the 18th, when we stood to the S.W., with the wind at S.E., being at this time in the latitude of 61° 9' S., longitude 116° 7' W. At ten o'clock in the evening, it fell calm, which continued till two the next morning, when a breeze sprung up at north, which soon after increased to a fresh gale, and fixed at N.E. With this we steered south till noon on the 20th, when, being now in the latitude of 62° 34' S., longitude 116° 24' W., we were again becalmed.

In this situation we had two ice islands in sight, one of which seemed to be as large as any we had seen. It could not be less than two hundred feet in height, and terminated in a peak not unlike the cupola of St Paul's church. At this time we had a great westerly swell, which made it improbable that any land should lie between us and the meridian of 133° 1/2, which was our longitude, under the latitude we were now in, when we stood to the north. In all this route we had not seen the least thing that could induce us to think we were ever in the neighbourhood of any land. We had, indeed, frequently seen pieces of sea-weed; but this, I am well assured, is no sign of the vicinity of land; for weed is seen in every part of the ocean. After a few hours calm, we got a wind from S.E.; but it was very unsettled, and attended with thick snow-showers; at length it fixed at S. by E., and we stretched to the east. The wind blew fresh, was piercing cold, and attended with snow and sleet. On the 22d, being in the latitude of 62° 5' S., longitude 112° 24' W., we saw an ice island, an antartic peterel, several blue peterels, and some other known birds; but no one thing that gave us the least hopes of finding land.

On the 23d, at noon, we were in the latitude of 62° 22' S., longitude 110° 24'. In the afternoon, we passed an ice island. The wind, which blew fresh, continued to veer to the west; and at eight o'clock the next morning it was to the north of west, when I steered S. by W. and S.S.W. At this time we were in the latitude of 63° 20' S., longitude 108° 7' W., and had a great sea from S.W. We continued this course till noon the next day, the 25th, when we steered due south. Our latitude, at this time, was 65° 24' S., longitude 109° 31' W.; the wind was at north; the weather mild and not unpleasant; and not a bit of ice in view. This we thought a little extraordinary, as it was but a month before, and not quite two hundred leagues to the east, that we were in a manner blocked up with large islands of ice in this very latitude. Saw a single pintadoe peterel, some blue peterels, and a few brown albatrosses. In the evening, being under the same meridian, and in the latitude of 65° 44' S., the variation was 19° 27' E.; but the next morning, in the latitude of 66° 20' S., longitude the same as before, it was only 18° 20' E.; probably the mean between the two is the nearest the truth. At this time, we had nine small islands in sight; and soon after we came, the third time, within the antartic polar circle, in the longitude of 109° 31' W. About noon, seeing the appearance of land to the S.E., we immediately trimmed our sails and stood towards it. Soon after it disappeared, but we did not give it up till eight o'clock the next morning, when we were well assured that it was nothing but clouds, or a fog bank; and then we resumed our course to the south, with a gentle breeze at N.E., attended with a thick fog, snow, and sleet.

We now began to meet with ice islands more frequently than before; and, in the latitude of 69° 38' S., longitude 108° 12' W., we fell in with a field of loose ice. As we began to be in want of water, I hoisted out two boats and took up as much as yielded about ten tons. This was cold work, but it was now familiar to us. As soon as we had done, we hoisted in the boats, and afterwards made short boards over that part of the sea we had in some measure made ourselves acquainted with. For we had now so thick a fog, that we could not see two hundred yards round us; and as we knew not the extent of the loose ice, I durst not steer to the south till we had clear weather. Thus we spent the night, or rather that part of twenty-four hours which answered to night; for we had no darkness but what was occasioned by fogs.

At four o'clock in the morning of the 29th, the fog began to clear away; and the day becoming clear and serene, we again steered to the south with a gentle gale at N.E. and N.N.E. The variation was found to be 22° 41' E. This was in the latitude of 69° 45' S., longitude 108° 5' W.; and, in the afternoon, being in the same longitude, and in the latitude of 70° 23' S., it was 24° 31' E. Soon after, the sky became clouded, and the air very cold. We continued our course to the south, and passed a piece of weed covered with barnacles, which a brown albatross was picking off. At ten o'clock, we passed a very large ice island; it was not less than three or four miles in circuit. Several more being seen a-head, and the weather becoming foggy, we hauled the wind to the northward; but in less than two hours, the weather cleared up, and we again stood south.

On the 30th, at four o'clock in the morning, we perceived the clouds, over the horizon to the south, to be of an unusual snow-white brightness, which we knew denounced our approach to field-ice. Soon after, it was seen from the top-mast-head; and at eight o'clock, we were close to its edge. It extended east and west, far beyond the reach of our sight. In the situation we were in, just the southern half of our horizon was illuminated, by the rays of light reflected from the ice, to a considerable height. Ninety- seven ice hills were distinctly seen within the field, besides those on the outside; many of them very large, and looking like a ridge of mountains, rising one above another till they were lost in the clouds. The outer or northern edge of this immense field, was composed of loose or broken ice close packed together, so that it was not possible for any thing to enter it. This was about a mile broad, within which, was solid ice in one continued compact body. It was rather low and flat (except the hills), but seemed to increase in height, as you traced it to the south; in which direction it extended beyond our sight. Such mountains of ice as these, I believe, were never seen in the Greenland seas, at least, not that I ever heard or read of, so that we cannot draw a comparison between the ice here and there.

It must be allowed, that these prodigious ice mountains must add such additional weight to the ice fields which inclose them, as cannot but make a great difference between the navigating this icy sea and that of Greenland.

I will not say it was impossible any where to get farther to the south; but the attempting it would have been a dangerous and rash enterprise, and what, I believe, no man in my situation would have thought of. It was, indeed, _my_ opinion, as well as the opinion of most on board, that this ice extended quite to the pole, or perhaps joined on some land, to which it had been fixed from the earliest time; and that it is here, that is to the south of this parallel, where all the ice we find scattered up and down to the north, is first formed, and afterwards broken off by gales of wind, or other causes, and brought to the north by the currents, which we always found to set in that direction in the high latitudes. As we drew near this ice some penguins were heard, but none seen; and but few other birds or any other thing that could induce us to think any land was near. And yet I think, there must be some to the south behind this ice; but if there is, it can afford no better retreat for birds, or any other animals, than the ice itself, with which it must be wholly covered. I, who had ambition not only to go farther than any one had been before, but as far as it was possible for man to go, was not sorry at meeting with this interruption, as it in some measure relieved us, at least shortened the dangers and hardships inseparable from the navigation of the southern polar regions. Since, therefore, we could not proceed one inch farther to the south, no other reason need be assigned for my tacking and standing back to the north; being at this time in the latitude of 71° 10' S., longitude 106° 54' W.[12]

It was happy for us that the weather was clear when we fell in with this ice, and that we discovered it so soon as we did; for we had no sooner tacked than we were involved in a thick fog. The wind was at east, and blew a fresh breeze, so that we were enabled to return back over that space we had already made ourselves acquainted with. At noon, the mercury in the thermometer stood at 32-1/2, and we found the air exceedingly cold. The thick fog continuing with showers of snow, gave a coat of ice to our rigging of near an inch thick. In the afternoon of the next day the fog cleared away at intervals; but the weather was cloudy and gloomy, and the air excessively cold; however, the sea within our horizon was clear of ice.

We continued to stand to the north, with the wind easterly, till the afternoon on the first of February, when falling in with some loose ice which had been broken from an island to windward we hoisted out two boats, and having taken some on board, resumed our course to the N. and N.E., with gentle breezes from S.E., attended sometimes with fair weather, and at other times with snow and sleet. On the 4th we were in the latitude of 65° 42' S., longitude 99° 44'. The next day the wind was very unsettled both in strength and position, and attended with snow and sleet. At length, on the 6th, after a few hours calm, we got a breeze at south, which soon after freshened, fixed at W.S.W., and was attended with snow and sleet.

I now came to the resolution to proceed to the north, and to spend the ensuing winter within the tropic, if I met with no employment before I came there. I was now well satisfied no continent was to be found in this ocean, but what must lie so far to the south, as to be wholly inaccessible on account of ice; and that if one should be found in the southern Atlantic Ocean, it would be necessary to have the whole summer before us to explore it. On the other hand, upon a supposition that there is no land there, we undoubtedly might have reached the Cape of Good Hope by April, and so have put an end to the expedition, so far as it related to the finding a continent; which indeed was the first object of the voyage. But for me at this time to have quitted the southern Pacific Ocean, with a good ship expressly sent out on discoveries, a healthy crew, and not in want either of stores or of provisions, would have been betraying not only a want of perseverance, but of judgment, in supposing the south Pacific Ocean to have been so well explored, that nothing remained to be done in it. This, however, was not my opinion; for though I had proved that there was no continent but what must lie far to the south, there remained nevertheless room for very large islands in places wholly unexamined; and many of those which were formerly discovered, are but imperfectly explored, and their situations as imperfectly known. I was besides of opinion, that my remaining in this sea some time longer, would be productive of improvements in navigation and geography, as well as in other sciences. I had several times communicated my thoughts on this subject to Captain Furneaux; but as it then wholly depended on what we might meet with to the south, I could not give it in orders, without running a risk of drawing us from the main object. Since now nothing had happened to prevent me from, carrying these views into execution, my intention was first to go in search of the land said to have been discovered by Juan Fernandez, above a century ago, in about the latitude of 38°; if I should fail in finding this land, then to go in search of Easter Island or Davis's Land, whose situation was known with so little certainty, that the attempts lately made to find it had miscarried. I next intended to get within the tropic, and then proceed to the west, touching at, and settling the situations of such islands as we might meet with till we arrived at Otaheite, where it was necessary I should stop to look for the Adventure. I had also thoughts of running as far west as the Tierra Austral del Espiritu Santo, discovered by Quiros, and which M. de Bougainville calls the Great Cyclades. Quiros speaks of this land as being large, or lying in the neighbourhood of large lands; and as this was a point which M. de Bougainville had neither confirmed nor refuted, I thought it was worth clearing up. From this land my design was to steer to the south, and so back to the east, between the latitudes of 50° and 60°; intending, if possible, to be the length of Cape Horn in November next, when we should have the best part of the summer before us to explore the southern part of the Atlantic Ocean. Great as this design appeared to be, I however thought it possible to be executed; and when I came to communicate it to the officers, I had the satisfaction to find, that they all heartily concurred in it. I should not do these gentlemen justice, if I did not take some opportunity to declare, that they always shewed the utmost readiness to carry into execution, in the most effectual manner, every measure I thought proper to take. Under such circumstances, it is hardly necessary to say, that the seamen were always obedient and alert; and, on this occasion, they were so far from wishing the voyage at an end, that they, rejoiced at the prospect of its being prolonged another year, and of soon enjoying the benefits of a milder climate.

I now steered north, inclining to the east, and in the evening we were overtaken with a furious storm at W.S.W., attended with snow and sleet. It came so suddenly upon us, that before we could take in our sails, two old top-sails, which we had bent to the yards, were blown to pieces, and the other sails much damaged. The gale lasted, without the least intermission, till the next morning, when it began to abate; it continued, however, to blow very fresh till noon on the 12th, when it ended in a calm.

At this time we were in the latitude of 50° 14' S., longitude 95° 18' W. Some birds being about the ship, we took the advantage of the calm to put a boat in the water, and shot several birds, on which we feasted the next day. One of these birds was of that sort which has been so often mentioned in this journal under the name of Port Egmont hens. They are of the gull kind, about the size of a raven, with a dark-brown plumage, except the under-side of each wing, where there are some white feathers. The rest of the birds were albatrosses and sheer-waters.

After a few hours calm, having got a breeze at N.W., we made a stretch to the S.W. for twenty-four hours; in which route we saw a piece of wood, a bunch of weed, and a diving peterel. The wind having veered more to the west, made us tack and stretch to the north till noon on the 14th, at which time we were in the latitude of 49° 32' S., longitude 95° 11' W. We had now calms and light breezes, succeeding each other, till the next morning, when the wind freshened at W.N.W., and was attended with a thick fog and drizzling rain the three following days, during which time we stretched to the north, inclining to the east, and crossed my track to Otaheite in 1769. I did intend to have kept more to the west, but the strong winds from that direction put it out of my power.

On the 18th, the wind veered to S.W., and blew very fresh, but was attended with clear weather, which gave us an opportunity to ascertain our longitude by several lunar observations made by Messrs Wales, Clarke, Gilbert, and Smith. The mean result of all, was 94° 19' 30" W.; Mr Kendal's watch, at the same time, gave 94° 46' W.; our latitude was 43° 53' S. The wind continued not long at S.W. before it veered back to the west and W.N.W.

As we advanced to the north, we felt a most sensible change in the weather. The 20th, at noon, we were in the latitude of 39° 58' S., longitude 94° 37' W. The day was clear and pleasant, and I may say, the only summer's day we had had since we left New Zealand. The mercury in the thermometer rose to 66.

We still continued to steer to the north, as the wind remained in the old quarter; and the next day, at noon, we were in the latitude 37° 54' S.; which was the same that Juan Fernandez's discovery is said to lie in. We, however, had not the least signs of any land lying in our neighbourhood.

The next day at noon, we were in latitude 36° 10' S., longitude 94° 56' W. Soon after, the wind veered to S.S.E., and enabled us to steer W.S.W., which I thought the most probable direction to find the land of which we were in search; and yet I had no hopes of succeeding, as we had a large hollow swell from the same point. We however continued this course till the 25th, when the wind having veered again round to the westward, I gave it up, and stood away to the north, in order to get into the latitude of Easter Island: our latitude, at this time, was 37° 52', longitude 101° 10' W.

I was now well assured that the discovery of Juan Fernandez, if any such was ever made, can be nothing but a small island; there being hardly room for a large land, as will fully appear by the tracks of Captain Wallis, Bougainville, of the Endeavour, and this of the Resolution. Whoever wants to see an account of the discovery in question, will meet with it in Mr Dalrymple's collection of voyages to the south seas. This gentleman places it under the meridian of 90°, where I think it cannot be; for M. de Bougainville seems to have run down under that meridian; and we had now examined the latitude in which it is said to lie, from the meridian of 94° to 101°. It is not probable it can lie to the east of 90°; because if it did, it must have been seen, at one time or other, by ships bound from the northern to the southern parts of America. Mr Pengré, in a little treatise concerning the transit of Venus, published in 1768, gives some account of land having been discovered by the Spaniards in 1714, in the latitude of 38°, and 550 leagues from the coast of Chili, which is in the longitude of 110° or 111° west, and within a degree or two of my track in the Endeavour; so that this can hardly be its situation. In short, the only probable situation it can have must be about the meridian of 106° or 108° west; and then it can only be a small isle, as I have already observed.

I was now taken ill of the bilious cholic, which was so violent as to confine me to my bed, so that the management of the ship was left to Mr Cooper the first officer, who conducted her very much to my satisfaction. It was several days before the most dangerous symptoms of my disorder were removed; during which time, Mr Patten the surgeon was to me, not only a skilful physician, but an affectionate nurse; and I should ill deserve the care he bestowed on me, if I did not make this public acknowledgment. When I began to recover, a favourite dog belonging to Mr Forster fell a sacrifice to my tender stomach. We had no other fresh meat on board, and I could eat of this flesh, as well as broth made of it, when I could taste nothing else. Thus I received nourishment and strength from food which would have made most people in Europe sick: So true it is, that necessity is governed by no law.[13]

On the 28th, in the latitude of 33° 7' S., longitude 102° 33' W., we began to see flying-fish, egg-birds, and nodies, which are said not to go above sixty or eighty leagues from land; but of this we have no certainty. No one yet knows to what distance any of the oceanic birds go to sea; for my own part, I do not believe there is one in the whole tribe that can be relied on, in pointing out the vicinity of land.

In the latitude of 30° 30' S., longitude 101° 45' W., we began to see men- of-war birds. In the latitude of 29° 44', longitude 100° 45' W., we had a calm for nearly two days together, during which time the heat was intolerable; but what ought to be remarked, there was a great swell from the S.W.

On the 6th of March, the calm was succeeded by an easterly wind, with which we steered N.W. till noon the 8th, when being in the latitude of 27° 4' S., longitude 103° 58' W., we steered west; meeting every day with great numbers of birds, such as men-of-war, tropic, and egg-birds, podies, sheer-waters, &c. and once we passed several pieces of sponge, and a small dried leaf not unlike a bay one. Soon after, we saw a sea-snake, in every respect like those we had before seen at the tropical islands. We also saw plenty of fish, but we were such bad fishers that we caught only four albacores, which were very acceptable, to me especially, who was just recovering from my late illness.

[1] "The remembrance of domestic felicity, and of the sweets of society, called forth a sigh from every heart which felt the tender ties of filial or parental affection. We are the first Europeans, and, I believe, I may add, the first human beings who have reached this point, where it is probable none will come after us. A common report prevails, indeed, in England, concerning Sir Francis Drake, who is said to have visited the antipodes, which the legend expresses by "his having passed under the middle arch of London bridge:" but this is a mistake, as his track lay along the coast of America, and probably originates from his having passed the _periæci_, or the point in 180° longitude on the same circle of north latitude, on the coast of California."--G.F.

To the vanity of Englishmen, not always accompanied, it is to be feared, by political honesty, the expedition of Drake afforded the highest gratification. Swarms of wits, accordingly, who are never wanting in any reign, either to eulogize what the government has sanctioned, or to infuse something of literary immortality into popular enthusiasm, were in requisition on this extraordinary occasion, and, as usual, vied with each other in bombast and the fervour of exaggeration. If one might credit the legends, Sir Francis accomplished much more than a visit to the antipodes, much more indeed, than ever man did before or since. Witness an epigram on him preserved in the Censura Literaria. vol. iii, p. 217:--

Sir Drake, whom well the world's end knew, Which thou didst compasse round, And whom both poles of heaven once saw Which north and south do bound: The stars above would make thee known, If men were silent here; The Sun himselfe cannot forget His fellow-traveller.

This is evidently a quaint version of the quaint lines said, by Camden, to have been made by the scholars of Winchester College:--

_Drace, pererrati quem novit terminus orbis, Quemque simul mundi vidit uterque Polus; Si taceant homines, facient te sidera notum. Sol nescit comitis non memor esse sui_.

Abraham Cowley seems to have availed himself of the chief thought here embodied, in his pointed epigram on the chair formed from the planks of Drake's vessel, and presented to the university of Oxford. His metaphysical genius, however, has refined the _point_ with no small dexterity--the four last lines, more especially, displaying no small elegance. The reader will not despise them:--

To this great ship, which round the world has run, And matcht in race the chariot of the sun; This Pythagorean ship (for it may claim Without presumption, so deserved a name), By knowledge once, and transformation now, In her new shape, this sacred port allow. Drake and his ship could not have wish'd from fate An happier station, or more blest estate; For lo! a seat of endless rest is given To her in Oxford, and to him in Heaven.

It would be unpardonable to omit, now we are on the subject of Drake's praises, the verses given in the Biog. Brit. and said to have been unpublished before:--

Thy glory, Drake, extensive as thy mind, No time shall tarnish, and no limits bind: What greater praise! than thus to match the Sun, Running that race which cannot be outrun. Wide as the world then compass'd spreads thy fame, And, with that world, an equal date shall claim.

The reader, it may be presumed, has enough of this subject.--E.

[2] "At noon, on the 10th December, we had reached the latitude of 59° S., without having met with any ice, though we fell in with it the preceding year on the 10th December, between the 50th and 51st degree of south latitude. It is difficult to account for this difference; perhaps a severe winter preceding our first course from the Cape of Good Hope, might accumulate more ice that year than the next, which is the more probable, as we learnt at the Cape that the winter had been sharper there than usual; perhaps a violent storm might break the polar ice, and drive it so far to the northward as we found it; and, perhaps, both these causes might concur with others, to produce this effect."--G.F.

"It is remarkable, that in different years, seasons, and places of the sea, we found the ice differently situated. In the year 1772, December 10th, we saw the ice between 50° and 51° of southern latitude. In 1773, on December 12th, we found the first ice in 62° S. In 1775, on January 27th, we saw the ice in about 60° S. On February 24th, we came to the same place, where, about twenty-six months before, we had met with such an impenetrable body of ice, as had obliged us to run to the east, but where, at this last time, no vestige of it appeared, no more than at the place where Bouvet had placed his Cape Circumcision, we having sailed over the whole tract which he suspected to be land; nor could we be mistaken in its situation, as we had been on the same parallel for a considerable time; so that it is impossible to have missed the land, if any had existed, as we had frequent opportunities to ascertain our latitude."--F.

It is well known, that considerable masses of ice have been met with as low down as 46° of south latitude; but hitherto no very satisfactory solution has been given of the phenomenon.--E.

[3] "Our friend Mahine had already expressed his surprise at several little snow and hail showers on the preceding days, this phenomenon being utterly unknown in his country. The appearances of "white stones," which melted in his hand, was altogether miraculous in his eyes, and though we endeavoured to explain to him that cold was the cause of their formation, yet I believe his ideas on that subject were never very clear. A heavy fall of snow surprised him more than what he had seen before, and after a long consideration of its singular qualities, he told us he would call it the _white rain_ when be came back to his country. He did not see the first ice, on account of the early hour in the morning; but two days after, in about 65° S., he was struck with astonishment upon seeing one of the largest pieces, and the day following presented him with an extensive field of ice, which blocked up our farther progress to the south, and gave him great pleasure, supposing it to be land, We told him that so far from being land, it was nothing but fresh water, which we found some difficulty to convince him of at first, till we shewed him the ice which was formed in the scuttled cask on the deck. He assured us, however, that he would, at all events, call this the _white land_, by way of distinguishing it from all the rest."--G.F.

[4] "About one o'clock, whilst the people were at dinner, we were alarmed by the sudden appearance of a large island of ice just a-head of us. It was absolutely impossible either to wear or tack the ship, on account of its proximity, and our only resource was to keep as near the wind as possible, and to try to weather the danger. We were in the most dreadful suspension for a few minutes, and though we fortunately succeeded, yet the ship passed within her own length to windward of it,"--G.F.

[5] On a moderate calculation, one may reckon the bulk of immersed ice to be ten times greater than that which appears above the surface. This will afford the reader some notion of the prodigious magnitude of these floating islands; and he will readily comprehend the hazard of sailing amongst them, when he considers the mischief occasioned by the collision of a large ship and a small boat.--E.

[6] "About this time many persons were afflicted with violent rheumatic pains, headaches, swelled glands, and catarrhal fevers, which some attributed to the use of ice-water."--G.F.

Without any way calling in question, what is so often said of the injurious effects of sea-water, when long used, it is evidently more rational, in the present instance, to ascribe these complaints to the inclemency of the weather.--E.

[7] There is something very peculiarly affecting in the following observations of Mr. G.F.--"This being Christmas day, the captain, according to custom, invited the officers and mates to dinner, and one of the lieutenants entertained the petty officers. The sailors feasted on a double portion of pudding, regaling themselves with the brandy of their allowance, which they had saved for this occasion some months beforehand, being solicitous to get very drunk, though they are commonly solicitous about nothing else. The sight of an immense number of icy masses, amongst which we drifted at the mercy of the current, every moment in danger of being dashed in pieces against them, could not deter the sailors from indulging in their favourite amusement. As long as they had brandy left, they would persist to keep Christmas "like Christians," though the elements had combined together for their destruction. Their long acquaintance with a sea-faring life had inured them to all kinds of perils, and their heavy labour, with the inclemencies of weather, and other hardships, making their muscles rigid and their nerves obtuse, had communicated insensibility to the mind. It will easily be conceived, that as they do not feel for themselves sufficiently to provide for their own safety, they must be incapable of feeling for others. Subjected to a very strict command, they also exercise a tyrannical sway over those whom fortune places in their power. Accustomed to face an enemy, they breathe nothing but war. By force of habit, even killing is become so much their passion, that we have seen many instances during our voyage, where they have expressed a horrid eagerness to fire upon the natives on the slightest pretences. Their way of life in general, prevents their enjoying domestic comforts; and gross animal appetites fill the place of purer affections.

At last, extinct each social feeling, fell And joyless inhumanity pervades And petrifies the heart.--

THOMSON.

Though they are members of a civilized society, they may, in some measure, be looked on as a body of uncivilized men, rough, passionate, revengeful, but likewise brave, sincere, and true to each other."

