Chapter 7

SOME MISCELLANEOUS EARLY VOYAGES OF THE ENGLISH.

INTRODUCTION.

The present chapter is rather of an anomalous nature, and chiefly consists of naval expeditions against the Spaniards and Portuguese, scarcely belonging in any respect to our plan of arrangement: yet, as contained mostly in the ancient English collection of Hakluyt, and in that by Astley, we have deemed it improper to exclude them from our pages, where they may be considered in some measure as an episode. Indeed, in every extensively comprehensive plan, some degree of anomaly is unavoidable. The following apology or reason given by the editor of Astley's collection for inserting them in that valuable work, may serve us likewise on the present occasion; though surely no excuse can be needed, in a national collection like ours, for recording the exploits of our unrivalled naval defenders.

"For want of a continued series of trading voyages to Guinea, we shall here insert an account of some remarkable achievements by the English against the Spaniards and Portuguese; who, being greatly alarmed to find out merchants extending their commerce, and trading to those parts of the world which they pretended a right of engrossing to themselves, began to treat our ships very severely, wherever they had the superiority; and when they wanted force, endeavoured to surprise them by treachery, never scrupling to violate the most solemn oaths and engagements to compass their designs. For this reason the English merchant ships were obliged to go to sea armed and in company; by which means they not only prevented the outrages of these faithless enemies, but often revenged the injuries done to others of their countrymen. At length, the resentment of the nation being inflamed by their repeated treacheries and depredations, the English began to send out fleets to annoy their coasts and disturb their navigation. Of these proceedings, we propose to give a few instances in this chapter, which may suffice to shew the noble spirit that prevailed in these early times."--_Astl_. I. 194.

SECTION I.

_Gallant escape of the Primrose from Bilboa in Spain, in 1585_[332].

It is not unknown to the world, what dangers our English ships have lately escaped from, how sharply they have been entreated, and how hardly they have been assaulted; insomuch that the valour of those who managed and defended them is worthy of being held in remembrance. Wherefore, the courageous attempt and valiant enterprize of the tall ship named the Primrose of London, from before the town of Bilboa, in the province of Biscay in Spain, (which ship the corregidore of that province, accompanied by 97 Spaniards, offered violently to arrest, yet was defeated of his purpose, and brought prisoner into England,) having obtained renown, I have taken in hand to publish the truth thereof, that it may be generally known to the rest of our English ships; that, by the good example of this gallant exploit, the rest may be encouraged and incited in like extremity to act in a similar manner, to the glory of the realm and their own honour.--_Hakluyt_, II, 597.

[Footnote 332: Hakluyt, II. 537. Astley, I.194.]

* * * * *

Upon Wednesday the 26th of May 1585, while the ship Primrose of 150 tons was riding at anchor off the bay of Bilboa, where she had been two days, there came on board a Spanish pinnace, in which were the corregidore and six others, who seemed to be merchants, bringing cherries with, them, and spoke in a very friendly manner to the master of the ship, whose name was Foster. He received them courteously, giving them the best cheer he could, with beer, beef, and biscuit. While thus banqueting, four of the seven departed in the pinnace for Bilboa; the other three remaining, and seeming much pleased with their entertainment. Yet Mr Foster was suspicious of some evil designs, and gave secret intimation to his people that he was doubtful of the intentions of these men, but said nothing to his guests by which they could any way surmise that he distrusted them. Soon afterwards there came a shipboat in which were seventy persons, seemingly merchants and the like of Biscay, and a little behind came the pinnace in which were twenty-four other persons, as the Spaniards afterwards confessed. On reaching the Primrose, the corregidore and three or four of his men went on board that ship; but on seeing such a multitude, Mr Foster desired that no more might come on aboard which was agreed to: Yet suddenly all the Spaniards left their boat and boarded the Primrose, all being armed with rapiers and other weapons which they had brought secretly in the boat, and had even a drum along with them to proclaim their expected triumph.

On getting on board, the Spaniards dispersed themselves over the ship, some below deck, others entering the cabins, while the most part remained in a body as if to guard their prize. Then the corregidore, who had an officer along with him bearing a white rod in his hand, desired Mr Foster to yield himself as a prisoner to the king of Spain; on which he called out to his men that they were betrayed. At this time some of the Spaniards threatened Mr Foster with their daggers in a furious manner, as if they would have slain him, yet they had no such purpose, meaning only to have taken him and his men prisoners. Mr Foster and his men were amazed at this sudden assault, and were greatly concerned to think themselves ready to be put to death; yet some of them, much concerned for their own and Mr Fosters danger, and believing themselves doomed to death if landed as prisoners, determined either to defend themselves manfully or to die with arms in their hands, rather than to submit to the hands of the tormentors[333]; wherefore they boldly took to their weapons, some armed with javelins, lances, and boar-spears, and others with five calivers ready charged, being all the fire-arms they had. With these they fired up through the gratings of the hatches at the Spaniards on deck, at which the Spaniards were sore amazed not knowing how to escape the danger, and fearing the English had more fire-arms than they actually possessed. Others of the crew laid manfully about among the Spaniards with their lances and boar-spears, disabling two or three of the Spaniards at every stroke. Then some of the Spaniards urged Mr Foster to command his men to lay down their arms and surrender; but he told them that the English were so courageous in the defence of their lives and liberties, that it was not in his power to controul them, for on such an occasion they would slay both them and him. At this time the blood of the Spaniards flowed plentifully about the deck; some being shot between the legs from below, the bullets came out at their breasts; some were cut in the head, others thrust in the body, and many of them so sore wounded that they rushed faster out at one side of the ship than they came in at the other, tumbling fast overboard on both side with their weapons, some falling into the sea, and others into their boats, in which they made all haste on shore. But though they came to the ship in great numbers, only a small number of them returned, yet it is not known how many of them were slain or drowned. On this occasion only one Englishman was slain named John Tristram, and six others wounded; but it was piteous to behold so many Spaniards swimming in the sea, and unable to save their lives, of whom four who had got hold of some part of the ship, were rescued from the waves by Mr Foster and his men, whose bosoms were found stuffed with paper to defend them from the shot, and these four being wounded, were dressed by the English surgeon. One of these was the corregidore himself, who was governor over an hundred cities and towns, his appointments exceeding six hundred pounds a year. This strange incident took place about six o'clock in the evening; after they had landed upwards of twenty tons of goods from the Primrose, which were delivered at Bilboa by John Barrell and John Brodbank, who were made prisoners on shore.

[Footnote 333: This seems to allude to their fears of the Inquisition, if made prisoners.--E.]

After this valiant exploit, performed by 28 Englishmen against 97 Spaniards, Mr Foster and his men saw that it were vain for them to remain any longer; wherefore they hoisted their sails and came away with the rest of their goods, and arrived safely by the blessing of God near London, on the 8th June 1585. During their return towards England, the corregidore and the other Spaniards they had made prisoners offered 500 crowns to be set on shore anywhere on the coast of Spain or Portugal; but as Mr Foster would not consent, they were glad to crave mercy and remain on board. On being questioned by Mr Foster as to their reason for endeavouring thus to betray him and his men, the corregidore assured him it was not done of their own accord, but by the command of the king of Spain; and calling for his hose, which were wet, he took out the royal commission authorising and commanding him to do what he had attempted, which was to the following purport:

"Licentiate de Escober, my corregidore of my lordship of Biscay. Seeing that I have caused a great fleet to be equipped in the havens of Lisbon and Seville, that there is required for the soldiers, armour, victuals, and ammunition, and that great store of shipping is wanted for the said service: I therefore require you, on sight of this order, that with as much secrecy as may be, you take order for arresting all the shipping that may be found on the coast and in the ports of the said lordship, particularly all such as belong to Holland, Zealand, Esterland, Germany, England, or other provinces and countries that are in rebellion against me; excepting those of France, which, being small and weak, are thought unfit for the present service. And being thus arrested and staid, you shall take special care, that such merchandise as are on board these ships be taken out, and that all the armour, arms, ammunition, tackle, sails, and provisions be bestowed in safe custody, so that none of the ships and men may escape, &c. Done at Barcelona, the 29th May 1585."

In this gallant exploit is to be noted, both the great courage of the master, and the love of the mariners to save their master; likewise the great care of Mr Foster to save as much as he could of the goods of his owners, although by this conduct he may never more frequent those parts, without losing his own life and those of his people, as they would assuredly, if known, subject themselves to the sharp torments of their _Holy house_. As for the king of Spain pretending that the English were in rebellion against him, it is sufficiently well known even to themselves, with what love, unity, and concord our ships have ever dealt with them, being always at least as willing to shew pleasure and respect to their king and them, as they have been to deal hospitably by the English.--_Hakl._

SECTION II.

_Voyage of Sir Francis Drake, in 1585, to the West Indies_[334].

Upon the knowledge of the embargo laid by the king of Spain in 1585, upon the English ships, men, and goods found in his country, having no means to relieve her subjects by friendly treaty, her majesty authorised such as had sustained loss by that order of embargo to right themselves by making reprisals upon the subjects of the king of Spain; for which she gave them her letters of reprisal, to take and arrest all ships and merchandises they might find at sea or elsewhere, belonging to the subjects of that King. At the same time, to revenge the wrongs offered to her crown and dignity, and to resist the preparations then making against her by the king of Spain, her majesty equipped a fleet of twenty-five sail of ships, and employed them under the command of Sir Francis Drake, as the fittest person in her dominions, by reason of his experience and success in sundry actions.

[Footnote 334: Church. Collect. III. 155.]

It is not my intention to give all the particulars of the voyages treated of, but merely to enumerate the services performed, and the mistakes and oversights committed, as a warning to those who may read them, to prevent the like errors hereafter. As this voyage of Sir Francis Drake was the first undertaking on either side in this war, for it ensued immediately after the arrest of our ships and goods in Spain, I shall deliver my opinion of it before I proceed any farther. One impediment to the voyage was, that to which the ill success of several others that followed was imputed, viz. the want of victuals and other necessaries fit for so great an expedition; for had not this fleet met with a ship of Biscay, coming from Newfoundland with fish, which relieved their necessities, they had been reduced to great extremity. In this expedition Sir Francis Drake sailed in the Elizabeth Bonadventure; captain Frobisher, in the Aid was second in command; and captain Carlee was lieutenant-general of the forces by land, Sir Francis having the supreme command both as admiral and general.

The services performed in this expedition were, the taking and sacking of St Domingo in Hispaniola, of Carthagena on the continent of America, and of St Justina in Florida, three towns of great importance in the West Indies. This fleet was the greatest of any nation, except the Spaniards, that had ever been seen in these seas since their first discovery; and, if the expedition had been as well considered of before going from home, as it was happily performed by the valour of those engaged, it had more annoyed the king of Spain than all the other actions that ensued during that war. But it seems our long peace had made us incapable of advice in war; for had we kept and defended those places when in our possession, and made provision to have relieved them from England, we had diverted the war from Europe; for at that time there was no comparison betwixt the strength of Spain and England by sea, by means whereof we might have better defended these acquisitions, and might more easily have encroached upon the rest of the Indies, than the king of Spain could have aided or succoured them. But now we see and find by experience, that those places which were then weak and unfortified, are since fortified, so that it is to no purpose for us to attempt annoying the king of Spain now in his dominions in the West Indies. And, though this expedition proved fortunate and victorious, yet as it was father an awakening than a weakening of the king of Spain, it had been far better wholly let alone, than to have undertaken it on such slender grounds, and with such inconsiderable forces[335].

[Footnote 335: It must be acknowledged that the present section can only be considered as a species of introduction or prelude to an intended narrative of an expedition: Yet such actually is the first article in Sir William Monson's celebrated Naval Tracts, as published in the Collection of Churchill; leaving the entire of the narrative an absolute blank. Nothing could well justify the adoption of this inconclusive and utterly imperfect article, but the celebrity of its author and actor: For Sir William Monson, and the editor of Churchill's Collection, seem to have dosed in giving to the public this _Vox et preterea nihil_.--E.]

SECTION III.

_Cruizing Voyage to the Azores by Captain Whiddon, in 1586, written by John Evesham_[336].

This voyage was performed by two barks or pinnaces, the Serpent of 35 tons, and the Mary Sparke of Plymouth of 50 tons, both belonging to Sir Walter Raleigh, knight. Leaving Plymouth on the 10th June 1586, we directed our course in the first place for the coast of Spain, and thence for the islands called the Azores, in which course we captured a small bark, laden with sumach and other commodities, in which was the Portuguese governor of St Michael's Island, with several other Portuguese and Spaniards. Sailing thence to the island of Gracioso, westward of Tercera, we descried a sail to which we gave chase, and found her to be a Spaniard. But at the first, not much respecting whom we took, so that we might enrich ourselves, which was the object of our expedition, and not willing it should be known what we were, we displayed a white silk ensign in our maintop, which made them believe that we were of the Spanish navy laying in wait for English cruizers; but when we got within shot, we hauled down our white flag, and hoisted the St Georges ensign, on which they fled as fast as they were able, but all in vain, as our ships sailed faster than they; wherefore they threw overboard all their ordnance and shot, with many letters and the chart of the straits of Magellan, which lead into the south sea, immediately after which we took her, finding on board a Spanish gentleman named Pedro Sarmiento, who was governor of the straits of Magellan, whom we brought home to England, and presented to the queen our sovereign.

[Footnote 336: Hakluyt; II. 606. Astley, I. 196. The command of this expedition is attributed by the editor of Astley's Collection to captain Whiddon, on the authority of the concluding sentence.--E.]

After this, while plying off and on about the islands, we espied another sail to which we gave chase, during which our admiral sprung his main-mast; yet in the night our vice-admiral got up with and captured the chase, which we found was laden with fish from Cape Blanco on which we let her go for want of hands to bring her home. Next day we descried two vessels, one a ship and the other a caravel, to which we gave chase, on which they made with all haste for the island of Gracioso, where they got to anchor under protection of a fort; as having the wind of us we were unable to cut them off from the land, or to get up to attack them with our ships as they lay at anchor. Having a small boat which we called a _light horseman_, there went into her myself and four men armed with calivers, and four others to row, in which we went towards them against the wind. On seeing us row towards them, they carried a considerable part of their merchandise on shore, and landed all the men of both vessels; and as soon as we got near, they began to fire upon us both from their cannon and small arms, which we returned as well as we could. We then boarded one of their ships, in which they had not left a single man; and having cut her cables and hoisted her sails, we sent her off with two of our men. The other seven of us then went very near the shore and boarded the caravel, which rode within stones throw of the shore, insomuch that the people on the land threw stones at us; yet in spite of them, we took possession of her, there being only one negro on board. Having cut her cables and hoisted her sails, she was so becalmed under the land that we had to tow her off with our boat, the fort still firing on us from their cannon, while the people on shore, to the number of about 150, continually fired at us with muskets and calivers, we answering them with our five muskets. At this time the shot from my musket, being a bar-shot, happened to strike the gunner of the fort dead, while he was levelling one of his great guns; and thus we got off from them without loss or wound on our part. Having thus taken five[337] sail in all, we did as we had done with the ship with the fish, we turned them off without hurting them, save that we took from one of them her mainmast for our admiral, and sent her away with all our Spanish and Portuguese prisoners, except Pedro Sarmiento, three other principal persons, and two negroes, leaving them within sight of land, with bread and water sufficient to serve them ten days.

[Footnote 337: Four only are mentioned in the text; and it appears that they only sent away at this time the first taken ship, in which they had captured Sarmiento.--E.]

We now bent our course for England, taking our departure from off the western islands in about the latitude of 41° N. and soon afterwards one of our men descried a sail from the foretop, then ten sail, and then fifteen sail. It was now concluded to send off our two prizes, by manning of which we did not leave above 60 men in our two pinnaces. When we had dispatched them, we made sail towards the fleet we had discovered, which we found to consist of 24 sail in all; two of them being great caraks, one of 1200 and the other of 1000 tons, and 10 galeons, all the rest being small ships and caravels, laden with treasure, spices, and sugars. In our two small pinnaces we kept company with this fleet of 24 ships for 32 hours, continually fighting with them and they with us; but the two huge caraks always kept between their fleet and us, so that we were unable to take any one of them; till at length, our powder growing short, we were forced to give over, much against our wills, being much bent upon gaining some of them, but necessity compelling us by want of powder, we left them, without any loss of our men, which was wonderful, considering the disparity of force and numbers.

We now continued our course to Plymouth, where we arrived within six hours after our prizes, though we sent them away forty hours before we began our homeward course. We were joyfully received, with the ordnance of the town, and all the people hailed us with willing hearts, we not sparing our shot in return with what powder we had left. From thence we carried our prizes to Southampton, where our owner, Sir Walter Raleigh, met us and distributed to us our shares of the prizes.

Our prizes were laden with sugars, elephants teeth, wax, hides, Brazil-wood, and _cuser?_ as may be made manifest by the testimony of me, John Evesham, the writer hereof, as likewise of captains Whiddon, Thomas Rainford, Benjamin Wood, William Cooper master, William Cornish master, Thomas Drak corporal, John Ladd gunner, William Warefield gunner, Richard Moon, John Drew, Richard Cooper of Harwich, William Beares of Ratcliff, John Row of Saltash, and many others.

SECTION IV.

_Brief relation of notable service performed by Sir Francis Drake in 1587_[338].

INTRODUCTION.

The title of this article at large in Hakluyt is, A brief relation of the notable service performed by Sir Francis Drake, upon the Spanish fleet prepared in the road of Cadiz; and of his destroying 100 sail of barks; passing from thence all along the coast of Spain to _Cape Sacre_, where also he took certain forts; and so to the mouth of the river of Lisbon; thence crossing over sea to the isle of St Michael, where he surprised a mighty carak called the St Philip, coming from the East Indies, being the first of that kind ever seen in England.

[Footnote 338: Hakl. II. 607. Astl. I. 197.]

The editor of Astleys Collection says, that this relation seems to have been taken from a letter, written by one who was in the expedition to a friend; and thinks that it is not unlike the manner of Sir Walter Raleigh.--E.

* * * * *

Being informed of mighty naval preparations in Spain for the invasion of England, her Majesty queen Elizabeth, by the good advice of her grave and prudent council, thought it expedient to use measures to prevent the same; for which purpose she caused a fleet of some thirty sail to be equipped, over which she appointed as general Sir Francis Drake, of whose many former good services she had sufficient proof. She accordingly caused four ships of her royal navy to be delivered to him, the Bonaventure, in which he went general; the Lion, under the command of Mr William Borough, comptroller of the navy; the Dreadnought, commanded by Mr Thomas Venner; and the Rainbow, of which Mr Henry Bellingham was captain[339]. Besides these four ships, two of her majestys pinnaces were appointed to serve as tenders or advice boats. To this fleet, there were added certain tall ships belonging to the city of London, of whose special good service the general made particular mention, in his letters to the queen.

[Footnote 339: Sir William Monson in his Naval Tracts, in Churchills Collection, III. 156, gives a short account of this expedition. By him the admiral ship is called the Elizabeth Bonaventure, and Sir William Burroughs is called vice admiral. From a list given by Sir William Monson of the royal navy of England left by queen Elizabeth at her death, (Church. Coll. III. 196.) the Bonaventure appears to have been of the burden of 600 tons, carrying 50 pieces of cannon and 250 men, 70 of whom were mariners, and the rest landsmen. The Lion and Rainbow of 500 tons each, with the same number of guns and men as the Bonaventure. The Dreadnought of 400 tons, 20 guns, 200 men, 50 of them seamen.--E.]

This fleet sailed from Plymouth Sound, towards the coast of Spain, in April 1587. The 16th of that month, in latitude of 40° N. we met two ships belonging to Middleburg, in Zealand, coming from Cadiz, by which we were acquainted that vast abundance of warlike stores were provided at Cadiz and that neighbourhood, and were ready to be sent to Lisbon. Upon this information, our general made sail with all possible expedition thither, to cut off and destroy their said forces and stores, and upon the 19th of April entered with his fleet into the harbour of Cadiz; where at our first entering we were assailed by six gallies over against the town, but which we soon constrained to retire under cover of their fortress. There were in the road at our arrival sixty ships, besides sundry small vessels close under the fortress. Twenty French ships fled immediately to Puerta Real, followed by some small Spanish vessels that were able to pass the shoals. At our first coming, we sunk a ship belonging to Ragusa of 1000 tons, very richly laden, which was armed with 40 brass guns. There came two other gallies from Port St Mary, and two more from Puerta Real, which shot freely at us, but altogether in vain, so that they were forced to retire well beaten for their pains. Before night we had taken 30 of their ships, and were entire masters of the road in spite of the gallies, which were glad to retire under the protection of the fort. Among the captured ships was one quite new, of extraordinary size, being above 1200 tons burden, belonging to the Marquis of Santa Cruz, high admiral of Spain. Five were ships of Biscay, four of which were taking in stores and provisions belonging to the king of Spain for his great fleet at Lisbon, which we burnt. The fifth was of about 1000 tons, laden with iron spikes, nails, hoops, horse shoes, and other things of a similar kind, for the West Indies, which we likewise set on fire. We also took a ship of 250 tons, laden with wines on the kings account, which ship we carried with us to sea, when we took out the wines for our own use, and then set her on fire. We took three fliboats of 300 tons each, laden with biscuit, one of which we set on fire, after taking out half her loading, and took the other two with us to sea. We likewise fired ten ships, which were laden with wine, raisins, figs, oil, wheat, and the like. The whole number of ships which we then burnt, sunk, or brought away, amounted to 30 at the least, and by our estimation to the burden of 10,000 tons. Besides these, there were about 40 ships at Puerta Real, not including those that fled from Cadiz.

We found little ease during our stay in the road of Cadiz, as the enemy were continually firing at us from the gallies, the fortress, and the shore, being continually employed in planting new batteries against us in all convenient situations; besides which, finding they could not defend their ships any longer, they set them on fire that they might come among us, so that at the tide of flood we had much ado to defend ourselves: Yet was this a pleasant sight to behold, as we were thereby relieved from the great labour and fatigue of discharging the provisions and stores belonging to the enemy into our ships. Thus, by the assistance of the Almighty, and the invincible courage and good conduct of our general, this perilous but happy enterprize was achieved in one day and two nights, to the great astonishment of the king of Spain, and the so great vexation of the Marquis of Santa Cruz, the high admiral, that he never had a good day after, and in a few months, as may justly be supposed, he died of extreme grief. Having thus performed this notable service, we came out from the road of Cadiz on Friday morning, the 21st of April, having sustained so small loss as is not worth mentioning.

After our departure, the ten gallies which were in the road of Cadiz came out after us, as if in bravado, playing their ordnance against us. At this time the wind scanted, upon which we cast round again, and made for the shore, coming to anchor within a league of the town; and there, for all their vapouring, the gallies allowed us to ride in quiet. Having thus had experience of a galley fight, I can assure you that the four ships of her majesty which we had with us would make no scruple to fight with twenty gallies, if all alone, and not being occupied in guarding others. There never were gallies that had better place and opportunity of advantage to fight against ships; yet were they forced to retire from us while riding at anchor in a narrow gut, which we were obliged to maintain till we had discharged and fired their ships, which we could only do conveniently upon the flood tide, at which time the burning ships might drive clear of us. Being thus provisioned for several months with bread and wine at the enemies cost, besides what we had brought with us from England, our general dispatched captain Crosse to England with his letters, giving him farther in charge to relate all the particulars of this our first enterprize to her majesty.

We then shaped our course to Cape Sacre[340], and in our way thither we took at several times near 100 ships, barks, and caravels, laden with hoops, galley oars, pipe staves, and other stores belonging to the king of Spain, intended for furthering his preparations against England, all of which we set on fire and destroyed, setting all their men on shore. We also spoiled and destroyed all the fishing boats and nets thereabouts, to their great annoyance, and as we suppose to the entire overthrow of their rich Tunny fishing for that year. We came at length to Cape Sagres, where we landed; and the better to enjoy the harbour at our ease[341], we assailed the castle of Sagres and three other strong holds, some of which we took by storm and others by surrender. From thence we came before the harbour of Lisbon or mouth of the Tagus, where lay the Marquis of Santa Cruz with his fleet of gallies, who seeing us chase his ships on shore, and take and carry away his barks and caravels, was obliged to allow us to remain quietly at our pleasure, and likewise to depart, without exchanging a single shot. When our general sent him word that he was ready to combat with him, the marquis refused his challenge, saying that he was not then ready, neither had he any such commission from his sovereign.

[Footnote 340: Cape St Vincent, or rather Punta de Sagres, one of the head lands of that great promontory.--E.]

[Footnote 341: Probably the harbour of Figuera in Algarve, a town near Cape Sagres.--E.]

Thus having his challenge refused by the marquis, and seeing no more good to be done on the coast of Spain, our general thought it improper to spend any more time there; and therefore with consent of his chief officers[342], he shaped his course towards the island of St Michael, within 20 or 30 leagues of which he had the good fortune to fall in with a Portuguese carak, called the San Philippo, being the same ship which had carried out to the Indies three Japanese princes who had been in Europe[343]. The carak surrendered without resistance, and being the first that had ever been taken on the homeward voyage from India, the Portuguese took it for a bad omen, especially as she had the kings own name. Our general put all the people belonging to this carak into certain vessels well provided with provisions, and sent them courteously home to their own country. The riches of this prize seemed so great to the whole fleet, as in truth they were, that every one expected to have sufficient reward of their labour, and thereupon it was unanimously resolved to return to England, which we happily did, and arrived safe the same summer in Plymouth with our whole fleet and this rich booty, to our own profit and due honour, and the great admiration of the whole kingdom.

[Footnote 342: According to Sir William Monson, Church. Col. III. 156. Sir Francis Drake went upon this expedition to conciliate the merchant adventurers, to whom most of the ships of his squadron belonged.--E.]

[Footnote 343: Sir William Monson, in the place quoted above, says he had intelligence of this carak having wintered at Mosambique, and being now expected home.--E.]

It may be here noted, that the taking of this carak wrought two extraordinary effects in England; as in the first place it taught others that caraks were no such bugbears but that they might be easily taken, as has been since experienced in taking the Madre de Dios, and in burning and sinking others; and secondly in acquainting the English nation more particularly with the exceeding riches and vast wealth of the East Indies, by which themselves and their neighbours of Holland have been encouraged, being no less skillful in navigation nor of less courage than the Portuguese, to share with them in the rich trade of India, where they are by no means so strong as was formerly supposed.

SECTION V.

_Brief account of the Expedition of the Spanish Armada in 1588_[344].

Notwithstanding the great hurt and spoil made by Sir Francis Drake in Cadiz roads the year before, by intercepting some part of the preparations intended for the great navy of the king of Spain, he used his utmost endeavours to be revenged this year, lest by longer delay his designs might be prevented as before; wherefore he arrested all ships, men, and necessaries that were wanting for his fleet, compelling every one to serve him in his great expedition. He appointed for general of this his so called Invincible Armada, the duke of Medina Sidonia, who was employed on this occasion more for his high birth and exalted rank, than for any experience in sea affairs; for so many dukes, marquises, and earls had volunteered on this occasion, that it was feared they might repine if commanded by a person of lower quality than themselves. They departed from Lisbon on the 19th of May 1588, with the greatest pride and glory, and with less doubt of victory than ever had been done by any nation. But God, angry with their insolence, turned the event quite contrary to their expectation.

[Footnote 344: Church. Col. III. 157.]

The directions given by the king of Spain to his general, the duke of Medina Sidonia, were to repair, as wind and weather might allow, to the road of Calais in Picardy, there to wait the arrival of the prince of Parma and his army, and on their meeting they were to open a letter containing their farther instructions. He was especially commanded to sail along the coasts of Brittany and Normandy in going up the channel, to avoid being discovered by the English; and, if he even met the English fleet, he was in no case to offer them battle, but only to defend himself in case of attack. On coming athwart the North Cape[345] the duke was assailed with contrary wind and foul weather, by which he was forced to take shelter in the _Groyne_, or bay of Corunna, where part of his fleet waited for him.

[Footnote 345: Perhaps Cape Ortegal may be here meant, being the most northern head land of Spain, and not far from Corunna, called the Groyne in the text.--E.]

When about to depart from Corunna, the duke got intelligence from an English fisherman, that our fleet had lately been at sea, but had put back again and discharged most of their men, as not expecting the Spanish armada this year. This intelligence occasioned the duke to alter his resolutions, and to disobey the instructions given him by the king; yet this was not done without some difficulty, as the council was divided in opinion, some holding it best to observe the kings commands, while others were anxious not to lose the opportunity of surprising our fleet at unawares, when they hoped to burn and destroy them. Diego Flores de Valdes, who commanded the squadron of Andalusia, and on whom the duke most relied, because of his judgment and experience in maritime affairs, was the main cause of persuading to make the attempt upon our ships in harbour, and in that design they directed their course for England.

The first land they fell in with was the Lizard, being the most southerly point of Cornwall, which they mistook for the Ram-head off Plymouth; and as the night was at hand, they tacked out to sea, laying their account to make an attempt upon our ships in Plymouth next morning. In the mean time, while thus deceived in the land, they were discovered by captain Fleming, a pirate or freebooter who had been roving at sea, and who knowing them to be the Spanish fleet, repaired in all haste to Plymouth, and gave notice to our fleet then, riding at anchor, as follows:

THE ENGLISH FLEET[346].

_Ships. Commanders. Tons. Guns. Men._ The Ark Royal The Lord Admiral 800 32 400 Revenge Sir F. Drake, vice admiral Victory Sir J. Hawkins, rear admiral 800 52 400 Lion Lord Thomas Howard 500 80 250 Bear Lord Sheffield 900 40 500 Elizabeth-Jonas Sir Robert Southwell 900 40 500 Triumph Sir Martin Frobisher 1000 40 500 Hope Captain Crosse 600 30 250 Bonaventure ---- Reyman 600 30 250 Dreadnought ---- George Beeston 400 20 200 Nonparielle ---- Thomas Fenner 500 50 250 Swiftsure ---- William Fenner 400 20 200 Rainbow Lord Henry Seymour Vauntguard Sir William Wentworth Mary-Rose Captain Fenton Antilope Sir Henry Palmer 350 16 160 Foresight Captain Baker 300 16 160 Aid ---- John Wentworth Swallow ---- Richard Hawkins 330 16 160 Tiger ---- William Wentworth 200 12 100 Scout ---- Ashley 120 8 66 Bull Tremontanny 8 70 Acatice 100 8 60 Charles, pinnace Captain Roberts Moon ---- Clifford Spy ---- Bradbury 50 5 40 Noy

[Footnote 346: This list, as given by Sir William Monson in the present article, contains only the names of the ships and commanders; the other circumstances enumerated, tonnage, guns, and men, are added from a list of the royal navy of England at the death of queen Elizabeth, which will be given hereafter.--E.]

Immediately on receiving the intelligence brought by Fleming, the lord admiral got out his ships to sea with all possible expedition; so that before the Spaniards could draw near Plymouth, they were welcomed at sea by the lord admiral and his fleet, who continued to fight with them till they came to anchor at Calais. The particulars of the fight and its success I purposely omit, being things so well known[347].

[Footnote 347: This surely is a poor excuse for omitting the glorious destruction of the Spanish Armada; yet in a Collection of Voyages, it were improper to attempt supplying even this great omission, by any composition of our own; as it may be found in the historians of the time.--E.]

While this great armada was preparing, her majesty had frequent and perfect intelligence of the designs of the Spaniards; and knowing that the king of Spain intended to invade England by means of a mighty fleet from his own coast, she caused her royal navy to be fitted out under the conduct of the lord high admiral of England, whom she stationed at Plymouth as the fittest place for attending their coming. Knowing however, that it was not the Armada alone which could endanger the safety of England, as it was too weak for any enterprise on land, without the assistance of the Prince of Parma and his army in Flanders, she therefore appointed thirty ships of the Hollanders to lie at anchor off Dunkirk, where the prince and his army were to have embarked in flat bottomed boats, which were built on purpose and all in readiness for the expedition to England. Thus by the wise precautions of the queen, the prince was effectually prevented from putting to sea with his flat boats; but in truth neither his vessels nor his army were in readiness, which caused the king of Spain to be jealous of him ever after, and is supposed to have hastened his end.

Although her majesty had taken the most vigilant precautions to foresee and prevent all dangers that might threaten from sea, yet did she not deem herself and country too secure against the enemy by these means, and therefore prepared a royal army to receive them in case of landing. But it was not the will of God that the enemy should set foot on England, and the queen became victorious over him at sea with small hazard, and little bloodshed of her subjects. Having thus shewn the designs of the Spaniards, and the course pursued by the queen to prevent them, I propose now to consider the errors committed on both sides[348].

[Footnote 348: Our readers are requested to remember that these are the reflections of Sir William Monson, a contemporary.--E.]

Nothing could appear more rational or more likely to happen, after the Duke of Medina Sidonia had got intelligence of the state of our navy, than a desire to surprise them at unawares in harbour; since he well knew, if he had taken away or destroyed our strength at sea, that he might have landed when and where he pleased, which is a great advantage to an invading enemy: Yet, admitting it to have had the effect he designed, I see not how he is to be commended for infringing the instructions he had received from his sovereign. That being the case, it is easy to appreciate what blame he deserved for the breach of his instructions, when so ill an event followed from his rashness and disobedience. It was not his want of experience, or his laying the blame on Valdes, that excused him at his return to Spain, where he certainly had been severely punished, had not his wife obtained for him the royal favour.

Before the arrival in Spain of the ships that escaped from the catastrophe of this expedition, it was known there that Diego Flores de Valdes had persuaded the duke to infringe the royal instructions. Accordingly, the king had given strict orders in all his ports, wherever Valdes might arrive, to apprehend him, which was executed, and he was carried to the castle of Santander, without being permitted to plead in his defence, and remained there without being ever seen or heard of afterwards; as I learned from his page, with whom I afterwards conversed, we being both prisoners together in the castle of Lisbon. If the directions of the king of Spain had been punctually carried into execution, then the armada had kept along the coast of France, and had arrived in the road of Calais before being discovered by our fleet, which might have greatly endangered the queen and realm, our fleet being so far off at Plymouth. And, though the Prince of Parma had not been presently ready, yet he might have gained sufficient time to get in readiness, in consequence of our fleet being absent. Although the prince was kept in by the thirty sail of Hollanders, yet a sufficient number of the dukes fleet might have been able to drive them from the road of Dunkirk and to have possessed themselves of that anchorage, so as to have secured the junction of the armada and the land army; after which it would have been an easy matter for them to have transported themselves to England. What would have ensued on their landing may be well imagined.

But it was the will of HIM who directs all men and their actions, that the fleets should meet, and the enemy be beaten, as they were, and driven from their anchorage in Calais roads, the Prince of Parma blockaded in the port of Dunkirk, and the armada forced to go about Scotland and Ireland with great hazard and loss: Which shews how God did marvellously defend us against the dangerous designs of our enemies. Here was a favourable opportunity offered for us to have followed up the victory upon them: For, after they were beaten from the road of Calais, and all their hopes and designs frustrated, if we had once more offered to fight them, it is thought that the duke was determined to surrender, being so persuaded by his confessor. This example, it is very likely, would have been followed by the rest. But this opportunity was lost, not through the negligence or backwardness of the lord admiral, but through the want of providence in those who had the charge of furnishing and providing for the fleet: For, at that time of so great advantage, when they came to examine into the state of their stores, they found a general scarcity of powder and shot, for want of which they were forced to return home; besides which, the dreadful storms which destroyed so many of the Spanish fleet, made it impossible for our ships to pursue those of them that remained. Another opportunity was lost, not much inferior to the other, by not sending part of our fleet to the west of Ireland, where the Spaniards were of necessity to pass, after the many dangers and disasters they had endured. If we had been so happy as to have followed this course, which was both thought of and discoursed of at the time, we had been absolutely victorious over this great and formidable armada. For they were reduced to such extremity, that they would willingly have yielded, as divers of them confessed that were shipwrecked in Ireland.

By this we may see how weak and feeble are the designs of men, in respect of the great Creator; and how indifferently he dealt between the two nations, sometimes giving one the advantage sometimes the other; and yet so that he only ordered the battle.

SECTION VI.

_Account of the Relief of a part of the Spanish Armada, at Anstruther in Scotland, in 1588_[349].

However glorious and providential the defeat and destruction of the _Invincible Armada_, it does not belong to the present work to give a minute relation of that great national event. It seems peculiarly necessary and proper, however, in this work, to give a very curious unpublished record respecting the miserable fate of the Spanish armada, as written by a contemporary, the Reverend James Melville, minister of Anstruther, a sea-port town on the Fife, or northern, shore of the Frith of Forth.

[Footnote 349: From MS. Memoirs of James Melville, a contemporary.]

James Melville, who was born in 1556, and appears to have been inducted to the living of Anstruther only a short time before the year 1588, left a MS. history of his own life and times, extending to the year 1601. Of this curious unpublished historical document, there are several copies extant, particularly in the splendid library of the Faculty of Advocates, and in that belonging to the Writers to the Signet, both at Edinburgh. The present article is transcribed from a volume of MSS belonging to a private gentleman, communicated to the editor by a valued literary friend. It had formerly belonged to a respectable clergyman of Edinburgh, and has the following notice of its origin written by the person to whom it originally belonged.

"The following History of the Life of James Melville, was transcribed from an old MS. lent to me by Sir William Calderwood of Poltoun, one of the Judges of the Courts of Session and Justiciary, who had it among other papers that belonged to his grand-uncle, Mr David Calderwood, author of Altare Damascenum, History, &c."

This MS. so far as it contains the Life of James Melville, extends to 360 folio pages; of which the present article occupies about three pages, from near the bottom of p. 184. to nearly the same part of p. 187. The orthography seems to have been considerably modernized by the transcriber, but without changing the antiquated words and modes of expression. Such of these as appeared difficult to be understood by our English readers, are here explained between brackets.--E.

* * * * *

That winter, [1587-8] the King [James VI. of Scotland] was occupied in commenting of the Apocalyps, and in setting out sermons thereupon, against the papists and Spaniards; and yet, by a piece of great oversight, the papists practiced never more busily in this land, and [nor] made greater preparation for receiving of the Spaniards, nor [than] that year. For a long time, the news of a Spanish navy and army had been blazed abroad; and about the lambastyde of the year 1588, this island had found a fearful effect thereof, to the utter subversion both of kirk and policy, if God had not wonderfully watched over the same, and mightily foughen and defeat that army, by his souldiers the elements, which he made all four most fiercely till afflict them, till almost utter consumption. Terrible was the fear, peircing were the preachings, earnest zealous and fervent were the prayers, sounding were the sighs and sabs, and abounding were the tears, at that fast and general assembly keeped at Edinburgh, when the news were credibly told, sometimes of their landing at Dunbar, sometimes at St Andrews and in Tay, and now and then at Aberdeen and Cromerty firth: and, in very deed, as we knew certainly soon after, the Lord of armies, who rides upon the wings of the wind, the Keeper of his own Israel, was in the mean time convying that monstrous navy about our coasts, and directing their hulks and galliasses to the islands, rocks and sands, whereupon he had distinat their wrack and destruction.

For, within two or three moneths thereafter, early in the morning by break of day, one of our baillies[350] came to my bed side, saying, but not with fray [fear], "I have to tell you news, Sir: There is arrived within our harbour this morning, a shipfull of Spaniards, but not to give mercy; but to ask." And so shews me that the commander had landed, and he had commanded them to their ship again, and the Spaniards had humbly obeyed. He therefore desired me to rise and hear their petition with them. Up I got with diligence, and, assembling the honest men of the town, came to the tolbooth[351], and after consultation taken to hear them and what answer to make, there presented us a very venerable man of big stature, and grave and stout countenance, grey haired and very humble like, who, after much and very low courtesie, bowing down with his face near the ground, and touching my shoe with his hand, began his harangue in the Spanish tongue, whereof I understood the substance; and, I being about to answer in Latin, he having only a young man with him to be his interpreter, [who] began and told over again to us in good English.

[Footnote 350: The baillies of towns in Scotland are equivalent to aldermen in England. The author here refers to the town of Anstruther, a sea port town of Fife, on the northern shore of the Firth of Forth, of which he was minister. There are two Anstruthers, easter and wester, very near each other, and now separate parishes; but it does not appear to which of these the present historical document refers: Perhaps they were then one.--E.]

[Footnote 351: The town-house; but now generally applied to signify the prison, then, and even now, often attached to the town hall.--E.]

The sum was, That king Philip his master had rigged out a navy and army to land in England, for just causes to be avenged of many intollerable wrongs which he had received of that nation. But God, for their sins, had been against them, and by storm of weather had driven the navy _by_ [past] the coast of England, and him with certain captains, being the general of twenty hulks, upon an isle of Scotland called the Fair isle, where they had made shipwrack, and were, so many as had escaped the merciless seas and rocks, more nor [than] six or seven weeks suffered great hunger and cold, till conducting that bark out of Orkney, they were come hither as to their special friends and confederates, to kiss the kings majesties hand of Scotland, and herewith he _becked_ [bowed] even to the _yeard_ [ground]; and to find relief and comfort thereby to himself, these gentlemen, captains, and the poor souldiers, whose condition was for the present most miserable and pitiful.

I answered this much in sum, That, howbeit neither our friendship, which could not be great, seeing their king and they were friends to the greatest enemy of Christ, the pope of Rome, and our king and we defied him, nor yet their cause against our neighbours and special friends of England, could procure any benefit at our hands for their relief or comfort; nevertheless they should know by experience that we were men, and so moved by human compassion, and christians of better religion _nor_ [than] they, which should _kythe_ [appear manifest] in the fruits and effects plain contrary to theirs: For, whereas our people, resorting among them in peaceable and lawful affairs of merchandise, were violently taken and cast in prison, their goods and _gier_ [chattels] confiscate, and their bodies committed to the cruel flaming fire for the cause of religion, they should find nothing amongst us but Christian pity and works of mercy and alms, leaving to God to work in their hearts concerning religion as it pleased him. This being truly reported again to him by his townsmen, with great reverence he gave thanks and said, "He could not make answer for their _kirk_ [church], and the laws and order thereof, only for himself, that there were divers Scotsmen who knew him, and to whom he had shewn courtesy and favour at Calice[352], and as he supposed some of this same town of Anstruther."

[Footnote 352: _Calice_ in this passage, and _Calais_ in one subsequent, certainly means Cadiz in Spain; which to this day is often called _Cales_ by English mariners.--E.]

So [I] shewed him that the bailies had granted him licence, with the captains, to go to their lodging for their refreshment, but to none of their men to land, till the overlord of the town were advertised, and understood the kings majesties mind _anent_ [concerning] them. Thus with great courtesie he departed.

That night the _laird_ [lord of the manor] being advertised, came; and, on the morn, with a good number of the gentlemen of the countrey round about, gave the said general and the captains _presence_, [audience] and after the same speeches in effect as before, received them in his house, and suffered the souldiers to come a land and ly altogether to the number of thirteen score, for the most part young beardless men, _silly_, [weak] travelled, and hungered; to the which, one day or two _kail pottage_[353] and fish was given; for my advice was conform to the prophet Elizeus [Elisha] his to the king of Israel in Samaria, _Give them bread and water, &c._

[Footnote 353: A mess formerly much used in Scotland among the commons, being a kind of soup maigre, composed of _kail_, a species of greens or coleworts, boiled in water, and thickened with oat-meal, grits, or shelled barley.--E.]

The names of the commanders were Jan [Juan] Gomes de Medina, general of twenty hulks, captain Patricio, captain de Lagaretto, captain de Luffera, captain Mauretio, and Seingour Serrano. But verily all the while, my heart melted within me for desire of thankfulness to God, when I remembered the prideful and cruel natural temper of the people, and how they would have used us, in case they had landed with their forces among us, and the wonderful work of Gods mercy and justice in making us see them, the chief commanders of them, to make such due-gard [submission] and courtesie to poor seamen, and their souldiers, so abjectly, to beg alms at our doors and in our streets.

In the mean time, they knew not of the wrack of the rest, but supposed that the rest of the army was safely returned [to Spain,] till one day I got in St Andrews, in print, the wrack of the gallies in particular, with the names of the principal men, and how they were used, in Ireland and our Highlands, in Wales and other parts of England. The which, when I recorded to Jan Gomes, by particular and special names, he cried out for grief, _bursted and grat_ [burst into tears.] This Jan Gomes shewed great kindness to a ship of our town, which he found arriested at _Calais_[354] at home coming, _rode_[355] to court for her, and made great _russe_ [praise] of Scotland to his king, took the honest men to his house, and inquired for the laird of Anstruther, for the minister, and his host, and sent home many commendations: But we thanked God in our hearts, that we had seen them in that form.

[Footnote 354: This must signify Cadiz, as mentioned before.--E.]

[Footnote 355: Perhaps ought to have been _wrote_.--E.]

SECTION VII.

_A cruising Voyage to the Azores in 1589, by the Earl of Cumberland_[356].

We learn from Hakluyt, II. 647, that this narrative was written by Mr Edward Wright, an eminent mathematician and engineer, who was the real author of that admirable invention for charts, commonly called _Mercators projection_, but unjustly, as Mr Wright complains in his work entitled _Vulgar Errors_, where he charges Mercator with plagiarism. From the narrative, Mr Wright appears to have been engaged in the expedition and on board the Victory[357].

[Footnote 356: Hakluyt, II. 647. Churchill, III. 161. Astley, I. 206.]

[Footnote 357: Astley, I. 206. a.]

* * * * *

The right honourable the Earl of Cumberland, intending to cruize against the enemy, prepared a small fleet of four ships only[358] at his own charges, one of which was the Victory[359] belonging to the queens royal navy. The others were the Meg and Margaret, two small ships, one of which was soon obliged to be sent home as unable to endure the sea, besides a small caravel. Having assembled about 400 men, sailors and soldiers, with several gentlemen volunteers, the earl and they embarked and set sail from Plymouth Sound on the 28th June 1589, accompanied by the following captains and gentlemen. Captain Christopher Lister, an officer of great resolution, Captain Edward Careless, _alias Wright_, who had been captain of the Hope in Sir Francis Drakes expedition to the West Indies against St Domingo and Carthagena; Captain Boswel, Mr Mervin, Mr Henry Long, Mr Partridge, Mr Norton; Mr William Monson, afterwards Sir William[360], who was captain of the Meg and vice-admiral, and Mr Pigeon, who was captain of the caravel.

[Footnote 358: Sir William Monson, in Churchills collection, says there were _five_ ships; and indeed we find a fifth, called the Saucy Jack, mentioned in the narrative.--E.]

[Footnote 359: The Victory was of 800 tons, carrying 32 guns and 400 men; of whom, according to Sir William Monson, 268 were mariners, and 100 sailors, the remaining 32 being probably soldiers, or as we now call them marines. The distinction between mariners and sailors is not obvious; perhaps what are now called ordinary and able seamen,--E.]

[Footnote 360: Sir William Monson was author of some curious Naval Tracts, giving an account of the Royal Navy of England in the reigns of Queen Elizabeth and James I. which are preserved in Churchills Collection, Vol. III. pp. 147--508.--E.]

About three days after our departure from Plymouth, we met with three French ships, one of which belonged to Newhaven[361], and another to St Maloes; and finding them to be leaguers[362], and therefore lawful prizes, we took them, and sent two of them home to England with all their loading, being mostly fish from Newfoundland, having first distributed among our ships as much of the fish as they could find stowage room for; and in the third ship we sent all the prisoners home to France. On that day and the next we met some other ships, but finding them belonging to Rotterdam and Embden, bound for Rochelle, we dismissed them. On the 28th and 29th, we met several of our English ships returning from an expedition to Portugal, which we relieved with victuals. The 13th July, being in sight of the coast of Spain in lat. 39° N. we descried eleven ships, on which we immediately prepared to engage them, sending the Meg commanded by Captain Monson to ascertain what and whence they were. On the approach of the Meg some shots were exchanged, and as their admiral and vice-admiral displayed their flags, we perceived that some fighting was likely to follow. Having therefore prepared for battle, we made all haste towards them, always taking care to get to windward, and between ten and eleven o'clock A.M. we came up with them in the Victory, when they all yielded after a slight resistance. The masters all came on board our admiral, and shewed their several passports from Hamburg, Lubeck, Bremen, Pomerania, and Calais. They had certain bags of pepper and cinnamon, which they confessed to belong to a Jew in Lisbon, which they had charge of to deliver to his factor in their country; and finding this to be lawful prize by their own confession, the same was taken and divided among our whole company, the value being estimated at L.4500, at two shillings the pound[363]. We dismissed these ships on the 17th of July, but seven of their men, having volunteered as sailors in our fleet, were taken to reinforce our crew. After this we held on our course for the Azores or Western islands.

[Footnote 361: Probably that port now called Havre de Grace.--E.]

[Footnote 362: Alluding to the _Catholic League_, then in alliance with Spain, and in rebellious opposition to their lawful sovereign, for the purpose of excluding the king of Navarre, afterwards Henry IV. from the crown of France.--E.]

[Footnote 363: Sir William Monson, who gives a short account of this expedition in the Naval Tracts already quoted, says that spices to the value of L.7000 were taken out of these vessels.--E.]

In the morning of the 1st August we got sight of St Michael, one of the eastermost of the Azores, towards which we made sail all that day; and, putting up a Spanish flag at our maintop that we might not be suspected for enemies, we approached at night to the chief town and road of the island, where we espied three ships and some other vessels at anchor, all of which we determined to take during the darkness of the night. Accordingly about ten or eleven o'clock P.M. our boats were sent well manned to cut their cables and hawsers and tow them out to sea. On coming to them, one of the largest of these ships was found to be the Falcon of London, commanded by a Scots pilot who passed her off as his own. But our men let loose three other smaller ships, which they towed towards us, most of their men leaping overboard and swimming on shore with loud outcries, which were answered from the town, which was all in an uproar on hearing what was going forwards. The castle discharged some shots at our boats, but being unable to see them by reason of the darkness, did us no harm. The Scotsman too, to make the Spaniards believe him their friend, fired a few shots in the air. Shortly after, he and some others came on board our admiral, offering their services. The three ships brought out were laden with wine and sallad oil from Seville. The same day our caravel chaced a Spanish caravel on shore, which carried letters by which we learnt that the caraks had departed from the island of Tercera eight days before.

The 7th of August we got sight of a small ship which we chased towards Tercera with our pinnace, the weather being calm, and overtook her towards evening, when we found in her 30 tons of good Madeira wine, besides woollen cloth, silk, taffeta, and other goods. Coming on the 14th to the island of Flores, it was determined to take in fresh water, and such fresh provisions as the island afforded; wherefore manning our boats with about 120 men, we rowed towards the shore, where the inhabitants, who were assembled at the watering-place, hung out a flag of truce, and we did the like. On coming to them, the earl gave them to understand, by means of his Portuguese interpreter, that he was a friend to their king Don Antonio, and came not with any intention to injure them, meaning only to procure water and fresh provisions, by way of exchange for oil wine and pepper, to which they readily agreed, and sent off some of their people immediately for beeves and sheep. In the meantime we marched southwards to their town of Santa Cruz, whence all the inhabitants had fled and carried off every thing of value. On demanding the reason of this, they answered it proceeded from fear, and that they always did so on the appearance of any ships near their coast. That part of the island was mostly composed of large rocky hills and barren mountains, and was little inhabited, being apt to be molested by ships of war; and even Santa Cruz, one of their principal towns, was all in ruins, having been burnt about two years before by some English ships of war, according to what we were told by the inhabitants. As we were rowing towards the Victory in the evening, a huge fish pursued us for nearly two miles, mostly distant about a spear length from the stern of the boat, and sometimes so near as to touch. The tips of his fins at the gills, appearing often above water, were by estimation four or five yards asunder, and his jaws gaping a yard and half wide, put us in fear he might overset our pinnace; but God be thanked, by rowing as hard as we could, we escaped.

When we were about the island of Flores, we got notice from a small vessel called the Drake[364], that the caraks were at Tercera, of which news we were very glad, and made sail thither with all the speed we could. By the way we came to Fayal road on the 27th August after sunset, where we saw some ships at anchor, towards which Captains Lister and Monson were sent in the skiff to see what they were, and lest any mischance should befall our boat, we sent in likewise the Saucy Jack and the small caravel; but as the wind was off shore, these vessels were not able to set up to where the Spanish ships were anchored. The skiff went on however, and endeavoured to board a ship of 250 tons, which carried 14 pieces of ordnance, and continued fighting with her for an hour, till our other boats came up to the rescue and aid of the skiff. A fresh boarding was then attempted, by one boat on the quarter and another on the bow, when we entered on one side while all the Spaniards leapt overboard on the other side, except Juan de Palma the captain, and two or three more. This ship was moored close to the castle, which fired at us all the time; but the only one wounded on the occasion was the master of our caravel, who had the calf of one of his legs shot away. This ship was from St Juan de Puerto Rico, laden with sugar ginger and hides. After we had towed her clear of the castle, our boats went in again and brought out five other small ships; one laden with hides, another with elephants teeth, grains[365], cocoa-nuts, and goats skins, come from Guinea; another with woad, and two with dog-fish, which two last were set adrift as of no value, but all the other four were sent for England on the 30th of August. At the taking of these prizes there were consorted with us some other small men of war, as Master John Davis, with his ship, pinnace, and boat; Captain Markesburie with his ship, whose owner was Sir Walter Raleigh; and the bark of Lyme, which also was consorted with us before.

[Footnote 364: Sir William Monson says, from an English man of war.--E.]

[Footnote 365: Guinea Pepper.--E.]

The last of August we came in sight of Tercera in the morning, being about nine or ten leagues from shore, when we espied a small boat under sail coming towards us, which seemed strange at such a distance from land and no ship in sight; but on coming near, we found it to contain eight Englishmen, who had been prisoners in Tercera, and had committed themselves to the sea in this open boat in hopes to escape. Their mainyard consisted of two pipe-staves tied together by the ends, and they had no other provisions than what they had been able to carry off in their pockets and bosoms. When taken on board the Victory, they gave us certain assurance that the caraks had left Tercera about a week before. Being thus without any hopes of taking the caraks, it was resolved to return for Fayal, intending to surprise the town; but till the 9th of September, we had either the wind so contrary, or such calm weather, that in all that time we scarcely made nine or ten leagues way, lingering up and down near the island of Pico.

In the afternoon of the 10th September, we came again to Fayal road; upon which the earl sent Captain Lister, with a person from Graciosa whom Captain Monson had taken some time before, and some others, carrying a message to Fayal. He was met by some of the inhabitants in a boat, who were brought by Captain Lister to my lord, who gave them their choice, either to allow him to take possession of the platform or fort, when he and his company would remain quietly there for some space, without injury, till the inhabitants had compounded for the ransom of their town; or else to stand the chance of war. With this message they returned on shore; but those who had charge of the fort said, that it was contrary to their allegiance and the oath they had taken to king Philip, to deliver up their garrison without endeavouring to defend it. Upon this, the earl gave orders for all the boats of the different ships to be manned and armed, and he soon afterwards landed with all his men on the sandy beach under the side of a hill, about half a league from the fort. Certain troops both horse and foot were seen on the top of the hill, and two other companies appeared to oppose us with displayed ensigns, one on the shore in front of the town, which marched towards our landing place as if they meant to attack us; while the other was seen in a valley to the south of the fort, as if coming to assist in defending the town; and at the same time, the garrison in the fort fired upon us briskly from their cannon. In spite of all these demonstrations of resistance, having first marshalled his men in proper order, my lord marched along the sandy beach towards the fort, passing between the sea and the town for something more than a mile; and as the shore became rocky, so as to render any farther progress in that direction extremely difficult, he entered the town, and marched through the streets unopposed to the fort, these companies of the enemy, that seemed at first resolved to resist his progress, being soon dispersed. Those in the fort likewise fled at our approach, leaving my lord and his men to scale the walls and gain possession, without any resistance. In the meantime the ships continued to batter the town and fort, until they saw the _red cross_ of England floating from the walls.

Fayal is the principal town of this island, and is situated directly over against the high and mighty mountain of _Pico_, towards the north-west from that mountain, from which it is divided by a narrow sea or strait, which at that place is some two or three leagues broad, between the islands of Fayal and Pico. This town contained about 300 houses, which were handsomely and strongly built of stone and lime, their roofs being double covered with hollow tyles, much like those used in England, only that they are less at one end than at the other. Almost every house had a cistern or well in a garden behind, in which likewise there were vines with ripe grapes, forming pleasant arbours or shady walks; and in every garden there grew some tobacco, then hardly known, but now commonly used in England, with which the women of the place were then in use to stain their faces, to make them look young and fresh. In these gardens there likewise grew pepper, both Indian and common, fig-trees with fruit both white and red, peach-trees rather of humble growth, oranges, lemons, quinces, potatoes, and other fruits and roots. Sweet wood, which I think is cedar, is very common in that island, and is used both for building and fuel.

Having possessed himself of the town and fort, my lord issued orders that none of the soldiers or mariners should enter into any of the houses for plunder, and was especially careful that none of the churches or religious houses should suffer injury of any kind, all of which were preserved from violation by the appointment of guards for their protection. But the rest of the town, either from the want of that precaution, or owing to the cupidity of our people, was rifled and ransacked by the soldiers and mariners, who scarcely left a single house unsearched, taking out of them every thing that struck their fancy or seemed worth carrying away, such as chests of sweet wood, chairs, clothes, coverlets, hangings, bedding, and the like; besides many of our people ranged the country in search of plunder, where some of them were wounded by the inhabitants. The friery at this place contained Franciscan friars, not one of whom was able to speak pure Latin. It was built in 1506 by a friar of that order belonging to Angra in the island of Tercera. The tables in its hall or refectory had seats only on one side, and was always covered, as if ever ready for feasting. We continued in the town from the Wednesday afternoon, at which time we took possession, until the Saturday night, when the inhabitants agreed to pay 2000 ducats for its ransom, which was mostly paid in church plate. In the fort there were 58 pieces of iron ordnance, 23 of which, according to my remembrance, were mounted upon carriages, and placed between baricadoes or merlins on a platform by the sea side. Taking away all the ordnance, we set the platform on fire. On the Sunday following, my lord had invited as many of the inhabitants as chose to dine with him on board the Victory, save only Diego Gomez the governor, who only came once to confer about the ransom. Only four came, who were well entertained, and were afterwards honourably dismissed with the sound of drums and trumpets, and a salute from our cannon. To these persons my lord delivered a letter subscribed by himself, requesting all other Englishmen to abstain from any farther molestation of the place, save only to take such water and provisions as might be necessary.

The day after we came to Fayal, being the 11th September, two men came to us from Pico, who had been prisoners in that island; and we also set a prisoner at liberty who had been sent thither from St Jago, being cousin to a servant of Don Antonio king of Portugal, then residing in England. On Monday we sent our boats on shore for fresh water, having now abundance running down the hills in consequence of heavy rain the night before, which otherwise had been hard to be got. Next day we sent again on shore to complete our stock of water, which was not then so easily brought off, by reason of a strong gale, which increased so much in the afternoon that we did not think it safe to ride so near the land, for which reason we weighed anchor, and stood N.W. by W. along the coast of Fayal. Some of the inhabitants came on board this day, who told us that the wind usually blew strong at W.S.W. at this time of the year on this coast. While near St Georges Island we saw a huge fish of a black colour right ahead of our ship, a little under water, or rather even with its surface, on which the sea broke in such manner that we supposed it a rock; and as we were going directly stem on, we were in great fear for a time how to avoid the seeming danger, till at length we saw it move out of our way.

It lightened much in the night of the 16th September, which was followed by heavy rains and violent gales till the 21st. On the 23d we returned to Fayal road, to weigh an anchor which we had left in our haste to depart. We went on shore to the town, whence many of the people ran away, or were preparing to depart with their goods, till assured by my lord that they had nothing to fear, as we only came for fresh water and other necessaries, for all of which they should be paid to their satisfaction. We then went quietly about the town, purchasing such things as we needed as peaceably as if we had been in England; and the people helped us to fill our water casks, for which they received what satisfied them. We were forced by a heavy tempest to depart on the 25th, before we had completed our water; and the tempest came on so suddenly that my lord himself had to raise the people from their beds to weigh the anchors, himself assisting at the capstans, and cheering the men with wine. Next day, the caravel and the Saucy Jack were sent to the road of St Michaels to see what was there, and we followed on the 27th, plying to and fro; but by contrary winds on the 28th, 29th, and 30th, we were driven to leeward, and could not get near the island. The 1st October, we sailed along the island of Tercera, and at Cape Brazil, near Angra, the strongest town of that island, we espied some boats going towards the town, which we attempted to intercept; but being near land, they ran on shore and escaped.

Coming near Graciosa in the afternoon, my lord sent Captain Lister on shore, to inform the islanders that he only wanted water, wine, and some fresh provisions, and would not otherwise trouble them. They sent back word that they could give no positive answer, until the governors of the island had consulted on the subject, and desired therefore to send for an answer next day. The 2d October, early in the morning, we dispatched our long-boat and pinnace, with 50 or 60 men, together with the Margaret and Captain Davis in his ship to protect them, as we now wanted our other consorts; but when our people endeavoured to land, they were fired at by the islanders, who would not permit them to go on shore, several troops of armed men being drawn up to oppose us with displayed ensigns. Our boats rowed along shore, seeking some place where they might land, without the enemy having too much advantage, our ships and boats firing all the while upon the islanders. No convenient place being found for landing, we were under the necessity of retiring without any answer, as had been promised. After some negociation and delay, they agreed to let us have sixty butts of wine, together with fresh provisions to refresh our men; but declared we could not have water, having little or none for themselves, except what they had saved in tanks or cisterns, insomuch that they would rather give us two tons of wine than one of water. They requested that our soldiers might not come on shore, as they would themselves bring all they had promised to the water side; which request was granted, one of their messengers remaining on board as an hostage for the fulfilment of their promise, while the other went ashore with our empty casks and some of our men to assist in filling them and bringing them away, with such other provision as was promised.

The Margaret, the ship of Captain Davis, and another belonging to Weymouth remained at anchor before the town, to take in our wine and provisions. This ship of Weymouth came to us only the day before, having taken a rich prize said to be worth sixteen thousand pounds, and brought us news that the West India fleet had not yet gone past, but was shortly expected. We put to sea in the Victory, and on Saturday the 4th October, we took a French ship of St Maloes, a city belonging to the league, laden with fish from Newfoundland, which had been forced to cut away her mast in a tempest, and was now bound to Gracioso for repairs. Taking out her principal people, we put some of our own mariners and soldiers on board, and sent her off for England. At night on the following Sunday, having received all the supplies promised us at Gracioso, we parted from the islanders in a friendly manner, and saluted them with our ordnance.

The three next days we plyed to and fro among these western islands, having very rough weather. On Thursday night, being driven to within three or four leagues of Tercera, we saw fifteen sail of the West India fleet going into the haven of Angra in that island; but, though we lay as close to windward as possible during the four following days, we were unable to get near them. At this time we lost sight of our French prize, which was not able to lay so close to the wind as our ships, and heard no more of her till our return to England, where she arrived safe. Getting at length on the fifth day near the mouth of Angra harbour, we inclined to have run among the West India fleet, on purpose to have cut out some of them if possible; but this enterprize was deemed too hazardous, considering the strength of the place, as the ships were hauled close to the town on our approach, under protection of the castle of Brazil on one side, having 25 pieces of ordnance, and a fort on the other side with 13 or 14 large brass cannon. Besides which, on nearing the land, the wind proved too scanty for the attempt.

On Thursday the 14th October, we sent our boat into the road of Angra to take the soundings, and to endeavour to find some proper place for us to anchor, beyond the shot of the castle and within shot of some of the ships, that we might either force them to come out to us or sink them where they lay. Our boat found a fit place for us, but the wind would not suffer us to get to it; and besides, if we had anchored there, it was more likely that they would have run their ships on shore, to save their lives and liberties and some of their goods, than have resigned all to us by coming out. We therefore discharged a few guns at them, but our shot fell far short; upon which we departed, as it was not likely they would come out while we watched before the mouth of the harbour, or remained within sight. We accordingly put to sea, where we cruized for five days, sending a pinnace to watch them close in shore but out of sight, to bring us word when they set sail. After some time the pinnace brought us notice that all the ships had taken down their sails and struck their top-masts, so that we concluded they would remain till sure of our departure. Wherefore, having heard there were some Scots ships at St Michael, we sailed thither on the 20th October, and found there one Scots _roader_, and two or three more at Villa-franca, the next road, a league or two east from St Michaels. From these we received five or six butts of wine and some fresh water, but by no means sufficient to serve our wants. The 21st October, we sent our long-boat on shore to procure fresh water at a brook a short way west from Villa-franca; but the inhabitants came down with about 150 armed men, having two ensigns displayed, and our boat was forced to return without water, having spent all its powder in vain, and being unable to prevail against such great odds.

Learning that the island of St Mary was a place of no great strength, we made sail for that place, intending to take in water there, and to go thence to the coast of Spain. On the Friday following, my lord sent captain Lister and captain Amias Preston, afterwards Sir Amias, with our long-boat and pinnace, with between 60 and 70 arquebusiers, carrying a friendly letter to the islanders, desiring leave to procure water, in exchange for which he engaged to do them no harm. Captain Preston had come on board the Victory not long before from his own ship, which lost company with us in the night, so that he was under the necessity of remaining with us. We departed from the Victory in our boats about nine in the morning, rowing for the land, and by three in the afternoon had got within a league or two of the shore, being then four or five leagues from the Victory, and our men sore spent with hard rowing. At this time we perceived, to our great joy, two ships at anchor close under the town; upon which we shifted six or seven of our men into the boat belonging to captain Davis, being too much crowded, and retaining about 20 arquebusiers in the pinnace, we made towards these two ships with all possible haste.

While proceeding towards them, we saw several boats passing between the _roaders_[366] and the shore, and many men in their shirts swimming and wading on shore, who, as we afterwards learnt, were endeavouring to get the ships fast aground; and the inhabitants were at the same time busied in preparing to defend the ships and themselves against us. On coming near them, captain Lister commanded the trumpets to be sounded, but prohibited any firing till farther orders; yet some of the people, either not hearing, or disregardful of these orders, began firing as soon as the trumpets sounded, though with small injury to the islanders, who mostly lay under the cover of trenches or other means of defence. Captain Lister then urged on the rowers, who began to shrink at the shot from the enemy which flew thick about their ears, and was himself the first to board one of the ships which lay farther from shore than the other, while we speedily followed, still plying the enemy with our shot, and having cut her cables and hawsers, we towed her out to sea. In the mean time, captain Davis came up in his boat, and boarded the other ship, both having been abandoned by their crews; but, as she was quite fast aground, he was under the necessity of quitting her, exposed to shot and stones even from the shore. At this time, the towns-people made an attempt to capture captain Davis and his boats crew, which were but few in number; but they joined us, and we jointly towed off our prize, which was a ship from Brazil laden with sugar. In this exploit we had two men slain and sixteen wounded, while it is probable that the enemy suffered small loss, as they were mostly sheltered behind stone walls, many of which were built above one another on the end of the hill on which the town stands, between two vallies. On the top of the hill they had some large cannon, from which they fired leaden bullets, one only of which went through the side of our prize, but did no other injury.

[Footnote 366: This uncommon word seems merely to signify, ships lying at anchor in an open road.--E.]

Next day we made another attempt to get fresh water at this island, but as we were ignorant of the landing-place, where we found many inconveniences and disadvantages, we were unable to effect our purpose. Wherefore we departed on the night of the 25th October for the island of St George, in quest of fresh water, and got there on the 27th. Observing a stream of water running down into the sea, the pinnace, and long-boat were sent under captains Preston and Manson, by whom a letter was sent by my lord to the islanders, desiring leave to take water quietly, and no farther injury should be done them. On getting to the shore, our men found some of the poor islanders hid among the rocks, being afraid of us. On the 29th, our boats returned with fresh water, bringing only six tons to the Victory, alleging they could get no more; thinking, as was afterwards supposed, as he had only 12 tons of water and wine, that my lord would now return direct for England, as many of our men greatly desired. My lord, was very unwilling to do this, and meant next day to have taken in more water, but from the roughness of the sea, and the wind freshening, and owing to the unwillingness of the people, no more water was procured: yet my lord would not return with so much provision unspent, especially as the expedition had not hitherto produced such fruits as might reasonably satisfy himself and others. Wherefore, with consent of the whole ships companies, it was agreed to go for England by way of the coast of Spain, to endeavour to make more captures, the whole people being reduced to half allowance of water, except such as were sick or wounded, who were to have whole allowance. On Saturday, the 31st October, as the Margaret was very leaky, she was sent off direct for England in charge of the Brazil ship, and in them our sick and wounded men were sent home; but captain Monson was taken out of the _Megge_ into the Victory[367].

[Footnote 367: In the commencement of this voyage, the Meg and Margaret are named as distinct ships, one of which is said to have been sent home soon after, as unfit for sea. In this passage the Margaret and Megge are evidently different names for the same ship.--E.]

We now shaped our course for the coast of Spain, having the wind fair and large, which had seldom been the case hitherto. On the 4th November we saw a sail right before us, to which we gave chase, and coming up with her about 3 P.M. we took possession of her, being a ship of about 110 tons burden, from _Pernambucke_ or Fernambucco, in Brazil, bound for Portugal, having on board 410 chests of sugar, and 50 quintals of Brazil wood, each quintal being 100 pounds weight. We took her in lat. 29° N. about 200 leagues west from Lisbon. Captain Preston was sent on board the prize, who brought her principal people into the Victory, certain of our seamen and soldiers being appointed to take charge of her. The Portuguese reported, that they had seen another ship that day before them about noon; wherefore, when all things were properly disposed respecting our prize, we left her under the charge of captain Davis, with whom likewise we left our long-boat, taking his smaller boat with us, and made all sail due east after this other ship, leaving orders for captain Davis and the prize to follow us due east, and if he had not sight of us next morning, to bear away direct for England. Next morning we could not see the vessel of which we were in chase, neither was the prize or the ship of captain Davis to be seen.

On the 6th November, being then in lat. 38° 30' N. and about 60 leagues west from Lisbon, captain Preston descried a sail early in the morning two or three leagues a-head of us, which we came up with about 8 or 9 o'clock A.M. She was lastly from St Michaels, but originally from Brazil laden with sugar. While employed shifting the prisoners into the Victory, one of our men in the main-top espied another sail some three or four leagues a-head, on which we immediately sent back our boat with men to take charge of the prize, and made all sail in chase, so that we overtook the other ship about 2 P.M. She made some preparation to resist us, hanging many hides all round her sides, so that musquetry could not have injured her; but by the time we had fired two cannon shot at her, she lowered her sails and surrendered. She was of between 300 and 400 tons, bound from Mexico and St John de Lowe, (San Juan de Ulloa) her cargo consisting of 700 dry hides; worth 10s. apiece, six chests of cochineal, every chest holding 100 pounds weight, and every pound worth L. 1, 6s. 8d., besides which she had several chests of sugar, some packages of China ware, with some wrought plate and silver in coin. The captain was an Italian, a grave, wise, and civil person, who had to the value of 25,000 ducats adventure in this ship. He and some of the principal Spanish prisoners were taken on board the Victory; and captain Lister was sent into the prize, with some 20 of our best mariners, soldiers, and sailors. In the meantime our other prize came up with us, and having now our hands full, we joyfully shaped our course for England, as we had so many Portuguese, Spanish, and French prisoners, that we could not well have manned any more prizes with safety to ourselves. Wherefore, about 6 P.M. when our other prize came up, we made sail for England. But as our two prizes were unable to keep up with us without sparing them many of our own sails, our ship rolled and wallowed so that it was both exceedingly troublesome, and put our main-mast in great danger of being carried away. Having accordingly acquainted them with these circumstances, and taken back our sails, we directed them to keep their course following us, so as to make for Portsmouth.

We took this last prize in lat. 39° N. about 46 leagues west from the Rock of Lisbon. She was one of the 16 ships we saw going into the harbour of Angra in the island of Tercera on the 8th October. Some of the prisoners taken from this ship told us, that while we were plying off and on before that harbour in waiting for their coming out, three of the largest of these ships were unloaded of all their treasure and merchandize, by order of the governor of Tercera, and were each manned with 300 soldiers, on purpose to have come out and boarded the Victory; but by the time these preparations were made, the Victory was gone out of sight.

We now went merrily before the wind with all the sails we could carry, insomuch that between the noons of Friday and Saturday, or in 24 hours, we sailed near 47 leagues, or 141 English miles, although our ship was very foul, and much grown with sea grass, owing to our having been long at sea. This quick sailing made some of our company expect to be present at the tilting on the queens birth-day at Whitehall, while others were flattering themselves with keeping a jolly Christmas in England from their shares in the prizes. But it was our lot to keep a cold Christmas with the Bishop and his Clerks, rocks to the westwards of Scilly; for soon after the wind came about to the east, the very worst wind for us which could blow from the heavens, so that we could not fetch any part of England. Upon this our allowance of drink, before sufficiently scanty, was now still farther curtailed, owing to the scarcity in our ship, each man being confined to half a pint of cold water at a meal, and that not sweet. Yet this was an ample allowance in comparison, as our half pint was soon reduced to a quarter, and even at this reduced rate our store was rapidly disappearing, insomuch that it was deemed necessary for our preservation to put into some port in Ireland to procure water. We accordingly endeavoured to do this, being obliged, when near that coast, to lie to all night, waiting for day light; but when it appeared we had drifted so far to leeward in the night that we could fetch no part of Ireland, we were therefore constrained to return again, with heavy hearts, and to wait in anxious expectation till it should please God to send us a fair wind either for England or Ireland.

In the mean time we were allowed for each man two or three spoonfuls of vinegar at each meal, having now no other drink, except that for two or three meals we had about as much wine, which was wrung out of the remaining lees. Under this hard fare we continued near a fortnight, being only able to eat a very little in all that time, by reason of our great want of drink. Saving that now and then we enjoyed as it were a feast, when rain or hail chanced to fall, on which occasions we gathered up the hail-stones with the most anxious care, devouring them more eagerly than if they had been the finest comfits. The rain-drops also were caught and saved with the utmost careful attention; for which purpose some hung up sheets tied by the four corners, having a weight in the middle, to make the rain run down there as in a funnel into some vessel placed underneath. Those who had no sheets hung up napkins or other clouts, which when thoroughly wet they wrung or sucked to get the water they had imbibed. Even the water which fell on the deck under foot, and washed away the filth and soil of the ship, though as dirty as the kennel is in towns during rain, was carefully watched and collected at every scupper-hole, nay, often with strife and contention, and caught in dishes, pots, cans, and jars, of which some drank hearty draughts, mud and all, without waiting for its settlement or cleansing. Others cleaned it by filtrating, but it went through so slowly that they could ill endure to wait so long, and were loath to lose so much precious liquid. Some licked the water like dogs with their tongues from the decks, sides, rails, and masts of the ship. Others, that were more ingenious, fastened girdles or ropes about the masts, daubing tallow between these and the mast, that the rain might not run down between; and making one part of these girdles lower than the rest, fixed spouts of leather at these lower parts, that the rain running down the masts might meet and be received at these spouts. He who was fortunate enough to procure a can of water by these means, was sued to, and envied as a rich man.

_Quem pulchrum digito monstrari, et dicere hic est_.

Some of the poor Spaniards who were prisoners, though having the same allowance with our own men, often begged us for the love of God to give them as much water as they could hold in the hollow of their hands: And, notwithstanding our own great extremity, they were given it, to teach them some humanity, instead of their accustomed barbarity both to us and other nations. Some put leaden bullets into their months, to slack their thirst by chewing them. In every corner of the ship, the miserable cries of the sick and wounded were sounding lamentably in our ears, pitifully crying out and lamenting for want of drink, being ready to die, yea many dying for lack thereof. Insomuch, that by this great extremity we lost many more men than in all the voyage before; as before this, we were so well and amply provided for, that we lived as well and were as healthy as if we had been in England, very few dying among us; whereas now, some of our men were thrown overboard every day.

The 2d of December 1589 was with us a day of festival, as it then rained heartily, and we saved some considerable store of water, though we were well wet for it, and that at midnight, and had our skins filled with it besides. This went down merrily, although it was bitter and dirty, with washing the ship, but we sweetened it with sugar, and were happy to have our fill. Besides our other extremities, we were so tossed and turmoiled with stormy and tempestuous weather, that every man had to hold fast his can or dish, and to fasten himself by the ropes, rails, or sides of the ship, to prevent falling on the deck. Our main-sail was torn from the yard, and blown away into the sea; and our other sails so rent and torn that hardly any of them remained serviceable. The raging waves and foaming surges of the sea came rolling upon us in successive mountains, breaking through the waste of the ship like a mighty river; although in fine weather our deck was near twenty feet above water. So that we were ready to cry out, with the royal prophet, Psalm 107, verses 26 and 27. "They mount up to heaven, and go down again to the depths: Their soul is melted because of trouble. They reel to and fro, and stagger like a drunken man, and are at their wits end." In this extremity of foul weather, the ship was so tossed and shaken, that, by its creaking noise, and the leaking which was now more than ordinary, we were in great fear that it would have shaken asunder, and had just cause to pray, a little otherwise than the poet, though marring the verse, yet mending the meaning:

Deus maris et caeli, quid enim nisi vota supersunt; Solvere quassatae parcito membra ratis.

Yet it pleased God of his infinite goodness to deliver us out of this danger. We made a new main-sail, which we fastened to the yard, and repaired our other damages as well as we could. This was hardly done when we were reduced to as great extremity as before, so that we had almost lost our new main-sail, had not William Antony, the master of our ship, when no one else would venture for fear of being washed overboard, by crawling along the main-yard, then lowered close down upon the rails, and with great danger of drowning, gathered it up out of the sea and fastened it to the yard; being in the mean time often ducked overhead and ears in the sea. So terrible were these storms, that some of our company, who had used the sea for twenty years, had never seen the like, and vowed, if ever they got safe to land, that they would never go to sea again.

At night on the last day of November, we met with an English ship, and because it was too late that night, it was agreed that they were to give us two or three tons of wine next morning, being, as they said, all the provision of drink they had, save only a butt or two which they must reserve for their own use: But, after all, we heard no more of them till they were set on ground on the coast of Ireland, where it appeared they might have spared us much more than they pretended, as they could very well have relieved our necessities, and had sufficient for themselves remaining to bring them to England. The first of December we spoke with another English ship, and had some beer out of her for our urgent necessities, but not sufficient to carry us to England, wherefore we were constrained to put into Ireland, the wind so serving. Next day we came to an anchor under the land, not far from the S. Kelmes, under the land and wind, where we were somewhat more quiet. But as that was not a safe place to ride in, we endeavoured next morning to weigh our anchor, when having some of our men hurt at the capstan, we were forced to leave it behind, holding on our course for Ventrie Haven, [Bantry Bay?] where we safely arrived the same day, and found that place a safe and convenient harbour for us, so that we had just cause to sing with the Psalmist, _They that go down to the sea in ships_, &c.

As soon as we had anchored, my lord went forthwith on shore, and presently after brought off fresh provisions and water; such as sheep, pigs, fowls, &c. to refresh his ships company, though he had lately been very weak himself, and had suffered the same extremity with the rest: For, in the time of our former want, having only a little water remaining by him in a pot, it was broken in the night and all the water lost. The sick and wounded were soon afterwards landed and carried to the principal town, called _Dingenacush_[368], about three miles distant from the haven, and at which place our surgeons attended them daily. Here we well refreshed ourselves, while the Irish harp sounded sweetly in our ears, and here we, who in our former extremity were in a manner half dead, had our lives as it were restored.

[Footnote 368: Called otherwise Dingle Icouch by the editor of Astleys collection.--E.]

This Dingenacush is the chief town in all that part of Ireland, consisting but of one street, whence some smaller ones proceed on either side. It had gates, as it seemed, in former times at either end, to shut and open as a town of war, and a castle also. The houses are very strongly built, having thick stone walls and narrow windows, being used, as they told us, as so many castles in time of troubles, among the wild Irish or otherwise. The castle and all the houses in the town, except four, were taken and destroyed by the Earl of Desmond; these four being held out against him and all his power, so that he could not win them. There still remains a thick stone wall, across the middle of the street, which was part of their fortification. Some of the older inhabitants informed us, that they were driven to great extremities during their defence, like the Jews of old when besieged by the Roman emperor Titus, insomuch that they were constrained by hunger to feed on the carcasses of the dead. Though somewhat repaired, it still remains only the ruins of their former town. Except in the houses of the better sort, they have no chimnies, so that we were very much incommoded by the smoke during our stay at that place. Their fuel is turf, which they have very good, together with whins or furze. As there grows little wood hereabout, building is very expensive; as also they are in want of lime, which they have to bring from a far distance. But they have abundance of stone, the whole country appearing entirely composed of rocks and stones, so that they commonly make their hedges of stone, by which each mans ground is parted from his neighbour. Yet their country is very fruitful, and abounds in grass and grain, as appears by the abundance of cattle and sheep; insomuch that we had very good sheep, though smaller than those of England, for two shillings, or five groats a-piece, and good pigs and hens for threepence each.

The greatest want is of industrious and husbandly inhabitants, to till and improve the ground; for the common sort, if they can only provide sufficient to serve them from hand to mouth, take no farther care. Good land was to be had here for fourpence an acre of yearly rent. They had very small store of money among them, for which reason, perhaps, they doubled and trebled the prices of every thing we bought, in proportion to what they had been before our arrival. They have mines of alum, tin, brass, and iron; and we saw certain natural stones, as clear as crystal, and naturally squared like diamonds. That part of the country is full of great mountains and hills, whence run many pleasant streams of fine water. The native hardiness of the Irish nation may be conceived from this, that their young children, even in the midst of winter, run about the streets with bare legs and feet, and often having no other apparel than a scanty mantle to cover their nakedness. The chief officer of their town is called the sovereign, who hath the same office and authority among them with our mayors in England, having his Serjeants to attend upon him, and a mace carried before mm as they have. We were first entertained at the sovereigns house, which was one of the four that withstood the Earl of Desmond in his rebellion.

They have the same form of common prayer, word for word, that we have, only that it is in Latin. On Sunday, the sovereign goeth to church having his Serjeant before him, and accompanied by the sheriff and others of the town. They there kneel down, every one making his prayers privately by himself. They then rise up and go out of the church again to drink. After this, they return again to church, and the minister makes prayers. Their manner of baptising differs somewhat from ours, part of the service belonging to it being in Latin and part in Irish. The minister takes the child on his hands, dipping it first backwards and then forwards, over head and ears into the cold water even in the midst of winter. By this the natural hardiness of the people may appear, as before specified. They had neither bell, drums, nor trumpet, to call the parishioners together, but wait for the coming of the sovereign, when those that have devotion follow him. Their bread is all baked in cakes, and the bakers bake for all the town, receiving a tenth part for their trouble. We had of them some ten or eleven tons of beer for the Victory; but it acted as a severe purge upon all who drank it, so that we chose rather to drink water.

Having provided ourselves with fresh water, we set sail from thence on the 20th December, accompanied by Sir Edward Dennie and his lady, with two young sons. In the morning of that day, my lord went on shore to hasten the dispatch of some fresh water for the Victory, and brought us news that sixty Spanish prizes were taken and brought to England. For two or three days after we sailed, we had a fair wind; but it afterwards scanted, so that we were fain to keep a cold Christmas with the bishop and his clerks, as I said before. After this, meeting with an English ship, we received the joyful news that ninety-one Spanish prizes were come to England; and along with that, the sorrowful intelligence that our last and best prize was cast away on the coast of Cornwal, at a place the Cornish men call _Als-efferne_, that is Hell-cliff, where Captain Lister and all the people were drowned, except five or six, half English and half Spaniards, who saved their lives by swimming. Yet much of the goods were saved and preserved for us, by Sir Francis Godolphin and other worshipful gentlemen of the country. My lord was very sorry for the death of Captain Lister, saying that he would willingly have lost all the fruits of the voyage to have saved his life.

The 29th December we met another ship, from which we learned that Sir Martin Frobisher and Captain Reymond had taken the admiral and vice-admiral of the fleet we had seen going into the haven of Tercera; but that the admiral had sunk, in consequence of much leaking, near the Eddystone, a rock over against Plymouth sound, all the people however being saved. We were likewise informed by this ship, that Captain Preston had captured a ship laden with silver. My lord took his passage in this last ship to land at Falmouth, while we held on our course for Plymouth.

Towards night we came near the Ram-head, the next cape westwards from Plymouth sound, but we feared to double it in the night, by reason of the scantness of the wind: so we stood out to seawards for half the night, and towards morning had the wind more large. But we made too little to spare thereof; partly for which reasons and partly mistaking the land, we fell so much to leeward that we could not double the cape. For this reason we turned back again and got into Falmouth haven, where we grounded in 17 feet water; but as it was low ebb, the sea ready again to flow, and the ground soft, we received no harm. Here we gladly set our feet again on the long desired English ground, and refreshed ourselves by keeping part of Christmas on our native soil.

SECTION VIII.

_Valiant Sea Fight, by Ten Merchant Ships of London against Twelve Spanish Gallies in the Straits of Gibraltar, on the 24th April_ 1590[369].

In 1590, sundry ships belonging to the merchants of London, some freighted for Venice, some for Constantinople, and some to divers other parts, met on their homeward course within the Straits of Gibraltar, having escaped all danger hitherto. The first of these was the Salomon, belonging to Mr Alexander Barnam of London, and Messrs Bond and Tweed of Harwich, which had sailed on the first of February last. The second was the Margaret and John, belonging to Mr Wats of London. The third was the Minion; the fourth the Ascension; the fifth the Centurion, belonging to Mr Cordal; the sixth the Violet; the seventh the Samuel; the eighth the Crescent; the ninth the Elizabeth; the tenth the Richard belonging to Mr Duffield. All these ships, being of notable and approved service, and coming near the mouth of the Straits hard by the coast of Barbary, they descried twelve tall gallies bravely furnished, and strongly provided with men and ammunition of war, ready to intercept and seize them. Being perceived by our captains and masters, we made speedy preparation for our defence, waiting the whole night for the approach of the enemy.

[Footnote 369: Hakluyt, II. 660.]

Next morning early, being Tuesday in Easter week, the 24th of April 1590, we had service according to our usual custom, praying to Almighty God to save us from the hands of the tyrannous Spaniards, whom we justly imagined and had always found to be our most mortal enemies on the sea. Having finished our prayers, and set ourselves in readiness, we perceived them coming towards us, and knew them indeed to be the Spanish gallies, commanded by Andrea Doria, viceroy for the king of Spain in the Straits of Gibraltar, and a notable enemy to all Englishmen. When they came near us, they _waved us amain_ for the king of Spain, and in return we waved them amain for the Queen of England[370]; at which time it pleased the Almighty so to encourage our hearts, that the nearer they came we the less feared their great strength and huge number of men; they having to the amount of two or three hundred in each galley. It was concluded among us, that our four largest and tallest ships should be placed in the rear, the weaker and smaller ships going foremost; and so it was performed, every one of us being ready to take part in such successes as it should please God to send.

[Footnote 370: This waving amain seems to have been some salutation of defiance, then usual at sea.--E.]

The gallies came upon us very fiercely at the first encounter, yet God so strengthened us that, even if they had been ten times more, we had not feared them at all. The Salomon, being a hot ship with sundry cast pieces in her, gave the first shot in so effectual a manner on their headmost galley, that it shared away so many of the men that sat on one side of her, and pierced her through and through, insomuch that she was ready to sink: Yet they assaulted us the more fiercely. Then the rest of our ships, especially the four chiefest, the Salomon, Margaret and John, Minion, and the Ascension, gave a hot charge upon them, and they on us, commencing a hot and fierce battle with great valour on both sides, which continued for the space of six hours. About the commencement of this fight, our fleet was joined by two Flemish vessels. Seeing the great force of the gallies, one of these presently struck his sails and yielded to the enemy; whereas, had they exerted themselves on our side and in their own defence, they needed not to have been taken in this cowardly manner. The other was ready also to have yielded immediately, and began to lower his sails: But the trumpeter of that ship drew his faulcion, and stepping up to the pilot at the helm, vowed that he would put him instantly to death, if he did not join and take part with the English fleet: This he did, for fear of death, and by that means they were defended from the tyranny which they had otherwise assuredly found among the Spaniards.

When we had continued the fight somewhat more than six hours, God gave us the upper hand, so that we escaped the hands of so many enemies, who were constrained to flee into harbour to shelter themselves from us. This was the manifest work of God, who defended us in such sort from all danger, that not one man of us was slain in all this long and fierce assault, sustaining no other damage or hurt than this, that the shrouds and back-stays of the Salomon, which gave the first and last shot, and sore galled the enemy during the whole battle, were clean shot away. When the battle ceased, we were constrained for lack of wind to stay and waft up and down, and then went back again to _Tition_ [Tetuan] in Barbary, six leagues from Gibraltar, where we found the people wondrously favourable to us; who, being but Moors and heathen people, shewed us where to find fresh water and all other necessaries. In short, we had there as good entertainment as if we had been in any place in England. The governor favoured us greatly, to whom we in return presented such gifts and commodities as we had, which he accepted of very graciously: And here we staid four days.

After the cessation of the battle, which was on Easter Tuesday, we remained for want of wind before Gibraltar till the next morning, being all that time becalmed, and therefore expected every hour that they would have sent out a fresh force against us: But they were in no condition to do so, all their gallies being so sore battered that they durst not come out of harbour, though greatly urged thereunto by the governor of that town; but they had already met with so stout resistance, that they could not be prevailed on to renew the fight.

While we were at Tetuan, we received a report of the hurt we had done the gallies; as we could not well discern any thing during the fight, on account of the great smoke. We there heard that we had almost spoiled those twelve gallies, which we had shot clean through, so that two of them were on the point of sinking; and we had slain so many of their men, that they were not able to fit out their gallies any more all that year. After going to Tetuan, we attempted three several times to pass the straits, but could not: Yet, with the blessing of God, we came safely through on the fourth attempt; and so continued on our voyage with a pleasant breeze all the way to the coast of England, where we arrived on the beginning of July 1590.

SECTION IX.

_A valiant sea fight in the Straits of Gibraltar, in April_ 1591, _by the Centurion of London, against five Spanish gallies_.

In the month of November 1590, sundry ships belonging to different merchants of London sailed with merchandise for various ports within the Straits of Gibraltar; all of which, having fair wind and weather, arrived safe at their destined ports. Among these was the Centurion of London, a very tall ship of large burden, yet but weakly manned, as appears by the following narrative.

The Centurion arrived safe at Marseilles, on her outward bound voyage, where, after delivering her goods, she remained better than five weeks, taking in lading, and then intended to return to England. When she was ready to come away from Marseilles, there were sundry other ships of smaller burden at that place, the masters of which intreated Robert Bradshaw of Limehouse, the master of the Centurion, to stay a day or two for them till they could get in readiness to depart, saying that it were far better for them all to go in company for mutual support and defence, than singly to run the hazard of falling into the hands of the Spanish gallies in the Straits. On which reasonable persuasion, although the Centurion was of such sufficiency as might have been reasonably hazarded alone, yet she staid for the smaller ships, and set out along with them from Marseilles, all engaging mutually to stand by each other, if they chanced to fall in with any of the Spanish gallies.

Thus sailing altogether along the coast of Spain, they were suddenly becalmed upon Easter-day in the Straits of Gibraltar, where they immediately saw several gallies making towards them in a very gallant and courageous manner. The chief leaders and soldiers in these gallies, were bravely apparelled in silken coats, with silver whistles depending from their necks, and fine plumes of feathers in their hats. Coming on courageously, they shot very fast from their calivers upon the Centurion, which they boarded somewhat before ten o'clock A.M. But the Centurion was prepared for their reception, and meant to give them as sour a welcome as they could; and having prepared their close quarters with all other things in readiness, called on God for aid, and cheered one another to fight to the last. The Centurion discharged her great ordnance upon the gallies, but the little ships her consorts durst not come forward to her aid, but lay aloof, while five of the gallies laid on board the Centurion, to whom they made themselves fast with their grappling irons, two on one side and two on the other, while the admiral galley lay across her stern. In this guise the Centurion was sore galled and battered, her main-mast greatly wounded, all her sails filled with shot holes, and her mizen mast and stern rendered almost unserviceable. During this sore and deadly fight, the trumpeter of the Centurion continually sounded forth the animating points of war, encouraging the men to fight gallantly against their enemies; while in the Spanish gallies there was no warlike music, save the silver whistles, which were blown ever and anon. In this sore fight, many a Spaniard was thrown into the sea, while multitudes of them came crawling up the ships sides, hanging by every rope, and endeavouring to enter in: Yet as fast as they came to enter, so courageously were they received by the English, that many of them were fain to tumble alive into the sea, remediless of ever getting out alive. There were in the Centurion 48 men and boys in all, who bestirred themselves so valiantly and so galled the enemy, that many a brave and lusty Spaniard lost his life. The Centurion was set on fire five several times, with wild-fire and other combustibles thrown in for that purpose by the Spaniards; yet by the blessing of God, and the great and diligent foresight of the master, the fire was always extinguished without doing any harm.

In every one of these five gallies there were about 200 soldiers; who, together with the great guns, spoiled, rent, and battered the Centurion very sorely; shot her mainmast through, and slew four of her men, one of whom was the masters mate. Ten other persons were hurt by splinters. But in the end, the Spaniards had almost spent their shot, so that they were obliged to load with hammers and the chains of their galley-slaves, yet, God be praised, the English received no more harm. At length, sore galled and worn out, the Spaniards were constrained to unfasten their grapplings and sheer off; at which time, if there had been any fresh ship to aid and succour the Centurion, they had certainly sunk or taken all those gallies. The Dolphin lay aloof and durst not come near, while the other two small ships fled away. One of the gallies from the Centurion set upon the Dolphin; which ship went immediately on fire, occasioned by her own powder, so that the ship perished with all her men: But whether this was done intentionally or not, was never known. Surely, if she had come bravely forward in aid of the Centurion, she had not perished.

This fight continued five hours and a half, at the end of which time both parties were glad to draw off and breathe themselves; but the Spaniards, once gone, durst not renew the fight. Next day, indeed, six other gallies came out and looked at the Centurion, but durst on no account meddle with her. Thus delivered by the Almighty from the hands of their enemies, they gave God thanks for the victory, and arrived not long after safe at London. Mr John Hawes merchant, and sundry others of good note were present in this fight.

SECTION X.

_Sea-fight near the Azores, between the Revenge man of war, commanded by Sir Richard Granville, and fifteen Spanish men of war_, 31_st August_ 1591. _Written by Sir Walter Raleigh_[371].

PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE[372].

Because the rumours are diversely spread, as well in England as in the Low Countries and elsewhere, of this late encounter between her majestys ships and the armada of Spain; and that the Spaniards, according to their usual manner, fill the world with their vain-glorious vaunts, making great shew of victories, when on the contrary themselves are most commonly and shamefully beaten and dishonoured, thereby hoping to possess the ignorant multitude by anticipating and forerunning false reports: It is agreeable with all good reason, for manifestation of the truth, to overcome falsehood and untruth, that the beginning, continuance, and success of this late honourable encounter by Sir Richard Grenville, and others her majestys captains, with the armada[373] of Spain, should be truly set down and published, without partiality or false imaginations. And it is no marvel that the Spaniards should seek, by false and slanderous pamphlets, _advisos_, and letters, to cover their own loss, and to derogate from others their due honours, especially in this fight being far off; seeing they were not ashamed, in the year 1588, when they purposed the invasion of this land, to publish in sundry languages in print, great victories in words, which they pretended to have obtained against this realm, and spread the same in a most false sort over all parts of France, Italy, and other countries. When, shortly after it was happily manifested in very deed to all nations, how their navy, which they termed _invincible_, consisting of 140 sail of ships, not only of their own kingdom, but strengthened with the greatest argosies, Portugal caraks, Florentines, and huge hulks of other countries, were by 80 of her majestys own ships of war, and a few belonging to our own merchants, by the wise, valiant, and advantageous conduct of the lord Charles Howard, high admiral of England, beaten and shuffled together, even from the Lizard in Cornwall, first to Portland where they shamefully left Don Pedro de Valdes with his mighty ship: from Portland to Calais, where they lost Hugo de Moncado with the gallies of which he was captain: and from Calais driven by squibs from their anchors, were chased out of sight of England, round about Scotland and Ireland. Where for the sympathy of their barbarous religion, hoping to find succour and assistance, a great part of them were crushed against the rocks, and those others that landed, being very many in number, were notwithstanding broken, slain, and taken, and so sent from village to village, coupled in halters, to be shipped for England. Where her majesty, of her princely and invincible disposition, disdaining to put them to death, and scorning either to retain or entertain them, they were all sent back again into their countries, to witness and recount the worthy achievements of their invincible and dreadful navy: of which, the number of soldiers, the fearful burden of their ships, the commanders names of every squadron, with all their magazines of provisions were put in print, as an army and navy irresistible and disdaining prevention. With all which so great and terrible ostentation, they did not, in all their sailing about England, so much as sink or take one ship, bark, pinnace, or cock-boat of ours, or ever burnt so much as one sheep-cot of this land. When, as on the contrary, Sir Francis Drake, with only 800 soldiers, not long before landed in their Indies, and forced San Jago, Santo Domingo, Carthagena, and the forts of Florida.

[Footnote 371: Hakluyt, II. 668. Astley, I. 216.]

[Footnote 372: This preliminary discourse, by the famous Sir Walter Raleigh, is given from Hakluyt without alteration, except in orthography.--E.]

[Footnote 373: Armada is a general word, signifying in Spanish a ship of war or a fleet or squadron. Generally in English it has been limited to the invincible armada, or powerful fleet fitted out by Philip II. in the vain hope of conquering England.--E.]

And after that, Sir John Norris marched from Peniche in Portugal with a handful of soldiers to the gates of Lisbon, being above 40 English miles: Where the earl of Essex himself, and other valiant gentlemen, braved the city of Lisbon, encamping at the very gates: from whence, after many days abode, finding neither promised parley nor provision wherewith to batter, they made their retreat by land, in spite of all their garrisons both of horse and foot. In this sort I have a little digressed from my first purpose, only by the necessary comparison of their and our actions: the one covetous of honour, without vaunt or ostentation; the other so greedy to purchase the opinion of their own affairs, and by false rumours to resist the blasts of their own dishonours, as they will not only not blush to spread all manner of untruths, but even for the least advantage, be it but for the taking of one poor adventurer of the English, will celebrate the victory with bonefires in every town, always spending more in faggots than the purchase they obtained was worth. Whereas, we never thought it worth the consumption of two billets, when we have taken eight or ten of their Indian ships at one time, and twenty of their Brazil fleet. Such is the difference between true valour and vain ostentation, and between honourable actions and frivolous vain-glorious boasting. But to return to my purpose:

NARRATIVE.

The Lord Thomas Howard, with six of her majestys ships, six victuallers of London, the bark Raleigh, and two or three pinnaces, riding at anchor near Flores, one of the western islands called the Azores, on the last of August 1591, in the afternoon, had intelligence by one captain Middleton, of the approach of the Spanish armada. This Middleton, being in a very good sailing ship, had kept them company for three days before, of good purpose, both to discover their force, and to give the lord admiral advice of their approach. He had no sooner communicated the news, when the Spanish fleet hove in sight; at which time, many belonging to our ships companies were on shore in the island of Flores, some providing ballast for the ships, others filling water, and others refreshing themselves from the land with such things as they could procure either for money or by force. Owing to this, our ships were all in confusion, pestered, rummaging, and every thing out of order, very light for want of ballast; and what was most of all to their disadvantage, the half of the men in every ship was sick and unserviceable. For in the Revenge, there were ninety sick; in the Bonaventure, not so many in health as could hand her mainsail, insomuch, that unless twenty men had been taken from a bark of Sir George Careys which was sunk, and appointed into her, she had hardly been able to get back to England. The rest of the ships for the most part were in little better state.

The names of her majestys ships were as follows: The Defiance, admiral, the Revenge, vice-admiral, the Bonaventure commanded by captain Crosse, the Lion by George Fenner, the Foresight by Thomas Vavasour, and the Crane by Duffild. The Foresight and Crane were small ships, the other four were of the middle size. All the others, except the bark Raleigh, commanded by captain Thin, were victuallers, and of small or no force. The approach of the Spanish fleet being concealed by means of the island, they were soon at hand, so that our ships had scarce time to weigh their anchors, and some even were obliged to slip their cables and set sail. Sir Richard Grenville was the last to weigh, that he might recover the men who were a land on the island, who had otherwise been lost. The lord Thomas Howard, with the rest of the fleet, very hardly recovered the wind, which Sir Richard was unable to do; on which his master and others endeavoured to persuade him to cut his main sail and cast about, trusting to the swift sailing of his ship, as the squadron of Seville was on his weather bow. But Sir Richard absolutely refused to turn from the enemy, declaring he would rather die than dishonour himself, his country, and her majestys ship, and persuaded his company that he would be able to pass through the two squadrons in spite of them, and force those of Seville to give him way. This he certainly performed upon divers of the foremost, who, as the sailors term it, sprang their luff, and fell under the lee of the Revenge. The other course had certainly been the better, and might very properly have been adopted under so great impossibility of prevailing over such heavy odds; but, out of the greatness of his mind, he could not be prevailed on to have the semblance of fleeing.

In the meantime, while Sir Richard attended to those ships of the enemy that were nearest him and in his way, the great San Philip being to windward of him, and coming down towards him, becalmed his sails in such sort that his ship could neither make way nor feel the helm, so huge and high was the Spanish ship, being of fifteen hundred tons, and which presently laid the Revenge on board. At this time, bereft of his sails, the ships that had fallen under his lee, luffed up and laid him on board also, the first of these that now came up being the vice-admiral of the Biscay squadron, a very mighty and puissant ship, commanded by Brittandona. The San Philip carried three tier of ordnance on a side, and eleven pieces in each tier, besides eight pieces in her forecastle chase, and others from her stern-ports. After the Revenge was thus entangled by the huge San Philip, four others laid her on board, two to larboard and two to starboard. The fight thus began at three in the afternoon, and continued very terribly the whole of that evening. But the great San Philip, having received a discharge from the lower tier of the Revenge, loaded with cross-bar shot, shifted herself with all diligence from her side, utterly disliking this her first entertainment. Some say the San Philip foundered, but we cannot report this for a truth, not having sufficient assurance. Besides the mariners, the Spanish ships were filled with companies of soldiers, some having to the number of two hundred, some five hundred, and others as far even as eight hundred. In ours, there were none besides the mariners, except the servants of the commanders, and some few gentlemen volunteers.

After interchanging many vollies of great ordnance and small shot, the Spaniards deliberated to enter the Revenge by boarding, and made several attempts, hoping to carry her by the multitudes of their armed soldiers and musketeers, but were still repulsed again and again, being on every attempt beaten back into their own ships or into the sea. In the beginning of the fight, the George Noble of London being only one of the victuallers, and of small force, having received some shot through her from the Spanish _armadas_, fell under the lee of the Revenge, and the master of her asked Sir Richard what he was pleased to command him; on which Sir Richard bad him save himself as he best might, leaving him to his fortune. After the fight had thus continued without intermission, while the day lasted, and some hours of the night, many of our men were slain and hurt; one of the great galeons of the armada and the admiral of the hulks both sunk, and a great slaughter had taken place in many of the other great Spanish ships. