Chapter 4

western cape. The western cape of Guzerat is Jigat Point; but no such places are to be found in our best modern maps, and the only name similar is Noanagur, on the south side of the Gulf of Cutch; whence Kuts-Nagone in the text may be a corruption of Cutch-Noanagur.--E.]

This day Moharim aga, who was now _mir_, or governor of Aden, sent me a present of eggs, limes, and plantains; but I sent back word by the messenger, that the various intolerable injuries done to my friends and nation at this place last year, had occasioned my present approach, to do my nation and myself what right I might, to the disturbance and injury of the Turks; and as my coming was not to ask any favour from them, I would not accept any of their dissembled presents; for, as they cut our throats when we came to them in friendship, we could expect no favour now when we came in declared enmity. Wherefore, having received what was useful for my people, I had sent back what I considered the things to be worth. There came off also a boat, with store of fresh fish, which I caused to be bought, always making the bringer to eat part of what he brought, for fear of poison.

The 27th April we descried a sail plying to the eastwards, between us and the shore, which, being detained by the pinnace, proved to be a jelba belonging to _Shaher_, bound homewards with grain and other commodities, among which was some opium, and having several pilgrims from Mecca, as passengers on their way home. We purchased from them nine and a half pounds of opium as a trial, and dismissed them. The 30th I stopt two vessels, both belonging to a place on the Abyssinian or African coast, called _Bandar Zeada_; one laden only with mats, and the other having sixty-eight fat-rumped sheep, which we bought from them, and dismissed them.

The 8th May we plied towards the _bab_ under easy sail, with a pleasant wind at N.E. by E. At ten a.m. we descried land on the African coast, looking at first like an island, but soon perceived it to be the main. From thence we steered N.W. towards the _bab_, which, by estimation, was then about ten leagues distant; and near four p.m. we descried the straits, when we lingered off and on to spend the night. At day-light next morning we made sail towards the _bab_. On entering the strait we descried a sail astern, coming direct for the strait, on which I struck my top-sails to wait for her, and sent off my pinnace to take possession. The pinnace returned with the _Nakhada_ and _Malim_, whom I examined, and found them to be subjects of the Great Mogul, belonging to a place called _Larree_,[365] situated at the mouth of the great river of Sindi. I luft up along with this ship into a bay, on the east side of the straits, where we came to anchor in seven fathoms. I then sent my merchants aboard to examine her loading, which consisted of divers packs and fardels of cloth, seeds of various kinds, leather, jars of butter, and a great quantity of oil, some for eating and some for lamps. As this vessel had many passengers, and I could not keep her for want of water, I took out of her the likeliest packs of Indian cloth to serve our purposes, with some butter and oil for our own use, and then allowed her to proceed for Mokha.

[Footnote 365: Bander Larry, or Larry Bunder, on the Pity river, the most north-western branch of the Delta of the Indus, or Scinde river.--E.]

About three p.m. I descried a ship of 200 tons opening the east land of the straits, and immediately following her a vessel of huge size, her main-yard being forty-three yards long. On coming near the great ship, we knew her, by her masts and tops, to be the Mahmudi of Dabul; and knowing the pride of her captain, I was anxious to gain the command over him, as he would never formerly, either at Mokha or Dabul, come to visit our general. Seeing him stand from us, I gave him one shot, and stood with the other ship, which, seeing us stand with the great ship, struck to leeward, thinking to escape in the darkness of the night, now approaching. I took her for a ship of Diu; but, on getting up to her, she proved to be from Kuts Nagone, laden with cotton-wool, some packs of Indian cloth, with some butter and oil. Having got some of her principal men aboard my ship, I made her edge with me into shoal water, on the Arab coast, where I endeavoured, by means of lights, to discover five of my men, whom I had left in the _Larree_ ship. We anchored at midnight in twelve fathoms, four leagues within the _bab_, where the next two days we took out of the _Larree_ ship sixty-six bundles of Indian cloth, but which we returned again, as not needing it, and took only eight _corges_ of _bastas_, for which we paid to their content, and some butter and oil. I now learned by a _jelba_, that Sir Henry Middleton had gone to Assab roads, with eight or nine India ships, on which I made sail to join him there, but the wind being unfavourable, had to come to anchor.

Next day, Giles Thornton, the master of the Trades-increase, came from Sir Henry Middleton, to let me know that he had got possession of all the Indian ships he desired. These were the _Rekemi_, of 1500 tons; the _Hassany_, of 600; the _Mahmudi_ of Surat, of 150; the _Salamitae_, of 450; the _Cadree_, of 200; the _Azum Khani_, belonging to the Shah-bandar of Mokha, all belonging to Diu; besides three Malabar ships, the _Cadree_ of Dabul, of 400 tons, and a great ship of Cananore. Mr Thornton told me, that before I could get into the road of Assab, Sir Henry and Captain Saris, with all their people, would be gone ashore to receive the King of _Rahayta_, who was come with his nobles and guards to visit the two generals. The day being near spent, Sir Henry and Captain Saris left the king in his tent, and went aboard the Trades-increase to supper. I understood also of a contract entered into with the Indian ships at the _bab_, by which it was agreed to exchange, all our English goods for such Indian commodities as should be settled by certain merchants on both sides. About this time likewise I was informed, that the _Mammi_, or captain of the gallies, and others, had come from the governor of Mokha to our general, to treat of peace, and to enquire what sum he demanded in satisfaction of our damages. Sir Henry, near the proportion of last year's demand, required the payment of 100,000 dollars; on which they craved a respite of sufficient time for sending to Zenan, to know the pleasure of Jaffar Pacha, after which they promised to wait upon him again. In the meantime the Darling had been preparing a small cargo of Indian cloths, with which to sail for Tekoa, for which place she departed on the 19th of May. Captain Saris also prepared the Thomas to follow the Darling to the same place, and sent her away on the 23d. This day likewise, Sir Henry dismissed a ship called the Azum Khani, belonging to the sabandar of Mokha.

A general meeting was held on the 30th May, at dinner, on board the Trades-increase, to which Captain Saris and Captain Towerson were invited, for holding a conference on the farther prosecution of our business with the Turks. At noon came over from Mokha, the sabandar, the mammi, and an aga, all appointed by the pacha to confer for an agreement in satisfaction of our injuries; and finding he would abate nothing in his demand of 100,000 dollars, they demanded leave to hold a conference with the nakhadas, or captains of the Indian ships, and the principal merchants, which was allowed. It seems this was for the purpose of trying what additional customs could be levied on the Indian goods, towards payment of the compensation demanded; but several of the nakhadas, in consideration of former injuries, either staid away from the conference, or opposed the augmentation; wherefore the three Turkish officers took leave of Sir Henry, promising to give him notice of what was to be done, as soon as they had an answer from the pacha; and thus they departed again towards Mokha on the 9th June. All this time our people were employed rummaging, opening, and repacking Indian goods fit for our purpose, and giving English commodities in return for these.

The 11th June, Sir Henry, with the Trades-increase, and Captain Saris with the Clove and Hector, departed from the road of Assab, carrying all the Indian ships along with them to the road of Mokha. I continued with the Pepper-corn at Assab, along with a small ship named the Jungo, redelivering all the goods I had taken out of her on the 9th and 10th of May. This being completed, I set sail along with her early in the morning of the 12th, following our admiral and the rest to Mokha, where we anchored in the afternoon of the 13th. The 19th, Sir Henry perceiving that the Turks meant nothing but delay, and were even in our sight unloading a ship of Kuts Nagone, he determined to hinder them till an agreement was made in compensation of our wrongs. Wherefore, by his orders, I warped nearer them with the Pepper-corn, and by firing several shots made them desist from their labour: Yet all this week the Turks amused us with delays, and came to no agreement.

The 26th, Sir Henry and Captain Saris convened a meeting of all the nakhadas of the Indian ships aboard the Mahmudi of Dabul, where Sir Henry, as he had done often before, recapitulated to them all the wrongs and damages sustained from the Turks, declaring his resolution on no account to permit them to have any trade with Mokha till he had received ample satisfaction; adding, that having already repaid himself for the injuries sustained in India, he must now be forced to carry them all out with him to sea, that the Turks might reap no benefit this year from the Indian trade. The Indians seeing that, by the abuses and delays of the Turks, it was likely to become an unprofitable monsoon for them, though their departure would be injurious to the Turks by loss of customs, yet, rather than carry back their commodities, they desired to make a composition with our two generals, paying a sum of money among them for leave to trade. Accordingly, having no means to enforce satisfaction from the Turks, without farther prejudice to the Indians, Sir Henry determined to accept their offer, still leaving the satisfaction due from the Turks to a future opportunity. To begin therefore, a composition was agreed upon with Mir Mohammed Takkey, nakhada of the Rehemi, for 15,000 dollars, she being nearly equal in value to the other four ships.

§ 4. _Voyage from Mokha to Sumatra, and Proceedings there_.

Composition being made with all the Indian ships, and their several sums in part received, Captain Saris sent away his vice-admiral, Captain Towerson, on the 6th August. The 13th Captain Saris departed, having received all the money due to him by composition from the Indian ships. Having completed all our business by the 16th, we set sail on that day with the Trades-increase and Pepper-corn, and passed through the straits of Bab-al-Mondub next day, endeavouring to steer a course for Cape Comorin on our way to Sumatra; but owing to calms and contrary winds we were long detained in the gulf between the _bab_ and Cape Guard-da-fui. The 12th September we saw several snakes swimming on the surface of the sea, which seldom appear in boisterous weather, and are a strong sign of approaching the coast of India. The 13th we saw more snakes, and this day had soundings from 55 fathoms diminishing to 40. At sunrise of the 14th we descried high land, bearing E. by N. about 16 leagues distant, when we stood E. by S. till four p.m. when the nearest coast between us and the high land bore E. eight leagues off. We then directed our course south along the coast of India or Malabar, and on the 22d at nine a.m. descried Cape Comorin. The 24th we had sight of the island of Ceylon, and next day about noon we descried Cape de Galle, the southernmost part of that island. The 30th we found much injury done to the wheat in our bread room by wet; also of our coarse _dutties_, or brown calicoes of _Pormean_, we found twenty pieces quite rotten.

The 19th October, at three p.m. we anchored in the road of Tekoa,[366] where we found the Darling, which had been there ever since July in a great part of the rains, which were not yet ended, having buried before we arrived three of their merchants and three sailors. Most of their men were sick, and they had got but little pepper, and little more was to be had till next season, in April and May. The great cause of their want of trade was owing to civil wars in the country. We found here likewise the Thomas, a ship belonging to the eighth voyage, newly come from Priaman, where she had as poor success as the Darling had here. We here learnt the safe return and prosperous voyage of Captain David Middleton; also of the four ships of the ninth voyage, two of which were already arrived at Bantam; likewise that Captain Castleton had been lately here in his ship of war, and had left information of fifteen sail of Hollanders, already come or near at hand, and of two ships come for trade from New-haven in France; all which sorely damped the hopes of our tired, crossed, and decayed voyage. The 22d, finding little to be done here, the Pepper-corn departed towards Bantam, leaving me to remain in the Trades-increase till the 16th of next month. The 2d November all the men of any condition went away to the wars along with Rajah Bunesu, so that we could expect little trade till their return. The 20th we took on board the remains of the pepper weighed the day before, in which we found much deceit, the people having in some bags put in bags of paddy or rough rice, and in some great stones, also rotten and wet pepper into new dry sacks, yet had we no remedy.

[Footnote 366: Tekoa, Ticu, or Ticoo, is a port on the south-west coast of Sumatra, almost under the equator.--E.]

Having got all things in and our men aboard, we prepared to depart, and about midnight of the 20th November we set sail in clear moonshine, having the wind at N.E. off shore. Notwithstanding every care and exertion to avoid the two known rocks three leagues from Tekoa, we got fast on a rock, having four fathoms water at our stern, a quarter less three on the starboard a midship, and three fathoms under the head; a ship's length off five fathoms, the same distance on the larboard bow six feet, a midship to larboard sixteen feet, under the larboard gallery twenty feet, and all round deep water within a cable's length. God in his mercy gave us a smooth sea and no wind, so that the set or motion of the ship seemed quite easy; yet the water flowed in upon us so fast, that both chain-pumps with infinite labour could not in a long time command the water. With all possible expedition we got an anchor out astern, with two-thirds of a cable, which God so blessed, that before we could heave the cable taught at the capstan, the ship of her own accord was off into deep water. This was no sooner the case but we had a gust of wind at west, which put us off about a mile from the rock, where we anchored to wait for our boat, which brought our cadge after us. When it was clear day, we could not even perceive where the rock was. A principal reason of coming to anchor, was in hopes to overcome our leaks, being exceedingly desirous to hasten to Bantam, as without absolute necessity we wished not to return to Tekoa. But after consulting together on what was best to be done, we returned to Tekoa, there to endeavour to stop our leak, which we found to be in the fashioning pieces of the stern. Accordingly, about sunset of the 21st we came to anchor there in a place well fitted for our purpose. The 22d, 23d, and 24th we laboured hard to land indigo, cinnamon, and other things, using every exertion to lighten the ship at the stern where the leak was, and were busily engaged till the 8th December in mending the leak and reloading our goods; which done, we set sail again from Tekoa, and arrived on the 20th at Pulo-panian.

The Pepper-corn being filled at that place, Sir Henry Middleton called a council to consult on what was best to be done, taking into consideration the injury received on the rock by the Trades-increase; when it was resolved that she must necessarily be careened or hove down, and new strengthened, before she could return home; which requiring a long time, it would not be possible for her to get home this season. It was therefore concluded to dispatch the Pepper-corn immediately for England, as some satisfaction for the adventurers till the Trades-increase could follow.

§ 5. _Voyage of the Pepper-corn Home to England_.

By the 4th of February, 1613, the Pepper-corn being laden and ready for sea, we set sail for England, leaving Sir Henry Middleton behind in the Trades-increase.[367] We arrived on the 10th May in the road of Saldanha, where I hoped to have found all the ships formerly departed homewards; but I only found the Hector and Thomas, two ships of the eighth voyage. The Expedition had got round the Cape of Good Hope, bound towards some part of Persia, there to land Sir Robert Sherly and his Persian lady, and Sir Thomas Powell with his English lady, who were all intending for Persia. The next day we set sail in company with the Hector and Thomas; but towards evening the Thomas was far astern, and the Hector bore away under a press of sail, so that we lost them during the night. We lingered for them till the 19th at sunrise, employed in repairing our weak and decayed sails, at which time Saldanha bore S.E. one half E. seventeen leagues.

[Footnote 367: Sir Henry died on the 24th of May following at Machian, as was thought of grief, of which an account will be found in the journals of Floris and Saris.--Astl. I. 427. a.]

Continuing our course for England, after losing all hope of rejoining the Hector and Thomas, we descried, on the 11th September, the coast of Wales to windward, and that of Ireland to leeward, and finding the winds so adverse that I could not make Milford Haven, and our wants allowing no long deliberation, I determined to go to Waterford. The 13th in the morning we descried the tower of _Whooke_, some three leagues from us, the only land-mark for Waterford river. At eight o'clock a.m. we saw a small boat coming out of the river, for which we made a waft, and it came to us, being a Frenchman bound to Wexford. I hired this boat to go again into the river, to give notice of our coming to the lieutenant of the port of Dungannon, to prevent delay, as owing to the narrowness of the channel it might endanger our ship at anchor in winding round. At noon we got up the river as high as the passage.

I here found Mr Stephen Bonner of Lime with his bark, who had come here a-fishing; and who, laying aside his own business, used the utmost diligence in doing the best he could for the ease and relief of our weak and sick people. The 18th I dispatched Mr Bonner for London with letters for the company, to give notice of our arrival and wants, that we might be supplied. The 21st, Doctor Lancaster, bishop of Waterford, very kindly came to visit me, bringing good cheer along with him, and gave us a sermon aboard, offering me the communion, which, being unprepared, I declined, yet thanked him for his good-will. The 10th,[368] Captain John Burrell came to visit me, and offered me money to supply my wants, if I would send one along with him for it to Cork; wherefore I sent away Mr Mullineux with Captain Burrell to Cork for the money.

[Footnote 368: From this date to the 6th October, there is some inexplicable error in the dates of the text.--E.]

On the 12th, Anthony Stratford, lieutenant of the fort at Waterford, having hired a villainous fellow, whom I had caused to be kept in prison at Waterford for misdemeanors, to swear any thing that suited his purpose to bring us under the predicament of piracy, and having obtained a warrant from the Earl of Ormond, came to the passage, whence he sent a message desiring me to send my boat ashore well manned, to fetch him and other gentlemen aboard to see my ship. But immediately on my boat coming aland, he apprehended my men, and coming himself on board, arrested me and my ship for piracy, and committed me to prison in the fort of Dungannon, giving strict charges that no person should be allowed to come near me without a warrant from him; and such as did come to me, he would have put to their oaths to say what conversation passed between them and me. My man was sworn to carry no letters from me to any one, nor any to me; and several of my people were that night examined on oath, omitting no means to draw from them matter of accusation against me. I continued in prison till the morning of the 16th, when Stratford brought me a letter from his captain, Sir Lawrence Esmond, inviting me to meet him at the passage. At that place I met Sir Lawrence and the Bishop of Waterford, who were come from the Earl of Ormond to replace me in my charge, and which at their earnest entreaty I again undertook.

The 23d, Master Mullineux, who had sent off letters to the company with notice of this troublesome affair, returned from Cork with money to supply my wants. The 25th, Mr Benjamin Joseph came to me in a small ship from Bristol, bringing men, money, and provisions for my supply, which we took in, making all haste to be gone. The 6th October we set sail from Waterford river. The 12th in the morning we were abreast of Beechy head, and at eight p.m. we anchored in Dover roads. The 13th we anchored in the Downs at ten a.m. near H.M.S. Assurance, saluting her with five pieces of cannon. Mr Cocket her master came immediately aboard, and again arrested my ship till farther orders from the lord high admiral; upon which I immediately sent off Mr Mullineux to London with letters to the company, informing them of my situation.

The 17th, Mr Adersley came down from the company, bringing me a letter from the directors, an order for the release of my ship, and Mr Punniat, a pilot, to take charge of her from the Downs. The 18th in the morning we set sail, and at six p.m. came to anchor in the road of _Gerend._ The 19th we got up to Tilbury, where we again anchored, and at ten a.m. next day came to anchor at Blackwall; where, in the afternoon, came down Mr Deputy and several members of the committee, to whom I delivered up my charge.

SECTION XIII.

_The Seventh Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1611, commanded by Captain Anthony Hippon_.[369]

INTRODUCTION.

"Purchas has given us two accounts of this voyage, one written by Nathaniel Marten, master's mate of the Globe, which was the only ship employed in this expedition, and the other by Mr Peter Williamson Floris, who went _cape merchant_, or chief factor, on this voyage. This account by Marten is chiefly filled with nautical remarks, and observations of the latitude and variation, which may make it very acceptable to navigators and geographers, while we are sensible it may appear dry to many others. For this reason, Purchas retrenched much of the journal, and to make amends subjoined that by Floris. As it is our design to give a complete body of English voyages, intermixed with those of other nations, we presume that our readers will not be displeased for meeting sometimes with relations that do not afford much entertainment, especially considering that though these may not be so acceptable to some, they may yet be very useful to others. In effect, some of the most valuable voyages are those which afford least pleasure in reading. The first navigators of every nation to foreign countries, were chiefly employed in discovering the untried coasts, and wrote for the instruction of those who were to visit the same places afterwards, till they became sufficiently known. For this reason it is, that the farther we advance the relations become the more agreeable; so that in a little time those who read only for pleasure will have no reason to complain."--_Astley_.

[Footnote 369: Purch. Pilgr. I. 314. Astl. I. 429.]

At the close of this voyage, Purchas makes the following remark: "I think these mere marine relations, though profitable to some, are to most readers tedious. For which cause, I have abridged this, to make way for the next, written by Mr Floris, a merchant of long Indian experience, out of whose journal I have taken the most remarkable actions of this voyage, being full of pleasant variety." But, as well observed by the editor of Astley's Collection, Purchas has rather curtailed than abridged, often leaving out whole paragraphs and inserting others in an abrupt and unconnected manner, passing over places without any mention, and speaking of them afterwards as if they had been mentioned before. We have therefore used the farther liberty of still farther abridging his confused abridgment, yet so as not to omit any information that appeared at all interesting or useful.--E.

* * * * *

We weighed from Blackwell, in the good ship the Globe, on the 3d January, 1611, bound for the East Indies, and arrived at Saldanha the 21st May. Sailing thence on the 6th June, we passed not far from Mozambique, Comora, and Pemba, and on the 31st July passed before Point de Galle, in Ceylon. The 6th August we saw land from the topmast-head, and at 3 p.m. saw a tower or pagoda, and a ship bearing N.W. and came into eight fathoms about three leagues off shore, near Negapatam. Continuing our course N. by E. we took on the 8th a boat belonging to San Thome. The 9th, at noon, the town of Meliapore bore N.N.W. two leagues off. The best mark by which to know this place is a high hill up the country. There is a shoal about two leagues south of Pullicatt, and about a mile or more from the shore, the N.E. end of it being about a league off. We went over the end of it in three fathoms; but if you keep in ten or twelve fathoms, you will always be safe. The 9th we anchored off Pullicatt, which bore from us W. by N. There is a cross to the north of the town, which may be seen between two and three miles offshore, but you cannot see the town. Not liking our situation, we weighed on the 10th, and stood farther north, and anchored again in eight fathoms, the cross now bearing W. by S. the western point W. by N. and the northernmost point N.W. The 10th, at noon, the governor sent off a boat for our gentlemen, when Mr Brown and Mr Floris went on shore in our skiff which sunk when going over the bar; but, blessed be God, none of our men were drowned. Pullicatt is in 13° 30',[370] the variation being 1° 15'. The 15th Captain Hippon went ashore to speak with the _governess_, and returned aboard with all the merchants on the 16th, as they could have no trade.

[Footnote 370: More correctly lat. 13° 26' N. and long, 80° 24' E. from Greenwich.--E]

We set sail the same day for Petepoly [_Pattapilly_,] and on the 18th, at five p.m. we made a tuft of trees near that place, bearing from us N.E. by E. six leagues off; and at seven p.m. we came to anchor in nine fathoms, the tuft being then N. by W. five leagues. The 19th we weighed early, and came to anchor again in five fathoms, two leagues from the tuft, which then bore E.N.E. Presently there came off to us two _gingathas_, or boats, by which our merchants sent a letter on shore; and, in the afternoon, another boat brought off a messenger from the sabandar, who sent off two boats next day for our merchants, when Messrs Floris, Essington, and Lucas went ashore, together with Adam Dounton, the purser's mate, and one named Lemon. The 21st, our merchants sent off a letter, saying they were kindly entertained. The 28th, Mr Floris and Simon Evans came aboard, when we weighed for Masulipatam, in the road of which place we arrived on the 30th, anchoring in three fathoms and a foot; the great tree, which is the mark for the road, bearing from us W.N.W. the southermost land S.W. by S. and the northermost N.E. by E. The 31st, Mr Floris, Mr Essington, Simon Evans, Cuthbert Whitfield, and Arthur Smith, went ashore in our skiff to remain. I made the latitude to be 15° 57' and that of Pattapilly 15° 49'.[371]

[Footnote 371: The latitude of Masulipatam is 16° 5' N. but that mentioned in the text seems to apply to some point not well defined, to the southwards. The latitude of Pattapilly appears to have been taken with sufficient accuracy.--E.]

We weighed from Pattapilly road on the 11th February, 1612, intending to proceed for Bantam, and came to anchor in the road of that place on the 26th April, about four p.m. in three and a half fathoms; Pulo-ponian bearing N. Pulo-tando N.W. by N. Polo-duo E.S.E. the western point of Pulo-range N.W. by N. northerly, and its uttermost point E, by N. northerly; the eastermost island, called Pulo-lima, joining to the western point of Java. Immediately after anchoring, Mr Spalding and two others came aboard. Our merchants came on board on the 31st May, about four p.m. and we set sail that night about nine, steering N.N.E. with the wind at S. In the morning of the 1st June, the wind veered to eastwards, and then to the north, with foul gusty weather, when we bore up and anchored under Pulo-tando, in nineteen fathoms, half a league from the shore. Between five and six next morning we again weighed, with the wind at S.E. steering N.N.W. the nearest land being S.W. six leagues off, which was a woody island about four miles long, off which was a ledge of rocks, or a sand-bank. About eight a.m. I espied from the topmast-head Lucapara, eight leagues off. The 7th, about ten a.m. we raised the hill of Mompyne N.E. eight leagues off, after which we never had less than ten fathoms. The 11th we were in lat. 1° N. and next morning from the topmast-head I espied the high land of Bintam, W. by N. some twelve leagues off.

The 4th August, at night, we weighed from Patane roads,[372] with the wind at S.S.W. and steered away N.W. by W. for Siam, where we arrived on the 14th, and anchored in five fathoms, having the southermost island S. by E. of us, the eastermost E. by S. and the river's mouth N. by W. The 3d November we weighed out of the bay, where we left our men, and graved our ship, and hauled off from the west to S.S.E. to get clear of the island, and so steered away. The 4th, at noon, I made the ship to be in the lat. of 12° 30', having run in twenty-three hours only twenty-five leagues, making our course S. by W. with the wind northerly. We arrived at Patane on the 11th.

[Footnote 372: By careless abridgement, Purchas omits their arrival here; and, owing to his inconclusive narrative of the navigation, we have here omitted a good deal of the nautical remarks, which are quite unconnected in the Pilgrims, and therefore of no utility.--E.]

* * * * *

"He was after this at Siam again, and again at Patane, and made a second voyage from Masulipatam to Bantam in 1614, and thence to England in 1615. But his journal is so large that I dare not express it. They arrived at the Lizard on the 20th August, 1615, having spent four years and nearly eight months in this voyage."[373]

[Footnote 373: This concluding sentence is the apology of Purchas for abbreviating the narrative of Marten, which he has done in so confused a manner, that we have been under the necessity of abridging it still farther.--E.]

SECTION XIV.

_Notices of the preceding Voyage, by Peter Williamson Floris._[374]

INTRODUCTION.

"As the preceding journal of Nathaniel Marten is almost wholly nautical, this narrative of Floris is chiefly confined to the transactions, occurrences, and adventures that happened on land, in the several countries at which they touched in this voyage. Purchas tells us, in the title of this article, that it was translated out of Dutch; but whether by himself or some other, and whether from print or manuscript, he is silent. He informs us likewise, that Floris was cape merchant, or chief factor, in this voyage, and that he died in London in 1615, two months after his arrival from the expedition. This author is remarkable for several notable particulars respecting the affairs of the countries which he visited, which shews that he was curious, and for the freedom with which he censures the actions of his own countrymen, the Hollanders, which may pass for a proof of his sincerity."--_Astley._

[Footnote 374: Purch. Pilgr. I. 319. Astl. I. 435.]

§ 1. _The Voyage to Pullicatt, Patapilly, Bantam, Patane, and Siam_.

Having covenanted and agreed with the right worshipful governor and deputy of the English East India Company, we embarked in the Globe, on the 5th January, 1610, according to the English style, being actually of the year 1611, and set sail for Gravesend. Sailing from the Downs on the 5th February, we came to Saldanha bay the 21st May, where we found three ships. Two boats came aboard of us, one from Isaac le Maire, and the other from Henrick Brouwer. Much refreshing was not here to be had at this season, by reason of heavy rains, being now their winter, and the mountains covered with snow. We used great diligence in searching for a root called _ningim_, for which purpose two of three Holland ships had come here, one being from Japan, that first discovered the secret. At this time the new leaf only began to peep forth, so that we could not have known it, if we had not received instructions. Its proper time of ripeness is in December, January, and February; and it is called _kanna_ by the inhabitants.[375]

[Footnote 375: This _kanna_, or _ningim_, is supposed to be the same with the Ginseng, so highly prized in China for its restorative virtues. The Hottentots set the same value on it, and it is as rare to be met with in the country at the Cape of Good Hope as in Eastern Tartary.--Astl. I. 436. b.]

Having filled our water-casks, and refreshed ourselves with eight sheep and twenty cattle, we set sail from the bay, leaving there the boat of Isaac le Maire, commanded by his son Jacob, who was to continue there till December, bartering for hides and skins, and making train-oil. To him we gave letters for England. Near _Tierra de Natal_, on the 10th June, we were in great danger, a violent storm of thunder, lightning, wind, and rain, having almost thrown us ashore; but God mercifully and powerfully gave us unexpected deliverance.

The 1st of August we fell in with the island of Ceylon at Punta de Galle. The 6th we came before Negapatam, being twenty-eight Dutch miles or leagues wrong in our reckoning, the maps, in regard to that place, being very false, which might occasion great danger in the night, the like happening to the Hollanders. Neither found we the island so broad as it is there laid down. Mr Mullineux lays down Punta de Galle in 4°, whereas it is 6°.[376] Towards evening we passed before the road, and could see the houses very plainly. The 7th, we passed _Langapatam_, where the Hollanders have a factory of which they are very weary, having very little trade. The 8th, we came before San Thome, and on the 9th, before Pullicatt, passing over the shallows above a musket-shot, where we had only three fathoms water. At this place two boats came aboard of us, one from the sabandar, and another from the Hollanders. The 10th, the sabandar's men brought us a _caul_, or safe conduct, allowing us to come safely ashore; on which Mr Brown and I went ashore, but, by the roughness of the sea, our boat upset, yet, God be thanked, none of our men were drowned. The sabandar met us, compassionating our mischance, and appointed us a house, promising to procure us a letter from the king to the governess _Konda Maa_.

[Footnote 376: The truth lies between, as Point de Galle is in 5° 51' N. latitude.--E.]

On the 11th, Jan Van Wersicke, the Dutch president on the coast of Coromandel, shewed us a _caul_ from _Wencapati Rajah_, the king of Narsinga, by which it was made unlawful for any one from Europe to trade there, unless with a patent or licence from Prince Maurice, and wherefore he desired us to depart. We made answer, that we had a commission from the King of England authorizing us to trade here, and were therefore determined to do so if we could. Upon this there arose high words between us, but which the sabandar soon ended, by informing us that the governess would be here in three days, by whose determination we must be regulated. She came on the 17th, and Captain Hippon coming then ashore, we made ready to wait upon her, but were delayed, and informed that she would send for us next day. We strongly suspected the Hollanders of underhand dealings; and as no one came for us the next day, we sent to the sabandar, who made answer, that as the king had granted an exclusive privilege to the Hollanders, it was necessary for us to apply to his majesty for liberty to trade; but as this would have required a delay of two months, which must lose us the monsoon for Patane, and as the Hollanders had prepared to send a present of two elephants to the king, we resolved to proceed to Patapilly and Masulipatam, towards which places we set sail.

Arriving on the 20th at Patapilly, the governor sent us a _caul_, or licence to land, which we did accordingly, and agreed with him for three per cent[377] custom, and sent goods on shore, it being determined that Mr Lucas and Mr Brown should remain there, while I went on with the ship to Masulipatam, the roadstead of which place was better. We got there on the 31st, when Zaldechar Khan sent us a licence. We agreed to send a present to Mir Sumela, a great officer under the king at Condapoli, and farmer of his revenues, that we might be secured against the chicanery of the inferior officers.

[Footnote 377: In Purchas it is called _three-thirds_ per cent. which, in the text, we have changed to _three;_ yet a little farther on it would appear that _four_ per cent. had been agreed for.--E].

The 20th January, 1612, _Cotobara,_ king of _Badaya,_ or _Lollingana,_[378] and Masulipatam, died, and great disturbances were apprehended; but Mir Masunim wisely prevented any troubles, by immediately proclaiming Mahmud Unim Cotobara, a young man of great hopes, son to a brother of the deceased king, who had left no sons. His uncle had submitted to the authority of the Persians,[379] but the new king evinced a spirit of independence, and disgraced Mir Sumela, the fountain of tyranny and oppression.

[Footnote 378: These titles are inexplicable, but in the sequel he appears to have been king of Golconda.--E.]

[Footnote 379: The Moguls are probably here meant, named Persians by Floris, because they used the Persian language.--E.]

The governor dealt fraudulently with me in regard to a bargain of cloth and lead, pretending that he had agreed with me only for 4000 pagodas, meaning by this dishonesty to have increased the customs from four per cent. which had been settled, to twelve: and when I insisted upon our agreed terms, he told me roundly, that he, being a _mir_, or descendant of Mahomet, would be believed before any Christian. Being at a loss how to deal with this dishonest rogue, and not having time to send to the new king at Golconda for redress, I had at one time resolved to right myself by force, as there seemed no means of bringing him to reason in a friendly manner; but, at last, by the intervention of some others of the Moors at Masulipatam, we came to a kind of an agreement.

Having thus concluded our affairs at Masulipatam, and those at Pattapilly being likewise ended, and the monsoon being favourable, we departed for Bantam, where we arrived on the 26th April, 1612. We there found the Dutch about to remove to Jacatra, in consequence of new and heavy exactions established by the governor of Bantam, with whom, as we had no factory there at this time, we made an agreement to pay three per centum for customs, yet not without some contest. By order of Captain David Middleton, a factory had been established at Succadania, on the coast of Borneo, which was continued by Mr Spalding; but, as matters were carried on there, it seemed more calculated for private interest than the public advantage of the company. The 1st of June we set sail from Bantam, and came into the road of Patane on the 22d, where we found the Bantam, a ship of Enkhusen; from the people of which we were informed of the manners and customs of the country. We landed on the 26th in great state, taking with us a present to the value of 600 dollars, to accompany our king's letter. We were well received, according to the customs of the country, the letter being laid in a basin of gold, and carried by an elephant, accompanied by a band of music, a numerous guard of lances, and many small flags. The queen's court was very sumptuous. The letter was read, and a free trade allowed us on payment of the same duties with the Hollanders; and we left the court without seeing the queen. We were then conducted by Daton Lachmanna, the sabaudar and officer appointed for entertaining strangers, to a place where a banquet of fruits was presented to us. From thence we were led to the house of the Oran-caya Sirnona, where we had another banquet. Next day the queen sent us meat and fruits aboard.

The 3d July there departed from hence a Dutch pinnace called the Greyhound, for Japan. The master's mate of this vessel had brought a letter from William Adams, an Englishman residing in Japan, directed to the English at Bantam; and by him we sent the company's letters to Mr Adams, which he promised to deliver with his own hands. We had no other means of transmitting this letter, as the Japanese were at enmity with the government of Patane, and had even burnt that place twice within five or six years.

We had much ado to get leave to build a fire-proof warehouse at this place, but were at length assigned a place close by the Dutch house, thirty fathoms long by twenty in breadth, on which we built a house forty-eight feet long by twenty-four feet wide. Their exactions were very unreasonable, amounting, besides the charges agreed upon, to 4000 dollars; which, however, we submitted to pay in hope of future advantages. We were sore afflicted here with sickness, even as if the plague had raged in our ship. Captain Hippon died on the 9th of July; and on opening the box marked No. 1, Mr Brown was found his appointed successor, but as he was already dead, No. 2 was opened, by which Mr Thomas Essington was nominated, who accordingly assumed the command. At this place we suffered much injury from thieves, some of which came into our house one night, where we always had a lamp burning, and stole 283 dollars out of my chest, besides other goods; though there wore fifteen persons sleeping in the house, besides a large black dog, and a watch kept in our yard. These circumstances occasioned suspicions against some of our own people, but we could never come to any certainty.

I and John Parsons, with six more, were left here at Patane to conduct the business of the factory, and the ship departed on the 1st of August for Siam. I wished afterwards to have written to Captain Essington at Siam, to inform him of the bad market I had for our lawns, but had no opportunity of sending a letter by sea; and not less than four persons together durst venture by land, on account of the danger from tygers, and because there were many rivers to cross by the way, owing to which their demands were very high, and I had to wait an opportunity. In September, the king of Jor, or Johor, over-ran the environs of Pan or Pahan, burning all before him, and likewise the neighbourhood of Cumpona Sina, which occasioned great dearth at Pahan.

The cause of our lack of trade here, where, four years before, I had seen such quick sales, as if all the world could not have provided sufficient commodities, was chiefly, that the Portuguese had brought an abundant supply to Malacca; besides which the Hollanders had filled Bantam and the Moluccas with goods, and also to the trade carried on by the Moors at Tanasserim and Siam, and at Tarangh, a haven newly discovered near Queda, on the western coast of Malacca; the Guzerats, others from Negapatan, and the English, all contributing to glut the market, so that the rumour only of such large supplies is sufficient to keep down the prices for ten years; insomuch that I cannot now clear five per cent. where formerly I could have gotten four for one. All these things considered, I dispatched a cargo on the 8th October, in a junk of Empan, for Macasser, sending John Parsons as chief factor. On the 9th, two junks arrived from Siam, one of which brought me letters from Captain Essington and Mr Lucas, saying they had much trouble and few sales, both because the country was already full of goods, and because the governments of Cambodia, Laniam, and Jangoma, were preparing for war against Siam.

The 25th, several junks departed from Patane for Borneo, Jumbi, Java, Macassar, Jortan, and other places; among which was the junk belonging to the Orancay Rajah Indramonda, bound for Bantam, and thence by Jortan, Amboina, and Banda, to Macassar. I cannot imagine how the Hollanders should suffer these Malays, Chinese, and Moors, and even assist them in carrying on a free trade over all India, while they forbid it to their own servants, countrymen, and brethren, on pain of death, and loss of their goods. It is surely an instance of great ignorance or envy, thus to allow Mahomedans and heathens to grow rich, rather than their own countrymen should gain a living, and a sign that the punishment of God is coming upon them.

The Globe arrived here from Siam on the 11th November, having been eight days on the passage. She had arrived on the 15th of August preceding in the road of Siam, and cast anchor in three fathoms at high-water: but next day, the water ebbing thirteen hours on end, she was left only in seven feet, fortunately on soft mud, so that she received little injury. When again afloat, she was removed to another anchorage, where there were three fathoms at low-water, being four leagues from the bar. The town lieth on the river, some thirty leagues from the sea. Sending news of their arrival, the sabandar and the governor of _Mancock_,[380] a place on the river, came back along with their messengers to receive the letter from the king of England to their sovereign, but chiefly for the sake of the expected presents. Captain Essington and Mr Lucas accompanied them to the town, where they were presented to the king on the 17th September, and received assurances of a free trade, the king giving each of them a small golden cup, and some little article of dress. The covetous _mandarins_, or officers of the crown, would have counteracted the royal permission of free trade, by taking every thing they pleased at prices of their own making, and paying when they pleased, acting in short more corruptly than those in any other part of India, though assuredly the rest are bad enough: but, on complaint being made to the king, he gave orders not to molest the English in their trade; after which all their goods were carried to a house assigned them by the king, being the best brick house in Siam, and close to that of the Hollanders. The time when our people were at Siam was the season of the rains, when the whole country was covered with water.

[Footnote 380: Rather Bankok, near the mouth of the river Menan.--Astl. I. 438. h.]

On the 26th October there arose such a storm of wind as had not been remembered by the oldest of the natives, tearing up trees by the roots, and occasioning extensive desolation. Among other things destroyed on this occasion, the monument which had been erected by the reigning king, in memory of his father, was overthrown. Our ship, the Globe, very narrowly escaped, by the diligent care of Mr Skinner and Samuel Huyts, and by means of dropping a third anchor, after she had drifted, with two anchors, from six fathoms to four, she was at length brought up, when only a mile from the land. On this occasion Mr Skinner was beaten from the anchor-stock, and very strangely recovered. Five men were drowned, one of whom was supposed to have been devoured by a whale, which was seen about the time when he disappeared.[381] After raging four or five hours, the storm subsided, and the sea became as calm as if there had been no wind. Yet a tempest continued aboard the Globe, occasioned, as was reported, by the unreasonable conduct of the master, who was therefore put under arrest, and Mr Skinner appointed in his room, on which this tempest also subsided. Their trade also was too much becalmed, although this had formerly been the third best place of trade in all India, after Bantam and Patane, the causes of which falling off will be best understood by the following narrative.

[Footnote 381: Whales are not of this description. Perhaps Mr Floris had said in Dutch, _by a great fish_, meaning surely a shark. At this place Purchas observes, in a side-note, "that the road of Siam is safe, except in a S.S.W. wind."--E.]

§ 2. _Narrative of strange Occurrences in Pegu, Siam, Johor, Patane, and the adjacent Kingdoms._

Siam, formerly a mighty and ancient kingdom, had been, not long before, subdued, and rendered tributary to Pegu, yet did not continue long under subjection. On the death of the king of Siam, two of his sons, who were brought up at the court of Pegu, fled from thence to Siam. The eldest of these, called in the Malay language, _Raja Api_, or the fiery king, set himself up as king of Siam. He it was whom the Portuguese used to call the _Black King of Siam_. Against him the king of Pegu sent his eldest son and intended successor, who was slain in these wars, and was the occasion of the almost total destruction of the kingdom of Pegu, and caused the loss of many millions of lives. The king of Pegu, who was of the race of the Bramas, was sore grieved for the loss of his son, and caused most of his chief Peguan nobles and military officers to be put to death on the occasion. This caused much perturbation and confusion, so that his tributary kings, of whom there were twenty, revolted daily against him. At length, encouraged by these defections, Rajah Api, or the Black King of Siam, went to war against the king of Pegu, and even besieged the capital city of _Uncha_, or Pegu, for two months, but was forced to raise the siege and return to Siam.

Not long after this, on account of a great pestilence and famine, the king of Pegu found himself under the necessity of surrendering himself and all his treasures to the king of Tangu, that he might not fall into the hands of the king of Arracan, who was coming against him with a prodigious army: Yet the king of Arracan easily made himself master of the city and kingdom of Pegu, then almost depopulated by famine and pestilence. The king of Arracan now proposed to go against Tangu; but the king of that country sent ambassadors to him at Arracan, offering to deliver up to him a certain portion of the treasures of Pegu, together with the _White Elephant_ and the king of Pegu's daughter, both of whom I saw at Arracan in 1608; even offering either to give up the king of Pegu or to put him to death. This the king of Tangu afterwards did, by slaying him, with a _pilon_, or wooden pestel with which they stamp rice; for being of the race of Brama, it was not lawful to shed his blood. In this manner was the mighty empire of Pegu brought to ruin, so that at this day there is no remembrance of it.[382] The king of Arracan gave charge of the town and fortress of Siriagh, [Sirian] upon the river of Pegu, to Philip de Brito de Nicote, to whom he gave the designation of _Xenga_, signifying _the honest_; which honour and confidence Xenga requited by taking his son a prisoner three or four years afterwards, and ransomed him for 1,100,000 taggans and ten galeas of rice. Brito yet domineers in Sirian, and cares for nobody.

[Footnote 382: This is to be understood of 1612, when Floris was there. After many revolutions, the empire of Pegu was re-established by a tribe called the Birmas, and now subsists in great power and splendour, including Ava, Arracan, Pegu, and Siam.--E.]

By the destruction of the power of Pegu, Siam recovered its independence, and hath since brought under subjection the kingdoms of Cabodia, Laniangh,[383] Jangoma, Lugor, Tanasserim, Patane, and several others. In 1605 Rajah Ahi, or the Black King, died without issue, and left the kingdom to his brother called the _White King_, who was a covetous prince, yet enjoyed his kingdoms in peace. He died in 1610, leaving several children behind him, on which great troubles arose in the kingdom. While he was on his deathbed, he caused his eldest son to be slain, a young prince of great hopes, at the traitorous instigation of one of the chief lords of Siam, named _Jockrommeway_, who having many slaves thought to make himself king. The presently reigning king was the second son of the _White King_, and soon after his accession put the traitor to death who had occasioned the slaughter of his elder brother. Among his numerous slaves Jockrommeway had 280 Japanese, who, thinking to revenge the death of their master, and to atchieve some memorable exploit, went immediately in arms to the palace, which they surprised, getting possession of the king and all his court, and compelled him to deliver up to them four of his principal nobles, whom they immediately slew, as the chief causes of their master's death. Having the king in their hands, they forced him to subscribe with his own blood to such agreement as they pleased to dictate, taking some of the chief palapos [384] or priests for hostages, and so departed with much treasure after much violence, the Siamese being unable to right themselves. On this occasion the kingdoms of Cambodia and Laos rebelled, as did also one _Banga de Laa_ in Pegu. The king of Laniangh, or Lanshang, in Laos, came last year, 1611, with an army into Siam, within three days journey of Odija,[385] hoping to have found the kingdom still involved in the broils occasioned by the Japanese slaves. But as they were gone, the king of Siam went out with an army to meet him, and he retired to Laos. These two kings, of Cambodia and Laos, are said to have confederated together, and to have resolved to march together next April, 1613, in hopes to dispossess the young king of Siam, who is about twenty-two years of age; but which they are not likely to effect unless by the aid of treason among his principal subjects. Thus it was our hard fate to hit upon these bad times, so ill fitted for trade.

[Footnote 383: Probably Laos, the capital of which is named Laushang.--E.]

[Footnote 384: Called by other writers Tale-pois, or Tale-poius.--Astl. I. 440. a.]

[Footnote 385: Called likewise Judia, or Siam.--E.]

For various reasons we resolved to winter with the ship in Patane. The 31st of December, 1612, the queen of Patane went to sport herself, accompanied by above 600 proas. She lay first at _Sabraugh_, where we went to pay our compliments to her along with the Hollanders, when for the first time we were permitted to see and speak with her. She was a comely old woman of sixty years of age, tall, and of a majestic appearance, having never seen any one to compare with her in all India. She was accompanied by her immediately younger sister, who was next heir to the throne, and commonly called the young queen, yet an unmarried virgin about forty-six years of age; and had likewise along with her the little daughter of another sister, who was married to _Rajah Siack_, brother to the king of Johor.[386] After some conference, she let fall the curtain, as a signal for our departure, and it was signified to us that we should come again next day, which we did, and were well entertained. On this occasion twelve women and children danced before the queen, and performed as well as I had ever seen in the Indies. Then all the gentility present were commanded to dance, or at least to make the attempt, which caused no small laughter. We even and the Hollanders had to exhibit ourselves, which mightily amused the queen. She had not been out of her palace for seven years before till now, when she went on purpose to hunt wild buffaloes and bulls, of which there are many in the country. As she passed along with her train of proas between our house and the ship, she was saluted by several cannon from the ship, and by musket-shot from the shore.

[Footnote 386: Called by some Jor, Joor, or Johore:--Astl. I. 440. c.]

During the November and December of this winter, 1612, the waters had been higher, owing to the great continuance of the rains, than ever had been known in the memory of man, so that much cattle died and many houses were swept away, and a vast deal of harm done. The 25th January, 1613, we got news, by a Dutch ship from Siam, that Mr Lucas had sold more than half of his goods, of which the king had bought a large portion, and that he would not permit his officers to carry away the goods, under pretence of his name, without a signed warrant. We had also news from Queda, that the Portuguese, with 1500 men from San Thorne, had taken the factory of the Hollanders at Pullicatt, slain their men, and carried away their goods. In March, I sent away the ship for Siam with more goods.

The king of Pahan[387] had married a younger sister of the queen of Patane, whom she had not seen for twenty-eight years. Having requested a visit of her sister ineffectually by solemn embassies, she detained all the junks of Siam, Cambodia, Bordelongh, Lugor, and other places, that were laden with rice for Pahan, and sent out all her maritime force, consisting of about seventy sail, with 4000 men, under the command of Maha Rajah, Datou Bessar, and the Orancay Sirnora, with orders to bring her sister to Patane, either by force or persuasion. The king of Pahan will have much ado to defend himself; owing to the great dearth, and the burning of his house, granaries, and rice; it is also reported that the king of Johor is preparing to go in person against Pahan, while the king of Borneo is making ready for succour.

[Footnote 387: Named in some writers Pam or Pabang.--E.]

In April, 1613, there arrived several junks from Cambodia and China; and in May I received letters from Siam, giving notice that the Globe had arrived there, and that sales were very brisk. I was now busy in preparing a cargo for Japan; and expecting to do some good there with Chinese commodities, I borrowed 3000 dollars of the queen for three or four months, allowing six per cent. interest to the queen, and one per cent. to the treasurer. We now received bad news from Bantam, stating that Campochina had been twice burnt down, and the English factory consumed full of cloth. The Hollanders likewise had made great loss. We were informed also of a large English ship in great distress at Pulo Panian, a great mortality being among her people.[388] Intelligence was also received that the military force of Acheen had besieged Johor.

[Footnote 388: This was the Trades-increase.--Purch]

The 12th July, the king of Pahan arrived at Patane, much against his will, accompanied by his wife, who was sister to the queen of Patane, and also by two sons. He left his own country much oppressed by poverty, famine, fire, war, and rebellion. He brought intelligence that the Acheeneers had taken Jahor, and had carried away all the ordnance, slaves, and every thing of value, Rajah Boungson and his children being made prisoners, and the king of Johor having fled to Bintam. Several Hollanders also, who happened to be in a ship at Johor, were taken and slain. The siege lasted twenty-nine days. None of the grandees of Patane went to receive and entertain the king of Pahan; and the only attention paid to him, was by killing all the dogs in the place, as he has an aversion to dogs. We saluted him with our small arms as he passed our house, which gratified him much, on which he invited us to visit him and trade at his town.

The 16th July we got intelligence that Captain Saris was at Mackian on his way to Japan; as also that Sir Henry Middleton had died on the 24th of May, of grief, as was supposed, for the situation of the Trades-increase, which lay aground with all her masts out, one side only being sheathed, as of thirty-three of her crew remaining most of them were sick. An hundred English, a greater number of Chinese who were hired to work upon her, and eight Dutchmen, had all died of some strange sickness. Captain Schot, belonging to the Dutch company, had taken the castle and island of Solor, with a great quantity of sandal wood. In the Moluccas also they had done much injury to the Spaniards, and a hot war was there expected. The 31st of July the king of Pahan visited our factory in great state, and made us great promises of kind entertainment in his country. The 1st of August, the queen sent for us to court, to be present at a great feast given in honour of the king of Pahan; after which a comedy was acted by women, after the Javan manner, being in very antic dresses, which was very pleasant to behold. On the 9th the king of Pahan departed on his return to his own country, having been made a laughing-stock by the Pataneers: But his wife, the sister of the queen of Patane, refused to leave him, going back along with him and her sons, after having spent all she had instead of getting presents. On the 16th I had a letter from Thomas Bret at Macasser, complaining of a bad market, and informing me that John Parsons had become frantic: He said likewise that he had purchased a junk for the purpose of coming away; but that in the mean time the Darling had come there laden with cloth, for the purpose of settling a factory at that place.

Rajah Indra Monda arrived at Patane on the 18th of September, having gone from hence on the 25th October.[389] He had been to Macasser and thence to Banda, where be made a good market, and had brought back about 200 sockles of mace and a great parcel of nutmegs. He brought me a letter from Richard Welden. He likewise informed me of the state of Banda; where the Dutch general, Peter de Bot, had administered severe justice, hanging some of his men for sleeping on their watch; owing to which, several had deserted to the Bandanese, and ten had become Mahometans, who could not be recovered. Neither has the Dutch garrison any controul over the natives of Banda, any farther than that they compel all junks to ride at anchor under the guns of their castle, and command the seas there by the number of their ships: But on the land, they dare not even give a bad word to any of the Bandanese. The Globe arrived again at Patane on the 23d of September from Siam, bringing me a letter from Mr Lucas, who had not received any intelligence of the fate of the goods sent to Jangoma, as the passages were obstructed on account of the wars between the people of Ava and Laniangh, or Lan-shang, in Laos. The king of Ava is said to have taken Siriaugh, or Sirian, and to have caused the _Xenga_, Philip de Brito de Nicote, to be put to death. The king of Siam is in fear of an attack from the king of Ava in great force, for which reason he has good watch kept on his frontiers. At this time I repaid my debt to the queen in gold.

[Footnote 389: This must have been of the preceding year, though not so expressed.--E.]

On the 4th of October, being the first day of the Mahometan Lent or fast of Ramedan, a terrible fire occurred in the town, or fort rather, and court of Patane, occasioned by the following event. Datoo Besar and Datoo Lachmanna, who dwelt near each other, were the richest in Javan slaves at this place, except Rajah Shey. The Javan slaves had threatened to kill Datoo Besar, Lachmanna, Rajah Sitterbangh, and others, which came to their knowledge; on which Besar called his slaves before him to examine into the matter, which they utterly denied. Yet he ordered two who were most suspected to be bound, which the _pongonla_ of the slaves would not suffer, wherefore Besar immediately dispatched him with his _criss_ or dagger. The Javan slaves were so enraged at this, that they would have wreaked their vengeance on their master had he not been protected by his other slaves: But in their fury, they slew all that came in their way, and set fire to the houses, being joined by the slaves of Lachmanna; and being now above a hundred persons, they ran to the great gate called Punta Gorbangh, setting fire to all the houses on both sides as they went, so that the whole town was burnt except a few houses, which were the queen's court or palace, those of the Orancayo Sirnora and of Batoo Bandara, and the _masjed_ or mosque. While running along the street, the Javans carried all the best of the female slaves along with them, and remained masters of the place till one in the afternoon, no one daring to oppose them.

We and the Hollanders were not without fear during this tumult, as the slaves threatened to destroy both our factories, for which reason we kept strong watch, and sent aboard for as many armed men as could be spared from the Globe. On their being landed and set in order, we resolved to march out and oppose the insurgents, who were now actually coming down to assail us; but learning from their spies of our strength and coming against them, they retired into the country, and fled by Quale-bouca to Bordolonch, and Sangora, and so forwards. Thus, without any harm by us received, we got the honourable name of the _Defenders of Strangers_. The Javans were afterwards pursued to little purpose, three or four sick men only being taken; and what became of the rest was not known while we remained in the country. This is the third time that Patane has been burnt down within a short space, having been twice before fired by the Japanese.

On the 21st October we took our leave of the queen, who presented Captain Essington and me with golden-handled crisses. We left in the factory William Ebert, Robert Littleword, and Ralph Cooper, with letters also for Mr Lucas at Siam. The same day, the _Hope_[390] arrived quite unexpectedly. They had been at Johor, where they had gone ashore; and before they could return to the ship, the fleet of Acheen came before the town to besiege it. Whereupon, the Dutch factors sent a letter on board, desiring them to send thirty armed men by land, and to bring the ship as high up the river as possible to fight against the Acheeneers. But, on account of shoals, the ship could not be got far enough up the river to be of service, and after twenty-nine days siege the town was surrendered upon composition. By this surrender twenty-three Hollanders remained prisoners, and twelve got aboard the Hope, in which there remained no one to command, except the master's mate and one assistant. They resolved to proceed for Patane, but were driven by a storm on the coral ground of Borneo, and by a change of wind were driven upon Pulo Condor. Being unable to shape their course for Patane, they sought for refreshments at _Warellas_, where they found a good bay; but the people being inimical, they could not procure any provisions. They came at length to Patane with only eighteen men, most of whom lay in a pitiful condition in their births. This ship brought 70,000 rials of eight, or Spanish dollars, and twenty-nine packs of India cloth.

[Footnote 390: From the sequel, and likewise as mentioned by Purchas in a sidenote, the Hope appears to have been a Dutch ship.--E.]

§ 3. _Voyage to Masulipatam, and Incidents during a long Stay at that Place._

We set sail from Patane on the 22d October, 1613, and on the 25th we were in with the most southerly of the islands of Ridang, in lat. 6° N. of which there are about eighteen or twenty. In the evening of that day we came to the Capas, three small isles, about thirteen leagues from the Ridang islands, and two leagues from the continent. The 26th, we saw Pulo Tyaman, twenty-eight leagues S.S.E. from the Capas. The 29th, being calm, we came to Pulo Tingi, where, if you keep in eighteen fathoms, there is nothing to be feared but what maybe seen. The 1st November we saw the point of Jantana, or Johor, and the mount on the island of Bintam, and came next morning in sight of Piedra-branca; about ten o'clock a.m. we came to the dangerous reef that projects four leagues out to sea from the point of Johor. John Huigens van Linschoten describes this shoal well, which we passed not without danger, having the point and three little islands W.S.W. from us. It is good to keep to leewards till you bring these little islands in one line with the point of Johor, and Piedra-branca open with the isle of Bintam. Piedra-branca is a rock all covered with sea-fowl, and so bedunged as to make its top appear white, whence its name, which signifies the white-rock, or stone.

Till the 7th, we were every day turning up against the current till we got past the river of Johor, and about two leagues from Sincapura. On the 8th, when close to the strait, several proas came aboard us, those in them being _Salettes_, who were subjects to the king of Johor, who live mostly by fishing, always remaining in their proas with their wives and children. From these people we learnt that the king of Acheen had sent back Rajah Bouny Soe to Johor, who was younger brother to the former king; and, having married him to his sister, gave him thirty proas and 2000 Acheen soldiers, with a good supply of ordnance and other necessaries, ordering him to rebuild the fort and town of Johor, and to reign there as a dependant on Acheen. We here took a pilot to carry us through the straits.

We arrived on the 19th December at Masulipatam, where we found an English ship and two Holland ships. We were told that _Mir Sadardi_ was now out of place, and that the government was in the hands of _Atma Khan_ and _Busebulleran_. The English ship was the James, which was sent expressly to second us in our voyage, and brought us letters, with which Messrs. Marlow, Davis, Gumey, and Cob came aboard the Globe. The 21st I went ashore with the others, when we were met by _Wentacadra_, the son of _Busebulleran_, together with the _sabandar_, and other Moors, and were well received. They presented us with several _tesseriffes_, and gave to director Warner and me a fine horse each, which at first I refused, suspecting some treachery, but was compelled to accept. I took a _caul_, or licence for trade, the customs being settled at four per centum, and immediately landed goods.

The 25th January, 1614, the James departed for _Pattapilly_ and sailed from thence on the 7th February, for Bantam. On the 18th February I went to _Narsipoor_, and on the 19th the ship was brought into the river, drawing nine three-fourths feet, and having ten and a half feet water, contrary to the reports of some who wished us no good. I returned to Masulipatam on the 23d, whence I dispatched a _peon_ with letters to Mr Aldworth at Surat. That day there arrived a _navette_ from Pegu, in which came Cornelius Franke, by whom we were informed that the king of Ava had certainly taken the fort of Serian, and slain all the Portuguese, and that Xenga, or Philip Britto de Nicole, was either spitted or _soulathed_, [391] this event having taken place in March last. The king, of Ava had given orders for rebuilding the town, to which he had invited the Peguers with many fair promises. He had gone from thence Tanasserim, where he was joined by _Banga Dela_, and 50,000 Peguers, who had been before under the king of Siam. The Moors in Masulipatam were greatly rejoiced at this news, hoping by its means to recover the trade of Pegu, and immediately made preparations for sending two ships there in September. In March there came news of eleven ships having arrived at Goa, eight of them from China, and three from Malacca, by which the market price of goods was much reduced; but, fortunately for me, I had almost finished my business before.

[Footnote 391: This strange word is unintelligible; but we have formerly given the history of Nicote from de Faria, by whom he is said to have been impaled.--E.]

In April, Atma Khan departed for Golconda, to render up his accounts, the year coming then to a close. It was well for him that the king had deposed his great treasurer, giving the office to Malek Tusar, who was the friend of Atma Khan; and well for us likewise, as the debts due by these governors are good while they continue in place, but otherwise doubtful.

The 18th of May, at five p.m. Captain Essington died of _a sudden heat_, having eaten his dinner at the table. He had some boils about him, which are very common at that season; one of which, on his shoulder, was very large, and would not break, which was supposed the cause of his death. I went immediately on board, and put the ship into the best order I could. The people all refused to submit to any other commander but me: yet I thought it a debasement to tread in the steps of my under-merchant, wherefore I committed the charge to Mr Skinner, in hopes that he and the rest would do every thing for the best, and returned myself to Masulipatam. I here found three persons, who said they were sent with letters from _Obiana_, queen of _Pullicatt_, _Jaga Rajah_, the governor of that place, and of St Thome, and _Apa Condaia_, secretary to the great king _Wencatad Rajah_, in which they promised, if I would come thither, that they would give me a place opposite the fort at Pullicatt, with all the privileges I could wish, and many other fair promises. But remembering how I and the James had been entertained there, I could give little credit to these assurances; yet, at length, it was agreed, that one of the messengers should remain with me while the other two went back with one of my people, by whom I sent letters to the before-mentioned persons, as also to the king, in which, after recapitulating the bad entertainment we had formerly received at Pullicatt, I offered that we would return to trade in the country, if they would send us the king's _caul_, or safe conduct, in due form.

The 29th of July, four persons arrived as ambassadors, accompanied by my man _Wengali_. These men came from Wencatad Rajah, the great king of _Narsiaga_ or _Velore_,[392] bringing me a _caul_, or safe conduct and licence, with an _Abestiam_, which is a white cloth on which the king's own hand is printed in sandal or saffron; as also a caul from the queen of Pullicatt, together with letters from Jaga Rajah, Tima Rajah, Assa Condaia, and others. The king's letter was written on a leaf of gold, in which, after apologising for the former faults committed against us in Pullicatt, he desired us to return into his country, and chuse a place to our own liking, where we might build a house or castle according to our own pleasure, with other privileges. He even gave me a town of about 400 pounds of yearly revenue, with a promise to do more for me at my arrival. The Hollanders had wrought much against this; but their words had not now so much force, and the inhabitants grieved to see the English ships passing by every year without any profit to them, and therefore, making their complaints to the king, had occasioned these friendly offers. My man Wengali had been in the presence of the king, and even had spoken with him, the king having laid his hand on his head, and presented him with a _tesseriffe_.[393] I kept the ambassadors with me, allowing their daily charges, till the ship might come into the road, and that I had time to consider the proposals.

[Footnote 392: Narsinga appears at this place equivalent to the Carnatic, and Velore seems to have been the residence of the king.--E.]

[Footnote 393: In all probability a dress, the ordinary mark of honour given by princes in the east.--E.]

In August there was a greater flood at Narsipoor than had ever been known, at least for the last twenty-nine years. So much so, that whole hills of salt, many towns, and vast quantities of rice, were swept away, and many thousands of men and cattle drowned. In this great inundation, the water was three yards deep on the common highways. In Golconda, which has a branch of this river that is dry in summer, above 4000 houses were washed away. Two stone bridges, one of nineteen and the other of fifteen arches, as artificially built in my judgment as any in Europe, which are ordinarily at least three fathoms above the water, were three feet under water on this occasion, and six arches of the nineteen were washed away. This bridge might well compare with the one at Rochester in England.

The 4th October, our ship having been new sheathed, came over the bar without hurt, being hitherto detained by foul weather. I now called loudly for payment of the debts due me, and wrote on the subject the third time to the court, insisting to be paid both principal and interest. Upon this they wrote to Mir Mahmud Rasa and the Sabandar to satisfy me. The 23d the ship came into the road of Masulipatam, and I took order for having our goods shipped. On the 25th, news came of the death of Wencatad Rajah, king of Narsinga, after having reigned fifty years, and that his three wives, of whom Obyama, queen of Pullicatt, was one, had burned themselves alive along with his body. Great troubles were dreaded on this occasion, and the Hollanders were much afraid of their new-built castle at Pullicatt; but soon afterwards there came a reinforcement to its garrison of sixty-six soldiers, by a ship named the Lion. She arrived from Bantam on the 1st November, bringing news that the Dutch ship called the Bantam had been cast away in the Texel, as likewise the White Lion at St Helena. She brought us likewise intelligence that our ship, the James, had arrived at Bantam, whence she had sailed for Patane.

Finding the governor had trifled with me, and procrastinated the payment of his debt, so that we were in danger of not being able to return that year, I determined upon endeavouring to carry him or his son aboard our ship, however dangerous the attempt, as the whole company engaged to stand by me in the attempt. Wherefore I ordered the boat aboard, and to bring six muskets on shore, wrapped up in the sails, to lie in the custom-house till we might have occasion for them. Besides, as we were not permitted to have any weapons ashore, I gave orders for all our people to remain at home in our house, that they might be ready to join me at the custom-house when sent for, when they were to arm themselves with the pikes belonging to the governor's guard, or his sons, with instructions to enter then immediately into the custom-house, which stands close to the river, and then to barricade the door, that we might carry the governor or his son into the boat, before any alarm could be given in the town; and after getting them into the boat, we thought there would then be no fear of our getting them and ourselves off. Though we wished to have kept this matter a close secret, it yet got to the ears of the Hollanders, who considered it a mere bravado, and did not therefore reveal it. The 21st November the Gentiles [Gentoos] held a solemn feast, which they celebrate three times a-year, always when the new moon happens on a Monday. At this time all the men and women wash themselves in the sea, thinking, thereby to merit indulgence. The Bramins and _Cometis_ do this likewise.

On the 24th I again demanded my money from the governor, and in very angry terms, he having already put me off seven months beyond our bargain. I also asked Mir Mahmud Rasa, why he did not help me, pursuant to the orders of the court; on which he laughingly answered, that we would talk of that at the custom-house, when my anger was over. To this I replied, that I would no longer be fooled, but would shew myself a captain under the king of England, as I had not been accustomed to such knavish dealing. Going thence to the custom-house, I found the governor's son there with a slender guard, the soldiers having set up their pikes against the custom-house, as I expected, and it was now high-water, so that every thing concurred to favour our project. I immediately therefore sent home for Mr Skinner and the rest of my men, who were waiting at the factory, as concerted, who presently came, leaving three only to take care of the house. They immediately laid hold of the pikes, and came into the custom-house, of which they shut the door. By this time I had seized _Wencatadra_ by the arms, and held him fast till two or three came forwards to my assistance, who carried him immediately into our boat, which waited at the shore, into which I and all the rest embarked as quickly as possible, pushed off, and rowed away, so that before his father and Mir Mahmud could get down to the custom-house, we were rowing off as hard as we could. Yet, as it blew hard against us, and as we were forced to keep within two cables length of the shore, on account of the channel, they came in all haste after us, some even coming very near our boat, but we out-rowed them all. Some met us in front, which put us in much danger of having our retreat intercepted; but by firing three muskets they were so intimidated that they gave way to us, and we carried off our prize in sight of at least 3000 people, being far past the bar before our pursuers could get to it, and at length got safe aboard with our prisoner.

I had given orders to George Chancey to remain at the factory with three of our men, to give notice of the reason of our procedure, and to receive our debts; but he, contrary to my instructions, having gone out of the house from curiosity, to see the success of our enterprize, was assaulted by some unruly fellows, and heartily beaten. But on this coming to the knowledge of the governor, he took him under his protection, fearing lest his son might be made to pay for it. In the afternoon, Werner Van Bercham, the Hollander, came off to our ship, accompanied by the king's interpreter, to demand the reason of our violent procedure. My answer was, that they knew my reason already well enough, and that I had left my under-merchant on shore to explain every thing: and when I was informed of the severe treatment he had undergone, I pretended to be revenged on _Wencatadra_; but allowed myself to be prevailed upon by Van Bercham to overlook it for the present; yet threatened to hang him up at the yard-arm if any of my men were wronged, which he wrote to his father. I also gave strict injunctions, that no one should presume to come off to us in a boat without bringing me a letter from George Chancey, otherwise I should turn them all before the mast. Van Bercham and the secretary came off again on the 27th, offering me payment of the governor's own debt, which, and that of Callopas, for which he was surety, was all I demanded from him; but likewise that the governor should send me on board all others who refused to pay, which I said would satisfy me. Van Bercham made also a formal protest against me for all damages they had sustained, or might sustain, through my hostilities, to which protest I gave an answer in writing, shewing its nullity; and that very night the Dutch ship set sail for Patane.

In the meantime Wencatadra remained aboard our ship, without eating or drinking; for he, being a Bramin, might not eat or drink in any man's house, excepting what he himself dressed or made ready. Owing to this, I so pitied him that I offered to release him, if any two Moors of good quality would come aboard in his place; but none would undertake this for his release, so that he had to continue his fast. The governor at length paid his own debt, and that of Callopas, and made all the rest pay, except _Miriapeik_ and _Datapa_, who were in Golconda, on which I sent back my prisoner on the 30th of November.[394]

[Footnote 394: There must be some inaccuracy in the dates of the text, as Wencatadra could hardly have lasted from the 24th to the 30th, six entire days.--E.]

After all was settled, several of the principal Moors came off to visit me, promising to write a true statement of my proceedings to the king, and requesting me not to injure any of the ships belonging to the Moors that I might meet with. I told them that I was satisfied for this time, but requested they would be careful in future not to give any such cause of dissatisfaction, and that they would listen more attentively to the complaints of the English. I also wrote letters for the king of Golconda to the same purpose, that we might hereafter have quicker justice. I then dispatched the ambassadors of Narsinga to Velore, not having fit opportunity to essay the promised trade in that country, owing to my short stay, and in respect of the troubles consequent upon the succession: yet I left letters with them for the first English ships that might come to the coast, giving them my best advice. The 7th December, Mr Chancey came aboard with the rest, and next night I put to sea, having first offered to come ashore and take a friendly leave: but the governor, fearing I had written an account of his proceedings by the Moors, refused my proffered visit, pretending that he was ashamed to look me in the face, having of a good friend made me his enemy.

§ 4. _Voyage to Bantam, and thence to England_.

The 3d January, 1615, we arrived at Bantam, where we found the James, come from Patane, together with the Concord and Hosiander. I went ashore, and received from Mr John Jordain, principal factor at Bantam, letters from Sir Thomas Smith, testifying that the company had joined in one.[395] I likewise had letters from Mr Cochin, at Macasser, saying he had received the cargo sent under the charge of William Ebert, with other circumstances; also from Adam Denton and Mr Gourney, complaining of the dead market, occasioned by the wars; and from Mr Lucas also, of his fears on the same subject; but as the Darling is now gone thither, I hope he may be comforted. We here agreed that the goods of the Hosiander should be trans-shipped into the Globe, of which Edward Christian was constituted captain by General Best, with Nathaniel Salmon as master, while Mr Skinner should go master in the Hosiander. Fifty men were appointed for the Globe, fifty-five for the James, and twenty for the Hosiander, which was to stay at Bantam, and three or four to keep the Concord.

[Footnote 395: Purchas has obviously here made large omissions, even marking the present place with an &c. We learn from the Annals of the Company, that at first each expedition was a separate adventure, proceeding on a subscription for the occasion among the members of the company, but that afterwards the whole was consolidated into a joint stock.--E.]

On the 30th the James set sail, to go on a month before, and to stay at the Cape or St Helena for us, that we might sail thence in company for England. Seeing the Hosiander could not so quickly be made ready, it was thought proper to send the Concord for Amboina, in which George Bale went, and George Chancey was to stay in Macasser. The Dutch ship Zelandia arrived from Japan, bringing letters from Mr Cox, advising that Mr Peacock and the Hollanders were slain in Cochin-china, and that Mr Adams, with four other Englishmen, were gone thence for Siam.

The 14th of February, Captain David Middleton arrived with the Samaritan, Thomas, and Thomasin, all the crews being in health and good condition. On being informed of the death of his brother Sir Henry, and the loss of the Trades-increase, Captain David Middleton was much distressed, and resolved to go home. On which account he called a council, to consult and determine how best to station the ships, and about manning the Hosiander. It was then thought fit to send home the Samaritan among the first; the Thomas to Sumatra; the Thomasin to Amboina, to aid the Concord; and the Hosiander to Patane and Japan to visit the factories at these places, all of which was put in execution. They set sail out of Bantam road on the 22d February.[396] They came into Saldanha bay on the 30th of April, where they found the James, which had only arrived the day before, though she left Bantam twenty-three days before them. The Advice and Attendant were here outward-bound. Weighing anchor from the road of Saldanha on the 17th of May, they came to St Helena on the 1st of June.

[Footnote 396: Purchas mentions, in a side-note, that the concluding paragraph of this article was supplied from the journal of Marten. But in this hurried conclusion, we are left to conjecture whether the Globe was the ship in which Floris returned to England.--E.]

* * * * *

_Note_. Following the narrative of Floris, in the Pilgrims of Purchas, vol. I. p. 328--332, is given "A Journal of a Voyage in 1612 by the Pearl to the East Indies, wherein went as Captain Mr Samuel Castleton of London, and Captain George Bathurst as Lieutenant; the Narrative written by John Tatton, Master." This ship was not fitted out by the Company; but Purchas observes in a side-note, that he had inserted it, "For the furtherance of marine knowledge," and that, though not directly belonging to the East India Company, _yet holding society with the East Indian society_. We suppose it to have been one of those Voyages of which the annalist of the Company, John Bruce, Esq. so much complains, as _licensed_ by King James I. in contradiction to the exclusive charter, which that first king of Great Britain had granted to the English East India Company.

This journal, as it is called, is so retrenched or abbreviated in many parts, as to be almost throughout inconsequential, and often so obscured by the unskilful abridgement of Purchas as to be nearly unintelligible. We have not therefore deemed it necessary or proper to insert it in our Collection, as not tending to any useful purpose, nor containing any valuable or even amusing information. Almost the only circumstance it contains worth notice is, that they procured refreshments in a nameless bay on the western coast of Africa, to the north of the Cape of Good Hope, in which they bought calves and sheep very cheap, but could get no water. From many circumstances this appears to have been what is now called _Saldenha_ bay; which name however in this voyage, is still given to that now called _Table_ bay. The only water found in that nameless bay was a dirty puddle; and though the boat went a mile up a fine river at the bottom of the bay, they found it all salt, and the whole adjoining country very barren.--E.

* * * * *

SECTION XV.

_Eighth Voyage of the English East India Company, in_ 1611, _by Captain John Saris_.[397].

INTRODUCTION.

Purchas has chosen to place this, and the subsequent early voyages of the English to the East, in a separate division of his Pilgrims, which he entitles "English Voyages _beyond_ the East Indies, &c. In which their just commerce was nobly vindicated against Turkish treachery; victoriously defended against Portuguese hostility; gloriously advanced against Moorish and Heathenish perfidy; hopefully recovering from Dutch malignity; and justly maintained against ignorant and malicious calumny."

[Footnote 397: Purch. Pilg. I. 884, Astl I. 451.]

The full title of this voyage in the Pilgrims is, "The _Eighth_ Voyage set forth by the East Indian Society, wherein were employed three Ships, the Clove, the Hector, and the Thomas, under the Command of Captain John Saris: His Course and Acts to and in the Red Sea, Java, the Moluccas, and Japan, by the Inhabitants called _Neffoon_, where also he first began and settled an English Trade and Factory; with other remarkable Rarities: The whole collected out of his own Journal." In the preface to the _4th_ book of his Pilgrims, Purchas makes the following observations respecting this voyage: "We here present the _East_ Indies made _westerly_, by the illustrious voyage of Captain John Saris; who, having spent some years before in the Indies, by observations to rectify experience, and by experience to prepare for higher attempts, hath here left the known coasts of Europe, compassed those more unknown coasts of Africa from the Atlantic to the Erithrean Sea, and after commerce there, _tum Marte quam Merurio_, compasseth the shores, and pierceth the seas, to and beyond all just names of India and Asia, penetrating by a long journey, the islands, cities, and court of the _Japonian_ empire, there settleth an English factory; and after safe return, is ready to render to the readers the pleasure of his pain, and [_why stay I thee any longer_?] by a more pleasant discoursive way, to discover to thee the rarities of that discovery, and by hand, by the eyes, to lead thee along with him all the way: and then leave thee to those that shall tell thee of after accidents and later occurrences in the Japonian, Indian, and Asian affairs."--_Purch_.

"What Purchas has called _collected out_ of the Journal of Captain Saris, means probably _abbreviated_ by himself from that source. Saris was factor at Bantam in 1608, at the time of the third voyage of the East India Company, and has given an account of occurrences there from the time Scott left off, as contained in _Section_ II. of this chapter of our Collection. In this voyage, he went farther eastwards than any English navigator had gone before, being the first of our nation that sailed to Japan in an English ship. William Adams indeed had been there some years earlier, having been carried there in a Dutch ship, by a western course. The remarks of Captain Saris are generally curious, judicious, and full of variety. As already noticed in the extended title by Purchas, Captain Saris had three ships under his command, the Clove, in which he sailed as general, the Hector, and the Thomas."--_Astl_.

This journal occupies _fifty_ pages in the Pilgrims of Purchas, besides _eleven_ pages more of observations on various occurrences at Bantam, during the residence of Saris there from October 1605 to October 1609, and other circumstances respecting the English affairs in the East, which will be noticed in the sequel. In the present edition, while we scrupulously adhere to that of Purchas, we have used the freedom of abridging even his abridgement, particularly respecting the nautical remarks, courses, distances, winds, currents, &c. which are now much better understood by navigators, and which would be quite uninteresting and tedious to most of our readers.--E.

* * * * *

§ 1. _Incidents of the Voyage from England to Socotora_.

We sailed from the Downs on the 18th April, 1611, passed the equator on the 6th June, and arrived at Saldanha bay on the 1st of August. Having well refreshed ourselves there for eight days, we set sail on the 9th August. The 3d September we made the land of Madagascar, near the bay of St Augustine. The 10th we made the island of Primeiras; and the 17th we made the islands of Angoza to the southwards of Mosambique. Finding a dangerous shoal and bad anchoring ground, with a lee shore and westerly current, we stood off on the 21st for Madagascar. In the chart we found these islands of Angoza laid down in lat. 15° 40' S. but by our observation they are in 16° 20' S.[398] The 24th, in lat. 16° 16', our course being N.E. we unexpectedly saw land bearing N. by W. five leagues off, while expecting the island of Juan de Nova to the eastwards, and being becalmed, we feared the current might set us upon it in the night. When day-light appeared next morning, we found it to be the northernmost island of Angoza, whence we had departed on the 21st, to the great amazement and discouragement of our mariners.

[Footnote 398: The town of Angoza is in lat. 15° 50', and the most southerly island in the bay of that name is in 16° 30' S.--E.]

The 3d October, after much trouble by currents, we came to anchor between Mosambique and Sofala, in lat. 16° 32' S. and long. 76° 10' E.[399] Our anchorage was in thirteen and fourteen fathoms, under an island near the main, upon which were no people, neither could we find fresh water, though we dug very deep for it in the sand. We weighed on the 10th, and stood over E. by N. for Madagascar, in hopes of getting out of the currents, and on the 26th came to anchor under Moyella, [Mohilla] one of the Comoro islands, in lat. 12° 13' S.[400] We here refreshed for eight days, procuring bullocks, goats, poultry, lemons, cocoas, pine-apples, passaws, plantains, pomgranates, sugar-canes, tamarinds, rice, milk, roots, eggs, and fish, in exchange for small haberdashery wares and some money, and had kind usage and plenty of fresh water, yet stood much on our guard for fear of any treachery. I invited the king of Moyella, being a Mahometan, aboard the Clove, and entertained him with a banquet, and with trumpets and other music; but he refused to eat, as it was then their Lent or Rammadan, yet he carried off the best part of the banquet for the queen his mother, saying that they would eat it after sunset. The name of the queen was _Sultana Mannungalla_, and the king's was _Sharif Abubekr_.[401] He requested me to give him a letter of recommendation for those who might come afterwards to his island, having formerly procured one to that effect from Stephen Verhagen, the admiral of twelve Dutch ships, in 1604, which he shewed me. I complied with his desire, yet left this caution at the end, that they ought not to repose too much confidence in this people, but stand well on their guard, as oft-times weapons preserve peace.

[Footnote 399: The longitude of that part of the coast of Africa, in the latitude indicated in the text, is 38° 30' E. from Greenwich. It does not appear what might have been the first meridian referred to by Saris.--E]

[Footnote 400: Mohilla is in 13° 40'. The latitude in the text is nearly that of Johanna or Hinzuan.--E.]

[Footnote 401: In Purchas Sarriffoo Booboocarree, and afterwards Sharefoo Boobackar, which comes near the true name.--Astl. I. 454. a.]

The inhabitants are negroes, having short curled hair, and wear painted cloths round their middles, some having white caps, and others turbans, by which we knew them to be Mahometans. The king wore a white cotton coat, with a turban on his head, and a painted calico of Guzerat about his middle, being little whiter than the rest. He was very lean, with a round thin black beard and large eyes. His stature was short, and he was a man of few words, having some knowledge of Arabic, which he had learnt when on a pilgrimage to Mecca, on which account he had the name or title of _Sharif_.[402] At this place they chiefly desire money, or Spanish dollars, rather than commodities. Yet, for crimson broad-cloth, red caps, Cambaya, or Guzerat cloths, and sword-blades, you may purchase any commodities that the island produces, which indeed are only fit for refreshments, and not for traffic. He gave me a note of friendship under his hand.[403]

[Footnote 402: Haji is the title acquired by the pilgrimage, while Sharif signifies noble, and denotes being of the posterity of Mahomet.--Astl. I. 454. c.]

[Footnote 403: This note, in Arabic characters, is inserted in Purchas, consisting only of two lines, under which the name of John Sarris is written in the same characters. By this writing, the name of the king appears to have been as we have put it in the text.--Astl. I. 454. d.]

We sailed from the island of Moyella on the 4th of November, and on the 17th in the morning made the main land of Africa on the coast of Melinda, the bay or gulf of _Formosa_ being N.W. four leagues distant. The 29th, in lat. 4° 44', being, as we supposed, twelve leagues off the shoals called _Baxos de Malhina_, we had a great rippling and over-fall of water, as if it had been a shoal, yet found no ground with 100 fathoms. The 1st December, in 3° 40', we had a fearful rippling, much like the fall at London bridge, being then not in sight of land, and still had no ground with a line of 100 fathoms. When we stood in towards the land it left us, but standing off again, and when fifty leagues from the land, we found it very terrible. The 2d, in lat. 2° 55', the rippling still continued. The 6th, in lat. 5° 5', steering S.E. by E. we had at times still more fearful ripplings than before, and still no ground at 100 fathoms. These ripplings shewed like shelves or ledges of rocks, not being always alike, but sometimes more, sometimes less, occurring many times each day, making as great a noise by the ship's sides as if she ran at the rate of five leagues in a watch, even when she hardly made any way a-head. We were much alarmed by them, not knowing whence they proceeded, and seeing no land. We now supposed ourselves near the easternmost of the islands which are off the northern end of Madagascar. [The Maha or Sechelles, to the eastwards of the Almirante islands.] We had here much rain, with thunder and lightening, and sudden gusts of wind, which did not continue long.

On the 25th of December, it was just a month and five days since we reached the equator, having been one minute north close to the shore, since which we have been forced back to 5° 25' S. Wherefore, those bound for Socotora at this time of the year must hold 200 leagues to the eastwards of Pemba, which will enable them to get to the northward.

The 1st of January, 1612, in lat. 3° 58' N. we made the land, being the main of Magadoxa, Cape das Baxas bearing N.N.E. eight leagues distant.[404] The whole coast seemed low, sandy, and barren. The 18th, in lat. 6° 27' N. we again got sight of the main land of Africa called _Doara_, at about eight leagues distance, seemingly not high, but sandy and barren. The 1st February we made Cape _Dorfuy_[405] about seven leagues off, having soundings in twenty-seven and twenty-eight fathoms, soft sand. The land at this cape is very high and barren close to the sea. The 10th, in lat. 11° 20', about eight leagues off the high land of Cape _Gardafui_,[406] we had ground in forty-five fathoms on small black sand, and found the current setting N. by E. Towards evening we had sight of Abdal Kuria, bearing E.N.E. about ten leagues off, being high land rising in two parts, so as to seem two islands at a distance. The 17th at night we came to anchor on the coast of Socotora, one and a half league to the westwards of the king's town called Tammarin, two miles from shore, in twenty fathoms water, small white sand. The 18th we came to anchor in nine fathoms on fine sand in the road of Tammarin, a league from shore, and right over against the king's house.

[Footnote 404: Cape das Baxas, on the coast of Samhar, is in lat. 5° N. so that the latitude in the text must be too short by about thirty-eight minutes.--E.]

[Footnote 405: Cape Orfui is in lat. 11° N.]

[Footnote 406: Cape Guardafui is in lat. 12° 24' N.]

§ 2. _Occurrences at Socotora and in the Red Sea._

I sent ashore Mr Richard Cockes, our cape merchant, well accompanied, to wait upon the king of Socotora, to acquaint him who we were and the cause of our coming, and to procure cattle and fish to refresh our men. Mr Cockes was received and entertained in a friendly manner, and came back with a present of fresh provisions, together with a letter left there by Sir Henry Middleton, dated 1st September, 1611, aboard the Trades-increase in Delisha road, the original of which I retained, and returned an accurate copy for the information of future ships.[407] The 19th we went ashore in state, and were welcomed by the king, who feasted the whole company. He was superbly dressed in crimson velvet, richly decorated with gold lace. His house was built of freestone, in the fashion of a castle, and he had above an hundred attendants, fifty of whom were well clothed according to the Moorish fashion, the rest being natives of the island. His name was _Sultan Amur Bensaid,_[408] being the son of the king of Cushin [Caixem, Caxem, Kushem, or Kessem] on the coast of Arabia. After many compliments and courtesies, we took our leave of him at night, and returned on board. At this place we paid for cattle twelve dollars each, three shillings for sheep, and a dollar for goats; which, though dear, were hardly fit for men's meat, being so vilely and in a more than beastly manner abused by the people, that they were quite loathsome to see when opened. For rice we paid three-pence a pound, and the same price for dates. Hens a shilling each. Tobacco 700 leaves for a dollar. Eggs a penny each. And the king, who is universal merchant, would only take Spanish dollars, refusing our English money.

[Footnote 407: This letter was a brief summary of the disadventures of Sir Henry in the Red Sea by Turkish perfidy; as in his own journal has already appeared, with a caveat to all English ships, and notice of the road of Assab.--_Purch._]

[Footnote 408: The editor of Astley's Collection, who appears to have been an orientalist, gives this name and title, _Soltan Amor Ebensayd._--E.]

The 27th, I called a meeting of the merchandizing council, to whom I read the company's instructions, and the letter from Sir Henry Middleton, received from the king of Socotora. By the instructions, we were led to expect good store of aloes at this place, but the king was quite unprovided, and could not furnish any before next August. And as we were appointed to go from hence to Aden and Mokha, in the Red-sea, in case the monsoon did not serve for Surat, which we were now strongly dissuaded from by an account of the wrongs done there by treachery to Sir Henry, I represented that we should find it very chargeable to remain here or in Delisha roads for six months waiting the monsoon, as there was no getting to the coast of Guzerat until the end of September. My opinion was therefore, notwithstanding the bad tidings from Sir Henry, that we should proceed for Mokha, having with us the pass of the Grand Signior, which the former ships had not; by which means we would be able to certify to the company of what avail the pass might be, taking, care, however, to stand well on our guard, and not to trust any one ashore without a sufficient pledge. In this way we might ride securely, and might obtain trade aboard, if not on shore, our force being able to defend us, or to offend, upon occasion, against any force that port could fit out. If therefore we found no means of commerce, we could then avail ourselves of his majesty's commission, in respect of the violence used against Sir Henry and his company, and so enforce the vent of our English commodities, or make spoil of their trade and custom, by not permitting the entry of the Indian ships which were expected there on the 5th of March; but, till then, I should be very unwilling to deal with them by force. I considered this to be our best plan of procedure, as by it our fleet might remain together, and go in company to Surat when the monsoon would permit, according to our instructions, our joint force being better able to resist any inimical attempts. The council agreed to my proposal, so that we concluded to keep company together, and to proceed for the Red Sea.

We accordingly weighed anchor on the 1st March, and made sail for the Red Sea. The road of Tammarin has good anchorage in four fathoms, a musket-shot from the shore; and farther in are three, and three and a-half fathoms all along the bay, keeping two cables length from shore, all fair sand, with some stones, the coast being all bold. A demi-culverin shot may reach the castle from the anchorage, and the castle is of no strength. The latitude of Tamniarin bay is 12° 35' N.[409] The king of Socotora advised us, in sailing for the Red Sea, to keep to the south of Abdal Kuria, as, if we went to the north of that island, we should be forced over to the Arabian coast, and would find great difficulty to fetch Cape Guardafui; and, indeed, by experience, we found it best to keep the Abyssinian, or African shore aboard. The 4th, we saw Cape Guardafui, bearing west eight or nine leagues, being in lat. 12° 1' N. [12° 28'.] In the evening, standing in along the land to find the bay of Feluk, [Filek or Felix] our depths were twenty-six, eighteen, and seventeen fathoms. We here resolved to go for Mokha, not Aden, because the latter is merely a garrison town, and has little trade, besides other inconvenience, such as the exaction of heavy customs, and the like, as appeared by the _sixth_ voyage under Sir Henry Middleton. Here, off Feluk, we took good store of mullets with our sein, and other large and excellent fish with hooks and lines. At this place there are several sorts of gums, very sweet in burning, as also fine mats, much in request at Aden, Mokha, and the Indies. Ordinarily the India ships touch here both going to the Red Sea and returning, purchasing there mats and gums, as likewise provisions, such as sheep and butter, which are far cheaper here than at Mokha. Boats from hence go daily with provisions to sell at Mokha and Aden, but they will only barter for linen-cloth [cotton.] At Feluk there is plenty of wood and water to be had, but not in the bottom of the bay. The passage up to the town is so large, that three ships may go up a-breast without danger. The entry is between a high hummock and a low sandy point. The masters proposed to steer from Feluk W. by N. along the African shore, to the island of _Demiti_ or _Mete,_ and then to shape a course for Aden.

[Footnote 409: In reality, 13° 30' N. in Arrowsmith's great Chart of the World. In Astley's Collection, V.I. chart vii. it is placed only in 12° 20'.--E.]

The 10th, in the morning, we had sight of two small islands off the high land of Demiti, about a league from the coast, and about four leagues distant from each other, the eastermost bearing S. by W. seven leagues, and the westermost S.W. the same distance. We now stood over for the high land of Aden, N.W. by N. and N.W. the wind at E. and E. by N. a stiff breeze, and the current easterly, lat. 11° 58' N.[410] The 11th we had sight of the high land of Arabia, being that of Darsina, and having a strong easterly current in coming over, though we steered between N.N.W. and N.W. we were so carried to the eastwards, that we only made our course N. by W. But after we were shot about twelve leagues off the African shore, we found no current, being broken off, as we supposed, by the point, or head-land of Aden. I now sent instructions to Captain Towerson and Mr Davis for their conduct on our arrival at Mokha roads, that our ships and people might be guarded against the treachery of the Turks. The 12th we were in sight of the high land of Aden, bearing W. by S. ten leagues off. The 13th, in the evening, we were fourteen leagues eastwards of the entry of the straits, and sixteen leagues west from Aden, and came here to anchor on a fine sandy bottom. The 14th, we weighed in the morning, steering for the straits, having a small gale at W. by N. with rain, being the first we had seen for four months. In the evening, believing ourselves off the straits, we stood off and on under easy sail all night, constantly heaving the lead, being eight or nine leagues off the Arabian coast. About noon of the 15th we opened the straits, and at night anchored in fifteen and a half fathom, on black oose, three leagues from the Arabian, and ten from the Abyssinian shore, the weather being so clear that we could distinctly see both.

[Footnote 410: The island or islands of Demiti or Mete, are in lat. 11° 45' N.--E.]

The 16th we weighed in the morning, and stood for Mokha, where we came to anchor in five and a half fathoms. Not long after anchoring, the governor sent off a poor old slave in a small canoe, to know the cause of our coming. I used this man kindly, who told me the English had been lately here, and were ill used by _Regib aga_, then governor, who was therefore cashiered, and the government was now in the hands of _Ider_ [Hayder] _aga_, a Greek by birth, who was the friend of strangers and merchants. Giving him a present of two dollars, I sent him back to his master to tell him we were Englishmen, and friends to the Grand Signior, and, upon sending us a worthy person, we should acquaint him farther of the cause of our coming. Soon afterwards there came off an Italian renegado, well dressed, with a similar message, and to know if we had the Grand Signior's pass. I told him we had not only such a pass, but letters from the king of Great Britain to the pacha, which the Italian desired to see; but, holding him a base fellow for changing from the Christian religion, I refused,[411] and desired him to acquaint the governor with these things, and that we were appointed, in honour of the said pass, to fire fifty-one pieces of artillery on our arrival in these roads, which we meant presently to do. The Italian requested he might be allowed in the first place to inform his master of our intended salute, which was granted, and the purser directed to give him five dollars, and one to his boat's crew. His name was _Mustafa Trudgeman_.[412] We shot off nineteen pieces from the Clove, seventeen from the Hector, and fifteen from the Thomas, which the town answered with five pieces of excellent ordnance, and three each from two gallies. These were stout vessels, having twenty-five oars of a side, and were well fitted, having their yards up. The name of the captain of these gallies was Mami, and that of the captain of the town was Mahomet Bey.

[Footnote 411: He might have overthrown his affairs by this preposterous proceeding, which was the effect of religious malice, not zeal.--Astl. I. 459. a.]

[Footnote 412: Astley corrects this name to _Tarjiman_; but that word, variously written, is merely what is usually called _Dragoman_, linguist, or interpreter.--E.]

The 17th, I received a present from Hayder Aga of three bullocks, twenty hens, two baskets of plantains, and two of lemons, with many compliments, together with an invitation to come on shore. I sent back a handsome fowling-piece, desiring the messenger to say that I would come ashore to visit the governor if a sufficient pledge were given for my safe return, and that my reasons for this caution could not be unknown. The governor at this time sent his secretary aboard with a letter to me, desiring to know what message I had formerly sent by Mustafa Tarjiman, for he having, by much entreaty, procured a bottle of wine, had got so drunk before his return, that he could not speak. On the 18th, Mr Cockes, our chief merchant, and Bolton, our linguist, went ashore to inform the governor that the purpose of our coming was to enter into trade; and whenever the governor thought proper to send a person of equal rank to remain as a pledge in the ship for my security and safe return, I was willing to visit him in person, and to say farther, that I was not ignorant of the wrongs formerly done by Regib Aga to Sir Henry Middleton and his people; yet, if we might now have quiet trade, all past matters should be overlooked, and we would treat with him of such business as the Grand Signior had permitted by his pass or licence, which we had, which we hoped might extend to the sale of all our goods. The secretary remained on board as pledge for Mr Cockes and Mr Bolton, and eat freely of our victuals, which, however, he had cooked for him by his own people. They returned at night, having been feasted and kindly used, being carried through the town dressed in silver tissue robes, with music before them, by way of giving the people to know that we were made welcome; but, on coming away, they were divested of their robes. The secretary was now dismissed, with a present of half a piece of violet-coloured kersey. He was very desirous to learn if I were related to Sir Henry Middleton, which question was likewise put to Mr Cockes when ashore.

Mr Cockes brought off a letter from the governor, stating how handsomely he had treated the messengers; inviting Mr Saris on shore, with promises of good entertainment, without guile or deceit, offering to send his secretary, or any other person required, to remain in pledge; informing him that he had written to Jaffar Pacha, from whom he expected an answer in fourteen or fifteen days; and that, in the meantime, any of the English should be made welcome a-shore to buy fresh provisions, or any thing else the place could afford for their use; as also to sell any thing they pleased without molestation. This letter, dated at Mokha, the 25th of Moharem, _ann_. 1021 of the Hejeira, has the following singular subscription:

_Dus como bono amco_, Haydar Aga, aga de Mokha.

"This letter seems to have been inserted by Parchas, who informs us likewise, that he possessed divers letters from Mami, captain of the gallies at Mokha, to Captain Saris, which he omits, as he says, to avoid prolixity, being similar to that of Haydar aga. In the Pilgrims he has inserted figures of three of their seals, by way of novelty, stating that these seals were stamps in ink, not on wax. He likewise adds a piece of a letter in the _Banian_ language and character, commonly used in a great part of India, written to Captain Saris by the sabandar of Mokha. He likewise gives a facsimile of the Grand Signior's seal, or superscription rather, together with two lines and a half of the pass, or licence, in the Turkish language and character, stating that, in the original, all the larger strokes are gold, the rest being azure, intermixed here and there with red, the whole very beautifully executed. After which follows the letters patent, pass, or licence, rendered into English, of which the following is the substance:"

"You, who are my most laudable, fortunate, wealthy, and great beglerbeys or viceroys, both by sea and land, under the authority of my most happy and imperial throne, &c. Hereby you shall understand, that the ambassador of the king of Great Britain, residing at our most high _port_, hath informed us by his supplications, that some of the subjects of his master have discovered, with great cost and labour, a trade in the East Indies, &c. We do therefore command and charge you all and each of you, our before-mentioned officers and subjects, kindly to receive and entertain the said merchants and subjects of the king of Great Britain, coming to, or passing through, any of our dominions, intending to trade, especially in our dominions of Yaman, Aden, and Mokha, and the parts adjoining; assisting and relieving them, their men and ships, in all things needful; and also freely to permit them, by land or sea, to go or sail outwards or inwards, as their occasions may require, without let, hindrance, injury, or molestation. And if, contrary to the capitulations and league of amity between us and the king of Great Britain, you offer them the least wrong, or any way molest and trouble the said merchants in their traffic or otherwise in any respect, you shall not only incur our high displeasure, but shall be punished for example to others. Therefore, take care you carry yourselves conformably to this our imperial command, and give entire credit to this our imperial ensign. Given at our mansion in Constantinople, this 15th of Zulhajjeh, in the year of the Hejirah, 1019."[413]

[Footnote 413: The abbreviated passages, marked in the text by inverted commas, were too long for insertion in a note; and the circumstances they detail appeared too long and uninteresting in the original for being given at full length.--E.]

The 20th of March, according to agreement made the day before, the governor sent aboard Mahomet aga, admiral of the shore and commander of the roads, for receiving the Turkish customs and anchorage,[414] together with a grave old man, named Nasuf and two attendants, to remain as pledges of my safety. I went accordingly on shore, with all the merchants, in three skiffs, or boats, well fitted, and had a salute of fifty-one pieces of cannon fired off at our departure. We were received at the landing-place by the captain of the gallies and other principal persons, with music, drums, and trumpets, which played before us, while the inhabitants followed in such crowds that we could hardly pass; at the same time several cannon were fired as a salute from the castle. After passing two guards of very proper men, well clothed, we were conducted into the governor's house, all built of freestone, having large handsome stairs, by which we were led to a room spread with rich carpets, having a bow-window at the upper end, where a silken quilt was laid on the floor, with two cushions of cloth of silver, on which I was desired to sit down. Presently the governor entered from another chamber, himself dressed in a gown of cloth of silver, faced with rich fur, and accompanied by five or six persons richly apparelled. After taking me by the hand, he kissed his own hand, and put it to his head, in token of respect. He then led me to the bow-window, where we sat down, and, after some compliments, I delivered to him our king's letter, which was read by Mr Cockes, and interpreted by our linguist, Mr Bolton, to the captain of the gallies; who repeated it to the aga, such being their custom by way of state or ceremony. I then gave him the pass, or licence of the Grand Signior, which was read aloud by the secretary, after which he kissed it, and laid it on his head, giving it to his secretary to take a copy of it, after which, it was returned.

[Footnote 414: Probably the person called formerly Mahomet bey, captain of the town-E. This person seems to have been the person styled Lord of the Sea, or Amir al Bahr, in the voyage of Sir Henry Middleton, a different officer from the Shah bandar.--Astl. 1.460. a.]

The governor now bid us heartily welcome, desiring that what had formerly taken place with Sir Henry Middleton might be forgotten for that quarrel had originated between two drunken men, and had been improperly followed up by the former aga, for which he had now been five months displaced. In regard to trade, he could not permit any great matter till he received directions from his master, Jaffar Pacha, to whom he had written, and expected an answer in ten or twelve days; desiring me to allow my people in the meantime to come ashore freely, to buy what they wanted, and to sell small matters, that the inhabitants might see we were in peace and amity, and that the past was forgotten. These speeches made good what I had formerly suspected, concerning the doubts the India ships might entertain of our being here, unless they understood we were friends; and their staying away would prove a great injury to every officer of the port. Besides, we were purposely so placed at anchor, that no laden ship could come into the port but must ride under our guns; by which I reckoned we were sure of trade, either ashore or aboard, and by thus holding the town in awe, I might venture our boats and people the more freely on shore, to procure any thing our ships might need.

We were royally feasted by the governor, the dinner consisting of all sorts of wild fowl, poultry, goat's-flesh, mutton, cream, custards, various made dishes, and sundry confections, all served in vessels of tin, different from our pewter, made goblet-fashion, with feet, and so placed in piles, one above the other, that they reached a yard high, yet each dish could be served from without removing the others. All these meats were served up at once, before we sat down. Our drink was simple water, or boiled with an herb called _Cauhaw_,[415] giving it a somewhat bitter taste. Dinner being over, the governor led me into an inner room, where he was attended by four little boys, who were his catamites. Being here seated on a crimson velvet carpet, all the rest of the room covered with rich carpets, one of these boys, having in his hand a linen napkin, ushered in two other boys, one of whom carried a silver chaffing-dish, with burning coals, and the other a dish with sundry rich perfumes, as ambergris, lignum aloes, and others. The governor desired me to permit the boy to cover my head close with the napkin, after which the other boy held the chaffing-dish with perfumes under my head, that I might receive the perfume, which was very pleasant. The governor, and two principal persons who were with him, then did the like, which seemed a ceremony much used among them.

[Footnote 415: It ought to be called _Kahwah_, that is, coffee, which every one knows is a berry; but perhaps it was made of the husk, which the French say is most delicious, and never exported. See _Voy. de l'Arabie Heureuse_, p. 243, et seq.--Astl. I.461. d.]

After conversing for some time, three of the boys came in again, one carrying a vest, or gown, of cloth of gold, wrapped in a covering of taffety, which was dyed with saffron to preserve the colour of the gold; another had a sash, or turban, twenty-two yards long, all striped with gold; and the third bore a _damaskeen_, or Turkish sword, richly mounted in silver gilt, both hilt and scabbard. The governor himself put the vest, or gown, upon me, and girt the sword to my side, telling me that they were not presents from himself, but ordered by the Grand Signior, whose gifts they were. He then entreated me to ride about the town, along with the cadi, or chief justice, and the captain of the gallies, that the people might see the amity there was between us. A horse was brought for this purpose, very richly caparisoned, all the metal of the bridle being of silver; but I chose rather to go on foot, that I might the better see the town, which was agreed to. So, having walked with these officers all about the town, and having viewed the house proposed for our factory, I was conducted to the house of the captain of the gallies, where another costly banquet was prepared. From thence I returned to the house of the governor, who met me on the stairs, and who again earnestly entreated, that all the injuries done to Sir Henry Middleton might be forgotten, and that our perfect amity might be apparent by my frequent coming or sending ashore. Then taking leave, I was accompanied to the sea-side by a large train of the principal people of the town, and I returned on board under a salute of fifteen guns. The Turks who had remained as pledges were now gratified with sundry presents, and sent ashore in a friendly manner, giving them likewise a salute of fifteen guns.

The 21st, I sent Mr Cockes and others ashore, with a present to the aga of a case of bottles of _rosa solis_, which he had earnestly desired, and that it should be so wrapped up as not to be known. They were also directed to make enquiry into the amount of the customs, both inwards and outwards; the weights, measures, value of coins, and prices of indigos, calicos, cotton-yarn, and other commodities fit for us to lade with; also to endeavour to get the Jew to come aboard who was in the Ascension when cast away near the bar of Surat, who could give us certain intelligence respecting Sir Henry Middleton. It is to be noted, that this road of Mokha is very open and dangerous, with very shoal water a mile off, the town being built on low land, almost even with the sea. At this time the wind blew strong from the S.S.W. causing so high a sea that we did not _send_ less than seven feet with every billow, riding in five fathoms. When the wind is at west there is no shelter; but the people told us, that when that wind prevails, which begins in the end of May, the heat is so extreme as to dull the wind, at which season there is much sickness.

The 31st, I understood from the captain of the town, that letters had come the night before from the pacha to the governor, ordering him to allow us free trade, both on shore and with the India ships, and to furnish us with all we might need, as he should answer at his peril to the contrary. I was very doubtful of the truth of these good news, as Mr Cockes had been with the governor only half an hour before, and had not heard a word of the matter. The captain said, that the reason why the governor had not mentioned it was, that there was a _jelba_ in the port bound for Mecca, and ready to depart, and that the governor was unwilling it should be known the pacha had granted us free trade, lest on its coming to the ears of the sharif of Mecca, he might write to the Grand Signior and have the grant revoked. But our opinion rather is, that the pacha has returned a harsh answer, with directions for the aga to do with us what he cannot yet effect, by reason of our being so watchful over him, and therefore conceals his having an answer from Zenan till a more favourable opportunity. At this time, one _Ashraf_, who had secretly sent a letter of Mr Femell's, testifying their treacherous conduct here, gave notice to our linguist, that I ought to beware of coming on shore myself unless with good pledges, when I might come boldly, otherwise to put no trust in them, even though the governor should swear upon the Alcoran; for all the Turks here were soldiers, who cared little for oaths, and he had heard that the news from the pacha did not tend to our benefit, as the copy of the Grand Signior's pass had not yet reached him: After which, it would be seen fully what was meant to be done, and that would now be in other six days.

The 2d April, the caravan from Grand Cairo in Egypt arrived at Mokha, and on the 3d two ships arrived from India, one of Chaul and the other of Cananor, laden with indigo, calicos, chintzes, ambergris, and cotton-yarn, and at the least 400 passengers, who had much wealth along with them. We saluted them with nine pieces of cannon from our fleet, which they returned with three _chambers_ each, being all they had. I sent my skiff aboard one of them to enquire what were the news on the coast of Surat, and got back word that three English ships were trading there; but they knew nothing more. This day the captain of the town came aboard with five chiefs of the janisaries, being sent by the governor to inform me that the pacha had sent orders to use us kindly, and give us a free trade; and desiring me therefore to come ashore next morning, when I should learn the particulars: But, remembering the caution given by Ashraf, I begged to be excused. Yet, as Captain Towerson wished to go on shore, I requested Mahomet Bey to tell the aga, that I would send my brother on shore next morning, on good pledge for his safety. Mahomet took this well, and being feasted with his retinue, besides giving them several presents, I saluted him when he went ashore with twenty pieces of cannon; on which he sent me word that he was so much gratified by my attention, I might rely on his best assistance at all times.

Though the pledges did not come off next morning, the 4th of April, yet Captain Towerson was so desirous of learning the orders of the pacha that he went ashore, considering that the two India ships, being absolutely in our power, were sufficient pledges if any injury should be offered. The governor used him kindly, and presented him with a handsome vesture; but nothing was effected in the business on which he went, the Turks not performing their promise. The governor however sent word, that it would be proper to send two of our men of consequence to wait upon the pacha at Zenan, with the king's letter and a present; after which we might depend upon speedy dispatch to our entire satisfaction. I approved of this, and even intended next day to have looked out a proper present; but next day, being the 5th April, the captain of the gallies sent aboard three letters, which the governor had received the night before, written by Sir Henry Middleton and Captain Sharpey, who were then at anchor at Bab-al-Mondub. The purport of these was, that Sir Henry had come from Surat, where he had little or no trade: That Captain Hawkins, disgusted with Agra, was aboard with his wife; and that Sir Henry had brought all the English away, except one man who had gone for England by land: And, finally, that Sir Henry was come back to be revenged of the Turk, and wished me to get off my people and goods in all haste. I therefore altered my determination of last night, and immediately sent off one of my merchants with a letter to Sir Henry, giving an account of the proceedings of my voyage, and of our entertainment here; and if he had not come thus to the Red Sea, I meant to have sent two of my principal men up to Zenan.

It may be proper to note, that the two India ships, formerly mentioned, discharged the following goods at Mokha. Lignum aloes, 60 quintals: Indigo, 600 _churles,_ out of both ships: Sashes of all sorts, or Jong narrow cloths for turbans, a great quantity: Cinnamon of Ceylon, 150 _bahars_, each bahar being three churles and a half: _Osfar_, which is a red dye, a large quantity: A great store of cloves: A great quantity of _bastas,_ or white calicos, from 20 to 40 dollars the _corge_, a corge being twenty pieces. The price of indigo was from as low as 30, to 35, 40, and 50 dollars the _churle._

I wrote on the 7th to the captain of the town, Mahomet Bey, desiring him to induce the India merchants to barter with me at reasonable rates, for such commodities as suited us, so as to load one of our ships; by which Sir Henry Middleton would be satisfied they now meant to deal in a friendly manner with us, and would be induced to forbear hostilities. At this time there was a report in the town, that Sir Henry had taken a _jelba_ or two, coming over with provisions from the Abyssinian side, so that we durst hardly venture our skiff and gang on shore. This day I had a letter from the _Mami_, or captain of the gallies, saying that the answer from the pacha to the governor was in these words: "Haydar Aga, You write me that three English ships are come to Mokha for trade, having the pass of the Grand Signior. Give them from me a faithful promise to come on shore, to take a house, and to buy and sell till the monsoon be past. You likewise write, that they mean to send up two men to me: Give them all things fit for their journey, &c." The Captain _Mami_ said farther, that whatever I chose to propose, the aga and he would underwrite; and that as for traffic and bartering, they would do much for love, but nothing for force, and were as willing to load all our three ships as one of them.

We were informed that the weight in use at Mokha is called _Incu_, which is two _rotulas_. Ten _incus_, or twenty rotulas, make 23 pounds English _haberepoize_, sometimes 24, as the weigher chuses to befriend you. A _churle_ of indigo is 150 _rotulas_, and of our weight between 166 and 170 pounds. Cotton-wool is sold by the _bahar_, which is 300 rotulas, or between 332 and 334 English pounds averdupois, and is sold very good and clean at 18 dollars the _bahar_. Their measure of length is called a pike, containing 27 inches, or 3/4 of our yard. According to the report made by the governor to Mr Cockes, the custom of this port of Mokha is worth yearly to the Grand Signior, 150,000 chekins; which, at five shillings each, amount to £37,500 sterling.[416]

[Footnote 416: It is proper to mention, that in Purchas it is said, _The customs are worth fifteen hundred thousand chicqueens yearly, which, at five shillings each, are thirty-seven thousand five hundred pounds sterling_.--In our correction we have used the most moderate rate, by reducing the 1,500,000 chequins to 150,000, to correspond with the rated sterling money; which otherwise must have been increased to L.375,000 sterling; assuredly immensely too much.--E.]

On the 9th the governor sent off a canoe, entreating me to send ashore next morning, when I should both have the pacha's answer, and a warrant to detain all such junks as might pass Sir Henry, or be forced to Mokha, and to trade with them for such goods as we desired, &c.; and entreating that I would allow my people to come ashore, as the merchants were become fearful in consequence of Sir Henry having detained some of the ships. The 10th, Mr Cockes went ashore, and had a conference with the governor and Captain _Mami_, who said they could not now perform what they had formerly promised, as the cadi said their lives would be in danger by so doing. They said likewise, that neither merchant nor broker would come aboard our ships, as I had requested, they were all so disconcerted by the conduct of Sir Henry: That the merchants of Cairo had their factors resident in Mokha, who purposely lay by to engross indigos and other Indian commodities, which they refused to purchase till they saw what quantities might come to market this season; and that the _Banians_, or Indian residents, who held all the indigos, and other commodities, refused to sell, under the impression of a scarcity in the market this season. He also brought word that those ashore were resolved not to buy any of our goods, unless we landed them in the first place.

* * * * *

§ 3. _Adventures along with Sir Henry Middleton in the Red Sea, and other Observations in those Parts, with our Arrival at Bantam_.[417]

The 13th May, 1612, understanding that Sir Henry Middleton was very desirous to confer with me, I resolved to go to him at the Bab, for which place I desired the master to sail with the first fair wind; and wishing to keep still on friendly terms with the Turks at Mokha, I gave information of this intention to the aga, from whom I took a letter for Sir Henry. The 14th, in the morning, we arrived at the Bab, where we found the Trades-increase riding, with four ships, or junks, of India, which she had detained. I went that day on board Sir Henry's ship, and remained with him till night, but no agreement could be formed between us that day. The 15th Sir Henry spent with me aboard the Clove. Seeing Sir Henry determined to proceed in a hostile manner with the Turks, I called a meeting of our commercial council on the 16th, and informed them, that owing to these disputes between Sir Henry and the Turks and Cambayans, our hopes of trade at Surat was now as small as what we had hitherto experienced at Mokha, for which reason our best plan would be to join Sir Henry in his intentions of forcing trade with the India ships. Wherefore I proposed that the Hector and Thomas should ply between Aden and the Bab, while the Clove kept the Abyssinian channel to take care that no vessels should pass that way in the night, by which means we might intercept as many India ships as possible, to which we might put off our broad-cloth, lead, tin, iron, and elephants teeth, the commodities we had provided for those parts, receiving in barter such articles as we knew would answer for those countries where we intended afterwards to proceed; besides, if we should procure indigo, that would answer towards our home investment. I informed the council that I had intelligence of two great ships expected daily, called the _Rhemi_ and the _Hassam_; the smallest of which, by report, was able to load the Hector with suitable commodities.

[Footnote 417: As the adventures with Sir Henry Middleton have been already narrated with sufficient amplitude, these are here only slightly mentioned, to avoid prolixity and unnecessary repetition.--E.]

My proposals being agreed to, I went aboard the Trades-increase, where I agreed with Sir Henry that our two fleets should unite in trading with as many of the India ships as we could intercept, making exchange of our English commodities for such as they had suitable for us; Sir Henry to dispose of two-thirds of all the goods that should be bartered from this day forwards, and I to have the other third, paying, however, the customs to the Grand Signior. Accordingly, the Hector and Thomas were directed to ply between the north end of the island of Bab-al-Mondub and the Habesh shore, to intercept all ships that came that way, but with strict charges that no one should take from them the value of a penny, or offer them the slightest violence or injury.

The 18th I set sail for Mokha, where we arrived in five hours. The 20th the governor desired a list of our commodities, which Mr Cockes carried him. He picked several colours of our broad-cloth, promising to purchase to the extent of 1000 dollars, besides some quantity of lead and tin. Many others desired to have lead and iron, wherefore the governor requested some quantity might be brought ashore next morning, saying, that when he once began to trade with us, the merchants would certainly follow. He sent three samples of indigo, but none of the Lahore kind, which is round, and the best. The price asked was 100 dollars the _churle_, or 127 _rotulas_ of Mokha, or about 150 pounds English. This price was quite unreasonable, as we estimated the three sorts to be only worth respectively thirty, forty, and forty-five dollars the _churle_. The 21st, we sent ashore eight pieces of cloth, one ton of iron, a ton of lead, and two chests of tin, of six cwt. For four of the best cloths they offered one and a half dollar the _pike_, which ought to be twenty-seven inches, but proposed to measure by a pike of thirty-one inches. They likewise offered 120 dollars for the _bahar_ of tin, twelve for the bahar of iron, and fifteen for the lead, prices which we could not accept, and therefore our merchants returned aboard with their commodities at night.

The 25th we went for Assab, where, on the 27th, we found the Trades-increase and the Hector, with eleven sail of junks, or India ships, from various parts. On coming into the road, or harbour of Assab, it is proper to keep the northern shore aboard, leaving a little rock or hummock on the starboard side, when we have twelve, eleven, ten, nine, eight, and seven fathoms, on a sandy bottom. We anchored in seven fathoms, about half a mile from the shore. The 30th, the _nakhadas_, or Indian ship-masters, requested that such of their goods as we wanted might be sorted immediately, that they might not lose the monsoon for returning to India, offering to bring aboard our ships any packages we pleased, to be there examined, and to carry back what we refused. The 9th May, I caused two large India ships to be measured, which were of the following scantlings:--The _Rhemi_ from stem to stern-port, was 153 feet long, her rake aft from the post being seventeen feet, the top of her sides in breadth forty-two, and her depth thirty-one feet. The Mahamudi was 136 feet long, her rake aft twenty, her breadth forty-one, her depth twenty-nine and a half, and her main-yard 132 feet.

The 15th May, the king of Rahayta, a petty prince on the African coast of the Red Sea, came to Assab to visit Sir Henry and me, riding upon a cow. He had a turban on his head, from which a piece of periwinkle shell hung down on his forehead instead of a jewel. He was entirely naked, except a piece of painted cloth about his loins, and was attended by 150 men, armed with darts, bows and arrows, swords and targets. Sir Henry and I went ashore, taking with us a guard of 100 men, shot and pikes, to prevent treachery, lest the Turks might have planned any trick through his means, under cover of courtesy, and we were loth to let him go back without an interview, lest we might lose his friendship, and the refreshments we procured at the port of Assab, which is in his dominions. We gave him several presents, and, at his particular entreaty, gave him his fill of aquavitae, so that he could hardly stand. These people are Mahometans, being black and hard-favoured, with crisp hair. The king presented us with five bullocks, and promised every assistance in his power.

This day I got a note of the prices of commodities, as lately bought and sold at Surat, of the following tenor:--Broad-cloth of twenty pounds each piece, of several colours, twenty _mahmudies_ the _conido_, of thirty-five inches; five _mahmudies_ being equal to one rial of eight, or Spanish dollar. Kersies, eighty-four mahmudies the piece, being less than ours cost in England. Lead; the _great maund_, of thirty-three pounds, seven one-third _mahmudies_. Tin, the _small maund_, of twenty-five pounds, five and a half dollars. At Dabul, iron sold for twenty-one dollars the _bahar_, of 360 pounds. Damasked pieces,[418] from twelve to eighteen dollars each. Elephants teeth, sixty-five mahmudies the great maund, of thirty-three pounds. Indigo _cirkesa_,[419] three sorts, the best at fourteen rupees, each worth half a dollar; the second sort, twelve rupees, and the third, eight rupees for the great maund, of thirty-three pounds. Three sorts of Lahore indigo, being the best of all, the best, thirty-six, the second, thirty, and the third, twenty-four rupees for a maund weighing fifty-five pounds. Charges of bringing it to the water-side, ten in the 100 for the _cirkesa_, and twenty in the 100 custom for the _lahore_ indigo.

[Footnote 418: Perhaps these were damasked gun-barrels.--E.]

[Footnote 419: Cirkesa, by others named Serkes and Sherkes, is a village near Ahmedabab, the capital of Cambaya, or Guzerat, where indigo is made.--Astl. 466. d.]

The 23d May, the Thomas, having forty-nine men all in health, set sail for Socotora for aloes, and to go thence for Priaman and Tekoo in Sumatra, for pepper. The 8th August the Hector sailed for Priaman and Tekoo, having eighty-eight Englishmen aboard in perfect health, the monsoon being now favourable. The 10th and 11th all reckonings were cleared between us and the junks Hassani, Caderi, Mahmudi, Rehemi, and Salameti. Our whole cargo, including commodities and dollars, bartered for at this place, did not exceed 46,174 dollars. The two following acquittances on this occasion will enable the reader the better to understand the nature of the dealings at this place, in this forced trade with the India ships.[420]

[Footnote 420: These appear to have been translated by or for Purchas, the former from Arabic, and the latter from Malabar, as the one has a subscription and seal in Arabic, and the other a subscription in some Indian character, yet considerably different from that formerly inserted in Purchas under the name of Banian.--E.]

_In Mokha Roads, in the Red Sea, 10th August, 1612._

Be it remembered, that I, _Mahomed Hassan Comal Adin Ashen_, captain of the _Hassani_ of Surat, have bartered and sold to Captain John Saris, general of the eighth voyage to the East Indies, for the sum of 7400-11/48 rials of eight, in the following goods, viz.

Indigos of all sorts, 86 bales, amounting, with profit, to rials 3046-7/48 Cambaya cloth, 316 _corges_, 7-1/2 pieces, amount, &c. 4136 Three carpets, valued at 20 Two cotton quilts, at 80 rials a _corge_, 8 Rice, butter, ginger, and sugar, amount 53-7/24 For 18 yds. broad cloth, received back in account, 96 Four bales gum-lac, with profit 40-10/24 ---------- Sum total of merchandise sold, Rials 7400-11/48

And I have received in payment these following goods, viz.

Broad cloths, 28-1/2 pieces, amounting, in rials, 4574-30/48 Ten pieces of kersies, 501-1/3 Thirty _bahars_ of lead, 720 Twenty bahars of iron, 480 Four and a half bahars of tin, 679-1/2 Fifteen fowling-pieces, 445 ---------- Sum total of these goods received, Rials 7400-11/48

* * * * *

_In Mokha Road, in the Red Sea, the 12th August, 1612._

Be it remembered, that I, Nakhada Hassan, captain of the good ship Caderi of Diu, have bartered and sold to Captain John Saris, &c. for the sum of 2947-9/10 rials of eight, in these following goods, _viz_.

Indigo of both sorts, 31 bales, amounting, with profit, to rials 1694-11/16 Brought over, Rials 1694-13/16

Spikenard, one bale; turbith,[421] one bale; cinnamon, five bales; amount, with profit, 64-1/4

Cambaya cloth, 137 _corges_ and 3 pieces, amount, with profit, 1188-1/2 ________________ Sum total, Rials 2947-9/16

And I have received in payment these goods following, viz.

Broad cloths, six pieces, amounting, in rials, 890-2/3 Kersies, ten pieces, 477-1/3 Lead, 31-3/4 bahars, 762-17/48 Iron, 10 bahars, 240 Tin, 1-1/2 bahar, 226-2/3 Fowling-pieces, fourteen, 350 Received in money to balance 0-17/24

Sum total of goods received, Rials 2947-9/16

The 13th of August, 1612, we set sail from Mokha in the Clove, having on board seventy-five men, all in perfect health. The 14th we got sight of the _Bab,_ but the wind being large at N.W. we steered through the great channel on the Abyssinian side, having 18 fathoms water about one league from the island of _Babo,_ where is a good and safe harbour for shipping, but the place is barren. The 3d September we arrived at Socotora in Delisha road; when we understood the Thomas had been here three months before, but made no stay, as they could not agree for the aloes. The 4th the merchant and linguist went ashore, and were kindly treated by the king, but could not agree in the price, as he asked 40 dollars the quintal of 104 pounds, saying he had only 25 quintals, and was much solicited for it by the Portuguese. At length we agreed to give 30 dollars for one parcel, and 38 for another, and he delivered us 4067 pounds, which cost 1418-1/2 rials of eight, or dollars. On this occasion we found the king false both in his weights and word, yet we treated him well for the good of future voyages. We sailed for Bantam on the 8th September.

[Footnote 421: Perhaps turmeric is here meant--E.]

The 22d, in lat. 8° 12' N. by the stars, steering E. by S. with the wind W.S.W. we fell at midnight into the strangest and most terrifying shining water that any of us had ever seen, the water throwing so great a glare about the ship that we could discern the letters in a book perfectly, whereas it had been so dark only half an hour before, that we could not see half the length of our ship any way. We doubted it had been the breach of some sunken ground, and thought to have cast about; but after sailing in it half an hour without any alteration, we held on our course, and at length it proved to be cuttle-fish that made this fearful show.

We got sight of the island of Ceylon on the 27th in the morning, bearing N.E. by E. about 7 leagues off, being very high land up the country, but very low near the sea. The 29th we saw Cape Comorin about 14 leagues off, being very high land. This cape is in the latitude of 7° 42' [more accurately 7° 57' N.] whereas our charts lay it down in 6° 10'. During our course we did not fall in with any of the islands laid down in our charts, neither did we see any of the Maldive islands, which are said to be so numerous.

The 15th October, when in lat. 4° 49' S. we got sight of Sumatra, where we found a strong current setting us from the land. Such as are bound for the straits of Sunda, must keep the coast of Sumatra on board after they get into lat. 1° 30' S. as the current begins there. It is proper to keep thirty leagues off the coast of that island and with a good look-out, as there are many _cayos_[422] fifteen or twenty leagues out at sea, but which we did not see, as we were kept farther out by the current. The 24th we came to anchor in the road of Bantam, all our people being in as good health, or better, than when we left England. Contrary to our expectation, we here found the Hector, which had arrived only the day before, in company with the James and several Dutch ships. The arrival of all these ships, and the daily expectation of the Trades-increase, Pepper-corn, Darling, and Thomas, occasioned a great and sudden alteration in the prices of commodities. Such as were in considerable request, were raised nearly to three times the price for which they sold the day before the Hector arrived. Cloves, which the people of the Hector and James had bought the day before at sixteen dollars the pekul, were now risen to forty dollars and upwards. Pepper, which was ten dollars for ten sacks, rose upon our coming to twelve and a half dollars; and so of other commodities.

[Footnote 422: Keys, islands and rocks.--E.]

We went to court on the 26th, accompanied by our merchants, and gave divers presents to _Pangran Chamarra_, who enjoyed the entire authority of government as protector, although the king was now of full age. From him we procured a licence to land our goods, providing the royal officers were made acquainted with all that were brought on shore, that the king might not be wronged of his duties. The 28th a letter from Mr William Adams, written from Japan, was read in presence of all our merchants, that they might consider what hopes there were of trade in that country. It was now concluded in a council of commerce, considering the power of the Dutch in the Moluccas and Banda, where they were almost absolute masters, and that Bantam was exceedingly unhealthy, where besides our people injured themselves greatly on shore with drink and loose women, that the Hector should be dispatched in all speed to England, and that 14,000 sacks of pepper should be provided for her and the Thomas without delay, fearing that pepper might be raised still higher when the natives got news of the other expected ships. We accordingly bargained with _Lackmoy_ for 2000 sacks of pepper, at 127-1/2 dollars the 100 sacks; and with _Keewee_ for 1000 sacks at 125 dollars the 100 sacks, and for 3000 more at 150 dollars the 100. We now tried ashore what was the weight of a pekul of cloves, which we found to be 132 pounds English.

The 9th November, Sir Henry Middleton arrived at Bantam in the Pepper-corn. The 15th, at the earnest request of _Chamarra_ the protector, we mustered before the palace eighty of our men in arms from our different ships, to assist in celebrating the breaking up of the Mahometan Lent, which gave him much content, more especially as the Dutch refused to gratify him. The 16th we agreed with _Keewee_ for 4000 sacks of pepper at 160 dollars the 100 sacks, with an allowance of three in the hundred _basse_. The 18th eleven large Dutch ships arrived, the Thomas being in their company. She had only got at Priaman 312 bahars of pepper, and twenty _tael_ of gold. On the 22d, 100 Dutchmen, armed with firelocks and pikes, all in brave array, marched to the front of the palace, where they drew up in a ring and gave three vollies. The protector sent word in the king's name to thank them, saying they had done enough, and might depart with their iron hats; for so the Javanese call head-pieces. The 28th, three Dutch ships sailed homewards bound, mostly laden with pepper and mace, and five more of their ships sailed for Banda and the Moluccas.

The 4th December, a Dutch ship arrived from Coromandel, from which we had intelligence that the Globe was at Patane bound for Siam. The 11th, the Hector, having taken in her lading, sailed from Bantam to the watering-place called _Morough,_ where the air is good and healthy, and where refreshment of oranges is to be had in abundance, besides other wholesome fruits, intending to wait there till the Thomas was fully laden. The 22d, the Trades-increase and Darling arrived from Priaman. The 25th, in honour of the birth-day of the Saviour, certain chambers were discharged at our English factory, which were answered by ordnance from our ships. The 28th, _Keewee,_ the chief China merchant, invited Sir Henry Middleton and me, with all our merchants, to dinner at his house, where he had a play acted by Chinese actors on a stage erected for the purpose, which they performed with good pronunciation and gesture. The 12th January, 1613, the Thomas set sail for England, having a crew of thirty-six English and three Indians.

§ 4. _The Voyage of Captain Saris, in the Clove, towards Japan, with Observations respecting the Dutch and Spaniards at the Molucca Islands._[423]

In the morning of the 4th January, 1613, we weighed anchor from the road of Bantam for Japan, having taken in 700 sacks of pepper to make trial of trade at that place. Our crew consisted of seventy-four Englishmen, one Spaniard, one Japanese, and five _Swarts,_ [blacks] or Indians. The 15th, in the morning, having little wind, we hauled off into fourteen fathoms, and steered E. by S. and E.S.E. leaving _Pulo Lack_ on our starboard, and eleven or twelve small islands on our larboard; our depth shoaling from, fourteen to ten fathoms us we passed between two islands to the east of _Palo Lack._ In this fair way there is a shoal which has not above six feet water, and does not exceed half a cable's length in extent either way. Close in with it there are ten fathoms water, and the very next cast is on ground, as we had sad experience, having lain three hours beating on it with a reasonably stiff gale, but got off through God's mercy, and the extraordinary exertions of the crew. Our ship sprung a leak, which kept every man at the pump, myself only excepted, during the whole night, and till ten o'clock next day. Every one took his spell in turn, and little enough to keep the leak from increasing, so that we were all doubtful of being obliged to put back for Bantam, to the great risk of losing our men by sickness, and disappointing our voyage to Japan; but, thank God, our carpenter found the leak, and made it tight. To avoid this shoal it is necessary to keep close to the islands, as the main of Java is shoally.

[Footnote 423: In this voyage, being one not now usual, we have followed the course minutely along with Captain Saris--E.]

The 16th, we anchored at a watering-place called _Tingo Java,_ fourteen leagues from Bantam, and about three and a half leagues westwards of _Jacatra._ We rode between two islands, which are about five miles off the point, having nine and ten fathoms close to the islands, but towards the main land is shoally. I sent presents to the king of Jacatra and to his sabandar and admiral, requesting leave to purchase such necessaries as we wanted; and on the 18th the king sent his chief men aboard, thanking me for the presents, and offering me every thing his country afforded. The 21st we set sail, steering near the eastermost of the two islands that are over against the watering-place, having nine and ten fathoms, and so to seawards of all the islands E.N.E. from the watering-place. The outwardmost of them beareth E. by N. northerly; and off its northern point is a shoal half a league distant, on which the sea is seen to break, at which time the east point of Jacatra bears east-southerly, depth seventeen and eighteen fathoms, and all the way out from twenty to fourteen fathoms. You will here find a current setting E.S.E. for which you must allow according as you have the wind. In the evening, having little wind at N. by W. and the current setting us to the S.E. upon the shore, we came to anchor in, thirteen fathoms, having shot three leagues to the eastward of the east point of Jacatra, with the wind at N.W.

We weighed on the 22d, with the wind at S.W. and steered E.N.E. to get into deep water, and had fourteen fathoms, when the high hill over Bantam bore W.S.W. half a point westerly. The morning of the 23d _we deckt up our sails_, the wind being at S.E. and had sight of an island off Cheribon, with three of those high-peaked hills of Java, the easternmost of which bore S.E. while Cheribon bore S. by E. Our latitude at noon was 6° 10' S. The wind at N.N.W. and the island bearing E. by N. three and a half leagues off. You may boldly keep in twenty-three or twenty-four fathoms water in the offing, and in twenty fathoms upon Java in the darkest night that is, and during the day upon Java in any depth you please. The 24th, in the morning, we had sight of the three high-peaked hills, and of three others farther eastwards, that looked like islands. Our depth was twenty fathoms, the point of Japara bearing S.E. by S. and the island [_Carimon Java_] bearing S.E. and N.W. about nine leagues off. We steered E. by S. and E.S.E. latitude 6° 10' and made our course twenty leagues E.

At day-break of the 26th, we had sight of _Pulo Lubek_, bearing N.E. by E. eight leagues off, wind at W. by N. We steered E. by S. in thirty-four and thirty-five fathoms; and about nine a.m. saw land bearing S.E. and S.E. by S. the before-named island now bearing N.E. by N. At noon our latitude was 6° 12' S. and our course twenty-two leagues E. and E. by N. By four p.m. _Pulo Lubek_ bore W. by N. nine leagues off, and our depth was thirty-four fathoms. Noon of the 27th our latitude was 6° 4' S. our course twenty-eight leagues E. northerly, depth thirty-eight fathoms; and by three p.m. we had sight of an island N.N.E. seven leagues off. At five p.m. we had thirty-four fathoms.

At four a.m. of the 20th, we had twenty-five fathoms, steering E. till noon, when our latitude was 5° 55' S. our course having been twenty leagues E. northerly, and our depth was now thirty-five fathoms. From noon we steered E. by S. Early in the morning of the 29th, having the wind at W. by N. we steered E. by S. and had no ground with forty fathoms line; but at noon we found fifty-two fathoms, with many _overfalls_. Our latitude was this day at noon 6° 9' S. our course twenty-eight leagues E. by S. the wind W. and W. by N. and a current setting to the westwards. We steered E. and in the afternoon had no ground with 100 fathoms.

The 30th, in the morning, our latitude was 5° 57' S. our longitude from Bantam 224 leagues E. our course E. northerly twenty-eight leagues, the _overfalls_ continuing, but had no ground at 100 fathoms. At three p.m. we had sight from the topmast-head of a low flat island, bearing N.E. by N. five or six leagues off, full of trees. We had eighteen fathoms water, and the next cast eighty-five fathoms. We steered E. by S. and at four p.m. the island bore N. by E. half a point N. three or four leagues off. We then had sight of two other low flat islands, one opening to the eastwards, and the other to the westwards, so that the first seen lay in the middle between them. At six p.m. that first seen island bearing N. half a point E. we sounded, and had no ground at eighty fathoms. We steered E. by S. constantly throwing the lead, in regard to the _overfalls_ or ripplings, which were very fearful, yet had no ground at sixty fathoms.

At day-break of the 31st, we had sight of Celebes, its western extremity rising like an island, and the outermost high land bearing E. by N. six leagues off, our latitude 5° 52' S. our course E. northerly sixteen leagues, and a current setting N.W. At sun-set we took in our sails, that we might not overshoot the straits of _Desalon_, called _Solore_ by the natives.[424] Keeping our lead going all night, while under easy sail, we had first twenty fathoms, the high land being then north, and drove thence into thirty-three and forty-seven fathoms, fearing a shoal about two-thirds of a league from Celebes, on which the sea breaks at low-water. The passage, or straits, on the Celebes side, is very dangerous, and full of sunken ground, wherefore we hauled off to the _Desalon_ side, giving it a good birth, having a peaked hill next the sea-side, rising like an island. When you are to the westward, this hill bears N.N.E. When it bears north, then you are athwart the west end of the shoal, and then will the island on your starboard-hand bear E.N.E. so that you may boldly steer through in the middle between the two islands. When the peaked hill bears N. by W. then you are athwart the east end. This east end of Desalon shews like an island, and will deceive you till you come to it; but when you have brought the north end of the point E.N.E. you may be bold, as being now clear of the before-mentioned shoal. It is about four leagues between these islands, and we came within half a mile of the island on our starboard. While going through, the wind took us suddenly short, but on sounding, we had no ground at fifty-five fathoms.

[Footnote 424: The passage between the S.W. extremity of Celebes and the Sallyee islands seems here meant.--E.]

The afternoon of the 1st February we were abreast the point of the island, bearing S. of us, and the two islands which make the straits lay from each other N. and S. distant five small leagues. The morning of the 2d we had sight of the south part of _Desalon_, S.W. by S. and the north part W. by N. eight leagues off. We steered E. by N. the wind at N. by E. Our latitude being 5° 52' S. and Desalon ten leagues off. The morning of the 3d the south end of the isle of _Cambyna_ bore N.E. by E. and a small island or hummock N.E. eight or nine leagues off. In the morning of the 4th we were in latitude 5° S. with the wind at N.E. and at 3 p. m. we saw land E. by N. which we made to be _Boeton_ or_ Botun._ The 5th, being three or four leagues off Cambyna, we found the current carrying us to the northwards. The 7th at day-break we neared Botun, and the 8th saw another island called _Tingabasse_, or _Tockan Bessy_, rising round and flat.

The 9th we had sight of two _Curra-Curras_ between us and Botun, on which we sent the skiff to one of them, which brought one Mr Welden, who had formerly belonged to the Expedition, and a Dutchman, both of them being bound for Banda. Mr Welden was in the employment of the king of Botun, in the trade between that place and Banda, and had the command of these two curra-curras. Our latitude was 5° 20'. We had the wind at E.N.E. and steered north. At night the wind came southerly, and we steered N.N.E. From the east point of Botun the land falls away suddenly, forming two great bays to the N.N.W. and with three great islands which lie to the northward of Botun, forms the straits of that name. The strait of Botun is not above a league broad, the entrance being on the north side of the island. If you come from the westwards, when abreast the north-west point, the proper course is E.N.E. and E. by N. up to the road, with no danger but what may be seen; but you must leave the three great islands to the north of your course, not going between any of them; and on falling in with the west end of Botun, go not between and the island lying off it. There are two long islands, but leave both to starboard, as there is broken ground between them and Botun. If the wind serve, haul to the northward of all the islands, going either between Botun and Cambyna, or else to the northward of Cambyna likewise, and so you may keep the shore of Celebes, for it is bold.

The morning of the 13th we had sight of the island of _Buro_ or _Boero_, being high land; and the 14th, in the morning, we bore up with the east point of the island, to seek for some place where we might anchor. At noon of the 18th, we were within a mile of an island called _Sula_, and sent our skiff ashore to speak with the natives. We had fifteen fathoms only the ship's length from shore, and no ground a mile off with 100 fathoms line. The west part of Boero bore S. 1/2 a point W. and N. 1/2 a point E. fourteen leagues one from the other, the land stretching N.N.E. The morning of the 21st we were four or five leagues off an island called by our sailors _Haleboling_, being a high-capped round island, different in shape from all the islands in sight, the point of this island of _Haleboling_, or _Boa de Bachian_, bearing N.E. by N. four leagues off. The 22d, in the morning, we had sight of land N. by E. being the island of _Machian_, which is very high land. The 23d, in the morning, we were three leagues from the land, having the wind at N.E. and were in search of a place wherein to anchor. Within a quarter of a mile from the shore we had forty fathoms, wherefore we bore up to the south part of the island, where we had twenty and nineteen fathoms for a few casts, and then no ground. We steered from this point E.S.E. for so the land lieth open, off the point of the high round island, being four leagues between the two points; but the western point is an island, with three or four others to the eastwards of it, which cannot be perceived till very near them. The land then falls away N.E. having a large and round bay or sound, very deep, with land on both sides of it. This round hill is _Bachian_, and yields great abundance of cloves; but by reason of the wars they are wasted, and as the people are not allowed the advantages of the cloves, they are not gathered, but are left to drop from the trees upon the ground to absolute waste. The natives are oppressed by the Hollanders and Spaniards, and induced by them to spoil and waste each other in civil wars; while both of these, their oppressors, remain secure in strong-holds, and look on till they can snatch, the bone from he who can wrest it from his fellow. Finding no ground on which to anchor, and being unable to get to the northwards, we stood off and on all night, hoping to get a shift of wind to carry us to Machian.

The morning of the 24th; the high land of the island, laying from us S. by E. ten or twelve leagues, had a rugged appearance. We stood in, however, and when a league from the point, sent off the skiff to look for water, and to sound for an anchorage. She returned on board, having neither found water nor place to anchor in; wherefore we stood into the bay, and presently got sight of a town and fort belonging to the Hollanders, called Boa de Bachian. The pinnace a-head found water in several places, which were all very steep and in the bottom of the bay, near to which is the Dutch fort very artificially built, and warlike, with a town hard by. We came here to anchor, a sacker shot from the fort, having very irregular soundings in going up, as seventy, sixty, eight, and ten fathoms, the ground all ooze. The Dutch saluted us with five pieces, which I returned with a like number. A messenger being on board of my ship from the king of the island, I told him our salute was in honour of his master; who indeed had sent me word by this person, that he would have come aboard to visit me, but was hindered by the Dutch. In this fort there were thirteen pieces of artillery, one being a brass demi-culverine, the others sackers and minions. The Hollanders here are more feared than loved by the natives, which yet is the cause of their greater profit; for, as soon as we arrived, the natives told us, they durst not for their lives bring us a _catty_ of cloves.

At our anchorage here, the outermost point bore S.S.W. and the other S.W. distant from us four leagues. The king sent his admiral and others of his nobles aboard to bid me welcome, saying that they knew what nation we were of by our flag. They used many ceremonious compliments, wishing we were seated among them instead of the Dutch, that they might get clear of them, as they had almost ruined their country by civil wars. I entertained them in a friendly manner, saying we had come among them for trade, and would leave a factory with them, if their king were so inclined. They answered, that such a thing would please them much, but could not now be granted; yet they would acquaint their king with what I said. The captain of the Dutch fort made me a visit on board, from whom I understood that his force consisted of thirty men, most of whom were married, some to natives of the country, and some to Dutch women; eleven of whom, as he told me, were able to do military duty even against the Spaniards or any other nation, being large and strong viragoes, with few other good qualities. No sooner was the captain on board but he was followed by this Amazonian band, who complained that they suffered great misery, and readily sat down along with our sailors to partake of such as our ship afforded; after which they returned ashore with the captain.

The 3d March we sent our skiff to sound the east side of the bay, and at an opening or entrance near a little island, she found an anchorage in twelve, sixteen, and twenty fathoms on coral ground, out from under the command of the fort; but having a shoal to the southwards, the length of three cables. This is in latitude 0° 50'. The 4th, the king of Ternate sent me a present by his priest. The 5th, at sun-rise, we observed the variation to be 4° 48' easterly. This day a Moor came aboard with a sample of cloves, and offered to sell us some quantity if we would go for them to Machian; being sent on this errand by his master, who was now on this island of Bachian. For this reason we deemed it proper to stay a day longer to have some conference with this person, whose name was Key Malladaia, being brother to the old king of Ternate. The 6th he came aboard, and promised to go with us to Machian, and to bring us to a place there called Tahannee.[425] He accordingly left two of his chief men with me as pilots, desiring us to go before and wait for him at an island by the way, where he promised to be with us in two days, giving great encouragement to hope for abundance of cloves. He told us that the Dutch gave 50 dollars the bahar, but they would cost us 60, which I very readily promised to give. The 7th we weighed from this anchorage or road, called _Amascan_; and, by direction of our new pilots, steered W. and W. by N. for Machian, leaving two islands to larboard, four or five miles from Amascan; we had twenty-two, thirty, and even forty fathoms, two cables length only off the island. The 10th we had sight of _Machian_, being a high and capped island, bearing N.E. and the island of _Tidore_ opening like a sugar-loaf on its western side, but not such high land as Machian. We anchored in twenty-three fathoms, a mile from a little island in the mouth of a strait or passage among islands five leagues from the straits of _Namorat_, and fourteen leagues from the road of Amascan, where is the Dutch fort we had been near in Bachian. The 11th in the morning, we weighed with the wind at S.S.E. and the current setting to the northwards, enabled us to pass the straits. The wind then veered to N.W. by N. on which we stood east till noon, when we tackt to westwards, and had sight of _Gilolo_, a long land. Our depth going out of the strait was from twenty-nine to thirty-four fathoms, and we had many islands to the E. and E.S.E. The point of old Bachian was three or four leagues north of the strait, leaving four islands to starboard. The island which makes that side of the strait is called _Tavally Backar_, where we anchored and remained till the 12th, waiting for Key Malladaia, being the place where he appointed to come to us, being ten leagues from Machian. In this island of Tavally we had plenty of wood, but no water. The 13th our coopers provided themselves with _rattans_, which make excellent hoops, and of which there was abundance to be had here of all sizes.

[Footnote 425: Tahannee is a town on the island of Machian, where the Portuguese formerly had a fort, but there is none now, neither for them nor the Hollanders. There is here the best anchorage in the whole island, and though very near the shore, yet perfectly safe.--_Purchas._]

As Key Malladaia did not make his appearance on the 14th, his people doubted that the Dutch had detained him, on seeing us making our way among the islands, and suspecting he was in treaty with us. Wherefore we set sail with the wind at N.W. and plied up towards Machian. The channel between Bachian, Machian, Tidore, and Ternate, stretches N. by W. and S. by E. and is six leagues across in its narrowest part. In the morning of the 15th, we passed between Gilolo, otherwise called Batta-china and Caia, our latitude at noon being 0° 17' N. so that Machian was not truly placed on our chart, in which the equator is made to pass through its middle, whereas we found it five leagues more to the northwards. The 16th in the morning we were close by the island of Caia, and had sight of a sail to the northwards, which we learnt from a fisherman to be a Dutch vessel, bound from. Machian to Tidore with _sago_, of which the natives make use instead of bread.[426] In the morning of the 17th we were near a fort of the Hollanders, called _Tabalda_; and at four p.m. we came to anchor in the road of _Pelebere_, hard by _Tahanue_, in fifty fathoms water, so near the shore as to be within call;, having one point of land to the S.S.W. two miles off, another N.E. by N. one and a half mile off, and the island of _Caia_ five leagues distant. This night some small quantities of cloves were brought to us, and a price fixed at sixty dollars the bahar of 200 _cattees_, each _cattee_ being three pounds five ounces English.[427] I received a letter from Key Malladaia at Bachian, excusing his absence, promising to be with me shortly, and saying he had sent orders to his people to supply me with all the cloves they could procure.

[Footnote 426: In the test of the Pilgrims, Captain Sons calls sago a root, while Purchas, in a marginal note, informs us that some say it is the tops of certain trees. Sago is a granulated dried paste, prepared from the pith of certain trees that grow in various of the eastern islands of India, and of which a bland, mucilaginous, and nutritive jell; is made by maceration and boiling in water.--E.]

[Footnote 427: The bahar in this instance may be called 662 pounds, and the agreed price for the cloves rather below 5d the pound.--E.]

A _Samaca_ came aboard on the 18th, who made great offers of kindness. He was accompanied by two Dutchmen, who were very inquisitive to know who had directed us into this road, saying it must have been one of the natives, and if they knew him, they would cut him in pieces before our faces. To this they added, that we did wrong in coming into these parts, as the country belonged to the Dutch by right of conquest. I ordered them back to their fort, desiring them to tell their captains, that I was ready to let them have any thing I could spare, at reasonable rates, before all others, because we acknowledged them as our neighbours and brethren in Christ; but that we could not acknowledge the country to be their property, and would therefore continue to ride there while we thought proper, and would trade with whoever was pleased to come to us. The two Dutchmen then departed, threatening the natives then aboard, that they would all be put to death if they brought us any cloves. The natives made light of this threat, saying they looked on us as friends, and would come aboard in spite of the Dutch; and this day we bought 300 cattees of cloves in exchange for Cambaya cloth, and some sold for ready money.

Next day the two Dutchmen came again on board, and immediately begun to write down in their table books the names of all the natives which came aboard our ship, on which I made our boatswain turn them out of the ship, with orders not to return. Several of our men were sent ashore, to see what entertainment the natives would give them; and on going to the towns of Tahanne and Pelebere, they were hospitably used. The natives told our men, that the Dutch had so wrought with _Key Chillisadang_, son to the king of Ternate, who was newly come to this island, that he had prohibited them from selling us any cloves on pain of death, otherwise we should have had them in preference to the Dutch, who greatly oppressed them. Towards night that prince passed by our ship in his curracurra, and I sent our pinnace to him, handsomely fitted with a fine Turkey carpet awning, and curtains of crimson silk and gold, requesting he would come aboard. He seemed to take this message kindly, but excused himself; saying he would visit me in the morning.

The 21st an _Orankey_ came aboard, telling us that a curracurra belonging to the Dutch had searched three or four proas, or canoes, bringing cloves to us, which they had confiscated, and threatened to put the natives to death for the next offence. He told us likewise, that the Dutch, since our arrival, had dispersed the whole garrison of their forts round about the island, to prevent the natives from bringing us any more spice; and had sent a message to Tidore, for two large ships to come and anchor beside us, one a-head and the other a-stern, that they might force us away without trade or refreshments. The 22d, we saw one of these ships coming round the point, after which we had little trade, as the natives were afraid to come near us; and they waited to see what we might do, as the Dutch reported we would run away at the sight of their ship. This vessel was the Red Lion, carrying thirty guns, which came to anchor astern Of our ship. I this day received a present from Key Malladaia, who was not yet come to the island.

The 24th, _Key Chillisadang_, prince of Ternate, sent to tell me that he was coming to make me a visit, on which I made preparations to give him a handsome reception. He came attended by several great curracurras, and rowed thrice round the ship before coming aboard. On entering, we fired five guns, and immediately conducted him to the cabin, where I had prepared a banquet that might have been set before the king of Ternate, with a concert of music, with which he was much delighted. He promised to give the people leave to bring us cloves, but requested me to have patience for a day or two, till he had advice from his brother, who was then at Tidore. At parting, I gave him several presents, and saluted him with seven pieces of cannon.

In the morning of the 25th, a curracurra of the Dutch rowed past our ship, scoffing at our people, and singing a song which they had made to deride us, which they often repeated, to the great displeasure of our people, who were likewise much offended by their rowing several times over our _can-bodies_, endeavouring to sink them. Thereupon I ordered the pinnace to be well manned and armed, and directed, if the Dutch on their return continued their scoffs, to run aboard and sink their curracurra. They accordingly came back, singing and scoffing as before, on which the pinnace ran aboard them with such violence, that the water came through her sides. There were on board this curracurra two Dutch captains of their forts, and plenty of men armed with shot and darts; but our pinnace was well provided, and had two good _fowlers_[428] at her head. She lay a good space aboard the curracurra, desiring the Dutchmen to take this for a warning to leave off their impertinent scoffs, or we should teach them better manners in a worse way the next time. So they went away, promising to do so no more.

[Footnote 428: Probably some species of ordnance, as swivels or musquetoons.--E.]

Towards evening the Dutch sent one of their merchants to me, with a writing from their _doctor-of-laws_, who was their chief in the absence of De Bot, or Blocke, who had come from Holland as general over eleven ships. The purport of this writing was, that all the inhabitants of the Moluccas had entered into a perpetual contract with the Dutch for all their cloves, at fifty dollars the bahar, of 200 cattees, in reward for having freed them from the Spanish yoke, at great expence of blood and treasure; and required therefore, that I should not excite the people to disobedience, to their great disadvantage, as the country was certainly theirs by right of conquest. He added, that the islanders were indebted in large sums to the Dutch, advanced on promise of repayment in cloves. I answered, that I had no intention to interfere in any of the concerns of the Dutch, and had only come for the purpose of trading with whoever might be inclined to trade with us.

The 27th, the Dutch made the prince Key Chillisadang moor his curracurra astern of us, to prevent the natives from coming aboard of us; and, in our sight, we saw him stop a canoe, which we thought was bringing us spice, and obliged it to go back to the land: yet, towards night, two of the natives brought us off some refreshments. Next day, understanding that we were dissatisfied with his proceedings, the prince removed behind a point at some distance, which much displeased the Dutch. In the afternoon, I went with the skiff, well manned, to endeavour to bargain with the prince for a parcel of cloves, but found him gone to another place. Seeing my skiff going into the bay, Captain Blocke followed in his curracurra, and would have landed where I was, but I would not suffer him. On the natives seeing this, and that Captain Blocke went back to his ship without landing, many of the better sort came down to us with much respect, and sent for cocoas and other fruits, which they distributed to the boat's crew. When the master of my ship saw Captain Blocke following me in great haste, he manned our long-boat to assist us in case of need, but on a signal to that effect from me, he returned on board.

On the 30th, the Dutch brought the prince to ride in his old place, and towards evening another Dutch ship came into the roads, called the Moon, having thirty-two pieces of good cannon, but not more than fifty men. She came to anchor a-head of us, and so near, that we could hardly swing clear of each other. The prince sent an apology for coming back, but we now saw that he was forced to do as the Dutch thought proper. On the 31st, several harsh dealings and discourtesies passed between us and the Dutch. The 1st of April, 1613, the Dutch mustered about 120 men ashore, gathered from their ships and forts, and every morning and evening relieved guard with drum and fife, and displayed ensign. On the 2d, seeing no appearance of Key Malladaia, according to his promise, I ordered our water-casks to be filled, and every thing to be in readiness for setting sail with the first fair wind. At noon this day, we found the latitude of this road of _Pelebre_, or _Pelabry_, to be 26' N. of the equator, the variation being 3° 28', and the highest land in the island of Machian bearing W.N.W. half a point westerly.

On the 5th of April we weighed anchor with little wind, and the current setting to the southwards, we drove to sea under our foresail, passing a-head of the Moon, the larger of the Dutch ships, which made a fair shot under our stern, which we presently answered close a-head of his admiral, expecting farther, but heard no more of them. At noon they both weighed and followed us; but having the wind at S.W. we were far to windward, so that the natives came aboard of us with cloves for a time, as fast as we could weigh and pay for them, the Dutch being unable to hinder. There came also an Orankey aboard, who promised us a good parcel of cloves, if we could come near the shore in the evening. The 6th, about fifty cattees of cloves were brought to us in several canoes. Towards evening; stood rather nearer the shore than I wished, in consequence of seeing a weft, on which I sent a skiff to the Orankey, who said his cloves were ready, and should be brought aboard in the dark. But in consequence of a Dutch curracurra passing by, he was in such fear, that though our people offered to guard him, he durst not venture aboard.

In the morning of the 16th, we were abreast of _Mootiere_, four leagues from the western point of Machian, N. by E. half a point easterly; and three leagues from it to the north is the island of _Marro_, two leagues beyond which is _Tidore_, between and around all which islands is clear passage on all sides, without any danger. Our latitude at noon was 0° 25'; and we could see the two Dutch ships to the southwards, plying after us. In sailing from _Marro_ to Tidore, it is proper to keep a sharp look-out, as there is a long shoal in the fair way, quite even with the sea at high-water, close to which the water has a whitish look. This shoal stretches N.E. and S.W. between _Marro_ and _Battachina_. It is seen at low-water, the ebb being six feet, the tide setting six hours to the north, and six to the south; but if you keep close to the islands, there is no fear.

The Spanish fort is on the east side of Tidore, where there is deep water close in shore; and, while off that place, the wind suddenly fell quite calm, so that the current set us in upon the land, when the fort made a shot at us, but willingly sent it short, to which we made answer by one shot to seawards. The fort then fired other two guns, which were meant to strike us, one being aimed between the mizen and ancient staff, and the other between the main and foremasts. They then fired one gun without shot, to which we answered in like manner; on which they sent off a boat with a flag of truce, the current still setting us towards the shore, there being no wind to fill our sails, and no ground at 100 fathoms, so that we could in no way keep off. There were two gallies riding under the fort, which, on their boat putting off, fired two blank shots. The boat came and made fast to our stern, having two Spaniards of some rank, who were known to Hernando, the Spaniard we brought from Bantam. These Spaniards were sent from Don Fernand Byseere, the captain-general of Tidore, to enquire who we were, what we came for, and why we did not come to anchor under the fort. Being requested to come aboard, they said they were enjoined to the contrary, wherefore I made wine and bread be handed down to them from the poop, which they fell to lustily, although under the heaviest rain I ever saw, yet would not come aboard. I told them we were subjects of the king of Great Britain, as they might well see by our colours; but they said the Dutch had often passed by scot-free by shewing British colours, which was the reason they had fired the second sharp-shot at us, thinking we were Dutch. I sent word to the Spanish commandant, that I had every inclination to serve the subjects of the king of Spain, as far as in my power, but meant to anchor farther on, where, if Don Fernando pleased to come aboard, I should give him the best welcome I could.

The Spaniards went away well satisfied with this answer, and as a fine breeze immediately sprung up, we stood along shore. The captain-general sent off to me the pilot-major of the gallies, Francisco Gomez, a man of good presence, to bid me welcome, offering his assistance to bring my ship into the best anchorage under the fort; or any where else about the island. Being dark, he brought us to an anchorage, about a league and a half from the fort, at a place where he said there was no force; and, after supper, he entreated to be set ashore, as the captain-general meant to dispatch letters to Don Jeronimo de Sylva, the _maestre del campo_ at Ternate, for instructions concerning our visit. On the morning of the 9th, before sun-rise, we found ourselves within command of a battery of eight cannon, wherefore we hoisted our anchor, and removed a league farther to the southwards, where we again anchored in thirty-five fathoms. The pilot Gomez came aboard soon after, accompanied by other two Spaniards of good family, whom I received with such welcome, that they took their lodging on board. They brought me a present of eatables from their general, to whom I sent back a suitable return; offering to supply his wants with any thing in my ship he desired, taking cloves in payment, and desiring a speedy answer, as I could not tarry long. The two Dutch ships continued to ply after us, as if they would have anchored beside us, but they afterwards went to anchor at their new fort of _Maracco_, or _Marieca_.

END OF THE EIGHTH VOLUME.