In place of inveighing against the illiberality of this statement, or attempting to dispute its truth, as many persons, from an affectation of enthusiastic regard for the honour of our tars, or positive ignorance or contempt of the most incontrovertible obligations of morality and religion, would incline, it will be vastly more philosophical to investigate what are the principles of human nature and the circumstances in their situation, which give rise to such a character, that if possible some adequate remedy, or check at least, may be discovered. This is certainly not the place for such a discussion, as the importance of the subject demands; and the writer can by no means imagine himself called on to enter upon it. But he hazards a remark. He would consider British sailors as made up of precisely the same elements as the rest of men, and that the obvious peculiarities in which they differ from others, are the result of the circumstances of their professional situation. It follows, that his censure falls on the profession itself, rather than on those who are members of it. But in fact, he conceives that there has been a culpable neglect on the part of those who at different periods acquire authority, to the moral condition of this class of men. It is obvious indeed, that governments in general are little careful about the characters of their subordinate agents, unless in so far as is essential to the purposes for which they are employed; and accordingly, where the base and savage principles of mankind can be converted into so powerful an instrument, as we know they are in the present case, we shall find, that scarcely any pains have been taken to superinduce refinement, or even to favour the salutary operation of those causes, by which, in the ordinary course of things, society is gradually emancipated from barbarism. The rough virtues of the seaman are in their estimation of sufficient excellence, without the enhancement of moral attainments; and it is questionable, indeed, if a sort of prejudice may not lurk in the minds of many, that the latter would be the destruction of the former. Clearly, however, it seems to be conceived, that there is no adequate inducement to run the risk of the experiment; and, therefore, some gross immoralities are connived at, under the plausible title of necessary evils, provided they do not interfere with the technical duties of the profession. Though it be admitted, that the reformation of men's manners forms no part of the office of a politician, yet it may be fairly pleaded, on the other hand, as vice is in its own nature a debilitating power, independent altogether of reference to a Supreme Being, that to eradicate it, or to apply a restraint to its influence, may be no injudicious labour of his vocation. This, it is presumed, may be attempted in three ways, (in addition to certain indulgences, which there appears to be an imperious necessity to admit, with a view of preventing greater evils,) viz. the improvement of discipline, the increase of knowledge, and the application of a higher tone of public sentiment. There cannot be room for a moment's controversy, that to the efficacy of these three causes, is to be ascribed, the superiority in the appearance, at least, of the morals and conduct of the present day, above that of even the preceding half century. Who can deny, e.g, that the odious vice of drunkenness is much more disreputable now than formerly, throughout the whole of Europe? It may be said to be almost unknown in genteel circles; and there seems not the least reason to doubt, that as improvements in arts and sciences advance, and as education extends to the lower classes, so as to supply sources of mental enjoyment and exercise, it will be almost altogether extirpated from society. Let this and other vices be held as positively dishonourable, because unfitting for professional duty, and inconsistent with professional dignity--let them be visited by certain punishment--give free scope to the emulation of intellect and to the cultivation of proper self- interest--and vindicate to popular opinion, the claims of this most useful class, to the character of moral and rational beings, so that no flattering but injurious unction may be applied to film over the real turpitude of their offences--then, and then only, may it be safely asserted, that such descriptions as we have been considering, are the offspring of prudery or inflamed imagination, and have no prototype in nature.--E.

[8] "We had scarcely any night during our stay in the frigid zone, so that I find several articles in my father's journal, written by the light of the sun, within a few minutes before the hour of midnight. The sun's stay below the horizon was so short, that we had a very strong twilight all the time. Mahine was struck with great astonishment at this phenomenon, and would scarcely believe his senses. All our endeavours to explain it to him miscarried, and he assured us he despaired of finding belief among his countrymen, when he should come back to recount the wonders of petrified rain, and of perpetual day."--G.F.

[9] "To-day, while we were observing the meridian altitude of the sun, a shower of snow came from the west, and passed a-head of the ship; during which, a large island of ice, considerably within the visible horizon, and directly under the sun, was entirely hid by it; yet the horizon appeared as distinct, and much the same as it usually does in dark hazy weather. When the shower was over, I found that it required the sun to be dipped something more than his whole diameter to bring his lower limb to the nearest edge of the ice island, which must have been farther off than the visible horizon, during the shower; and yet this would have been taken as the real horizon, without any suspicion, if it had been every where equally obscure. Hence may be inferred the uncertainty of altitudes taken in foggy, or what seamen, in general, call hazy weather.--W.

[10] A few days before, according to Mr G.F.'s relation, his father and twelve other persons were confined to bed with rheumatism; and though the scurvy had not appeared in any dangerous form, yet a general languor and sickly look were manifested in almost every face, and Captain Cook himself was pale and lean, and had lost all appetite.--E.

[11] "Our situation at present was indeed very dismal, even to those who preserved the blessing of health; to the sick, whose crippled limbs were tortured with excessive pain, it was insupportable. The ocean about us had a furious aspect, and seemed incensed at the presumption of a few intruding mortals. A gloomy melancholy air loured on the brows of our shipmates, and a dreadful silence reigned amongst us. Salt meat, our constant diet, was become loathsome to all, and even to those who had been bred to a nautical life from their tender years: The hour of dinner was hateful to us, for the well known smell of the victuals had no sooner reached our nose, than we found it impossible to partake of them with a hearty appetite. In short, we rather vegetated than lived; we withered, and became indifferent to all that animates the soul at other times. We sacrificed our health, our feelings, our enjoyments, to the honour of pursuing a track unattempted before. The crew were as much distressed as the officers, from another cause. Their biscuit, which had been sorted at New Zealand, baked over again, and then packed up, was now in the same decayed state as before. This was owing partly to the revisal, which had been so rigorous, that many bad biscuit was preserved among those that were eatable; and partly to the neglect of the casks, which had not been sufficiently fumigated and dried. Of this rotten bread the people only received two-thirds of their usual allowance, from economical principles; but as that portion is hardly sufficient, supposing it to be all eatable, it was far from being so when nearly one half of it was rotten. However, they continued in that distressful situation till this day, when the first mate came to the capstern and complained most bitterly that he and the people had not wherewith to satisfy the cravings of the stomach, producing, at the same time, the rotten and stinking remains of his biscuit. Upon this, the crew were put to full allowance. The captain seemed to recover again as we advanced to the southward, but all those who were afflicted with rheumatisms, continued as much indisposed as ever."--G.F.

[12] "The thermometer here was 32°, and a great many penguins were heard croaking around us, but could not be seen, on account of the foggy weather which immediately succeeded. As often as we had hitherto penetrated to the southward, we had met with no land, but been stopped sooner or later by a solid ice-field, which extended before us as far as we could see: At the same time we had always found the winds moderate and frequently easterly in these high latitudes, in the same manner as they are said to be in the northern frozen zone. From these circumstances, my father had been led to suppose, that all the south pole, to the distance of 20 degrees, more or less, is covered with solid ice, of which only the extremities are annually broken off by storms, consumed by the action of the sun, and regenerated in winter. This opinion is the less exceptionable, since there seems to be no absolute necessity for the existence of land towards the formation of ice, and because we have little reason to suppose that there actually is any land of considerable extent in the frigid zone."--G.F.

"Mr F. has most amply and ably discussed the point in his observations, controverting unanswerably, as the writer thinks, the opinion of Buffon and others, as to the existence of southern lands being necessary for the production of such large masses of ice. The limits of the present note preclude the insertion, in any satisfactory shape, of the opposing arguments; but there is ground for anticipating an opportunity of considering the subject, and some others of an interesting nature, in a manner more suitable to their importance, than a mere notice implies. We go on then with the narrative.--E.

[13] Captain Cook, from an excess of delicacy, rarely specifies his personal sufferings; but one really requires to know something of them, in order to make a proper estimate of his magnanimous resolution in fulfilling his instructions, and to entertain a just conception of the self-denial which such an expedition demanded. We shall be aided by the following particulars, which, besides, imply the very extensive distress of the whole crew: "A great number of our people were afflicted with very severe rheumatic pains, which deprived them of the use of their limbs; but their spirits were so low, that they had no fever. Though the use of that excellent prophylactic, the sour krout, prevented the appearance of the scurvy during all the cold weather, yet, being made of cabbage, it is not so nutritive that we could live upon it, without the assistance of biscuit and salt-beef. But the former of these being rotten, and the other almost consumed by the salt, it is obvious that no wholesome juices could be secreted from thence, which might have kept the body strong and vigorous. Under these difficulties all our patients recovered very slowly, having nothing to restore their strength; and my father, who had been in exquisite torments during the greatest part of our southern cruise, was afflicted with toothaches, swelled cheeks, sore throat, and universal pain, till the middle of February, when he went on deck perfectly emaciated. The warm weather, which was beneficial to him, proved fatal to Captain Cook's constitution. The disappearance of his bilious complaint during our last push to the south, had not been so sincere, as to make him recover his appetite. The return to the north, therefore, brought on a dangerous obstruction, which the captain very unfortunately slighted, and concealed from every person in the ship, at the same time endeavouring to get the better of it by taking hardly any subsistence. This proceeding, instead of removing, increased the evil, his stomach being already weak enough before. He was afflicted with violent pains, which in the space of a few days confined him to his bed, and forced him to have recourse to medicines. He took a purge, but instead of producing the desired effect, it caused a violent vomiting, which was assisted immediately by proper emetics. All attempts, however, to procure a passage through his bowels were ineffectual; his food and medicines were thrown up, and in a few days a most dreadful hiccough appeared, which lasted for upwards of twenty four hours, with such astonishing violence, that his life was entirely despaired of. Opiates and glysters had no effect, till repeated hot baths, and plasters of theriaca applied on his stomach, had relieved his body and intestines. This, however, was not effected till he had been above a week in the most imminent danger. Next to providence it was chiefly owing to the skill of our surgeon, Mr Patten, that he recovered to prosecute the remaining part of our voyage, with the same spirit with which it had hitherto been carried on. The care and assiduity with which that worthy man watched him during his whole illness, cannot be sufficiently extolled, as all our hopes of future discoveries, as well as union in the ship, depended solely on the preservation of the captain. The surgeon's extreme attention, however, had nearly cost him his own life. Having taken no rest for many nights together, and seldom venturing to sleep an hour by day, he was so much exhausted, that we trembled for his life, upon which that of almost every man in the ship, in a great measure, depended. He was taken ill with a bilious disorder, which was dangerous on account of the extreme weakness of his stomach, and it is more than probable, that if we had not speedily fallen in with land, from whence we collected some slight refreshments, he must have fallen a sacrifice to that rigorous perseverance and extreme punctuality with which he discharged the several duties of his profession."--G.F.

SECTION VII.

_Sequel of the Passage from New Zealand to Easter Island, and Transactions there, with an Account of an Expedition to discover the Inland Part of the Country, and a Description of some of the surprising gigantic Statues found in the Island._

At eight o'clock in the morning, on the 11th, land was seen, from the mast- head, bearing west, and at noon from the deck, extending from W. 3/4 N. to W. by S., about twelve leagues distant.[1] I made no doubt that this was Davis's Land, or Easter Island; as its appearance from this situation, corresponded very well with Wafer's account; and we expected to have seen the low sandy isle that Davis fell in with, which would have been a confirmation; but in this we were disappointed. At seven o'clock in the evening, the island bore from north 62° W., to north 87° W., about five leagues distant; in which situation, we sounded without finding ground with a line of an hundred and forty fathoms. Here we spent the night, having alternately light airs and calms, till ten o'clock the next morning, when a breeze sprung up at W.S.W. With this we stretched in for the land; and by the help of our glass, discovered people, and some of those Colossean statues or idols mentioned in the account of Roggewein's voyage.[2] At four o'clock p.m. we were half a league S.S.E. and N.N.W. of the N.E. point of the island; and, on sounding, found thirty-five fathoms, a dark sandy bottom. I now tacked, and endeavoured to get into what appeared to be a bay, on the west side of the point or S.E. side of the island; but before this could be accomplished, night came upon us, and we stood on and off, under the land, till the next morning; having sounding from seventy-five to an hundred and ten fathoms, the same bottom as before.

On the 13th, about eight o'clock in the morning, the wind, which had been variable most part of the night, fixed at S.E., and blew in squalls, accompanied with rain; but it was not long before the weather became fair. As the wind now blew right to the S.E. shore, which does not afford that shelter I at first thought, I resolved to look for anchorage on the west and N.W. sides of the island. With this view I bore up round the south point, off which lie two small islets, the one nearest the point high and peaked, and the other low and flattish. After getting round the point, and coming before a sandy beach, we found soundings thirty and forty fathoms, sandy ground, and about one mile from the shore. Here a canoe, conducted by two men, came off to us. They brought with them a bunch of plantains, which they sent into the ship by a rope, and then they returned ashore. This gave us a good opinion of the islanders, and inspired us with hopes of getting some refreshments, which we were in great want of.

I continued to range along the coast, till we opened the northern point of the isle, without seeing a better anchoring-place than the one we had passed. We therefore tacked, and plied back to it; and, in the mean time, sent away the master in a boat to sound the coast. He returned about five o'clock in the evening; and soon after we came to an anchor in thirty-six fathoms water, before the sandy beach above mentioned. As the master drew near the shore with the boat, one of the natives swam off to her, and insisted on coming a-board the ship, where he remained two nights and a day. The first thing he did after coming a-board, was to measure the length of the ship, by fathoming her from the tafferel to the stern, and as he counted the fathoms, we observed that he called the numbers by the same names that they do at Otaheite; nevertheless his language was in a manner wholly unintelligible to all of us.[3]

Having anchored too near the edge of a bank, a fresh breeze from the land, about three o'clock the next morning, drove us off it; on which the anchor was heaved up, and sail made to regain the bank again. While the ship was plying in, I went ashore, accompanied by some of the gentlemen, to see what the island was likely to afford us. We landed at the sandy beach, where some hundreds of the natives were assembled, and who were so impatient to see us, that many of them swam off to meet the boats. Not one of them had so much as a stick or weapon of any sort in their hands. After distributing a few trinkets amongst them, we made signs for something to eat, on which they brought down a few potatoes, plantains, and sugar canes, and exchanged them for nails, looking-glasses, and pieces of cloth.[4]

We presently discovered that they were as expert thieves and as tricking in their exchanges, as any people we had yet met with. It was with some difficulty we could keep the hats on our heads; but hardly possible to keep any thing in our pockets, not even what themselves had sold us; for they would watch every opportunity to snatch it from us, so that we sometimes bought the same thing two or three times over, and after all did not get it.

Before I sailed from England, I was informed that a Spanish ship had visited this isle in 1769. Some signs of it were seen among the people now about us; one man had a pretty good broad-brimmed European hat on, another had a grego jacket, and another a red silk handkerchief. They also seemed to know the use of a musquet, and to stand in much awe of it; but this they probably learnt from Roggewein, who, if we are to believe the authors of that voyage, left them sufficient tokens.

Near the place where we landed, were some of those statues before mentioned, which I shall describe in another place. The country appeared barren and without wood; there were, nevertheless, several plantations of potatoes, plantains, and sugar-canes; we also saw some fowls, and found a well of brackish water. As these were articles we were in want of, and as the natives seemed not unwilling to part with them, I resolved to stay a day or two. With this view I repaired on board, and brought the ship to an anchor in thirty-two fathoms water; the bottom a fine dark sand. Our station was about a mile from the nearest shore, the south point of a small bay, in the bottom of which is the sandy beach before mentioned, being E.S.E., distant one mile and a-half. The two rocky islets lying off the south point of the island, were just shut behind a point to the north of them; they bore south 3/4 west, four miles distant; and the other extreme of the island bore north 25° E., distant about six miles. But the best mark for this anchoring-place is the beach, because it is the only one on this side of the island. In the afternoon, we got on board a few casks of water, and opened a trade with the natives for such things as they had to dispose of. Some of the gentlemen also made an excursion into the country to see what it produced; and returned again in the evening, with the loss only of a hat, which one of the natives snatched off the head of one of the party.[5]

Early next morning, I sent Lieutenants Pickersgill and Edgecumbe with a party of men, accompanied by several of the gentlemen, to examine the country. As I was not sufficiently recovered from my late illness to make one of the party, I was obliged to content myself with remaining at the landing-place among the natives. We had, at one time, a pretty brisk trade with them for potatoes, which we observed they dug up out of an adjoining plantation; but this traffic, which was very advantageous to us, was soon put a stop to by the owner (as we supposed) of the plantation coming down, and driving all the people out of it. By this we concluded, that he had been robbed of his property, and that they were not less scrupulous of stealing from one another, than from us, on whom they practised every little fraud they could think of, and generally with success; for we no sooner detected them in one, than they found out another. About seven o'clock in the evening, the party I had sent into the country returned, after having been over the greatest part of the island.

They left the beach about nine o'clock in the morning, and took a path which led across to the S.E. side of the island, followed by a great crowd of the natives, who pressed much upon them. But they had not proceeded far, before a middle-aged man, punctured from head to foot, and his face painted with a sort of white pigment, appeared with a spear in his hand, and walked along-side of them, making signs to his countrymen to keep at a distance, and not to molest our people. When he had pretty well effected this, he hoisted a piece of white cloth on his spear, placed himself in the front, and led the way, with his ensign of peace, as they understood it to be. For the greatest part of the distance across, the ground had but a barren appearance, being a dry hard clay, and every where covered with stones; but notwithstanding this, there were several large tracts planted with potatoes; and some plantain walks, but they saw no fruit on any of the trees. Towards the highest part of the south end of the island, the soil, which was a fine red earth, seemed much better, bore a longer grass, and was not covered with stones as in the other parts; but here they saw neither house nor plantation.

On the east side, near the sea, they met with three platforms of stone- work, or rather the ruins of them. On each had stood four of those large statues, but they were all fallen down from two of them, and also one from the third; all except one were broken by the fall, or in some measure defaced. Mr Wales measured this one, and found it to be fifteen feet in length, and six feet broad over the shoulders, Each statue had on its head a large cylindric stone of a red colour, wrought perfectly round. The one they measured, which was not by far the largest, was fifty-two inches high, and sixty-six in diameter. In some, the upper corner of the cylinder was taken off in a sort of concave quarter-round, but in others the cylinder was entire.

From this place they followed the direction of the coast to the N.E., the man with the flag still leading the way. For about three miles they found the country very barren, and in some places stript of the soil to the bare rock, which seemed to be a poor sort of iron ore. Beyond this, they came to the most fertile part of the island they saw, it being interspersed with plantations of potatoes, sugar-canes, and plantain trees, and these not so much encumbered with stones as those which they had seen before; but they could find no water except what the natives twice or thrice brought them, which, though brackish and stinking, was rendered acceptable, by the extremity of their thirst. They also passed some huts, the owners of which met them with roasted potatoes and sugar-canes, and, placing themselves a- head of the foremost party (for they marched in a line in order to have the benefit of the path), gave one to each man as he passed by. They observed the same method in distributing the water which they brought; and were particularly careful that the foremost did not drink too much, lest none should be left for the hindmost. But at the very time these were relieving the thirsty and hungry, there were not wanting others who endeavoured to steal from them the very things which had been given them. At last, to prevent worse consequences, they were obliged to fire a load of small shot at one who was so audacious as to snatch from one of the men the bag which contained every thing they carried with them. The shot hit him on the back, on which he dropped the bag, ran a little way, and then fell; but he afterwards got up and walked, and what became of him they knew not, nor whether he was much wounded. As this affair occasioned some delay, and drew the natives together, they presently saw the man who had hitherto led the way and one or two more, coming running towards them; but instead of stopping when they came up, they continued to run round them, repeating, in a kind manner, a few words, until our people set forwards again. Then their old guide hoisted his flag, leading the way as before, and none ever attempted to steal from them the whole day afterwards. As they passed along, they observed on a hill a number of people collected together, some of whom had spears in their hands; but on their being called to by their countrymen, they dispersed, except a few, amongst whom was one seemingly of some note. He was a stout well-made man, with a fine open countenance, his face was painted, his body punctured, and he wore a better _Ha hou_, or cloth, than the rest. He saluted them as he came up, by stretching out his arms, with both hands clenched, lifting them over his head, opening them wide, and then letting them fall gradually down to his sides. To this man, whom they understood to be chief of the island, their other friend gave his white flag, and he gave him another, who carried it before them the remainder of the day.

Towards the eastern end of the island, they met with a well whose water was perfectly fresh, being considerably above the level of the sea; but it was dirty, owing to the filthiness or cleanliness (call it which you will) of the natives, who never go to drink without washing themselves all over as soon as they have done; and if ever so many of them are together, the first leaps right into the middle of the hole, drinks, and washes himself without the least ceremony; after which another takes his place and does the same.

They observed that this side of the island was full of those gigantic statues so often mentioned; some placed in groupes on platforms of masonry, others single, fixed only in the earth, and that not deep; and these latter are, in general, much larger than the others. Having measured one, which had fallen down, they found it very near twenty-seven feet long, and upwards of eight feet over the breast or shoulders; and yet this appeared considerably short of the size of one they saw standing; its shade, a little past two o'clock, being sufficient to shelter all the party, consisting of near thirty persons, from the rays of the sun. Here they stopped to dine; after which they repaired to a hill, from whence they saw all the east and north shores of the isle, on which they could not see either bay or creek fit even for a boat to land in; nor the least signs of fresh water. What the natives brought them here was real salt water; but they observed that some of them drank pretty plentifully of it, so far will necessity and custom get the better of nature! On this account they were obliged to return to the last-mentioned well, where, after having quenched their thirst, they directed their route across the island towards the ship, as it was now four o'clock.

In a small hollow, on the highest part of the island, they met with several such cylinders as are placed on the heads of the statues. Some of these appeared larger than any they had seen before; but it was now too late to stop to measure any of them. Mr Wales, from whom I had this information, is of opinion that there had been a quarry here, whence these stones had formerly been dug; and that it would have been no difficult matter to roll them down the hill after they were formed. I think this a very reasonable conjecture, and have no doubt that it has been so.

On the declivity of the mountain towards the west, they met with another well, but the water was a very strong mineral, had a thick green scum on the top, and stunk intolerably. Necessity, however, obliged some to drink of it; but it soon made them so sick, that they threw it up the same way that it went down.

In all this excursion, as well as the one made the preceding day, only two or three shrubs were seen. The leaf and seed of one (called by the natives _Torromedo_) were not much unlike those of the common vetch; but the pod was more like that of a tamarind in its size and shape. The seeds have a disagreeable bitter taste; and the natives, when they saw our people chew them, made signs to spit them out; from whence it was concluded that they think them poisonous. The wood is of a reddish colour, and pretty hard and heavy, but very crooked, small, and short, not exceeding six or seven feet in height. At the S.W. corner of the island, they found another small shrub, whose wood was white and brittle, and in some measure, as also its leaf, resembling the ash. They also saw in several places the Otaheitean cloth plant, but it was poor and weak, and not above two and a half feet high at most.

They saw not an animal of any sort, and but very few birds; nor indeed any thing which can induce ships that are not in the utmost distress, to touch at this island.

This account of the excursion I had from Mr Pickersgill and Mr Wales, men on whose veracity I could depend; and therefore I determined to leave the island the next morning, since nothing was to be obtained that could make it worth my while to stay longer; for the water which we had sent on board, was not much better than if it had been taken up out of the sea.[6]

We had a calm till ten o'clock in the morning of the 16th, when a breeze sprung up at west, accompanied with heavy showers of rain, which lasted about an hour. The weather then clearing up, we got under sail, stood to sea, and kept plying to and fro, while an officer was sent on shore with two boats, to purchase such refreshments as the natives might have brought down; for I judged this would be the case, as they knew nothing of our sailing. The event proved that I was not mistaken; for the boats made two trips before night, when we hoisted them in, and made sail to the N.W., with a light breeze at N.N.E.

[1] "The joy which this fortunate event spread on every countenance, is scarcely to be described. We had been one hundred and three days out of sight of land; and the rigorous weather to the south, the fatigues of continual attendance during storms, or amidst dangerous masses of ice, the sudden changes of climate, and the long continuance of a noxious diet, all together had emaciated and worn out our crew. The expectation of a speedy end to their sufferings, and the hope of finding the land stocked with abundance of fowls and planted with fruits, according to the accounts of the Dutch navigator, now filled them with uncommon alacrity and cheerfulness."--G.F.

Captain Cook was much indebted for now falling in with this island, to the superior means he possessed of ascertaining his longitude. Byron, Carteret, and Bouganville, all missed it, although they took their departure from no greater a distance than the islands of Juan Fernandez. Most of the writers who mention Easter Island, agree pretty well together as to its latitude, but the Spanish accounts are not less than thirty leagues erroneous as to its longitude.--E.

[2] See this in vol. XI. p. 95 of this collection; but the description afterwards given is much more satisfactory.--E.

[3] "He was of the middle size, about five feet eight inches high, and remarkably hairy on the breast, and all over the body. His colour was a chesnut brown, his beard strong, but clipped short, and of a black colour, as was also the hair of his head, which was likewise cut short. His ears were very long, almost hanging on his shoulders, and his legs punctured in compartments after a taste which we had observed no where else. He had only a belt round his middle, from whence a kind of net-work descended before, too thin to conceal any thing from the sight. A string was tied about his neck, and a flat bone, something shaped like a tongue, and about four inches long, was fastened to it, and hung down on the breast. This he told us, was a porpoise's bone (eavee toharra) expressing it exactly by the same words which an Otaheitean would have made use of. Mahine, who had already expressed his impatience to go ashore, was much pleased to find that the inhabitants spoke a language so similar to his own, and attempted to converse with our new visitor several times, but was interrupted by the questions which many other persons in the ship put to him."--G.F.

[4] "Almost all of them were naked, some having only a belt round the middle, from whence a small bit of cloth, six or eight inches long, or a little net, hang down before. A very few of them had a cloak which reached to the knees, made of cloth, resembling that of Otaheite in the texture, and stitched or quilted with thread to make it the more lasting. Most of these cloaks were painted yellow with the turmeric root."--G.F.

[5] "After staying among the natives for some time on the beach, we began to walk into the country. The whole ground was covered with roots and stones of all sizes, which seemed to have been exposed to a great fire, where they had acquired a black colour and porous appearance. Two or three shrivelled species of grasses grew up among these stones, and in a slight degree softened the desolate appearance of the country. About fifteen yards from the landing place, we saw a perpendicular wall of square hewn stones, about a foot and a half or two feet long, and one foot broad. Its greatest height was about seven or eight feet, but it gradually sloped on both sides, and its length might be about twenty yards. A remarkable circumstance was the junction of these stones, which were laid after the most excellent rules of art, fitting in such a manner as to make a durable piece of architecture. The stone itself, of which they are cut, is not of great hardness, being a blackish brown cavernous and brittle stony lava. The ground rose from the water side upwards; so that another wall, parallel to the first, about twelve yards from it, and facing the country, was not above two or three feet high. The whole area between the two walls was filled up with soil and covered over with grass. About fifty yards farther to the south, there was another elevated area, of which the surface was paved with square stones exactly similar to those which formed the walls. In the midst of this area, there was a pillar consisting of a single stone, which represented a human figure to the waist, about twenty feet high, and upwards of five feet wide. The workmanship of this figure was rude, and spoke the arts in their infancy. The eyes, nose, and mouth, were scarcely marked on a lumpish ill-shaped head; and the ears, which were excessively long, quite in the fashion of the country, were better executed than any other part, though a European artist would have been ashamed of them. The neck was clumsy and short, and the shoulders and arms very slightly represented. On the top of the head a huge round cylinder of stone was placed upright, being above five feet in diameter and in height. This cap, which resembled the head-dress of some Egyptian divinity, consisted of a different stone from the rest of the pillar, being of a more reddish colour; and had a hole on each side, as if it had been made round by turning. The cap, together with the head, made one half of the whole pillar which appeared above ground. We did not observe that the natives paid any worship to these pillars, yet they seemed to hold them in some kind of veneration, as they sometimes expressed a dislike when we walked over the paved area or pedestals, or examined the stones of which it consisted. A few of the natives accompanied us farther on into the country, where we had seen some bushes at a distance, which we hoped would afford us something new. Our road was intolerably rugged, over heaps of volcanic stones, which rolled away under our feet, and against which we continually hurt ourselves. The natives who were accustomed to this desolate ground, skipped nimbly from stone to stone without the least difficulty. In our way we saw several black rats running about, which it seems are common to every island in the South Sea. Being arrived at the shrubbery which we had in view, we found it was nothing but a small plantation of the paper mulberry, of which here, as well as at Otaheite, they make their cloth. Its stems were from two to four feet high, and planted in rows, among very large rocks, where the rains had washed a little soil together. In the neighbourhood of these we saw some bushes of the _hibiscus populneus_, Linn, which is common also in the Society Isles, where it is one of the numerous plants made use of to dye yellow; and likewise a _mimosa_, which is the only shrub that affords the natives sticks for their clubs and patoo-patoos, and wood sufficient to patch up a canoe. We found the face of the country more barren and ruinous the farther we advanced. The small number of inhabitants, who met us at the landing-place, seemed to have been the bulk of the nation, since we met no other people on our walk; and yet for these few we did not see above ten or twelve huts, though the view commanded a great part of the island. One of the sightliest of these was situated on a little hillock, about half a mile from the sea, which we ascended. Its construction was such as evinced the poverty and wretched condition of its owners. The natives told us they passed the night in these huts; and we easily conceived their situation to be uncomfortable, especially as we saw so very few of them, that they must be crammed full, unless the generality of the people lie in the open air, and leave these wretched dwellings to their chiefs, or make use of them only in bad weather. Besides these huts, we observed some heaps of stones piled up into little hillocks, which had one steep perpendicular side, where a hole went under ground. The space within could be but very small, and yet it is very probable that these cavities served to give shelter to the people during night. They may, however, communicate with natural caverns, which are very common in the lava currents of volcanic countries. We should have been glad to have ascertained this circumstance, but the natives always denied us admittance into these places."--G.F.

[6] "Captain Cook had not been very fortunate in trading with the people. They seemed indeed to be so destitute as to have no provisions to spare. A few matted baskets full of sweet potatoes, some sugar- canes, bunches of bananas, and two or three small fowls ready dressed, were the whole purchase which he had made for a few iron tools, and some Otaheite cloth. He had presented the people with beads, but they always threw them away with contempt, as far as ever they could. Whatever else they saw about us, they were desirous of possessing, though they had nothing to give in return.--G.F.

SECTION VIII.

_A Description of the Island, and its Produce, Situation, and Inhabitants; their Manners and Customs; Conjectures concerning their Government, Religion, and other Subjects; with a more particular Account of the gigantic Statues._

I shall now give some farther account of this island, which is undoubtedly the same that Admiral Roggewein touched at in April 1722; although the description given of it by the authors of that voyage does by no means agree with it now. It may also be the same that was seen by Captain Davis in 1686; for, when seen from the east, it answers very well to Wafer's description, as I have before observed. In short, if this is not the land, his discovery cannot lie far from the coast of America, as this latitude has been well explored from the meridian of 80° to 110°. Captain Carteret carried it much farther; but his track seems to have been a little too far south. Had I found fresh water, I intended spending some days in looking for the low sandy isle Davis fell in with, which would have determined the point. But as I did not find water, and had a long run to make before I was assured of getting any, and being in want of refreshments, I declined the search; as a small delay might have been attended with bad consequences to the crew, many of them beginning to be more or less affected with the scurvy.

No nation need contend for the honour of the discovery of this island, as there can be few places which afford less convenience for shipping than it does. Here is no safe anchorage, no wood for fuel, nor any fresh water worth taking on board. Nature has been exceedingly sparing of her favours to this spot. As every thing must be raised by dint of labour, it cannot be supposed that the inhabitants plant much more than is sufficient for themselves; and as they are but few in number, they cannot have much to spare to supply the wants of visitant strangers. The produce is sweet potatoes, yams, tara or eddy root, plantains, and sugar-canes, all pretty good, the potatoes especially, which are the best of the kind I ever tasted. Gourds they have also, but so very few, that a cocoa-nut shell was the most valuable thing we could give them. They have a few tame fowls, such as cocks and hens, small but well tasted. They have also rats, which it seems they eat; for I saw a man with some dead ones in his hand, and he seemed unwilling to part with them, giving me to understand they were for food. Of land-birds there were hardly any, and sea-birds but few; these were men-of-war, tropic, and egg-birds, noddies, tern, &c. The coast seemed not to abound with fish, at least we could catch none with hook and line, and it was but very little we saw among the natives.

Such is the produce of Easter Island, or Davis's Land, which is situated in latitude 27° 5' 30" S., longitude 109° 46' 20" W. It is about ten or twelve leagues in circuit, hath a hilly and stony surface, and an iron-bound shore. The hills are of such a height as to be seen fifteen or sixteen leagues. Off the south end, are two rocky islets, lying near the shore. The north and east points of the island rise directly from the sea to a considerable height; between them and the S.E. side, the shore forms an open bay, in which I believe the Dutch anchored. We anchored, as hath been already mentioned, on the west side of the island, three miles to the north of the south point, with the sandy beach bearing E.S.S. This is a very good road with easterly winds, but a dangerous one with westerly; as the other on the S.E. side must be with easterly winds.

For this, and other bad accommodations already mentioned, nothing but necessity will induce any one to touch at this isle, unless it can be done without going much out of the way; in which case, touching here may be advantageous, as the people willingly and readily part with such refreshments as they have, and at an easy rate. We certainly received great benefit from the little we got; but few ships can come here without being in want of water, and this want cannot be here supplied. The little we took on board, could not be made use of, it being only salt water which had filtered through a stony beach into a stone well; this the natives had made for the purpose, a little to the southward of the sandy beach so often mentioned, and the water ebbed and flowed into it with the tide.

The inhabitants of this island do not seem to exceed six or seven hundred souls, and above two-thirds of those we saw were males. They either have but few females amongst them, or else many were restrained from making their appearance during our stay, for though we saw nothing to induce us to believe the men were of a jealous disposition, or the women afraid to appear in public, something of this kind was probably the case.[1]

In colour, features, and language, they bear such an affinity to the people of the more western isles, that no one will doubt they have had the same origin. It is extraordinary that the same nation should have spread themselves over all the isles in this vast ocean, from New Zealand to this island, which is almost one-fourth part of the circumference of the globe. Many of them have now no other knowledge of each other, than what is preserved by antiquated tradition; and they have, by length of time, become, as it were, different nations, each having adopted some peculiar custom or habit, &c. Nevertheless, a careful observer will soon see the affinity each has to the other. In general, the people of this isle are a slender race. I did not see a man that would measure six feet; so far are they from being giants, as one of the authors of Roggewein's voyage asserts. They are brisk and active, have good features, and not disagreeable countenances; are friendly and hospitable to strangers, but as much addicted to pilfering as any of their neighbours.

_Tattowing_, or puncturing the skin, is much used here. The men are marked from head to foot, with figures all nearly alike; only some give them one direction, and some another, as fancy leads. The women are but little punctured; red and white paint is an ornament with _them_, as also with the men; the former is made of turmeric, but what composes the latter I know not.

Their clothing is a piece or two of quilted cloth, about six feet by four, or a mat. One piece wrapped round their loins, and another over their shoulders, make a complete dress. But the men, for the most part, are in a manner naked, wearing nothing but a slip of cloth betwixt their legs, each end of which is fastened to a cord or belt they wear round the waist. Their cloth is made of the same materials as at Otaheite, viz. of the bark of the cloth-plant; but, as they have but little of it, our Otaheitean cloth, or indeed any sort of it, came here to a good market.

Their hair in general is black; the women wear it long, and sometimes tied up on the crown of the head; but the men wear it, and their beards, cropped short. Their headdress is a round fillet adorned with feathers, and a straw bonnet something like a Scotch one; the former, I believe, being chiefly worn by the men, and the latter by the women. Both men and women have very large holes, or rather slits, in their ears, extending to near three inches in length. They sometimes turn this slit over the upper part, and then the ear looks as if the flap was cut off. The chief ear-ornaments are the white down of feathers, and rings, which they wear in the inside of the hole, made of some elastic substance, rolled up like a watch-spring. I judged this was to keep the hole at its utmost extension. I do not remember seeing them wear any other ornaments, excepting amulets made of bone or shells.[2]

As harmless and friendly as these people seemed to be, they are not without offensive weapons, such as short wooden clubs and spears; the latter of which are crooked sticks about six feet long, armed at one end with pieces of flint. They have also a weapon made of wood, like the _Patoo patoo_ of New Zealand.

Their houses are low miserable huts, constructed by setting sticks upright in the ground, at six or eight feet distance, then bending them towards each other, and tying them together at the top, forming thereby a kind of Gothic arch. The longest sticks are placed in the middle, and shorter ones each way, and a less distance asunder, by which means the building is highest and broadest in the middle, and lower and narrower towards each end. To these are tied others horizontally, and the whole is thatched over with leaves of sugar-cane. The door-way is in the middle of one side, formed like a porch, and so low and narrow, as just to admit a man to enter upon all fours. The largest house I saw was about sixty feet long, eight or nine feet high in the middle, and three or four at each end; its breadth, at these parts, was nearly equal to its height. Some have a kind of vaulted houses built with stone, and partly under ground; but I never was in one of these.

I saw no household utensils among them, except gourds, and of these but very few. They were extravagantly fond of cocoa-nut shells, more so than of any thing we could give them. They dress their victuals in the same manner as at Otaheite; that is, with hot stones in an oven or hole in the ground. The straw or tops of sugar-cane, plantain heads, &c. serve them for fuel to heat the stones. Plantains, which require but little dressing, they roast under fires of straw, dried grass, &c. and whole races of them are ripened or roasted in this manner. We frequently saw ten or a dozen, or more, such fires in one place, and most commonly in the mornings and evenings.

Not more than three or four canoes were seen on the whole island, and these very mean, and built of many pieces sewed together with small line. They are about eighteen or twenty feet long, head and stem carved or raised a little, are very narrow, and fitted with out-riggers. They do not seem capable of carrying above four persons, and are by no means fit for any distant navigation. As small and mean as these canoes were, it was a matter of wonder to us, where they got the wood to build them with; for in one of them was a board six or eight feet long, fourteen inches broad at one end, and eight at the other; whereas we did not see a stick on the island that would have made a board half this size, nor, indeed, was there another piece in the whole canoe half so big.

There are two ways by which it is possible they may have got this large wood; it might have been left here by the Spaniards, or it might have been driven on the shore of the island from some distant land. It is even possible that there may be some land in the neighbourhood, from whence they might have got it. We, however, saw no signs of any, nor could we get the least information on this head from the natives, although we tried every method we could think of to obtain it. We were almost as unfortunate in our enquiries for the proper or native name of the island; for, on comparing notes, I found we had got three different names for it, viz. Tamareki, Whyhu, and Teapy. Without pretending to say which, or whether any of them is right, I shall only observe, that the last was obtained by Oedidee, who understood their language much better than any of us, though even he understood it but very imperfectly.

It appears by the account of Roggewein's voyage, that these people had no better vessels than when he first visited them. The want of materials, and not of genius, seems to be the reason why they have made no improvement in this art. Some pieces of carving were found amongst them, both well designed and executed.[3] Their plantations are prettily laid out by line, but not inclosed by any fence; indeed they have nothing for this purpose but stones.

I have no doubt that all these plantations are private property, and that there are here, as at Otaheite, chiefs (which they call _Areekes_) to whom these plantations belong. But of the power or authority of these chiefs, or of the government of these people, I confess myself quite ignorant.

Nor are we better acquainted with their religion. The gigantic statues, so often mentioned, are not, in my opinion, looked upon as idols by the present inhabitants, whatever they might have been in the days of the Dutch; at least I saw nothing that could induce me to think so. On the contrary, I rather suppose that they are burying-places for certain tribes or families. I, as well as some others, saw a human skeleton lying in one of the platforms, just covered with stones. Some of these platforms of masonry are thirty or forty feet long, twelve or sixteen broad, and from three to twelve in height; which last in some measure depends on the nature of the ground; for they are generally at the brink of the bank facing the sea, so that this face may be ten or twelve feet or more high, and the other may not be above three or four. They are built, or rather faced, with hewn stones, of a very large size; and the workmanship is not inferior to the best plain piece of masonry we have in England. They use no sort of cement, yet the joints are exceedingly close, and the stones morticed and tenanted one into another, in a very artful manner. The side-walls are not perpendicular, but inclining a little inwards, in the same manner that breast-works, &c. are built in Europe; yet had not all this care, pains, and sagacity, been able to preserve these curious structures from the ravages of all-devouring time.

The statues, or at least many of them, are erected on these platforms, which serve as foundations. They are, as near as we could judge, about half length, ending in a sort of stump at the bottom, on which they stand. The workmanship is rude, but not bad; nor are the features of the face ill formed, the nose and chin in particular; but the ears are long beyond proportion; and, as to the bodies, there is hardly any thing like a human figure about them.

I had an opportunity of examining only two or three of these statues, which are near the landing-place; and they were of a grey stone, seemingly of the same sort as that with which the platforms were built. But some of the gentlemen, who travelled over the island, and examined many of them, were of opinion that the stone of which they were made, was different from any they saw on the island, and had much the appearance of being factitious. We could hardly conceive how these islanders, wholly unacquainted with any mechanical power, could raise such stupendous figures, and afterwards place the large cylindric stones before mentioned upon their heads. The only method I can conceive, is by raising the upper end by little and little, supporting it by stones as it is raised, and building about it till they got it erect; thus a sort of mount or scaffolding would be made, upon which they might roll the cylinder, and place it upon the head of the statue, and then the stones might be removed from about it. But if the stones are factitious, the statues might have been put together on the place, in their present position, and the cylinder put on by building a mount round them, as above mentioned. But, let them have been made and set up by this or any other method, they must have been a work of immense time, and sufficiently shew the ingenuity and perseverance of these islanders in the age in which they were built; for the present inhabitants have most certainly had no hand in them, as they do not even repair the foundations of those which are going to decay. They give different names to them, such as Gotomoara, Marapate, Kanaro, Goway-too-goo, Matta Matta, &c. &c. to which they sometimes prefix the word Moi, and sometimes annex Areeke. The latter signifies chief, and the former burying, or sleeping-place, as well as we could understand.[4]

Besides the monuments of antiquity, which were pretty numerous, and no where but on or near the sea-coast, there were many little heaps of stones, piled up in different places along the coast. Two or three of the uppermost stones in each pile were generally white, perhaps always so, when the pile is complete. It will hardly be doubted that these piles of stone had a meaning; probably they might mark the place where people had been buried, and serve instead of the large statues.

The working-tools of these people are but very mean, and, like those of all the other islanders we have visited in this ocean, made of stone, bone, shells, &c. They set but little value on iron or iron tools, which is the more extraordinary, as they know their use; but the reason may be, their having but little occasion for them.

[1] "It was impossible for us to guess at the cause of this disproportion in the number of the different sexes; but as all the women we saw were very liberal of their favours, I conjectured at that time, that the married and the modest, who might be supposed to form the greater part, did not care to come near us, or were forced by the men to stay at their dwellings in the remote parts of the island. These few who appeared were the most lascivious of their sex, that perhaps have ever been noticed in any country, and shame seemed to be entirely unknown to them."--G.F.

[2] "They were inferior in stature to the natives of the Society and Friendly Isles, and to those of New Zealand, there being not a single person amongst them, who might be reckoned tall. Their body was likewise lean, and their face much thinner than that of any people we had hitherto seen in the South Sea. Both sexes had thin, but not savage features, though the little shelter which their barren country offers against the sunbeams, had contracted their brows sometimes, and drawn the muscles of their face up towards the eye. Their noses were not very broad, but rather flat between the eyes; their lips strong, though not so thick as those of negroes; and their hair black and curling, but always cut short, so as not to exceed three inches. Their eyes were dark-brown, and rather small, the white being less clear than in other nations of the South Seas."--G.F.

[3] "These were human figures made of narrow pieces of wood about eighteen inches or two feet long, and wrought in a much neater and more proportionate manner than we could have expected, after seeing the rude sculpture of the statues. They were made to represent persons of both sexes; the features were not very pleasing, and the whole figure was much too long to be natural; however, there was something characteristic in them, which shewed a taste for the arts. The wood of which they were made was finely polished, close grained, and of a dark-brown, like that of the casuarina. Mahine was most pleased with these carved human figures, the workmanship of which much excelled those of the _e tees_ in his country, and he purchased several of them, assuring us they would be greatly valued at Otaheite. As he took great pains to collect these curiosities, he once met with a figure of a woman's hand, carved of a yellowish wood, nearly of the natural size. Upon examination, its fingers were all bent upwards, as they are in the action of dancing at Otaheite, and its nails were represented very long, extending at least three-fourths of an inch beyond the fingers end. The wood of which it was made was the rare perfume wood of Otaheite, with the chips of which they communicate fragrance to their oils. We had neither seen this wood growing, nor observed the custom of wearing long nails at this island, and therefore were at a loss to conceive how this piece of well-executed carving could be met with there. Mahine afterwards presented this piece to my father, who in his turn made a present of it to the British Museum."--G.F.

[4] "The most diligent enquiries on our part, have not been sufficient to throw clear light on the surprising objects which struck our eyes in this island. We may, however, attempt to account for these gigantic monuments, of which great numbers exist in every part; for as they are so disproportionate to the present strength of the nation, it is most reasonable to look upon them as the remains of better times. The nearest calculation we could make, never brought the number of inhabitants in this island beyond seven hundred, who, destitute of tools, of shelter and clothing, are obliged to spend all their time in providing food to support their precarious existence. It is obvious that they are too much occupied with their wants, to think of forming statues, which would cost them ages to finish, and require their united strength to erect. Accordingly, we did not see a single instrument among them in all our excursions, which could have been of the least use in masonry or sculpture. We neither met with any quarries, where they had recently dug the materials, nor with unfinished statues, which we might have considered as the work of the present race. It is therefore probable, that these people were formerly more numerous, more opulent and happy, when they could spare sufficient time, to flatter the vanity of their princes, by perpetuating their names by lasting monuments. The remains of plantations found on the summits of the hub, give strength and support to this conjecture. It is not in our power to determine by what various accidents a nation so flourishing, could be reduced in number, and degraded to its present indigence. But we are well convinced that many causes may produce this effect, and that the devastation which a volcano might make, is alone sufficient to heap a load of miseries on a people confined to so small a space. In fact, this island, which may perhaps, in remote ages, have been produced by a volcano, since all its minerals are merely volcanic, has at least in all likelihood been destroyed by its fire. All kinds of trees and plants, all-domestic animals, nay a great part of the nation itself, may have perished in the dreadful convulsion of nature: Hunger and misery must have been but too powerful enemies to those who escaped the fire. We cannot well account for these little carved images which we saw among the natives, and the representation of a dancing woman's hand, which are made of a kind of wood at present not to be met with upon the island. The only idea which offers itself is, that they were made long ago, and have been saved by accident or predilection, at the general catastrophe which seems to have happened. In numberless circumstances the people agree with the tribes who inhabit New Zealand, the Friendly and the Society Islands, and who seem to have had one common origin with them. Their features are very similar, so that the general character may easily be distinguished. Their colour a yellowish brown, most like the hue of the New Zealanders; their art of puncturing, the use of the mulberry-bark for clothing, the predilection for red paint and red dresses, the shape and workmanship of their clubs, the mode of dressing their victuals, all form a strong resemblance to the natives of these islands. We may add, the simplicity of their languages, that of Easter Island being a dialect, which, in many respects, resembles that of New Zealand, especially in the harshness of pronunciation and the use of gutturals, and yet, in other instances, partakes of that of Otaheite. The monarchical government likewise strengthens the affinity between the Easter Islanders and the tropical tribes, its prerogatives being only varied according to the different degrees of fertility of the islands, and the opulence or luxury of the people. The statues, which are erected in honour of their kings, have a great affinity to the wooden figures called Tea, on the chief's marais or burying- places, at Otaheite; but we could not possibly consider them as idols. The disposition of these people is far from being warlike; their numbers are too inconsiderable and their poverty too general, to create civil disturbances amongst them. It is equally improbable that they have foreign wars, since hitherto we know of no island near enough to admit of an interview between the inhabitants; neither could we obtain any intelligence from those of Easter Island upon the subject. This being premised, it is extraordinary that they should have different kinds of offensive weapons, and especially such as resemble those of the New Zealanders; and we must add this circumstance to several others which are inexplicable to us. Upon the whole, supposing Easter Island to have undergone a late misfortune from volcanic fires, its inhabitants are more to be pitied than any less civilized society, being acquainted with a number of conveniences, comforts, and luxuries of life, which they formerly possessed, and of which the remembrance must embitter the loss."--G.P.

Forster the father is decided in opinion, as to the revolution that has undoubtedly occurred in this island, being occasioned by a volcano and earthquake, and gives a very curious account of a notion prevalent amongst the Society Isles, and forming indeed part of their mythological creed, which, if to be credited, affords support to it. The subject altogether is of a most interesting and important nature, but cannot possibly be investigated or even specified in an adequate manner in this place. We hope to do it justice hereafter.--E.

SECTION IX.

_The Passage from Easter Island to the Marquesas Islands. Transactions and Incidents which happened while the Ship lay in Madre de Dios, or Resolution Bay, in the Island of St Christina._

After leaving Easter Island, I steered N.W. by N. and N.N.W., with a fine easterly gale, intending to touch at the Marquesas, if I met with nothing before I got there. We had not been long at sea, before the bilious disorder made another attack upon me, but not so violent as the former. I believe this second visit was owing to exposing and fatiguing myself too much at Easter Island.

On the 22d, being in the latitude of 19° 20' S., longitude 114° 49' W., steered N.W. Since leaving Easter Island, the variation had not been more than 3° 4', nor less than 2° 32' E.; but on the 26th, at six a.m., in latitude 15° 7' S., longitude 119° 45' W., it was no more than 1° 1' E.; after which it began to increase.

On the 29th, being in the latitude of 10° 20', longitude 123° 58' W., altered the course to W.N.W., and the next day to west, being then in latitude 9° 24', which I judged to be the parallel of Marquesas; where, as I have before observed, I intended to touch, in order to settle their situation, which I find different in different charts. Having now a steady settled trade-wind, and pleasant weather, I ordered the forge to be set up, to repair and make various necessary articles in the iron way; and the caulkers had already been some time at work caulking the decks, weather- works, &c.

As we advanced to the west, we found the variation to increase but slowly; for, on the 3d of April, it was only 4° 40' E., being then in the latitude of 9° 32', longitude 132° 45', by observation made at the same time.

I continued to steer to the west till the 6th, at four in the afternoon, at which time, being in the latitude of 9° 20', longitude 138° 14' W., we discovered an island, bearing west by south, distant about nine leagues. Two hours after we saw another, bearing S.W. by S., which appeared more extensive than the former. I hauled up for this island, and ran under an easy sail all night, having squally unsettled rainy weather, which is not very uncommon in this sea, when near high land. At six o'clock the next morning, the first island bore N.W., the second S.W. 1/2 W., and a third W. I gave orders to steer for the separation between the two last; and soon after, a fourth was seen, still more to the west. By this time, we were well assured that these were the Marquesas, discovered by Mendana in 1595. The first isle was a new discovery, which I named Hood's Island, after the young gentleman who first saw it, the second was that of Saint Pedro, the third La Dominica, and the fourth St Christina. We ranged the S.E..coast of La Dominica, without seeing the least signs of anchorage, till we came to the channel that divides it from St Christina, through which we passed, hauled over for the last-mentioned island, and ran along the coast to the S.W. in search of Mendana's Port. We passed several coves in which there seemed to be anchorage; but a great surf broke on all the shores. Some canoes put off from these places, and followed us down the coast.

At length, having come before the port we were in search of, we attempted to turn into it, the wind being right out; but as it blew in violent squalls from this high land, one of these took us just after we had put in stays, payed the ship off again, and before she wore round, she was within a few yards of being driven against the rocks to leeward. This obliged us to stand out to sea, and to make a stretch to windward; after which we stood in again, and without attempting to turn, anchored in the entrance of the bay in thirty-four fathoms water, a fine sandy bottom. This was no sooner done, than about thirty or forty of the natives came off to us in ten or twelve canoes; but it required some address to get them alongside. At last a hatchet, and some spike-nails, induced the people in one canoe to come under the quarter-gallery; after which, all the others put alongside, and having exchanged some breadfruit and fish for small nails, &c. retired ashore, the sun being already set. We observed a heap of stones on the bow of each canoe, and every man to have a sling tied round his hand.

Very early next morning, the natives visited us again in much greater numbers than before; bringing with them bread-fruit, plantains, and one pig, all of which they exchanged for nails, &c. But in this traffic they would frequently keep our goods, and make no return, till at last I was obliged to fire a musket-ball over one man who had several times served us in this manner; after which they dealt more fairly; and soon after several of them came on board. At this time we were preparing to warp farther into the bay, and I was going in a boat, to look for the most convenient place to moor the ship in. Observing too many of the natives on board, I said to the officers, "You must look well after these people, or they will certainly carry off something or other." I had hardly got into the boat, before I was told they had stolen one of the iron stanchions from the opposite gang-way, and were making off with it. I ordered them to fire over the canoe till I could get round in the boat, but not to kill any one. But the natives made too much noise for me to be heard, and the unhappy thief was killed at the third shot. Two others in the same canoe leaped overboard, but got in again just as I came to them. The stanchion they had thrown over board. One of them, a man grown, sat bailing the blood and water out of the canoe, in a kind of hysteric laugh; the other, a youth about fourteen or fifteen years of age, looked on the deceased with a serious and dejected countenance; we had afterwards reason to believe he was his son.[1]

At this unhappy accident, all the natives retired with precipitation. I followed them into the bay, and prevailed upon the people in one canoe to come alongside the boat, and receive some nails, and other things, which I gave them; this in some measure allayed their fears. Having taken a view of the bay, and found that fresh water, which we most wanted, was to be had, I returned on board, and carried out a kedge-anchor with three hawsers upon an end, to warp the ship in by, and hove short on the bower. One would have thought that the natives, by this time, would have been so sensible of the effect of our fire-arms, as not to have provoked us to fire upon them any more, but the event proved otherwise; for the boat had no sooner left the kedge-anchor, than two men in a canoe put off from the shore, took hold of the buoy rope, and attempted to drag it ashore, little considering what was fast to it. Lest, after discovering their mistake, they should take away the buoy, I ordered a musket to be fired at them; the ball fell short, and they took not the least notice of it; but a second having passed over them, they let go the buoy, and made for the shore. This was the last shot we had occasion to fire at any of them, while we lay at this place. It probably had more effect than killing the man, by shewing them that they were not safe at any distance; at least we had reason to think so, for they afterwards stood in great dread of the musket. Nevertheless, they would very often be exercising their talent of thieving upon us, which I thought proper to put up with, as our stay was not likely to be long amongst them. The trouble these people gave us retarded us so long, that, before we were ready to heave the anchor, the wind began to increase, and blew in squalls out of the bay, so that we were obliged to lie fast. It was not long before the natives ventured off to us again. In the first canoe which came, was a man who seemed to be of some consequence; he advanced slowly, with a pig on his shoulder, and speaking something which we did not understand. As soon as he got alongside, I made him a present of a hatchet and several other articles: In return, he sent in his pig; and was at last prevailed upon to come himself up to the gang-way, where he made but a short stay. The reception this man met with, induced the people in all the other canoes to put alongside; and exchanges were presently reestablished.

Matters being thus settled on board, I went on shore with a party of men, to see what was to be done there. We were received by the natives with great courtesy; and, as if nothing had happened, trafficked with them for some fruit and a few small pigs; and after loading the launch with water, returned aboard. After dinner I sent the boats ashore for water, under the protection of a guard; on their landing, the natives all fled but one man, and he seemed much frightened; afterwards one or two more came down, and these were all that were seen this afternoon. We could not conceive the reason of this sudden fright.

Early in the morning of the 9th, the boats were sent as usual for water; and just as they were coming off, but not before, some of the natives made their appearance. After breakfast I landed some little time before the guard, when the natives crowded round me in great numbers; but as soon as the guard landed, I had enough to do to keep them from running off: At length their fears vanished, and a trade was opened for fruit and pigs. I believe the reason of the natives flying from our people the day before, was their not seeing me at the head of them; for they certainly would have done the same to-day, had I not been present. About noon, a chief of some consequence, attended by a great number of people, came down to the landing-place. I presented him with such articles as I had with me, and, in return, he gave me some of his ornaments. After these mutual exchanges, a good understanding seemed to be established between us; so that we got by exchanges as much fruit as loaded two boats, with which we returned on board to dinner; but could not prevail on the chief to accompany us.

In the afternoon, the watering and trading parties were sent on shore, though the latter got but little, as most of the natives had retired into the country. A party of us went to the other, or southern cove of the bay, where I procured five pigs, and came to the house which, we were told, did belong to the man we had killed. He must have been a person of some note, as there were six pigs in and about his house, which we were told belonged to his son, who fled on our approach. I wanted much to have seen him, to make him a present, and, by other kind treatment, to convince him and the others that it was not from any bad design against the nation, that we had killed his father. It would have been to little purpose if I had left any thing in the house, as it certainly would have been taken by others; especially as I could not sufficiently explain to them my meaning. Strict honesty was seldom observed when the property of our things came to be disputed. I saw a striking instance of this in the morning, when I was going ashore. A man in a canoe offered me a small pig for a six-inch spike, and another man being employed to convey it, I gave him the spike, which he kept for himself, and instead of it, gave to the man who owned the pig a sixpenny nail. Words of course arose, and I waited to see how it would end; but as the man who had possession of the spike seemed resolved to keep it, I left them before it was decided. In the evening we returned on board with what refreshments we had collected, and thought we had made a good day's work.

On the 10th, early in the morning, some people from more distant parts came in canoes alongside, and sold us some pigs; so that we had now sufficient to give the crew a fresh meal. They were, in general, so small, that forty or fifty were hardly sufficient for this purpose. The trade on shore for fruit was as brisk as ever. After dinner, I made a little expedition in my boat along the coast to the south-ward, accompanied by some of the gentlemen: At the different places we touched at, we collected eighteen pigs; and I believe, might have got more. The people were exceedingly obliging wherever we landed, and readily brought down whatever we desired.[2]

Next morning I went down to the same place where we had been the preceding evening; but instead of getting pigs, as I expected, found the scene quite changed. The nails and other things they were mad after but the evening before, they now despised, and instead of them wanted they did not know what; so that I was obliged to return, with three or four little pigs, which cost more than a dozen did the day before. When I got on board, I found the same change had happened there, as also at the trading place on shore. The reason was, several of the young gentlemen having landed the preceding day, had given away in exchange various articles which the people had not seen before, and which took with them more than nails or more useful iron tools. But what ruined our market the most, was one of them giving for a pig a very large quantity of red feathers he had got at Amsterdam. None of us knew at this time, that this article was in such estimation here; and, if I had known it, I could not have supported the trade, in the manner it was begun, one day. Thus was our fine prospect of getting a plentiful supply of refreshments from these people frustrated; which will ever be the case so long as every one is allowed to make exchanges for what he pleases, and in what manner be pleases. When I found this island was not likely to supply us, on any conditions, with sufficient refreshments, such as we might expect to find at the Society Isles, nor very convenient for taking in wood and water, nor for giving the ship the necessary repairs she wanted, I resolved forthwith to leave it, and proceed to some other place, where our wants might be effectually relieved. For after having been nineteen weeks at sea, and living all the time upon salt diet, we could not but want some refreshments; although I must own, and that with pleasure, that on our arrival here, it could hardly be said we had one sick man; and but a few who had the least complaint. This was undoubtedly owing to the many antiscorbutic articles we had on board, and to the great attention of the surgeon, who was remarkably careful to apply them in time.

[1] Mr G.F. represents this unhappy transaction in a somewhat different manner, affirming that an officer who happened to come on deck the moment after the second ineffectual shot, and who was totally ignorant of the nature of the offence committed, snatched up a musket and fired with such fatal precision. This might be the case unknown to Captain Cook, whose representation may be considered as perfectly according with his own immediate understanding of the circumstance, and not modified, for perhaps valid enough reasons, by subsequent information. The event, in any view of it that can be taken, is another melancholy proof of that unprincipled depreciation of human life, which so strongly characterizes men who are continually risking it at their own cost. The conduct of Mahine on this event, it seems, was very striking. He burst into tears, when he saw one man killing another on so trifling an occasion. "Let his feelings," says Mr G.F., "put those civilized Europeans to the blush, who have humanity so often on their lips, and so seldom in their hearts."--E.

[2] Mr G.F. strongly commends the friendly behaviour and conciliatory manners of the people. It is unnecessary to quote his words--E.

SECTION X.

_Departure from the Marquesas; a Description of the Situation, Extent, Figure, and Appearance of the several Islands; with some Account of the Inhabitants, their Customs, Dress, Habitations, Food, Weapons, and Canoes._

At three o'clock in the afternoon, we weighed, and stood over from St Christina for La Dominica, in order to take a view of the west side of that isle; but as it was dark before we reached it, the night was spent in plying between the two isles. The next morning we had a full view of the S.W. point, from which the coast trended N.E.; so that it was not probable we should find good anchorage on that side, as being exposed to the easterly winds. We had now but little wind, and that very variable, with showers of rain. At length we got a breeze at E.N.E. with which we steered to the south. At five o'clock p.m., Resolution Bay bore E.N.E. 1/2 E. distant five leagues, and the island Magdalena S.E., about nine leagues distant. This was the only sight we had of this isle. From hence I steered S.S.W. 1/2 W. for Otaheite, with a view of falling in with some of those isles discovered by former navigators, especially those discovered by the Dutch, whose situations are not well determined. But it will be necessary to return to the Marquesas; which were, as I have already observed, first discovered by Mendana, a Spaniard, and from him obtained the general name they now bear, as well as those of the different isles. The nautical account of them, in vol. i. p. 61, of Dalrymple's Collection of Voyages to the South Seas, is deficient in nothing but situation. This was my chief reason for touching, at them; the settling this point is the more useful, as it will in a great measure fix the situations of Mendana's other discoveries.

The Marquesas are five in number, viz. La Magdalena, St Pedro, La Dominica, Santa Christina, and Hood's Island, which is the northernmost, situated in latitude 9° 26' S., and N. 13° W., five leagues and a half distant from the east point of La Dominica, which is the largest of all the isles, extending east and west six leagues. It hath an unequal breadth, and is about fifteen or sixteen leagues in circuit. It is full of rugged hills, rising in ridges directly from the sea; these ridges are disjoined by deep vallies which are clothed with wood, as are the sides of some of the hills; the aspect, however, is barren; but it is, nevertheless, inhabited. Latitude 9° 44' 30" S. St Pedro, which is about three leagues in circuit, and of a good height, lies south, four leagues and a half from the east end of La Dominica; we know not if it be inhabited. Nature has not been very bountiful to it. St Christina lies under the same parallel, three or four leagues more to the west. This island stretches north and south, is nine miles long in that direction, and about seven leagues in circuit. A narrow ridge of hills of considerable height extends the whole length of the island. There are other ridges, which, rising from the sea, and with an equal ascent, join the main ridge. These are disjoined by deep narrow vallies, which are fertile, adorned with fruit and other trees, and watered by fine streams of excellent water. La Magdalena we only saw at a distance. Its situation must be nearly in the latitude of 10° 25', longitude 138° 50'. So that these isles occupy one degree in latitude, and near half a degree in longitude, viz. from 138° 47' to 139° 13' W., which is the longitude of the west end of La Dominica.

The port of Madre de Dios, which I named Resolution Bay, is situated near the middle of the west side of St Christina, and under the highest land in the island, in latitude 9° 55' 30", longitude 139° 8' 40" W.; and north 15' W. from the west end of La Dominica. The south point of the bay is a steep rock of considerable height, terminating at the top in a peaked hill, above which you will see a path-way leading up a narrow ridge to the summits of the hills. The north point is not so high, and rises with a more gentle slope. They are a mile from each other, in the direction of N. by E. and S. by W. In the bay, which is near three quarters of a mile deep, and has from thirty-four to twelve fathoms water, with a clean sandy bottom, are two sandy coves, divided from each other by a rocky point. In each is a rivulet of excellent water. The northern cove is the most commodious for wooding and watering. Here is the little water-fall mentioned by Quiros, Mendana's pilot; but the town, or village, is in the other cove. There are several other coves, or bays, on this side of the island, and some of them, especially to the northward, may be mistaken for this; therefore, the best direction is the bearing of the west end of La Dominica.

The trees, plants, and other productions of these isles, so far as we know, are nearly the same as at Otaheite and the Society Isles. The refreshments to be got are hogs, fowls, plantains, yams, and some other roots; likewise bread-fruit and cocoa-nuts, but of these not many. At first these articles were purchased with nails. Beads, looking-glasses, and such trifles, which are so highly valued at the Society Isles, are in no esteem here; and even nails at last lost their value for other articles far less useful.

The inhabitants of these islands collectively, are, without exception, the finest race of people in this sea. For fine shape and regular features, they perhaps surpass all other nations. Nevertheless, the affinity of their language to that spoken in Otaheite and the Society Isles, shews that they are of the same nation. Oedidee could converse with them tolerably well, though we could not; but it was easy to see that their language was nearly the same.

The men are punctured, or curiously _tattowed_, from head to foot. The figures are various, and seem to be directed more by fancy than custom. These puncturations make them look dark: But the women, who are but little punctured, youths and young children, who are not at all, are as fair as some Europeans. The men are in general tall, that is, about five feet ten inches, or six feet; but I saw none that were fat and lusty like the _Earees_ of Otaheite; nor did I see any that could be called meagre. Their teeth are not so good, nor are their eyes so full and lively as those of many other nations. Their hair, like ours, is of many colours, except red, of which I saw none. Some have it long, but the most general custom is to wear it short, except a bunch on each side of the crown, which they tie in a knot. They observe different modes in trimming the beard, which is in general long. Some part it, and tie it in two bunches under the chin, others plait it, some wear it loose, and others quite short.

Their clothing is the same as at Otaheite, and made of the same materials; but they have it not in such plenty, nor is it so good. The men, for the most part, have nothing to cover their nakedness, except the _Marra_, as it is called at Otaheite; which is a slip of cloth passed round the waist and betwixt the legs; This simple dress is quite sufficient for the climate, and answers every purpose modesty requires. The dress of the women is a piece of cloth wrapped round the loins like a petticoat, which reaches down below the middle of the leg, and a loose mantle over their shoulders. Their principal head-dress, and what appears to be their chief ornament, is a sort of broad fillet, curiously made of the fibres of the husk of cocoa- nuts. In the front is fixed a mother-o'-pearl shell wrought round to the size of a tea saucer. Before that is another smaller one, of very fine tortoise-shell, perforated into curious figures. Also before, and in the centre of that, is another round piece of mother-o'-pearl, about the size of half-a-crown; and before this another piece of perforated tortoise- shell, about the size of a shilling. Besides this decoration in front, some have it also on each side, but in smaller pieces; and all have fixed to them, the tail feathers of cocks, or tropic birds, which, when the fillet is tied on, stand upright; so that the whole together makes a very sightly ornament. They wear round the neck a kind of ruff or necklace, call it which you please, made of light wood, the out and upper side covered with small red pease, which are fixed on with gum. They also wear small bunches of human hair, fastened to a string, and tied round the legs and arms. Sometimes, instead of hair, they make use of short feathers; but all the above-mentioned ornaments are seldom seen on the same person.

I saw only the chief, who came to visit us, completely dressed in this manner. Their ordinary ornaments are necklaces and amulets made of shells, &c. I did not see any with ear-rings; and yet all of them had their ears pierced.

Their dwellings are in the vallies, and on the sides of the hills, near their plantations. They are built after the same manner as at Otaheite; but are much meaner, and only covered with the leaves of the bread-tree. The most of them are built on a square or oblong pavement of stone, raised some height above the level of the ground. They likewise have such pavements near their houses, on which they sit to eat and amuse themselves.

In the article of eating, these people are by no means so cleanly as the Otaheiteans. They are likewise dirty in their cookery. Pork and fowls are dressed in an oven of hot stones, as at Otaheite; but fruit and roots they roast on the fire, and after taking off the rind or skin, put them into a platter or trough, with water, out of which I have seen both men and hogs eat at the same time. I once saw them make a batter of fruit and roots diluted with water, in a vessel that was loaded with dirt, and out of which the hogs had been but that moment eating, without giving it the least washing, or even washing their hands, which were equally dirty; and when I expressed a dislike, was laughed at. I know not if all are so. The actions of a few individuals are not sufficient to fix a custom on a whole nation. Nor can I say if it is the custom for men and women to have separate messes. I saw nothing to the contrary: Indeed I saw but few women upon the whole.

They seemed to have dwellings, or strong-holds, on the summits of the highest hills. These we only saw by the help of our glasses; for I did not permit any of our people to go there, as we were not sufficiently acquainted with the disposition of the natives, which (I believe) is humane and pacific.

Their weapons are clubs and spears, resembling those of Otaheite, but somewhat neater. They have also slings, with which they throw stones with great velocity, and to a great distance, but not with a good aim.

Their canoes are made of wood, and pieces of the bark of a soft tree, which grows near the sea in great plenty, and is very tough and proper for the purpose. They are from sixteen to twenty feet long, and about fifteen inches broad; the head and stern are made of two solid pieces of wood; the stern rises or curves a little, but in an irregular direction, and ends in a point; the head projects out horizontally, and is carved into some faint and very rude resemblance of a human face. They are rowed by paddles, and some have a sort of lateen sail, made of matting.

Hogs were the only quadrupeds we saw; and cocks and hens the only tame fowls. However, the woods seemed to abound with small birds of a very beautiful plumage, and fine notes; but the fear of alarming the natives hindered us from shooting so many of them as might otherwise have been done.[1]

[1] Mr G.F. concurs generally with Captain Cook in his account of the matters spoken of in this section, and is very particular in noticing the strong and distinct resemblance of the natives of the Marquesas to those of the Society Islands. What differences he remarked, he thinks may be specifically ascribed to the nature of the respective countries, whilst in his judgment the many points of identity imply a common origin. The reader, it is believed, will hereafter see the most reasonable grounds, for such an inference.--E.

SECTION XI.

_A Description of several Islands discovered, or seen in the Passage from the Marquesas to Otaheite; with an Account of a Naval Review._

With a fine easterly wind I steered S.W.--S.W. by W. and W. by S. till the 17th, at ten o'clock in the morning, when land was seen bearing W. 1/2 N., which, upon a nearer approach, we found to be a string of low islets connected together by a reef of coral rocks. We ranged the northwest coast, at the distance of one mile from shore, to three quarters of its length, which in the whole is near four leagues, when we came to a creek or inlet that seemed to open a communication into the lake in the middle of the isle. As I wanted to obtain some knowledge of the produce of these half- drowned isles, we brought-to, hoisted out a boat, and sent the master in to sound; there being no soundings without.

As we ran along the coast, the natives appeared in several places armed with long spears and clubs; and some were got together on one side of the creek. When the master returned he reported that there was no passage into the lake by the creek, which was fifty fathoms wide at the entrance, and thirty deep; farther in, thirty wide, and twelve deep; that the bottom was every where rocky, and the sides bounded by a wall of coral rocks. We were under no necessity to put the ship into such a place as this; but as the natives had shewn some signs of a friendly disposition, by coming peaceably to the boat, and taking such things as were given them, I sent two boats well armed ashore, under the command of Lieutenant Cooper, with a view of having some intercourse with them, and to give Mr Forster an opportunity of collecting something in his way. We saw our people land without the least opposition being made by a few natives who were on the shores. Some little time after, observing forty or fifty more, all armed, coming to join them, we stood close in shore, in order to be ready to support our people in case of an attack. But nothing of this kind happened; and soon after our boats returned aboard, when Mr Cooper informed me, that, on his landing, only a few of the natives met him on the beach, but there were many in the skirts of the woods with spears in their hands. The presents he made them were received with great coolness, which plainly shewed we were unwelcome visitors. When their reinforcement arrived he thought proper to embark, as the day was already far spent, and I had given orders to avoid an attack by all possible means. When his men got into the boats, some were for pushing them off, others for detaining them; but at last they suffered them to depart at their leisure. They brought aboard five dogs, which seemed to be in plenty there. They saw no fruit but cocoa-nuts, of which, they got, by exchanges, two dozen. One of our people got a dog for a single plantain, which led us to conjecture they had none of this fruit.[1]

This island, which is called by the inhabitants Ti-oo-kea, was discovered and visited by Commodore Byron. It has something of an oval shape, is about ten leagues in circuit, lying in the direction of E.S.E. and W.N.W., and situated in the latitude of 14° 27' 30" S., longitude 144° 56' W. The inhabitants of this island, and perhaps of all the low ones, are of a much darker colour than those of the higher islands, and seem to be of a more ferine disposition. This may be owing to their situation. Nature not having bestowed her favours to these low islands with that profusion she has done to some of the others, the inhabitants are chiefly beholden to the sea for their subsistence, consequently are much exposed to the sun and weather; and by that means become more dark in colour, and more hardy and robust; for there is no doubt of their being of the same nation. Our people observed that they were stout, well-made men, and had the figure of a fish marked on their bodies; a very good emblem of their profession.[2]

On the 18th, at day-break, after having spent the night snaking short boards, we wore down to another isle we had in sight to the westward, which we reached by eight o'clock, and ranged the S.E. side at one mile from shore. We found it to be just such another as that we had left, extending N.E. and S.W. near four leagues, and from five to three miles broad. It lies S.W. by W., two leagues distant from the west end of Ti-oo-kea; and the middle is situated in the latitude of 14° 37' S., longitude 145° 10' W. These must be the same islands to which Commodore Byron gave the name of George's Islands. Their situation in longitude, which was determined by lunar observations made near the shores, and still farther corrected by the difference of longitude carried by the watch to Otaheite, is 3° 54' more east than he says they lie. This correction, I apprehend, may be applied to all the islands he discovered.

After leaving these isles, we steered S.S.W. 1/2 W., and S.W. by S., with a fine easterly gale, having signs of the vicinity of land, particularly a smooth sea; and on the 19th, at seven in the morning, land was seen to the westward, which we bore down to, and reached the S.E. end by nine o'clock. It proved to be another of these half-over-flowed or drowned islands, which are so common in this part of the ocean; that is, a number of little isles ranged in a circular form, connected together by a reef or wall of coral rock. The sea is in general, every-where, on their outside, unfathomable; all their interior parts are covered with water, abounding, I have been told, with fish and turtle, on which the inhabitants subsist, and sometimes exchange the latter with the high islanders for cloth, &c. These inland seas would be excellent harbours, were they not shut up from the access of shipping, which is the case with most of them, if we can believe the report of the inhabitants of the other isles. Indeed, few of them have been well searched by Europeans; the little prospect of meeting with fresh water having generally discouraged every attempt of this kind. I, who have seen a great many, have not yet seen an inlet into one.[3]

This island is situated in the latitude of 15° 26', longitude 146° 20'. It is five leagues long in the direction of N.N.E. and S.S.W. and about three leagues broad. As we drew near the south end, we saw from the mast-head, another of these low isles bearing S.E., distant about four or five leagues, but being to windward we could not fetch it. Soon after a third appeared, bearing S.W. by S., for which we steered; and at two o'clock p.m. reached the east end, which is situated in latitude 15° 47' S., longitude 146° 30' W. This island extends W.N.W. and E.S.E., and is seven leagues long in that direction; but its breadth is not above two. It is, in all respects, like the rest; only here are fewer islets, and less firm land on the reef which incloses the lake. As we ranged the north coast, at the distance of half a mile, we saw people, huts, canoes, and places built, seemingly for drying of fish. They seemed to be the same sort of people as on Ti-oo-kea, and were armed with long spikes like them. Drawing near the west end, we discovered another or fourth island, bearing N.N.E. It seemed to be low, like the others, and lies west from the first isle, distant six leagues. These four isles I called Palliser's Isles, in honour of my worthy friend Sir Hugh Palliser, at this time comptroller of the navy.

Not chusing to run farther in the dark, we spent the night making short boards under the top-sail; and on the 20th, at day-break, hauled round the west end of the third isle, which was no sooner done than we found a great swell rolling in from the south; a sure sign that we were clear of these low islands; and as we saw no more land, I steered S.W. 1/2 S. for Otaheite, having the advantage of a stout gale at east, attended with showers of rain. It cannot be determined with any degree of certainty whether the group of isles we had lately seen, be any of those discovered by the Dutch navigators, or no; the situation of their discoveries not being handed down to us with sufficient accuracy. It is, however, necessary to observe, that this part of the ocean, that is, from the latitude of 20° down to 14° or 12°, and from the meridian of 138° to 148° or 150° W., is so strewed with these low isles, that a navigator cannot proceed with too much caution.

We made the high land of Otaheite on the 21st, and at noon were about thirteen leagues E. of Point Venus, for which we steered, and got pretty well in with it by sun set, when we shortened sail; and having spent the night, which was squally with rain, standing on and off, at eight o'clock the next morning anchored in Matavai Bay in seven fathoms water. This was no sooner known to the natives, than many of them made us a visit, and expressed not a little joy at seeing us again.[4]

As my chief reason for putting in at this place was to give Mr Wales an opportunity to know the error of the watch by the known longitude, and to determine anew her rate of going, the first thing we did was to land his instruments, and to erect tents for the reception of a guard and such other people as it was necessary to have on shore. Sick we had none; the refreshments we had got at the Marquesas had removed every complaint of that kind.

On the 23d, showery weather. Our very good friends the natives supplied us with fruit and fish sufficient for the whole crew.

On the 24th, Otoo the king, and several other chiefs, with a train of attendants, paid us a visit, and brought as presents ten or a dozen large hogs, besides fruits, which made them exceedingly welcome. I was advertised of the king's coming, and looked upon it as a good omen. Knowing how much it was my interest to make this man my friend, I met him at the tents, and conducted him and his friends on board, in my boat, where they staid dinner; after which they were dismissed with suitable presents, and highly pleased with the reception they had met with.

Next day we had much thunder, lightning, and rain. This did not hinder the king from making me another visit, and a present of a large quantity of refreshments. It hath been already mentioned, that when we were at the island of Amsterdam we had collected, amongst other curiosities, some red parrot feathers. When this was known here, all the principal people of both sexes endeavoured to ingratiate themselves into our favour by bringing us hogs, fruit, and every other thing the island afforded, in order to obtain these valuable jewels. Our having these feathers was a fortunate circumstance, for as they were valuable to the natives, they became so to us; but more especially as my stock of trade was by this time greatly exhausted; so that, if it had not been for the feathers, I should have found it difficult to have supplied the ship with the necessary refreshments.

When I put in at this island, I intended to stay no longer than till Mr Wales had made the necessary observations for the purposes already mentioned, thinking we should meet with no better success than we did the last time we were here. But the reception we had already met with, and the few excursions we had made, which did not exceed the plains of Matavai and Oparree, convinced us of our error. We found at these two places, built and building, a great number of large canoes, and houses of every kind; people living in spacious habitations who had not a place to shelter themselves in eight months before; several large hogs about every house; and every other sign of a rising state.[5]

Judging from these favourable circumstances that we should not mend ourselves by removing to another island, I resolved to make a longer stay, and to begin with the repairs of the ship and stores, &c. Accordingly I ordered the empty casks and sails to be got ashore to be repaired; the ship to be caulked, and the rigging to be overhauled; all of which the high southern latitudes had made indispensably necessary.

In the morning of the 26th, I went down to Oparree, accompanied by some of the officers and gentlemen, to pay Otoo a visit by appointment. As we drew near, we observed a number of large canoes in motion; but we were surprised, when we arrived, to see upwards of three hundred ranged in order, for some distance, along the shore, all completely equipped and manned, besides a vast number of armed men upon the shore. So unexpected an armament collected together in our neighbourhood, in the space of one night, gave rise to various conjectures. We landed, however, in the midst of them, and were received by a vast multitude, many of them under arms, and many not. The cry of the latter was _Tiyo no Otoo_, and that of the former _Tiyo no Towha_. This chief, we afterwards learnt, was admiral or commander of the fleet and troops present. The moment we landed I was met by a chief whose name was Tee, uncle to the king, and one of his prime ministers, of whom I enquired for Otoo. Presently after we were met by Towha, who received me with great courtesy. He took me by the one hand, and Tee by the other; and, without my knowing where they intended to carry me, dragged me, as it were, through the crowd that was divided into two parties, both of which professed themselves my friends, by crying out _Tiyo no Tootee_. One party wanted me to go to Otoo, and the other to remain with Towha. Coming to the visual place of audience, a mat was spread for me to sit down upon, and Tee left me to go and bring the king. Towha was unwilling I should sit down, partly insisting on my going with him; but, as I knew nothing of this chief, I refused to comply. Presently Tee returned, and wanted to conduct me to the king, taking hold of my hand for that purpose. This Towha opposed; so that, between the one party and the other, I was like to have been torn in pieces; and was obliged to desire Tee to desist, and to leave me to the admiral and his party, who conducted me down to the fleet. As soon as we came before the admiral's vessel, we found two lines of armed men drawn up before her, to keep off the crowd, as I supposed, and to clear the way for me to go in. But, as I was determined not to go, I made the water, which was between me and her, an excuse. This did not answer; for a man immediately squatted himself down at my feet, offering to carry me; and then I declared I would not go. That very moment Towha quitted me, without my seeing which way he went, nor would any one inform me. Turning myself round I saw Tee, who, I believe, had never lost sight of me. Enquiring of him for the king, he told me he was gone into the country Mataou, and advised me to go to my boat; which we accordingly did, as soon as we could get collected together; for Mr Edgcumbe was the only person that could keep with me, the others being jostled about in the crowd, in the same manner we had been.

When we got into our boat, we took our time to view this grand fleet. The vessels of war consisted of an hundred and sixty large double canoes, very well equipped, manned, and armed. But I am not sure that they had their full complement of men or rowers; I rather think not. The chiefs, and all those on the fighting stages, were dressed in their war habits; that is, in a vast quantity of cloth, turbans, breast-plates, and helmets. Some of the latter were of such a length as greatly to encumber the wearer. Indeed, their whole dress seemed to be ill calculated for the day of battle, and to be designed more for shew than use. Be this as it may, it certainly added grandeur to the prospect, as they were so complaisant as to shew themselves to the best advantage. The vessels were decorated with flags, streamers, &c.; so that the whole made a grand and noble appearance, such as we had never seen before in this sea, and what no one would have expected. Their instruments of war were clubs, spears, and stones. The vessels were ranged close along-side of each other with their heads ashore, and their stern to the sea; the admiral's vessel being nearly in the centre. Besides the vessels of war, there were an hundred and seventy sail of smaller double canoes, all with a little house upon them, and rigged with mast and sail, which the war canoes had not. These, we judged, were designed for transports, victuallers, &c.; for in the war-canoes was no sort of provisions whatever. In these three hundred and thirty vessels, I guessed there were no less than seven thousand seven hundred and sixty men; a number which appears incredible, especially as we were told they all belonged to the districts of Attahourou and Ahopatea. In this computation I allow to each war canoe forty men, troops and rowers, and to each of the small canoes eight. Most of the gentlemen who were with me, thought the number of men belonging to the war canoes exceeded this. It is certain that the most of them were fitted to row with more paddles than I have allowed them men; but, at this time, I think they were not complete. Tupia informed us, when I was first here, that the whole island raised only between six and seven thousand men; but we now saw two districts only raise that number; so that he must have taken his account from some old establishment; or else he only meant _Tatatous_, that is warriors, or men trained from their infancy to arms, and did not include the rowers, and those necessary to navigate the other vessels. I should think he only spoke of this number as the standing troops or militia of the island, and not their whole force. This point I shall leave to be discussed in another place, and return to the subject.[6]

After we had well viewed this fleet, I wanted much to have seen the admiral, to have gone with him on board the war-canoes. We enquired for him as we rowed past the fleet to no purpose. We put ashore and enquired; but the noise and crowd was so great that no one attended to what we said. At last Tee came and whispered us in the ear, that Otoo was gone to Matavai, advising us to return thither, and not to land where we were. We accordingly proceeded for the ship; and this intelligence and advice received from Tee, gave rise to new conjectures. In short, we concluded that this Towha was some powerful disaffected chief, who was upon the point of making war against his sovereign; for we could not imagine Otoo had any other reason for leaving Oparree in the manner he did.

We had not been long gone from Oparree, before the whole fleet was in motion to the westward, from whence it came. When we got to Matavai, our friends there told us, that this fleet was part of the armament intended to go against Eimea, whose chief had thrown off the yoke of Otaheite, and assumed an independency. We were likewise informed that Otoo neither was nor had been at Matavai; so that we were still at a loss to know why he fled from Oparree. This occasioned another trip thither in the afternoon, where we found him, and now understood that the reason of his not seeing me in the morning was, that some of his people having stolen a quantity of my clothes which were on shore washing, he was afraid I should demand restitution. He repeatedly asked me if I was not angry; and when I assured him that I was not, and that they might keep what they had got, he was satisfied. Towha was alarmed, partly on the same account. He thought I was displeased when I refused to go aboard his vessel; and I was jealous of seeing such a force in our neighbourhood without being able to know any thing of its design. Thus, by mistaking one another, I lost the opportunity of examining more narrowly into part of the naval force of this isle, and making myself better acquainted with its manoeuvres. Such another opportunity may never occur; as it was commanded by a brave, sensible, and intelligent chief, who would have satisfied us in all the questions we had thought proper to ask; and as the objects were before us, we could not well have misunderstood each other. It happened unluckily that Oedidee was not with us in the morning; for Tee, who was the only man we could depend on, served only to perplex us. Matters being thus cleared up, and mutual presents having passed between Otoo and me, we took leave and returned on board.

[1] Mr G.F., who was one of the party that went ashore, gives a sketch of the people. They were a set of stout men, of a dark-brown colour, not disagreeable features, with dark curling hair and beards, perfectly naked, and variously marked on different parts of the body. They had the New Zealand custom of touching noses as a salutation; and their language seemed a dialect of the Otaheitean.--E.

[2] The following remarks ought not to be omitted.--"Besides fish and vegetable food, these people have dogs which live upon fish, and are reckoned excellent meat by the natives of the Society Islands, to whom they are known. Thus Providence, in its wise dispensations, made even those insignificant narrow ledges rich enough in the productions of nature, to supply a whole race of men with the necessaries of life. And here we cannot but express our admiration, that the minutest agents are subservient to the purposes of the Almighty Creator. The coral is known to be the fabric of a little worm, which enlarges its house, in proportion as its own bulk increases. This little creature, which has scarce sensation enough to distinguish it from a plant, builds up a rocky structure from the bottom of a sea too deep to be measured by human art, till it readies the surface, and offers a firm basis for the residence of man! The number of these low islands is very great, and we are far from being acquainted with them all. In the whole extent of the Pacific Ocean, between the tropics, they are to be met with; however, they are remarkably frequent for the space of ten or fifteen degrees to the eastward of the Society Islands. Quiros, Schouten, Roggewein, Byron, Wallis, Carteret, Bougainville, and Cook, have each met with new islands in their different courses; and what is most remarkable, they have found them inhabited at the distance of two hundred and forty leagues to the east of Otaheite. Nothing is more probable than, that on every new track other islands of this kind will still be met with, and particularly between the 16th and 17th degree of S. latitude, no navigator having hitherto run down on that parallel towards the Society Islands. It remains a subject worthy the investigation of philosophers, to consider from what probable principles these islands are so extremely numerous, and form so great an archipelago to windward of the Society Islands, whilst they are only scattered at considerable distances beyond that group of mountainous islands? It is true, there is another archipelago of coral ledges far to the westward, I mean the Friendly Islands; but these are of a different nature, and appear to be of a much older date; they occupy more space, and have a greater quantity of soil, on which all the vegetable productions of the higher lands may be raised."--G.F.

How far the opinions here stated are supported by subsequent investigation, will be afterwards considered.--E.

[3] "The lagoon within this island was very spacious, and several canoes sailed about upon it. It appears to me, that the most elevated and richest spots on the coral ledges, are generally to leeward, sheltered from the violence of the surf. In this sea, however, there are seldom such violent storms, as might make these isles uncomfortable places of abode; and when the weather is fair, it must be very pleasant sailing on the smooth water in the lagoon, whilst the ocean without is disagreeably agitated."--G.F.

[4] The following passage both strikingly expresses the satisfaction experienced on again visiting Otaheite, and affords a lively idea of its peerless beauty. "Every person on board gazed continually at this species of tropical islands; and though I was extremely ill of my bilious disorder, I crawled on deck, and fixed my eyes with great eagerness upon it, as upon a place where I hoped my pains would cease. Early in the morning I awoke, and was as much surprised at the beauty of the prospect, as if I had never beheld it before. It was, indeed, infinitely more beautiful at present, than it had been eight months ago, owing to the difference of the season. The forests on the mountains were all clad in fresh foliage, and glowed in many variegated hues; and even the lower hills were not entirely destitute of pleasing spots, and covered with herbage. But the plains, above all, shone forth in the greatest luxuriance of colours, the brightest tints of verdure being profusely lavished upon their fertile groves; in short, the whole called to our mind the description of Calypso's enchanted island."--G.F.

[5] "The difference between the present opulence of these islanders, and their situation eight months before, was very astonishing to us. It was with the utmost difficulty that we had been able to purchase a few hogs during our first stay, having been obliged to look upon it as a great favour, when the king or chief parted with one of these animals. At present our decks were so crowded with them, that we were obliged to make a hog-stye on shore. We concluded, therefore, that they were now entirely recovered from the blow which they had received in their late unfortunate war with the lesser peninsula, and of which they still felt the bad effects at our visit in August 1773."--G.F.

[6] So much curious information is given in the following passage, that, long as it is, there are few readers, it is believed, who would willingly dispense with it. "All our former ideas of the power and affluence of this island were so greatly surpassed by this magnificent scene, that we were perfectly left in admiration. We counted no less than one hundred and fifty-nine war-canoes, from fifty to ninety feet long betwixt stem and stern. All these were double, that is, two joined together, side by side, by fifteen or eighteen strong transverse timbers, which sometimes projected a great way beyond both the hulls, being from twelve to four-and-twenty feet in length, and about three feet and a half asunder. When they are so long, they make a platform fifty, sixty, or seventy feet in length. On the outside of each canoe there are, in that case, two or three longitudinal spars, and between the two connected canoes, one spar is fixed to the transverse beams. The heads and sterns were raised several feet out of the water, particularly the latter, which stood up like long beaks, sometimes near twenty feet high, and were cut into various shapes; a white piece of cloth was commonly fixed between the two beaks of each double canoe, in lieu of an ensign, and the wind swelled it out like a sail. Some had likewise a striped cloth, with various red chequers, which were the marks of the divisions under different commanders. At the head there was a tall pillar of carved-work, on the top of which stood the figure of a man, or rather of an urchin, whose face was commonly shaded by a board like a bonnet, and sometimes painted red with ochre. These pillars were generally covered with branches of black feathers, and long streamers of feathers hung from them. The gunwale of the canoes was commonly two or three feet above the water, but not always formed in the same manner; for some had flat bottoms, and sides nearly perpendicular upon them, whilst others were bow- sided, with a sharp keel. A fighting stage was erected towards the head of the boat, and rested on pillars from four to six feet high, generally ornamented with carving. This stage extended beyond the whole breadth of the double canoe, and was from twenty to twenty-four feet long, and about eight or ten feet wide. The rowers sat in the canoe, or under the fighting-stage on the platform, which consisted of the transverse beams and longitudinal spars; so that wherever these crossed, there was room for one man in the compartment. The warriors were stationed on the fighting-stage to the number of fifteen or twenty. Their dress was the most singular, and at the same time the most shewy, in the whole fleet. They had three large and ample pieces of cloth with a hole in the middle, put one above another. The undermost and largest was white, the next red, and the uppermost and shortest brown. Their targets or breast-plates were made of wicker- work, covered with feathers and sharks' teeth, and hardly any of the warriors were without them. On the contrary, those who wore helmets were few in number. These helmets were of an enormous size, being near five feet high. They consisted of a long cylindrical basket of wicker- work, of which the foremost half was hid by a semi-cylinder of a closer texture, which became broader towards the top, and there separated from the basket, so as to come forwards in a curve. This frontlet, of the length of four feet, was closely covered with the glossy bluish green feathers of a sort of pigeon, and with an elegant border of white plumes. A prodigious number of the long tail feathers of tropic birds diverged from its edges, in a radiant line, resembling that glory of light with which our painters commonly ornament the heads of angels and saints. A large turban of cloth was required for this huge unwieldy machine to rest upon; but as it is intended merely to strike the beholder with admiration, and can be of no service, the warriors soon took it off, and placed it on the platform near them. The principal commanders were moreover distinguished by long round tails, made of green and yellow feathers, which hung down on the back, and put us in mind of the Turkish bashaws. Towha, their admiral, wore five of them, to the ends of which several strings of cocoa-nut tree were added, with a few red feathers affixed to them. He had no helmet on, but wore a fine turban, which sat very gracefully on his head. He was a man seemingly near sixty years of age, but extremely vigorous, tall, and of a very engaging noble countenance. In each canoe we took notice of vast bundles of spears, and long clubs or battle-axes placed upright against the platform; and every warrior had either a club or spear in his hand. Vast heaps of large stones were likewise piled up in every canoe, being their only missile weapons. Besides the vessels of war, there were many smaller canoes without the ranks, most of which were likewise double, with a roof on the stern, intended for the reception of the chiefs at night, and as victuallers to the fleet. A few of them were seen, on which banana-leaves were very conspicuous; and these the natives told us were to receive the killed, and they called them _e-vaa no t'Eatua_, "the canoes of the Divinity." "The immense number of people assembled together was, in fact, more surprising than the splendour of the whole shew; and we learnt to our greater surprise, that this fleet was only the naval force of the single district of Atapooroo, and that all the other districts could furnish their quota of vessels in proportion to their size. This account opened our eyes, in regard to the population of the island, and convinced us in a few moments, that it was much more considerable than we had hitherto supposed. The result of a most moderate computation gave us one hundred and twenty thousand persons in the two peninsulas of Otabeite, and this calculation was afterwards confirmed to be very low, when we saw the fleet of the smallest district, which amounted to forty-four war-canoes, besides twenty or thirty of a smaller size."--G.F.

SECTION XII.

_Some Account of a Visit from Otoo, Towha, and several other Chiefs; also of a Robbery committed by one of the Natives, and its Consequences, with general Observations on the Subject._

In the morning of the 27th, I received a present from Towha, consisting of two large hogs and some fruit, sent by two of his servants, who had orders not to receive any thing in return; nor would they when offered them. Soon after I went down to Oparree in my boat, where, having found both this chief and the king, after a short stay, I brought them on board to dinner, together with Tarevatoo, the king's younger brother, and Tee. As soon as we drew near the ship, the admiral, who had never seen one before, began to express much surprise at so new a sight. He was conducted all over the ship, every part of which he viewed with great attention. On this occasion Otoo was the principal show-man; for, by this time, he was well acquainted with the different parts of the ship. After dinner Towha put a hog on board, and retired, without my knowing any thing of the matter, or having made him any return either for this, or the present I had in the morning. Soon after, the king and his attendants went away also.[1] Otoo not only seemed to pay this chief much respect, but was desirous I should do the same; and yet he was jealous of him, but on what account we knew not. It was but the day before that he frankly told us, Towha was not his friend. Both these chiefs when on board solicited me to assist them against Tiarabou, notwithstanding a peace at this time subsisted between the two kingdoms, and we were told their joint force was to go against Eimea. Whether this was done with a view of breaking with their neighbours and allies if I had promised them assistance, or only to sound my disposition, I know not. Probably they would have been ready enough to have embraced an opportunity, which would have enabled them to conquer that kingdom, and annex it to their own, as it formerly was. Be this as it may, I heard no more of it; indeed, I gave them no encouragement.

Next day we had a present of a hog sent by Waheatoua, king of Tiarabou. For this, in return, he desired a few red feathers, which were, together with other things, sent him accordingly. Mr Forster and his party set out for the mountains, with an intent to stay out all night. I did not go out of the ship this day.[2]

Early in the morning of the 29th, Otoo, Towha, and several other grandees, came on board, and brought with them as presents, not only provisions, but some of the most valuable curiosities of the island. I made them returns, with which they were well pleased. I likewise took this opportunity to repay the civilities I had received from Towha.

The night before, one of the natives attempting to steal a water-cask from the watering-place, was caught in the act, sent on board, and put in irons; in which situation Otoo and the other chiefs saw him. Having made known his crime to them, Otoo begged he might be set at liberty. This I refused, telling him, that since I punished my people, when they committed the least offence against his, it was but just this man should be punished also; and as I knew he would not do it, I was resolved to do it myself. Accordingly, I ordered the man to be carried on shore to the tents, and having followed myself, with Otoo, Towha, and others, I ordered the guard out, under arms, and the man to be tied up to a post. Otoo, his sister, and some others, begged hard for him; Towha said not one word, but was very attentive to every thing going forward. I expostulated with Otoo on the conduct of this man, and of his people in general; telling him, that neither I, nor any of my people, took any thing from them, without first paying for it; enumerating the articles we gave in exchange for such and such things; and urging that it was wrong in them to steal from us, who were their friends. I moreover told him, that the punishing this man would be the means of saving the lives of others of his people, by deterring them from committing crimes of this nature, in which some would certainly be shot dead, one time or another. With these and other arguments, which I believe he pretty well understood, he seemed satisfied, and only desired the man might not be _Matterou_ (or killed). I then ordered the crowd, which was very great, to be kept at a proper distance, and, in the presence of them all, ordered the fellow two dozen lashes with a cat-o'-nine-tails, which he bore with great firmness, and was then set at liberty. After this the natives were going away; but Towha stepped forth, called them back, and harangued them for near half an hour. His speech consisted of short sentences, very little of which I understood; but, from what we could gather, he recapitulated part of what I had said to Otoo; named several advantages they had received from us; condemned their present conduct, and recommended a different one for the future. The gracefulness of his action, and the attention with which he was heard, bespoke him a great orator.

Otoo said not one word. As soon as Towha had ended his speech, I ordered the marines to go through their exercise, and to load and fire in vollies with ball; and as they were very quick in their manoeuvres, it is easier to conceive than to describe the amazement the natives were under the whole time, especially those who had not seen any thing of the kind before.

This being over, the chiefs took leave, and retired with all their attendants, scarcely more pleased than frightened at what they had seen. In the evening Mr Forster and his party returned from the mountains, where he had spent the night; having found some new plants, and some others which grew in New Zealand. He saw Huaheine, which lies forty leagues to the westward; by which a judgment may be formed of the height of the mountains in Otaheite.[3]

Next morning I had an opportunity to see the people of ten war-canoes go through part of their paddling exercise. They had put off from the shore before I was apprised of it; so that I was only present at their landing. They were properly equipped for war, the warriors with their arms, and dressed in their war habits, &c. In landing, I observed that the moment the canoe touched the ground, all the rowers leaped out, and with the assistance of a few people on the shore, dragged the canoe on dry land to her proper place; which being done, every one walked off with his paddle, &c. All this was executed with such expedition, that in five minutes time after putting ashore, you could not tell that any thing of the kind had been going forward. I thought these vessels were thinly manned with rowers; the most being not above thirty, and the least sixteen or eighteen. I observed the warriors on the stage encouraged the rowers to exert themselves. Some youths sat high up in the curved stern, above the steersmen, with white wands in their hands. I know not what they were placed there for, unless it was to look out and direct, or give notice of what they saw, as they were elevated above every one else. Tarevatoo, the king's brother, gave me the first notice of these canoes being at sea; and knowing that Mr Hodges made drawings of every thing curious, desired of his own accord that he might be sent for. I being at this time on shore with Tarevatoo, Mr Hodges was therefore with me, and had an opportunity to collect some materials for a large drawing or picture of the fleet assembled at Oparree, which conveys a far better idea of it than can be expressed by words. Being present when the warriors undressed, I was surprised at the quantity and weight of cloth they had upon them, not conceiving how it was possible for them to stand under it in time of battle. Not a little was wrapped round their heads as a turban, and made into a cap. This, indeed, might be necessary in preventing a broken head. Many had, fixed to one of this sort of caps, dried branches of small shrubs covered over with white feathers, which, however, could only be for ornament.

On the 1st of May, I had a very great supply of provisions sent and brought by different chiefs; and the next day received a present from Towha, sent by his servants, consisting of a hog, and a boat-load of various sorts of fruits and roots. The like present I also had from Otoo, brought by Tarevatoo, who stayed dinner; after which I went down to Opparree, paid a visit to Otoo, and returned on board in the evening.[4]

On the 3d, in looking into the condition of our sea-provisions, we found that the biscuit was in a state of decay, and that the airing and picking we had given it at New Zealand, had not been of that service we expected and intended; so that we were obliged to take it all on shore here, where it underwent another airing and cleaning, in which a good deal was found wholly rotten and unfit to be eaten. We could not well account for this decay in our bread, especially as it was packed in good casks, and stowed in a dry part of the hold. We judged it was owing to the ice we so frequently took in when to the southward, which made the hold damp and cold, and to the great heat which succeeded when to the north. Be it this, or any other cause, the loss was the same to us; it put us to a scanty allowance of this article; and we had bad bread to eat too.

On the 4th, nothing worthy of note.

On the 5th, the king and several other great men, paid us a visit, and brought with them, as usual, some hogs and fruit. In the afternoon, the botanists set out for the mountains, and returned the following evening, having made some new discoveries in their way.

On going ashore in the morning of the 7th, I found Otoo at the tents, and took the opportunity to ask his leave to cut down some trees, for fuel. He not well understanding me, I took him to some growing near the sea-shore, where I presently made him comprehend what I wanted, and he as readily gave his consent. I told him, at the same time, that I should cut down no trees that bore any fruit. He was pleased with this declaration, and told it aloud, several times, to the people about us.

In the afternoon, this chief and the whole of the royal family, viz. his father, brother, and three sisters, paid us a visit on board. This was properly his father's visit of ceremony. He brought me, as a present, a complete mourning dress, a curiosity we most valued.[5] In return, I gave him whatever he desired, which was not a little, and having distributed red feathers to all the others, conducted them ashore in my boat. Otoo was so well pleased with the reception he and his friends met with, that he told me, at parting, I might cut down as many trees as I pleased, and what sort I pleased.

During the night, between the 7th and 8th, some time in the middle watch, all our friendly connections received an interruption, through the negligence of one of the centinels on shore. He having either slept or quitted his post, gave one of the natives an opportunity to carry off his musket. The first news I heard of it was from Tee, whom Otoo had sent on board for that purpose, and to desire that I would go to him, for that he was _mataoued_. We were not well enough acquainted with their language to understand all Tee's story; but we understood enough to know that something had happened which had alarmed the king. In order, therefore, to be fully informed, I went ashore with Tee and Tarevatoo, who had slept aboard all night. As soon as we landed, I was informed of the whole by the serjeant who commanded the party. I found the natives all alarmed, and the most of them fled. Tarevatoo slipped from me in a moment, and hardly any remained by me but Tee. With him I went to look for Otoo; and, as we advanced, I endeavoured to allay the fears of the people, but, at the same time, insisted on the musket being restored. After travelling some distance into the country, enquiring of every one we saw for Otoo, Tee stopped all at once and advised me to return, saying, that Otoo was gone to the mountains, and he would proceed and tell him that I was still his friend; a question which had been asked me fifty times by different people, and if I was angry, &c. Tee also promised that he would use his endeavours to recover the musket. I was now satisfied it was to no purpose to go farther; for, although I was alone and unarmed, Otoo's fears were such, that he durst not see me; and, therefore, I took Tee's advice, and returned aboard. After this I sent Oedidee to Otoo to let him know that his fears were ill- grounded; for that I only required the return of the musket, which I knew was in his power.

Soon after Oedidee was gone, we observed six large canoes coming round Point Venus. Some people whom I had sent out, to watch the conduct of the neighbouring inhabitants, informed me they were laden with baggage, fruit, hogs, &c. There being room for suspecting that some person belonging to these canoes had committed the theft, I presently came to a resolution to intercept them; and having put off in a boat for that purpose, gave orders for another to follow. One of the canoes, which was some distance ahead of the rest, came directly for the ship. I went alongside this, and found two or three women in her whom I knew. They told me they were going on board the ship with something for me; and, on my enquiring of them for Otoo, was told he was then at the tents. Pleased with this news, I contradicted the orders I had given for intercepting the other canoes, thinking they might be coming on board also, as well as this one, which I left within a few yards of the ship, and rowed ashore to speak with Otoo. But when I landed, I was told that he had not been there, nor knew they any thing of him. On my looking behind me, I saw all the canoes making off in the greatest haste; even the one I had left alongside the ship had evaded going on board, and was making her escape. Vexed at being thus outwitted, I resolved to pursue them; and as I passed the ship, gave orders to send another boat for the same purpose. Five out of six we took, and brought alongside; but the first, which acted the finesse so well, got clear off. When we got on board with our prizes, I learnt that the people who had deceived me, used no endeavours to lay hold of the ship on the side they were up on, but let their canoe drop past, as if they meant to come under the stern, or on the other side; and that the moment they were past, they paddled off with all speed. Thus the canoe, in which were only a few women, was to have amused us with false stories as they actually did, while the others, in which were most of the effects, got off.

In one of the canoes we had taken, was a chief, a friend of Mr Forster's, who had hitherto called himself an _Earee_, and would have been much offended if any one had called his title in question; also three women, his wife and daughter, and the mother of the late Toutaha. These, together with the canoes, I resolved to detain, and to send the chief to Otoo, thinking he would have weight enough with him to obtain the return of the musket, as his own property was at stake. He was, however, very unwilling to go on this embassy, and made various excuses, one of which was his being of too low a rank for this honourable employment; saying he was no _Earee_, but a _Manahouna_, and, therefore, was not a fit person to be sent; that an _Earee_ ought to be sent to speak to an _Earee_; and as there were no _Earees_ but Otoo and myself, it would be much more proper for me to go. All his arguments would have availed him little, if Tee and Oedidee had not at this time come on board, and given a new turn to the affair, by declaring that the man who stole the musket was from Tiarabou, and had gone with it to that kingdom, so that it was not in the power of Otoo to recover it. I very much doubted their veracity, till they asked me to send a boat to Waheatoua, the king of Tiarabou, and offered to go themselves in her, and get it. I asked why this could not be done without my sending a boat? They said, it would not otherwise be given to them.

This story of theirs, although it did not quite satisfy me, nevertheless carried with it a probability of truth; for which reason I thought it better to drop the affair altogether, rather than to punish a nation for a crime I was not sure any of its members had committed. I therefore suffered my new ambassador to depart with his two canoes without executing his commission. The other three canoes belonged to Maritata, a Tiarabou chief, who had been some days about the tents; and there was good reason to believe it was one of his people that carried off the musket. I intended to have detained them; but as Tee and Oedidee both assured me that Maritata and his people were quite innocent, I suffered them to be taken away also, and desired Tee to tell Otoo, that I should give myself no farther concern about the musket, since I was satisfied none of his people had stolen it. Indeed, I thought it was irrecoverably lost; but, in the dusk of the evening it was brought to the tents, together with some other things we had lost, which we knew nothing of, by three men who had pursued the thief, and taken them from him. I know not if they took this trouble of their own accord, or by the order of Otoo. I rewarded them, and made no other enquiry about it. These men, as well as some others present, assured me that it was one of Maritata's people who had committed this theft; which vexed me that I had let his canoes so easily slip through my fingers. Here, I believe, both Tee and Oedidee designedly deceived me.

When the musket and other things were brought in, every one then present, or who came after, pretended to have had some hand in recovering them, and claimed a reward accordingly. But there was no one who acted this farce so well as Nuno, a man of some note, and well known to us when I was here in 1769. This man came, with all the savage fury imaginable in his countenance, and a large club in his hand, with which he beat about him, in order to shew us how he alone had killed the thief; when, at the same time, we all knew that he had not been out of his house the whole time.

Thus ended this troublesome day; and next morning early, Tee, Otoo's faithful ambassador, came again on board, to acquaint me that Otoo was gone to Oparree, and desired I would send a person (one of the natives as I understood), to tell him that I was still his _Tiyo_. I asked him why he did not do this himself, as I had desired. He made some excuse; but, I believe the truth was, he had not seen him. In short, I found it was necessary for me to go myself; for, while we thus spent our time in messages, we remained without fruit, a stop being put to all exchanges of this nature; that is, the natives brought nothing to market. Accordingly, a party of us set out with Tee in our company, and proceeded to the very utmost limits of Oparree, where, after waiting some considerable time, and several messages having passed, the king at last made his appearance. After we were seated under the shade of some trees, as usual, and the first salutations were over, he desired me to _parou_ (that is, to speak). Accordingly, I began with blaming him for being frightened and alarmed at what had happened, since I had always professed myself his friend, and I was not angry with him or any of his people, but with those of Tiarabou, who were the thieves. I was then asked, how I came to fire at the canoes? Chance on this occasion furnished me with a good excuse. I told them, that they belonged to Maritata, a Tiarabou man, one of whose people had stolen the musket, and occasioned all this disturbance; and if I had them in my power I would destroy them, or any other belonging to Tiarabou. This declaration pleased them, as I expected, from the natural aversion the one kingdom has to the other. What I said was enforced by presents, which perhaps had the greatest weight with them. Thus were things once more restored to their former state; and Otoo promised on his part, that the next day we should be supplied with fruit, &c. as usual.

We then returned with him to his proper residence at Oparree, and there took a view of some of his dock-yards (for such they well deserve to be called) and large canoes; some lately built, and others building; two of which were the largest I had ever seen in this sea; or indeed any where else, under that name. This done, we returned on board, with Tee in our company; who, after he had dined with us, went to inform old Happi, the king's father, that all matters were again accommodated.

This old chief was at this time in the neighbourhood of Matavai; and it should seem, from what followed, that he was not pleased with the conditions; for that same evening all the women, which were not a few, were sent for out of the ship, and people stationed on different parts of the shore, to prevent any from coming off; and the next morning no supplies whatever being brought, on my enquiring into the reason, I was told Happi was _mataoued_. Chagrined at this disappointment as I was, I forbore taking any step, from a supposition that Tee had not seen him, or that Otoo's orders had not yet reached Matavai. A supply of fruit sent us from Oparree, and some brought us by our friends, served us for the present, and made us less anxious about it. Thus matters stood till the afternoon, when Otoo himself came to the tents with a large supply. Thither I went, and expostulated with him for not permitting the people in our neighbourhood to bring us fruit as usual, insisting on his giving immediate orders about it; which he either did or had done before. For presently after, more was brought us than we could well manage. This was not to be wondered at, for the people had every thing in readiness to bring, the moment they were permitted, and I believe thought themselves as much injured by the restriction as we did.

Otoo desiring to see some of the great guns fire from the ship, I ordered twelve to be shotted and fired towards the sea. As he had never seen a cannon fired before, the sight gave him as much pain as pleasure. In the evening, we entertained him with fire-works, which gave him great satisfaction.

Thus ended all our differences, on which I beg leave to suggest the following remarks. I have had occasion before, in this journal, to observe that these people were continually watching opportunities to rob us. This their governors either encouraged, or had not power to prevent; but most probably the former, because the offender was always screened.[6] That they should commit such daring thefts was the more extraordinary, as they frequently run the risk of being shot in the attempt; and if the article that they stole was of any consequence, they knew they should be obliged to make restitution. The moment a theft of this kind was committed, it spread like the wind over the whole neighbourhood. They judged of the consequences from what they had got. If it were a trifle, and such an article as we usually gave them, little or no notice was taken of it; but if the contrary, every one took the alarm, and moved off with his moveables in all haste. The chief then was _mataoued_, giving orders to bring us no supplies, and flying to some distant part. All this was sometimes done so suddenly, that we obtained, by these appearances, the first intelligence of our being robbed. Whether we obliged them to make restitution or no, the chief must be reconciled before any of the people were permitted to bring in refreshments. They knew very well we could not do without them, and therefore they never failed strictly to observe this rule, without ever considering, that all their war-canoes, on which the strength of their nation depends, their houses, and even the very fruit they refused to supply us with, were entirely in our power. It is hard to say how they would act, were one to destroy any of these things. Except the detaining some of their canoes for a while, I never touched the least article of their property. Of the two extremes I always chose that which appeared the most equitable and mild. A trifling present to the chief always succeeded to my wish, and very often put things upon a better footing than they had been before. That they were the first aggressors had very little influence on my conduct in this respect, because no difference happened but when it was so. My people very rarely or never broke through the rules I thought it necessary to prescribe. Had I observed a different conduct, I must have been a loser by it in the end; and all I could expect, after destroying some part of their property, would have been the empty honour of obliging them to make the first overture towards an accommodation. But who knows if this would have been the event? Three things made them our fast friends. Their own good-nature and benevolent disposition; gentle treatment on our part; and the dread of our fire-arms. By our ceasing to observe the second; the first would have worn out of course; and the too frequent use of the latter would have excited a spirit of revenge, and perhaps have taught them that fire-arms were not such terrible things as they had imagined. They were very sensible of the superiority of their numbers; and no one knows what an enraged multitude might do.

[1] "Towha paid more attention to the multitude of new objects on board, to the strength and size of the timbers, masts, and ropes, than any Otaheitean we had ever seen, and found our tackle so exceedingly superior to that which is usual in his country, that he expressed a wish to possess several articles, especially cables and anchors. He was now dressed like the rest of the people, and naked to the waist, being in the king's presence. His appearance was so much altered from what it had been the day before, that I had some difficulty to recollect him. He appeared now very lusty, and had a most portly paunch, which it was impossible to discern under the long spacious robes of war. His hair was of a fine silvery grey; and his countenance was the most engaging and truly good-natured which I ever beheld in these islands. The king and he staid and dined with us this day, eating with a very hearty appetite of all that was set before them. Otoo had entirely lost his uneasy, distrustful air; he seemed to be at home, and took a great pleasure in instructing Towha in our manners. He taught him to make use of the knife and fork, to eat salt to his meat, and to drink wine. He himself did not refuse to drink a glass of this generous liquor, and joked with Towha upon its red colour, telling him it was blood. The honest admiral having tasted our grog, which is a mixture of brandy and water, desired to taste of the brandy itself, which he called _e vai no Bretannee_, British water, and drank off a small glass full, without making a wry face. Both he and his Otaheitean majesty were extremely cheerful and happy, and appeared to like our way of living, and our cookery of their own excellent provisions."--G.F.

[2] Of this day's date we find an incident which very strikingly illustrates the consequences to the morals of the Otaheiteans, resulting from their acquaintance with strangers. "That our red feathers had infused a general and irresistible longing into the minds of all the people, will appear from the following circumstance. I have observed, in the former part of this narrative, that the women of the families of chiefs never admitted the visits of Europeans; and also that whatever liberties some unmarried girls might with impunity allow themselves, the married state had always been held sacred and unspotted at Otaheite. But such was the force of the temptation, that a chief actually offered his wife to Captain Cook, and the lady, by her husband's order, attempted to captivate him, by an artful display of her charms, seemingly in such a careless manner, as many a woman would be at a loss to imitate. I was sorry, for the sake of human nature, that this proposal came from a man, whose general character was in other respects very fair. It was Potatow who could descend to such meanness, from the high spirit of grandeur which he had formerly shewn. We expressed great indignation at his conduct, and rebuked him for his frailty."--G.F.

From this specimen of frailty, may be readily inferred the dissoluteness of those females, who had neither rank nor marriage to render chastity a virtue. But, alas! one need not visit the South Seas, to become acquainted with the possible extent of human infirmity. A cynic might, without such travel, be tempted to parody the words of Sir Robert Walpole, and say, that every woman had her price. The proposition is a harsh one, and the more so as obviously irrefutable. It does, however, read this most important lesson, that there is much greater safety in avoiding temptation, than in trusting to any power of resistance. They, it is to be feared, who are least sensible of this truth, and who feel most indignant at its being stated, stand most in need of its salutary influence.--E.

[3] Forster the father met with a serious accident during this excursion. In descending from the hills, rendered exceedingly slippery from the recent rains, he had the misfortune to fall, which both bruised his leg in a very severe manner, and also occasioned a rupture.--E.

[4] "The number of common women on board our ships considerably increased, since we had begun to deal in red feathers. Their mirth was often extravagant and noisy; and sometimes their ideas were so original as to give great amusement. We had a very weak scorbutic patient when we arrived at Otaheite; this man being somewhat recovered by means of fresh vegetable food, and animated by the example of the crew, wooed one of these girls; about dusk he led her to his birth, and lighted a candle. She looked her lover in the face, and finding he had lost an eye, she took him by the hand, and conducted him upon deck again to a girl that was one-eyed likewise, giving him to understand, that that person was a fit partner for him, but that for her part she did not choose to put up with a blind lover."--G.F.

[5] When here before, Captain Cook could not obtain this very singular article; but, at this time, according to Mr G.F., not less than ten complete mourning-dresses were purchased by different persons, who brought them to England. Captain Cook gave one to the British Museum, and Mr Forster another to the University of Oxford. A sailor sold a third on his return home for twenty-five guineas, but to whom Mr G.F. does not mention.--E.

[6] It is still more probable that both reasons concur. The higher orders, besides, it is certain, were far enough from being disinclined to exhibit their ingenuity in pilfering. We have seen instances of this sort before. Mr G.F. relates one of some interest, as presented in the king's own sister, a woman about twenty-seven years old, and who possessed great authority over her sex. Her high rank did not elevate her above some very vulgar propensities, of which, covetousness, though abundantly conspicuous, was not the most considerable. The only apology Mr G.F. makes for her, has little specific excellence to commend it. "In a country," says he, "where the impulses of nature are followed without restraint, it would be extraordinary if an exception should be made, and still more so, if it should be confined to those who are accustomed to have their will in most other respects. The passions of mankind are similar every where; the same instincts are active in the slave and the prince; consequently the history of their effects must ever be the same in every country." It is both mortifying and consolatory to think, that the utmost height to which ambition may aspire, will not exempt one from the polluting agency of "mire and dirt." Death, we see, is not the only leveller in the world.--E.

SECTION XIII.

_Preparations to leave the Island. Another Naval Review, and various other Incidents; with some Account of the Island, its Naval Force, and Number of Inhabitants._

In the morning of the 11th, a very large supply of fruit was brought us from all parts. Some of it came from Towha, the admiral, sent as usual by his servants, with orders to receive nothing in return. But he desired I would go and see him at Attahourou, as he was ill and could not come to me. As I could not well undertake this journey, I sent Oedidee along with Towha's servants, with a present suitable to that which I had in so genteel a manner received from him. As the most essential repairs of the ship were nearly finished, I resolved to leave Otaheite in a few days; and accordingly ordered every thing to be got off from the shore, that the natives might see we were about to depart.

On the 12th, old Oberea, the woman who, when the Dolphin was here in 1767, was thought to be queen of the island, and whom I had not seen since 1769, paid us a visit, and brought a present of hogs and fruit. Soon after came Otoo, with a great retinue, and a large quantity of provisions. I was pretty liberal in my returns, thinking it might be the last time I should see these good people, who had so liberally relieved our wants; and in the evening entertained them with fire-works.

On the 13th, wind easterly, fair weather. Nevertheless we were not ready to sail, as Otoo had made me promise to see him again; and I had a present to make him, which I reserved to the last. Oedidee was not yet come back from Attahourou; various reports arose concerning him: Some said he had returned to Matavai; others, that he would not return; and some would have it, that he was at Oparree. In order to know more of the truth, a party of us in the evening went down to Oparee; where we found him, and likewise Towha, who, notwithstanding his illness, had resolved to see me before I sailed; and had got thus far on his journey. He was afflicted with a swelling in his feet and legs, which had entirely taken away the use of them. As the day was far spent, we were obliged to shorten our stay; and after seeing Otoo, we returned with Oedidee on board.

This youth, I found, was desirous of remaining at this isle, having before told him, as likewise many others, that we should not return. I now mentioned to him, that he was at liberty to remain here; or to quit us at Ulietea; or to go with us to England; frankly owning that if he chose the latter, it was very probable he would never return to his country; in which case I would take care of him, and he must afterwards look upon me as his father. He threw his arms about me, and wept much, saying many people persuaded him to remain at Otaheite. I told him to go ashore and speak to his friends, and then come to me in the morning. He was well beloved in the ship; so that every one was persuading him to go with us; telling what great things he would see in England, and the immense riches (according to his idea of riches) he would return with. But I thought proper to undeceive him, as knowing that the only inducement to his going, was the expectation of returning, and I could see no prospect of an opportunity of that kind happening, unless a ship should be expressly sent out for that purpose; which neither I, nor anyone else, had a right to expect. I thought it an act of the highest injustice to take a person from these isles, under any promise which was not in my power to perform. At this time indeed it was quite unnecessary; for many youths voluntarily offered themselves to go, and even to remain and die in _Pretanee_; as they call our country. Otoo importuned me much to take one or two to collect red feathers for him at Amsterdam, willing to risk the chance of their returning. Some of the gentlemen on board were likewise desirous of taking some as servants; but I refused every solicitation of this kind, knowing, from experience, they would be of no use to us in the course of the voyage; and farther my views were not extended. What had the greatest weight with me was, the thinking myself bound to see they were afterwards properly taken care of, as they could not be carried from their native spot without consent.

Next morning early, Oedidee came on board, with a resolution to remain on the island; but Mr Forster prevailed upon him to go with us to Ulietea. Soon after, Towha, Potatou, Oamo, Happi, Oberea, and several more of our friends, came on board with fruit, &c. Towha was hoisted in and placed on a chair on the quarter-deck; his wife was with him. Amongst the various articles which I gave this chief, was an English pendant, which pleased him more than all the rest, especially after he had been instructed in the use of it.[1]

We had no sooner dispatched our friends, than we saw a number of war-canoes coming round the point of Oparree. Being desirous of having a nearer view of them, accompanied by some of the officers and gentlemen, I hastened down to Oparree, which we reached before all the canoes were landed, and had an opportunity of seeing in what manner they approached the shore. When they got before the place where they intended to land, they formed themselves into divisions, consisting of three or four, or perhaps more, lashed square and close along-side of each other; and then each division, one after the other, paddled in for the shore with all their might, and conducted in so judicious a manner, that they formed and closed a line along, the shore, to an inch. The rowers were encouraged to exert their strength by their leaders on the stages, and directed by a man who stood with a wand in his hand in the forepart of the middlemost vessel. This man, by words and actions, directed the paddlers when all should paddle, when either the one side or the other should cease, &c.; for the steering paddles alone were not sufficient to direct them. All these motions they observed with such quickness, as clearly shewed them to be expert in their business. After Mr Hodges had made a drawing of them, as they lay ranged along the shore, we landed and took a nearer view of them, by going on board several. This fleet consisted of forty sail, equipped in the same manner as those we had seen before, belonged to the little district of Tettaha, and were come to Oparree to be reviewed before the king, as the former fleet had been. There were attending on his fleet some small double canoes, which they called _Marais_, having on their fore-part a kind of double bed place laid over with green leaves, each just sufficient to hold one man. These, they told us, were to lay their dead upon; their chiefs I suppose they meant, otherwise their slain must be few. Otoo, who was present, caused at my request some of their troops to go through their exercise on shore. Two parties first began with clubs, but this was over almost as soon as begun; so that I had no time to make my observations upon it. They then went to single combat, and exhibited the various methods of fighting, with great alertness; parrying off the blows and pushes which each combatant aimed at the other, with great dexterity. Their arms were clubs and spears; the latter they also use as darts. In fighting with the club, all blows intended to be given the legs, were evaded by leaping over it; and those intended for the head, by couching a little, and leaping on one side; thus the blow would fall to the ground. The spear or dart was parried by fixing the point of a spear in the ground right before them, holding it in an inclined position, more or less elevated according to the part of the body they saw their antagonist intending to make a push, or throw his dart at, and by moving the hand a little to the right or left, either the one or the other was turned off with great ease. I thought that when one combatant had parried off the blows, &c. of the other, he did not use the advantage which seemed to me to accrue. As for instance, after he had parried off a dart, he still stood on the defensive, and suffered his antagonist to take up another, when I thought there was time to run him through the body.[2]

These combatants had no superfluous dress upon them; an unnecessary piece of cloth or two, which they had on when they began, were presently torn off by the by-standers, and given to some of our gentlemen present. This being over, the fleet departed; not in any order, but as fast as they could be got afloat; and we went with Otoo to one of his dock-yards, where the two large _pahies_ or canoes were building, each of which was an hundred and eight feet long. They were almost ready to launch, and were intended to make one joint double _pahie_ or canoe. The king begged of me a grappling and rope, to which I added an English jack and pendant (with the use of which he was well acquainted), and desired the _pahie_ might be called Britannia. This he very readily agreed to; and she was named accordingly. After this he gave me a hog, and a turtle of about sixty pounds weight, which was put privately into our boat; the giving it away not being agreeable to some of the great lords about him, who were thus deprived of a feast. He likewise would have given me a large shark they had prisoner in a creek (some of his fins being cut off, so that he could not make his escape), but the fine pork and fish we had got at this isle, had spoiled our palates for such food. The king, and Tee, his prime minister, accompanied us on board to dinner; and after it was over, took a most affectionate farewell. He hardly ever ceased soliciting me, this day, to return to Otaheite; and just before he went out of the ship, took a youth by the hand, and presented him to me, desiring I would keep him on board to go to Amsterdam to collect red feathers. I told him I could not, since I knew he would never return; but that if any ship should happen to come from Britain to this isle, I would either bring or send him red feathers in abundance. This in some measure satisfied him; but the youth was exceedingly desirous of going; and if I had not come to a resolution to carry no one from the isles (except Oedidee if he chose to go), and but just refused Mr Forster the liberty of taking a boy, I believe I should have consented. Otoo remained alongside in his canoe till we were under sail, when we put off, and was saluted with three guns.

Our treatment here was such as had induced one of our gunner's mates to form a plan to remain at this isle. He knew he could not execute it with success while we lay in the bay, therefore took the opportunity, as soon as we were out, the boats in, and sails set, to slip overboard, being a good swimmer. But he was discovered before he got clear of the ship; and we presently hoisted a boat out, and took him up. A canoe was observed about half-way between us and the shore, seemingly coming after us. She was intended to take him up; but as soon as the people in her saw our boat, they kept at a distance. This was a pre-concerted plan between the man and them, which Otoo was acquainted with, and had encouraged. When I considered this man's situation in life, I did not think him so culpable, nor the resolution he had taken of staying here so extraordinary, as it may at first appear. He was an Irishman by birth, and had sailed in the Dutch service. I picked him up at Batavia on my return from my former voyage, and he had been with me ever since. I never learnt that he had either friends or connections, to confine him to any particular part of the world. All nations were alike to him. Where then could such a man be more happy than at one of these isles? where, in one of the finest climates in the world, he could enjoy not only the necessaries, but the luxuries of life, in ease and plenty. I know not if he might not have obtained my consent, if he had applied for it in a proper time.[3] As soon as we had got him on board, and the boat in, I steered for Huaheine, in order to pay a visit to our friends there. But before we leave Otaheite, it will be necessary to give some account of the present state of that island; especially as it differs very much from what it was eight months before.

I have already mentioned the improvements we found in the plains of Oparree and Matavai. The same was observable in every other part into which we came. It seemed to us almost incredible, that so many large canoes and houses could be built in so short a space as eight months. The iron tools which they had got from the English, and other nations who have lately touched at the isle, had no doubt greatly accelerated the work; and they had no want of hands, as I shall soon make appear.

The number of hogs was another thing that excited our wonder. Probably they were not so scarce when we were here before, as we imagined, and not chusing to part with any, they had conveyed them out of our sight. Be this as it may, we now not only got as many as we could consume during our stay, but some to take to sea with us.

When I was last here, I conceived but an unfavourable opinion of Otoo's talents. The improvements since made in the island convinced me of my mistake; and that he must have been a man of good parts. He had indeed some judicious sensible men about him, who, I believe, had a great share in the government. In truth, we know not how far his power extended as king, nor how far he could command the assistance of the other chiefs, or was controulable by them. It should seem, however, that all had contributed towards bringing the isle to its present flourishing state. We cannot doubt that there were divisions amongst the great men of this state, as well as of most others; or else why did the king tell us, that Towha the admiral, and Poatatou were not his friends? They were two leading chiefs; and he must have been jealous of them on account of their great power; for on every occasion he seemed to court their interest. We had reason to believe that they raised by far the greatest number of vessels and men, to go against Eimea, and were to be two of the commanders in the expedition, which we were told was to take place five days after our departure. Waheatoua, king of Tiarabou, was to send a fleet to join that of Otoo, to assist him in reducing to obedience the chief of Eimea. I think, we were told, that young prince was one of the commanders. One would suppose that so small an island as Eimea would hardly have attempted to make head against the united force of these two kingdoms, but have endeavoured to settle matters by negociation. Yet we heard of no such thing; on the contrary, every one spoke of nothing but fighting. Towha told us more than once, that he should die there; which, in some measure, shews that he thought of it. Oedidee told me the battle would be fought at sea; in which case the other must have a fleet nearly equal, if not quite, to the one going against them; which I think was not probable. It was therefore more likely they would remain ashore upon the defensive; as we were told they did about five or six years ago, when attacked by the people of Tiarabou, whom they repulsed. Five general officers were to command in this expedition; of which number Otoo was one; and if they named them in order according to the posts they held, Otoo was only the third in command. This seems probable enough; as being but a young man, he could not have sufficient experience to command such an expedition, where the greatest skill and judgment seemed to be necessary. I confess I would willingly have staid five days longer, had I been sure the expedition would have then taken place; but it rather seemed that they wanted us to be gone first. We had been all along told, it would be ten moons before it took place; and it was not till the evening before we sailed, that Otoo and Towha told us it was to be in five days after we were gone; as if it were necessary to have that time to put every thing in order; for, while we lay there, great part of their time and attention was taken up with us. I had observed that for several days before we sailed, Otoo and the other chiefs had ceased to solicit my assistance, as they were continually doing at first, till I assured Otoo that, if they got their fleet ready in time, I would sail with them down to Eimea: After this I heard no more of it. They probably had taken it into consideration, and concluded themselves safer without me; well knowing it would be in my power to give the victory to whom I pleased; and that, at the best, I might thwart some favourite custom, or run away with the spoils. But be their reasons what they might, they certainly wanted us to be gone, before they undertook any thing. Thus we were deprived of seeing the whole fleet equipped on this occasion; and perhaps of being spectators of a sea-fight, and by that means, gaining some knowledge of their manoeuvres.

I never could learn what number of vessels were to go on this expedition. We knew of no more than two hundred and ten, besides smaller canoes to serve as transports, &c. and the fleet of Tiarabou, the strength of which we never learnt. Nor could I ever learn the number of men necessary to man this fleet; and whenever I asked the question, the answer was _Warou, warou, warou te Tata_, that is, many, many, many, men; as if the number far exceeded their arithmetic. If we allow forty men to each war-canoe, and four to each of the others, which is thought a moderate computation, the number will amount to nine thousand. An astonishing number to be raised in four districts; and one of them, viz. Matavia, did not equip a fourth part of its fleet. The fleet of Tiarabou is not included in this account; and many other districts might be arming, which we knew nothing of. I however believe, that the whole isle did not arm on this occasion; for we saw not the least preparations making in Oparree. From what we saw and could learn, I am clearly of opinion that the chief or chiefs of each district superintended the equipping of the fleet belonging to that district; but after they are equipped, they must pass in review before the king, and be approved of by him. By this means he knows the state of the whole, before they assemble to go on service.

It hath been already observed, that the number of war-canoes belonging to Attahourou and Ahopata was a hundred and sixty; to Tettaba, forty; and to Matavia, ten; and that this district did not equip one-fourth part of their number. If we suppose every district in the island, of which there are forty-three, to raise and equip the same number of war-canoes as Tettaha, we shall find, by this estimate, that the whole island can raise and equip one thousand seven hundred and twenty war-canoes, and sixty-eight thousand able men; allowing forty men to each canoe. And as these cannot amount to above one-third part of the number of both sexes, children included, the whole island cannot contain less than two hundred and four thousand inhabitants, a number which at first sight exceeded my belief. But when I came to reflect on the vast swarms which appeared wherever we came, I was convinced that this estimate was not much, if at all, too great. There cannot be a greater proof of the riches and fertility of Otaheite (not forty leagues in circuit) than its supporting such a number of inhabitants.

This island made formerly but one kingdom; how long it has been divided into two, I cannot pretend to say; but I believe not long. The kings of Tiarabou are a branch of the family of those of Opoureonu; at present, the two are nearly related; and, I think, the former is, in some measure, dependent on the latter. Otoo is styled _Earee de hie_ of the whole island; and we have been told that Waheatoua, the king of Tiarabou, must uncover before him, in the same manner as the meanest of his subjects. This homage is due to Otoo as _Earee de hie_ of the isle, to Tarevatou, his brother, and his second sister; to the one as heir, and to the other as heir apparent; his eldest sister being married, is not entitled to this homage.

The _Eowas_ and _Whannos_, we have sometimes seen covered before the king; but whether by courtesy, or by virtue of their office, we never could learn. These men, who are the principal persons about the king, and form his court, are generally, if not always, his relations; Tee, whom I have so often mentioned, was one of them. We have been told, that the _Eowas_, who have the first rank, attend in their turns, a certain number each day, which occasioned us to call them lords in waiting; but whether this was really so, I cannot say. We seldom found Tee absent; indeed his attendance was necessary, as being best able to negociate matters between us and them, on which service he was always employed; and he executed it, I have reason to believe, to the satisfaction of both parties.

It is to be regretted, that we know little more of this government than the general out-line; for, of its subdivisions, classes, or orders of the constituent parts, how disposed, or in what manner connected, so as to form one body politic, we know but little. We are sure, however, that it is of the feudal kind; and if we may judge from what we have seen, it has sufficient stability, and is by no means badly constructed.

The _Eowas_ and _Whannos_ always eat with the king; indeed I do not know if any one is excluded from this privilege but the _Toutous_. For as to the women, they are out of the question, as they never eat with the men, let their rank be ever so much elevated.

Notwithstanding this kind of kingly establishment, there was very little about Otoo's person or court by which a stranger could distinguish the king from the subject. I seldom saw him dressed in any thing but a common piece of cloth wrapped round his loins; so that he seemed to avoid all unnecessary pomp, and even to demean himself more than any other of the _Earees_. I have seen him work at a paddle, in coming to and going from the ship, in common with the other paddlers; and even when some of his _Toutous_ sat looking on. All have free access to him, and speak to him wherever they see him, without the least ceremony; such is the easy freedom which every individual of this happy isle enjoys. I have observed that the chiefs of these isles are more beloved by the bulk of the people, than feared. May we not from hence conclude, that the government is mild and equitable?

We have mentioned that Waheatoua or Tiarabou is related to Otoo. The same may be said of the chiefs of Eimea, Tapamanoo, Huaheine, Ulietea, Otaha, and Bolabola; for they are all related to the royal family of Otaheite. It is a maxim with the _Earees_, and others of superior rank, never to intermarry with the _Toutous_, or others of inferior rank. Probably this custom is one great inducement to the establishing of the societies called _Eareeoies_. It is certain that these societies greatly prevent the increase of the superior classes of people of which they are composed, and do not at all interfere with the inferiors, or _Toutous_; for I never heard of one of these being an _Eareeoy_. Nor did I ever hear that a _Toutou_ could rise in life above the rank in which he was born.

I have occasionally mentioned the extraordinary fondness the people of Otaheite shewed for red feathers. These they call _Oora_, and they are as valuable here as jewels are in Europe, especially those which they call _Ooravine_, and grow on the head of the green paraquet: Indeed, all red feathers are esteemed, but none equally with these; and they are such good judges as to know very well how to distinguish one sort from another. Many of our people attempted to deceive them by dying other feathers; but I never heard that any one succeeded. These feathers they make up in little bunches, consisting of eight or ten, and fix them to the end of a small cord about three or four inches long, which is made of the strong outside fibres of the cocoa-nut, twisted so hard that it is like a wire, and serves as a handle to the bunch. Thus prepared, they are used as symbols of the _Eatuas_, or divinities, in all their religious ceremonies. I have often seen them hold one of these bunches, and sometimes only two or three feathers, between the fore finger and thumb, and say a prayer, not one word of which I could ever understand. Whoever comes to this island, will do well to provide himself with red feathers, the finest and smallest that are to be got. He must also have a good stock of axes, and hatchets, spike- nails, files, knives, looking-glasses, beads, &c. Sheets and shirts are much sought after, especially by the ladies; as many of our gentlemen found by experience.

The two goats which Captain Furneaux gave to Otoo when we were last here, seemed to promise fair for answering the end for which they were put on shore. The ewe soon after had two female kids, which were now so far grown as to be nearly ready to propagate; and the old ewe was again with kid. The people seemed to be very fond of them, and they to like their situation as well; for they were in excellent condition. From this circumstance we may hope that, in a few years, they will have some to spare to their neighbours; and by that means they may in time spread over all the isles in this ocean. The sheep which we left died soon after, excepting one, which we understood was yet alive. We have also furnished them with a stock of cats; no less than twenty having been given away at this isle, besides those which were left at Ulietea and Huaheine.

[1] "The good old admiral was so ill that he could not stand on his legs; he was very desirous, however, to come upon deck; we therefore slung a chair on ropes, and hoisted him up in it, to his great delight, and to the astonishment of all his countrymen. Notwithstanding his illness, he told us he was determined to command the expedition against Eimea, saying it was of little consequence if they killed an old man, who could no longer be useful. He was very cheerful under his infirmities, and his way of thinking was nobly disinterested, and seemed to be animated by true heroism. He took leave of us with a degree of cordiality and emotion, which touched the heart, and might have reconciled a misanthrope to the world."--G.F.-- Who does not see in this noble veteran the radical principles which characterize a British tar? There needs indeed, but a little of the Roman or Grecian painting, to render him a fit _stage-companion_ for almost any of the ancient heroes; and who can tell, but that in some distant æra, when the Otaheitan language shall be read and classical, the drivelling pedants of the south will blazon his fame, as we now do that of his elder fraternity? G.F. had his eye directed to such a kind of comparison betwixt Greeks and Otaheitans, in a passage which the reader will find in the next note, and which is a fair specimen of that gentleman's lively and entertaining style.--E.

[2] "The view of the Otaheitan fleet frequently brought to our minds an idea of the naval force which that nation employed in the first ages of its existence, and induced us to compare them together. The Greeks were doubtless better armed, having the use of metals; but it seemed plain, from the writings of Homer, in spite of poetical embellishment, that their mode of fighting was irregular, and their arms simple, like those of Otaheite. The united efforts of Greece against Troy, in remote antiquity, could not be much more considerable than the armament of Otoo against the isle of Eimea; and the boasted _mille carinæ_ were probably not more formidable than a fleet of large canoes, which require from fifty to an hundred and twenty men, to paddle them. The navigation of the Greeks, in those days, was not more extensive than that which is practised by the Otaheitans at present, being confined to short passages from island to island; and as the stars at night directed the mariners through the Archipelago at that time, so they still continue to guide others in the Pacific Ocean. The Greeks were brave; but the numerous wounds of the Otaheitan chiefs, are all proofs of their spirit and prowess. It seems to be certain, that in their battles they rouse themselves into a kind of phrenzy, and that their bravery is a violent fit of passion. From Homer's battles, it is evident, that the heroism which produced the wonders he records, was exactly of the same nature. Let us for a moment be allowed to carry this comparison still farther. The heroes of Homer are represented to us as men of supernatural size and force. The Otaheitan chiefs, compared to the common people, are so much superior in stature and elegance of form, that they look like a different race. It requires a more than ordinary quantity of food to satisfy stomachs of unusual dimensions. Accordingly we find, that the mighty men at the siege of Troy, and the chiefs of Otaheite, are both famous for eating, and it appears that pork was a diet no less admired by the Greeks, than it is by the Otaheitans at this day. Simplicity of manners is observable in both nations; and their domestic character is hospitable, affectionate, and humane. There is even a similarity in their political constitution. The chiefs of districts at Otaheite are powerful princes, who have not more respect for Otoo than the Greek heroes had for the "king of men;" and the common people are so little noticed in the Iliad, that they appear to have had no greater consequence, than the towtows in the South Seas. In short, I believe the similitude might be traced in many other instances; but it was my intention only to hint at it, and not to abuse the patience of my readers. What I have here said is sufficient to prove, that men in a similar state of civilization resemble each other more than we are aware of, even in the most opposite extremes of the world."--G.F.-- This gentleman guards against any more particular deductions from such resemblance as he has now noticed, by adverting to the havoc made in history by the modern itch for tracing pedigrees, alluding especially to the affinity imagined betwixt the Egyptians and Chinese. On such subjects, it is certain, human ingenuity has been fruitful of extravagancies, and there is much less risk of absurdity if we abide by merely general inferences; but, on the other hand, it must be admitted, that these are often specious pretexts for avoiding the labours of enquiry, and have very rarely contributed any thing to the stock of useful knowledge. Besides, they are often as fundamentally theoretic, as those more specific notions which they are used to supplant, though far less operative on the minds of those who maintain them, except indeed, in so far as a conceited indolence is concerned, of which, it is often difficult to say, whether they are the parent or the offspring. But at best, your transcendental philosophers are very like those general admirers of the fair sex, who are ready enough to pay compliments which cost them just as little as they signify, but who are too fond of themselves, to squander away on a single individual, any portion of that affection which they think can be much better bestowed elsewhere. Whereas, an attachment to some specific theory, like the ardour of a real lover, excites to active services and solicitous assiduity; and even when it does not obtain its object, is deserving of gratitude at least, and rarely fails to be rewarded by it.--E.

[3] The poor fellow, Mr G.F. informs us, paid a fortnight's confinement in irons for his frolic, a greater price, perhaps, the reader will think, than the matter deserved. One shudders to imagine what would be his anguish at the simple disappointment of his purpose; but that it is possible might render him less sensible to the weight of his bonds. That a solitary hopeless wretch, who had not a friend or relative in any other region of the globe, should form an attachment to these affectionate islanders, and attempt to settle in the midst of their proffered enjoyments, was so imperatively natural, that one cannot help feeling indignation at the mercilessness of an artificial discipline, which exerted so rigorous a retribution. The advantages of this penal system must be great and obvious indeed, that can compensate for such enormous outrage on suffering humanity. G.F. has allowed himself to reason on this subject, in a way not much calculated to ease the mind of his reader: a short specimen may suffice. "The most favourable prospects of future success in England, which this man might form in idea, could never be so flattering to his senses, as the lowly hope of living like the meanest Otaheitan. It was highly probable that immediately on his return home, instead of indulging in repose those limbs which had been tossed from pole to pole, he would be placed in another ship, where the same fatigues, nocturnal watches, and unwholesome food, would still fall to his share; or though he were allowed to solace himself for a few days, after a long series of hardships, he must expect to be seized in the midst of his enjoyments, and to be dragged an unwilling champion to the defence of his country: to be cut off in the flower of his age, or to remain miserably crippled with only half his limbs, might be the alternatives to which he would be reduced." But we forbear the distressing theme, and would willingly direct the reader's eye and hopes, to that most beneficent provision for the repose and comfort of our meritorious sailors, which the wisdom of the legislature, too tardily it must be confessed, has lately contemplated.--E.

SECTION XIV.

_The Arrival of the Ship at the Island of Huaheine; with an Account of an Expedition into the Island, and several other Incidents which happened while she lay there._

At one o'clock in the afternoon, on the 15th, we anchored in the north entrance of O'Wharre harbour, in the island of Huaheine; hoisted out the boats, warped into a proper birth, and moored with the bower and kedge anchor, not quite a cable's length from the shore. While this was doing, several of the natives made us a visit, amongst whom was old Oree the chief, who brought a hog and some other articles, which he presented to me, with the usual ceremony.

Next morning, the natives began to bring us fruit. I returned Oree's visit, and made my present to him; one article of which was red feathers. Two or three of these the chief took in his right hand, holding them up between the finger and thumb, and said a prayer, as I understood, which was little noticed by any present. Two hogs were soon after put into my boat, and he and several of his friends came on board and dined with us. After dinner Oree gave me to understand what articles would be most acceptable to him and his friends, which were chiefly axes and nails. Accordingly I gave him what he asked, and desired he would distribute them to the others, which he did, seemingly to the satisfaction of every one. A youth about ten or twelve years of age, either his son or grandson, seemed to be the person of most note, and had the greatest share.

After the distribution was over, they all returned ashore. Mr Forster and his party being out in the country botanizing, his servant, a feeble man, was beset by five or six fellows, who would have stripped him, if that moment one of the party had not come to his assistance; after which they made off with a hatchet they had got from him.

On the 17th, I went ashore to look for the chief, in order to complain of the outrage committed as above; but he was not in the neighbourhood. Being ashore in the afternoon, a person came and told me Oree wanted to see me. I went with the man, and was conducted to a large house, where the chief and several other persons of note were assembled in council, as well as I could understand. After I was seated, and some conversation had passed among them, Oree made a speech, and was answered by another. I understood no more of either, than just to know it regarded the robbery committed the day before. The chief then began to assure me, that neither he, nor any one present (which were the principal chiefs in the neighbourhood) had any hand in it; and desired me to kill, with the guns, all those which had. I assured him, that I was satisfied that neither he nor those present were at all concerned in the affair; and that I should do with the fellows as he desired, or any others who were guilty of the like crimes. Having asked where the fellows were, and desired they would bring them to me, that I might do with them as he had said, his answer was, they were gone to the mountains, and he could not get them. Whether this was the case or not, I will not pretend to say. I knew fair means would never make them deliver them up; and I had no intention to try others. So the affair dropt, and the council broke up.

In the evening, some of the gentlemen went to a dramatic entertainment. The piece represented a girl as running away with us from Otaheite; which was in some degree true; as a young woman had taken a passage with us down to Ulietea, and happened now to be present at the representation of her own adventures; which had such an effect upon her, that it was with great difficulty our gentlemen could prevail upon her to see the play out, or to refrain from tears while it was acting. The piece concluded with the reception she was supposed to meet with from her friends at her return; which was not a very favourable one. These people can add little extempore pieces to their entertainments, when they see occasion. Is it not then reasonable to suppose that it was intended as a satire against this girl, and to discourage others from following her steps?[1]

In the morning of the 18th, Oree came on board with a present of fruit, stayed dinner, and in the afternoon desired to see some great guns fired, shotted, which I complied with. The reason of his making this request was his hearing, from Oedidee, and our Otaheitean passengers, that we had so done at their island. The chief would have had us fire at the hills; but I did not approve of that, lest the shot should fall short and do some mischief. Besides, the effect was better seen in the water. Some of the petty officers, who had leave to go into the country for their amusement, took two of the natives with them to be their guides, and to carry their bags, containing nails, hatchets, &c. the current cash we traded with here; which the fellows made off with in the following artful manner: The gentlemen had with them two muskets for shooting birds. After a shower of rain, their guides pointed out some for them to shoot. One of the muskets having missed fire several times, and the other having gone off, the instant the fellows saw themselves secure from both, they ran away, leaving the gentlemen gazing after them with so much surprise, that no one had presence of mind to pursue them.

The 19th, showery morning; fair afternoon, nothing happened worthy of note.

Early in the morning of the 20th, three of the officers set out on a shooting party, rather contrary to my inclination; as I found the natives, at least some of them, were continually watching every opportunity to rob straggling parties, and were daily growing more daring. About three o'clock in the afternoon, I got intelligence that they were seized and stripped of every thing they had about them. Upon this I immediately went on shore with a boat's crew, accompanied by Mr Forster, and took possession of a large house with all its effects, and two chiefs whom I found in it; but this we did in such a manner, that they hardly knew what we were about, being unwilling to alarm the neighbourhood. In this situation I remained till I heard the officers had got back safe, and had all their things restored to them: Then I quitted the house; and presently after every thing in it was carried off. When I got on board I was informed of the whole affair by the officers themselves. Some little insult on their part, induced the natives to seize their guns, on which a scuffle ensued, some chiefs interfered, took the officers out of the crowd, and caused every thing which had been taken from them to be restored. This was at a place where we had before been told, that a set of fellows had formed themselves into a gang, with a resolution to rob every one who should go that way. It should seem from what followed, that the chief could not prevent this, or put a stop to these repeated outrages. I did not see him this evening, as he was not come into the neighbourhood when I went on board; but I learnt from Oedidee that he came soon after, and was so concerned at what had happened that he wept.

Day-light no sooner broke upon us on the 21st, than we saw upwards of sixty canoes under sail going out of the harbour, and steering over for Ulietea. On our enquiring the reason, we were told that the people in them were _Eareeois_, and were going to visit their brethren in the neighbouring isles. One may almost compare these men to free-masons; they tell us they assist each other when need requires; they seem to have customs among them which they either will not, or cannot explain. Oedidee told us he was one; Tupia was one; and yet I have not been able to get any tolerable idea of this set of men, from either of them. Oedidee denies that the children they have by their mistresses are put to death, as we understood from Tupia and others. I have had some conversation with Omai on this subject, and find that he confirms every thing that is said upon it in the narrative of my former voyage.[2]

Oedidee, who generally slept on shore, came off with a message from Oree, desiring I would land with twenty-two men, to go with him to chastise the robbers. The messenger brought with him, by way of assisting his memory, twenty-two pieces of leaves, a method customary amongst them. On my receiving this extraordinary message, I went to the chief for better information; and all I could learn of him was, that these fellows were a sort of banditti, who had formed themselves into a body, with a resolution of seizing and robbing our people wherever they found them, and were now armed for that purpose: For which reason he wanted me to go along with him, to chastise them. I told him, if I went they would fly to the mountains; but he said, they were resolved to fight us, and therefore desired I would destroy both them and their house; but begged I would spare those in the neighbourhood, as also the canoes and the _Whenooa_. By way of securing these, he presented me with a pig as a peace-offering for the _Whenooa_. It was too small to be meant for any thing but a ceremony of this kind. This sensible old chief could see (what perhaps none of the others ever thought of) that every thing in the neighbourhood was at our mercy, and therefore took care to secure them by this method, which I suppose to be of weight with them. When I returned on board, I considered of the chiefs request, which upon the whole appeared an extraordinary one. I however resolved to go, lest these fellows should be (by our refusal) encouraged to commit greater acts of violence; and, as their proceeding would soon reach Ulietea, where I intended to go next, the people there might be induced to treat us in the same manner, or worse, they being more numerous. Accordingly I landed with forty-eight men, including officers, Mr Forster, and some other of the gentlemen. The chief joined us with a few people, and we began to march, in search of the banditti, in good order. As we proceeded, the chief's party increased like a snow-ball. Oedidee, who was with us, began to be alarmed, observing that many of the people in our company were of the very party we were going against, and at last telling us, that they were only leading us to some place where they could attack us to advantage. Whether there was any truth in this, or it was only Oedidee's fears, I will not pretend to say. He, however, was the only person we could confide in. And we regulated our motions according to the information he had given us. After marching some miles, we got intelligence that the men we were going after had fled to the mountains; but I think this was not till I had declared to the chief I would proceed no farther. For we were then about crossing a deep valley, bounded on each side by steep rocks, where a few men with stones only might have made our retreat difficult, if their intentions were what Oedidee had suggested, and which he still persisted in. Having come to a resolution to return, we marched back in the same order as we went, and saw, in several places, people, who had been following us, coming down from the sides of the hills with their arms in their hands, which they instantly quitted, and hid in the bushes, when they saw they were discovered by us. This seemed to prove that there must have been some foundation for what Oedidee had said; but I cannot believe that the chief had any such design, whatever the people might have. In our return we halted at a convenient place to refresh ourselves. I ordered the people to bring us some cocoa-nuts, which they did immediately. Indeed, by this time, I believe many of them wished us on board out of the way; for although no one step was taken that could give them the least alarm, they certainly were in terror. Two chiefs brought each of them a pig, a dog, and some young plantain trees, the usual peace-offerings, and with due ceremony presented them singly to me. Another brought a very large hog, with which he followed us to the ship. After this we continued our course to the landing-place, where I caused several vollies to be fired, to convince the natives that we could support a continual fire. This being done, we all embarked and went on board; and soon after the chief following, brought with him a quantity of fruit, and sat down with us to dinner. We had scarce dined before more fruit was brought us by others, and two hogs; so that we were likely to make more by this little excursion than by all the presents we had made them. It certainly gave them some alarm to see so strong a party of men march into their country; and probably gave them a better opinion of fire-arms than they had before. For I believe they had but an indifferent, or rather contemptible, idea of muskets in general, having never seen any fired but at birds, &c. by such of our people as used to straggle about the country, the most of them but indifferent marksmen, losing generally two shots out of three, their pieces often, missing fire, and being slow in charging. Of all this they had taken great notice, and concluded, as well they might, that fire-arms were not so terrible things as they had been taught to believe.

When the chiefs took leave in the evening, they promised to bring us next day a very large supply of provisions. In the article of fruit they were as good as their word, but of hogs, which we most wanted, they brought far less than we expected. Going ashore in the afternoon, I found the chief just sitting down to dinner. I cannot say what was the occasion of his dining so late. As soon as he was seated, several people began chewing the pepper-root; about a pint of the juice of which, without any mixture, was the first dish, and was dispatched in a moment. A cup of it was presented to me; but the manner of brewing it was at this time sufficient. Oedidee was not so nice, but took what I refused. After this the chief washed his mouth with cocoa-nut water; then he eat of repe, plantain, and mahee, of each not a little; and, lastly, finished his repast by eating, or rather drinking, about three pints of _popoie_, which is made of bread-fruit, plantains, mahee, &c. beat together and diluted with water till it is of the consistence of a custard. This was at the outside of his house, in the open air; for at this time a play was acting within, as was done almost every day in the neighbourhood; but they were such poor performances that I never attended. I observed that, after the juice had been squeezed out of the chewed pepper-root for the chief, the fibres were carefully picked up and taken away by one of his servants. On my asking what he intended to do with it, I was told he would put water to it, and strain it again. Thus he would make what I will call small beer.

The 23d, wind easterly, as it had been ever since we left Otaheite. Early in the morning, we unmoored, and at eight weighed and put to sea. The good old chief was the last man who went out of the ship. At parting I told him we should see each other no more; at which he wept, and said, "Let your sons come, we will treat them well." Oree is a good man, in the utmost sense of the word; but many of the people are far from being of that disposition, and seem to take advantage of his old age; Teraderre, his grandson and heir, being yet but a youth. The gentle treatment the people of this isle ever met with from me, and the careless and imprudent manner in which many of our people had rambled about in the country, from a vain opinion that firearms rendered them invincible, encouraged many at Huaheine to commit acts of violence, which no man at Otaheite ever durst attempt.

During our stay here we got bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts, &c. more than we could well-consume, but not hogs enough by far to supply our daily expence; and yet it did not appear that they were scarce in the isle. It must be allowed, however, that the number we took away, when last here, must have thinned them greatly, and at the same time stocked the isle with our articles. Besides, we now wanted a proper assortment of trade; what we had being nearly exhausted, and the few remaining red feathers being here but of little value, when compared to the estimation they stand in at Otaheite. This obliged me to set the smiths to work to make different sorts of iron tools, nails, &c. in order to enable me to procure refreshments at the other isles, and to support my credit and influence among the natives.

[1] "Her parents, from whom she had eloped to Otaheite with a favoured lover some years ago, were still alive, and the force of affection urged her irresistibly to visit them. She had concealed herself on board during Otoo's last visit, as he had expressly ordered that no woman should go with us; but being safe at present, she ventured to make her appearance. She was dressed in a suit of clothes belonging to one of the officers, and was so much pleased with her new garments, that she went ashore in them as soon as she arrived at Huaheine. She dined with the officers without the least scruple, and laughed at the prejudices of her country-women with all the good sense of a citizen of the world. With a proper education she might have shone as a woman of genius even in Europe; since, without the advantage of a cultivated understanding, her great vivacity, joined to very polite manners, already were sufficient to make her company supportable."--G.F.

From some of this gentleman's remarks, as well as what Captain Cook says, it appears that these islanders have pretty correct notions of the relative duty of children and parents.--E.

[2] Mr G.F. has entered upon a pretty minute account of this strange society, and does his best to palliate the enormities of which, there seems no reason to doubt, its really profligate members are almost habitually guilty. That gentleman is certainly liberal in his views of the natives in general, and on the whole appears disposed to give more credit to human nature than, perhaps, it will be found on the closest inspection to deserve. Though it may be conceded to him, that criminal individuals are not more numerous in the Society Islands, than among other people, yet it is obvious, that the discovery of the universal prevelancy of vice does not warrant any person to extenuate its malignity in any particular instances where it occurs.--E.

SECTION XV.

_Arrival at Ulietea; with an Account of the Reception we met with there, and the several Incidents which happened during our Stay. A Report of two ships being at Huaheine. Preparations to leave the Island; and the Regret the Inhabitants shewed on the Occasion. The Character of Oedidee; with some general Observations on the Islands._

As soon as we were clear of the harbour, we made sail, and stood over for the South end of Ulietea. Oree took the opportunity to send a man with a message to Opoony. Being little wind all the latter part of the day, it was dark before we reached the west side of the isle, where we spent the night. The same light variable wind continued till ten o'clock next morning, when the trade-wind at east prevailed, and we ventured to ply up to the harbour, first sending a boat to lie in anchorage in the entrance. After making a few trips, we got before the channel, and with all our sails set, and the head-way the ship had acquired, shut her in as far as she would go; then dropped the anchor, and took in the sails. This is the method of getting into most of the harbours which are on the lee-side of these isles; for the channels, in general, are too narrow to ply in: We were now anchored between the two points of the reef which form the entrance; each not more than two-thirds the length of a cable from us, and on which the sea broke with such height and violence, as to people less acquainted with the place, would have been terrible. Having all our boats out with anchors and warps in them, which were presently run out, the ship warped into safety, where we dropt anchor for the night. While this work was going forward, my old friend Oree the chief, and several more, came to see us. The chief came not empty.

Next day we warped the ship into a proper birth, and moored her, so as to command all the shores around us. In the mean time a party of us went ashore to pay the chief a visit, and to make the customary present. At our first entering his house, we were met by four or five old women, weeping and lamenting, as it were, most bitterly, and at the same time cutting their heads, with instruments made of shark's teeth, till the blood ran plentifully down their faces and on their shoulders. What was still worse, we were obliged to submit to the embraces of these old hags, and by that means were all besmeared with blood. This ceremony (for it was merely such) being over, they went out, washed themselves, and immediately after appeared as cheerful as any of the company. Having made some little stay, and given my present to the chief and his friends, he put a hog and some fruit into my boat, and came on board with us to dinner. In the afternoon, we had a vast number of people and canoes about us, from different parts of the island. They all took up their quarters in our neighbourhood, where they remained feasting for some days. We understood the most of them were _Eareeoies_.

The 26th afforded nothing remarkable, excepting that Mr Forster, in his botanical excursions, saw a burying-place for dogs, which they called _Marai no te Oore_. But I think we ought not to look upon this as one of their customs; because few dogs die a natural death, being generally, if not always, killed and eaten, or else given as an offering to the gods. Probably this might be a _Marai_ or altar, where this sort of offering was made; or it might have been the whim of some person to have buried his favourite dog in this manner. But be it as it will, I cannot think it is a general custom in the nation; and, for my own part, I neither saw nor heard of any such thing before.

Early in the morning of the 27th, Oree, his wife, son, daughter, and several more of his friends, made us a visit, and brought with them a good quantity of all manner of refreshments; little having as yet been got from any body else. They staid dinner; after which a party of us accompanied them on shore, where we were entertained with a play, called _Mididij Harramy_, which signifies the _Child is coming_. It concluded with the representation of a woman in labour, acted by a set of great brawny fellows, one of whom at last brought forth a strapping boy, about six feet high, who ran about the stage, dragging after him a large wisp of straw which hung by a string from his middle. I had an opportunity of seeing this acted another time, when I observed, that the moment they had got hold of the fellow who represented the child, they flattened or pressed his nose. From this I judged, that they do so by their children when born, which may be the reason why all in general have flat noses. This part of the play, from its newness, and the ludicrous manner in which it was performed, gave us, the first time we saw it, some entertainment, and caused a loud laugh, which might be the reason why they acted it so often afterwards. But this, like all their other pieces, could entertain us no more than once; especially as we could gather little from them, for want of knowing more of their language.[1]

The 28th was spent by me in much the same manner as the preceding day, viz. in entertaining my friends, and being entertained by them. Mr Forster and his party in the country botanizing.

Next morning, we found several articles had been stolen, out of our boats lying at the buoy, about sixty or seventy yards from the ship. As soon as I was informed of it, I went to the chief to acquaint him therewith. I found that he not only knew they were stolen, but by whom, and where they were; and he went immediately with me in my boat in pursuit of them. After proceeding a good way along shore, towards the south end of the island, the chief ordered us to land near some houses, where we did not wait long before all the articles were brought to us, except the pinnace's iron tiller, which I was told was still farther off. But when I wanted to go after it, I found the chief unwilling to proceed; and he actually gave me the slip; and retired into the country. Without him I knew I could do nothing. The people began to be alarmed when they saw I was for going farther; by which I concluded that the tiller was out of their reach also. I therefore sent one of them to the chief to desire him to return. He returned accordingly; when we sat down, and had some victuals set before us, thinking perhaps that, as I had not breakfasted, I must be hungry, and not in a good humour. Thus I was amused, till two hogs were produced, which they entreated me to accept. This I did, and then their fears vanished; and I thought myself not ill off, in having gotten two good hogs for a thing which seemed to be quite out of my reach. Matters being thus settled, we returned on board, and had the company of the chief and his son to dinner. After that we all went ashore, where a play was acted for the entertainment of such as would spend their time in looking at it. Besides these plays, which the chief caused frequently to be acted, there was a set of strolling players in the neighbourhood, who performed everyday. But their pieces seemed to be so much alike, that we soon grew tired of them; especially as we could not collect any interesting circumstances from them. We, our ship, and our country, were frequently brought on the stage; but on what account I know not. It can hardly be doubted, that this was designed as a compliment to us, and probably not acted but when some of us were present. I generally appeared at Oree's theatre towards the close of the play, and twice at the other, in order to give my mite to the actors. The only actress at Oree's theatre was his daughter, a pretty brown girl, at whose shrine, on these occasions, many offerings were made by her numerous votaries. This, I believe, was one great inducement to her father's giving us these entertainments so often.

Early in the morning of the 30th, I set out with the two boats, accompanied by the two Mr Forsters; Oedidee, the chief, his wife, son, and daughter, for an estate which Oedidee called his, situated at the north end of the island. There I was promised to have hogs and fruit in abundance; but when we came there, we found that poor Oedidee could not command one single thing, whatever right he might have to the _Whenooa_, which was now in possession of his brother, who, soon after we landed, presented to me, with the usual ceremony, two pigs. I made him a very handsome present in return, and Oedidee gave him every thing he had left of what he had collected during the time he was with us.

After this ceremony was over, I ordered one of the pigs to be killed and dressed for dinner, and attended myself to the whole operation, which was as follows:--They first strangled the hog, which was done by three men; the hog being placed on his back, two of them laid a pretty strong stick across his throat, and pressed with all their might on each end; the third man held his hind legs, kept him on his back, and plugged up his fundament with grass, I suppose to prevent any air from passing or repassing that way. In this manner they held him for about ten minutes before he was quite dead. In the mean time, some hands were employed in making a fire, to heat the oven, which was close by. As soon as the hog was quite dead, they laid him on the fire, and burnt or singed the hair, so that it came off with almost the same ease as if it had been scalded. As the hair was got off one part, another was applied to the fire till they had got off the whole, yet not so clean but that another operation was necessary; which was to carry it to the sea side, and there give it a good scrubbing with sandy stones, and sand. This brought off all the scurf, &c. which the fire had left on. After well washing off the sand and dirt, the carcase was brought again to the former place, and laid on clean green leaves, in order to be opened. They first ripped up the skin of the belly, and took out the fat or lard from between the skin and the flesh, which they laid on a large green leaf. The belly was then ripped open, and the entrails taken out, and carried away in a basket, so that I know not what became of them; but am certain they were not thrown away. The blood was next taken out, and put into a large leaf, and then the lard, which was put to the other fat. The hog was now washed clean, both inside and out, with fresh water, and several hot stones put into his belly, which were shaken in under the breast, and green leaves crammed in upon them. By this time the oven was sufficiently heated; what fire remained was taken away, together with some of the hot stones; the rest made a kind of pavement in the bottom of the hole or oven, and were covered with leaves, on which the hog was placed on his belly. The lard and fat, after being washed with water, were put into a vessel, made just then of the green bark of the plantain tree, together with two or three hot stones, and placed on one side the hog. A hot stone was put to the blood, which was tied up in the leaf, and put into the oven; as also bread-fruit and plantains. Then the whole was covered with green leaves, on which were laid the remainder of the hot stones; over them were leaves; then any sort of rubbish they could lay their hands on; finishing the operation by well covering the whole with earth. While the victuals were baking, a table was spread with green leaves on the floor, at one end of a large boat-house. At the close of two hours and ten minutes, the oven was opened, and all the victuals taken out. Those of the natives who dined with us, sat down by themselves, at one end of the table, and we at the other. The hog was placed before us, and the fat and blood before them, on which they chiefly dined, and said it was _Mamity_, very good victuals; and we not only said, but thought, the same of the pork. The hog weighed about fifty pounds. Some parts about the ribs I thought rather overdone, but the more fleshy parts were excellent; and the skin, which by the way of our dressing can hardly be eaten, had, by this method, a taste and flavour superior to any thing I ever met with of the kind. I have now only to add, that during the whole of the various operations, they exhibited a cleanliness well worthy of imitation. I have been the more particular in this account, because I do not remember that any of us had seen the whole process before; nor is it well described in the narrative of my former voyage.

While dinner was preparing, I took a view of this _Whenooa_ of Oedidee. It was a small, but a pleasant spot; and the houses were so disposed as to form a very pretty village, which is very rarely the case at these isles, Soon after we had dined, we set out for the ship, with the other pig, and a few races of plantains, which proved to be the sum total of our great expectations.

In our return to the ship, we put ashore at a place where, in the corner of a house, we saw four wooden images, each two feet long, standing on a shelf, having a piece of cloth round their middle, and a kind of turban on their heads, in which were stuck long feathers of cocks. A person in the house told us they were _Eatua no te Toutou_, gods of the servants or slaves. I doubt if this be sufficient to conclude that they pay them divine worship, and that the servants or slaves are not allowed the same gods as men of more elevated rank; I never heard that Tupia made any such distinction, or that they worshipped any visible thing whatever. Besides, these were the first wooden gods we had seen in any of the isles; and all the authority we had for their being such, was the bare word of perhaps a superstitious person, and whom, too, we were liable to misunderstand. It must be allowed that the people of this isle are in general more superstitious than at Otaheite. At the first visit I made the chief after our arrival, he desired I would not suffer any of my people to shoot herons and wood-peckers; birds as sacred with them as robin-red-breasts, swallows, &c. are with many old women in England. Tupia, who was a priest, and well acquainted with their religion, customs, traditions, &c. paid little or no regard to these birds. I mention this, because some amongst us were of opinion that these birds are their _Eatuas_, or gods. We indeed fell into this opinion when I was here in 1769, and into some others still more absurd, which we had undoubtedly adopted, if Tupia had not undeceived us. A man of his knowledge and understanding we have not since met with, and consequently have added nothing to his account of their religion but superstitious notions.[2]

On the 31st, the people knowing that we should sail soon, began to bring more fruit on board than usual. Among those who came was a young man who measured six feet four inches and six-tenths; and his sister, younger, than him, measured five feet ten inches and a half. A brisk trade for hogs and fruit continued on the 1st of June. On the 2d, in the afternoon, we got intelligence that, three days before, two ships had arrived at Huaheine. The same report said, the one was commanded by Mr Banks, and the other by Captain Furneaux. The man who brought the account said, he was made drunk on board one of them, and described the persons of Mr Banks and Captain Furneaux so well, that I had not the least doubt of the truth, and began to consider about sending a boat over that very evening with orders to Captain Furneaux, when a man, a friend of Mr Forster, happened to come on board and denied the whole, saying it was _wà warre_, a lie. The man from whom we had the intelligence was now gone, so that we could not confront them, and there were none else present who knew any thing about it but by report; so that I laid aside sending over a boat till I should be better informed. This evening we entertained the people with fire-works, on one of the little isles near the entrance of the harbour.

I had fixed on the next day for sailing, but the intelligence from Huaheine put a stop to it. The chief had promised to bring the man on board who first brought the account; but he was either not to be found, or would not appear. In the morning, the people were divided in their opinions; but in the afternoon, all said it was a false report. I had sent Mr Clerke, in the morning, to the farthest part of the island, to make enquiries there; he returned without learning any thing satisfactory. In short, the report appeared now too ill founded to authorize me to send a boat over, or to wait any longer here; and therefore, early in the morning of the 4th, I got every thing in readiness to sail. Oree the chief, and his whole family, came on board, to take their last farewell, accompanied by Oo-oo-rou, the _Earee di hi_, and Boba, the _Earee_ of Otaha, and several of their friends. None of them came empty; but Oo-oo-rou brought a pretty large present, this being his first and only visit. I distributed amongst them almost every thing I had left. The very hospitable manner in which I had ever been received by these people, had endeared them to me, and given them a just title to everything in my power to grant. I questioned them again about the ships at Huaheine; and they all, to a man, denied that any were there. During the time these people remained on board, they were continually importuning me to return. The chief, his wife and daughter, but especially the two latter, scarcely ever ceased weeping. I will not pretend to say whether it was real or feigned grief they shewed on this occasion. Perhaps there was a mixture of both; but were I to abide by my own opinion only, I should believe it was real. At last, when we were about to weigh, they took a most affectionate leave. Oree's last request was for me to return; when he saw he could not obtain that promise, he asked the name of my _Marai_ (burying-place). As strange a question as this was, I hesitated not a moment to tell him Stepney; the parish in which I live when in London. I was made to repeat it several times over till they could pronounce it; then, Stepney _Marai no Toote_ was echoed through an hundred mouths at once. I afterwards found the same question had been put to Mr Forster by a man on shore; but he gave a different, and indeed more proper answer, by saying, no man, who used the sea, could say where he should be buried. It is the custom, at these isles, for all the great families to have burial-places of their own, where their remains are interred. These go with the estate to the next heir. The _Marai_ at Oparee in Otaheite, when Tootaha swayed the sceptre, was called _Marai no Tootaha_; but now it is called _Marai no Otoo_. What greater proof could we have of these people esteeming us as friends, than their wishing to remember us, even beyond the period of our lives? They had been repeatedly told that we should see them no more; they then wanted to know where we were to mingle with our parent dust. As I could not promise, or even suppose, that more English ships would be sent to those isles, our faithful companion Oedidee chose to remain in his native country. But he left us with a regret fully demonstrative of the esteem he bore to us; nor could any thing but the fear of never returning, have torn him from us. When the chief teased me so much about returning, I sometimes gave such answers as left them hopes. Oedidee would instantly catch at this, take me on one side, and ask me over again. In short, I have not words to describe the anguish which appeared in this young man's breast when he went away. He looked up at the ship, burst into tears, and then sunk down into the canoe. The maxim, that a prophet has no honour in his own country, was never more fully verified than in this youth. At Otaheite he might have had any thing that was in their power to bestow; whereas here he was not in the least noticed. He was a youth of good parts, and, like most of his countrymen, of a docile, gentle, and humane disposition, but in a manner wholly ignorant of their religion, government, manners, customs, and traditions; consequently no material knowledge could have been gathered from him, had I brought him away. Indeed, he would have been a better specimen of the nation, in every respect, than Omai. Just as Oedidee was going out of the ship, he asked me to _Tatou_ some _Parou_ for him, in order to shew the commanders of any other ships which might stop here. I complied with his request, gave him a certificate of the time he had been with us, and recommended him to the notice of those who might afterwards touch at the island.

We did not get clear of our friends till eleven o'clock, when we weighed, and put to sea; but Oedidee did not leave us till we were almost out of the harbour. He staid, in order to fire some guns; for it being his majesty's birthday, we fired the salute at going away.

When I first came to these islands, I had some thought of visiting Tupia's famous Bolabola. But as I had now got on board a plentiful supply of all manner of refreshments, and the route I had in view allowing me no time to spare, I laid this design aside, and directed my course to the west; taking our final leave of these happy isles, on which benevolent Nature has spread her luxuriant sweets with a lavish hand. The natives, copying the bounty of Nature, are equally liberal; contributing plentifully and cheerfully to the wants of navigators. During the six weeks we had remained at them, we had fresh pork, and all the fruits which were in season, in the utmost profusion; besides fish at Otaheite, and fowls at the other isles. All these articles we got in exchange for axes, hatchets, nails, chissels, cloth, red feathers, beads, knives, scissars, looking-glasses, &c. articles which will ever be valuable here. I ought not to omit shirts as a very capital article in making presents; especially with those who have any connexion with the fair sex. A shirt here is full as necessary as a piece of gold in England. The ladies at Otaheite, after they had pretty well stripped their lovers of shirts, found a method of clothing themselves with their own cloth. It was their custom to go on shore every morning, and to return on board in the evening, generally clad in rags. This furnished a pretence to importune the lover for better clothes; and when he had no more of his own, he was to dress them in new cloth of the country, which they always left ashore; and appearing again in rags, they must again be clothed. So that the same suit might pass through twenty different hands, and be as often sold, bought, and given away.

Before I finish this account of these islands, it is necessary to mention all I know concerning the government of Ulietea and Otaha. Oree, so often mentioned, is a native of Bolabola; but is possessed of _Whenooas_ or lands at Ulietea; which I suppose he, as well as many of his countrymen, got at the conquest. He resides here as Opoony's lieutenant; seeming to be vested with regal authority, and to be the supreme magistrate in the island. Oo-oo-rou, who is the _Earee_ by hereditary right, seems to have little more left him than the bare title, and his own _Whenooa_ or district, in which I think he is sovereign. I have always seen Oree pay him the respect due to his rank; and he was pleased when he saw me distinguish him from others.

Otaha, so far as I can find, is upon the very same footing. Boba and Ota are the two chiefs; the latter I have not seen; Boba is a stout, well-made young man; and we were told is, after Opoony's death, to marry his daughter, by which marriage he will be vested with the same regal authority as Opoony has now; so that it should seem, though a woman may be vested with regal dignity, she cannot have regal power. I cannot find that Opoony has got any thing to himself by the conquest of these isles, any farther than providing for his nobles, who have seized on best part of the lands. He seems to have no demand on them for any of the many articles they have had from us. Oedidee has several times enumerated to me all the axes, nails, &c. which Opoony is possessed of, which hardly amount to as many as he had from me when I saw him in 1769. Old as this famous man is, he seems not to spend his last days in indolence. When we first arrived here, he was at Maurana; soon after he returned to Bolabola; and we were now told, he was gone to Tubi.

I shall conclude this account of these islands, with some observations on the watch which Mr Wales hath communicated to me. At our arrival in Matavai Bay in Otaheite, the longitude pointed out by the watch was 2° 8' 38" ½ too far to the west; that is, it had gained, since our leaving Queen Charlotte's Sound, of its then rate of going, 8' 34" 1/2. This was in about five months, or rather more, during which time it had passed through the extremes of cold and heat. It was judged that half this error arose after we left Easter Island; by which it appeared that it went better in the cold than in the hot climates.

[1] "The man who acted the part of the woman in labour went through the gestures which the Greeks were wont to admire in the groves of Venus-Ariadne, near Amathus, where the same ceremony was acted on the second day of the month Gorpioeus, in memory of Ariadne, who died in child-bed. Thus it appears that there is scarcely a practice, though ever so ridiculous, existing in any corner of the world, that has not been hit upon by the extravagant fancy of men in some other region. A tall, stout fellow, dressed in cloth, personated the new-born infant in such a ludicrous style, that we could not refuse joining in the plaudits which his countrymen bestowed on him. Anatomists and midwives would have been surprised to observe, that this overgrown babe had every necessary character of a child newly born; but the natives were particularly delighted with his running about the stage, whilst the rest of the dancers endeavoured to catch him. The ladies were much pleased with this scene, which, according to the simplicity of their ideas, had not the least indecency; they looked on, therefore, unconcernedly, and were not obliged, like some European dames, to peep through their fans."--G.F.

[2] The two Forsters, particularly the father, a man of great sagacity and of very acute discernment, paid much attention to this interesting subject. The information they procured is contained in their respective works, and is, as might be expected, very similar. From this it would have been easy to add to the contents of the text. But this has been avoided, principally because we may perhaps present the reader with the substance of Forster's observations, in a connected form, on another occasion. That publication indeed is a treasure of most curious and important matter, deserving to be more extensively known, than there is reason to believe it now is.--E.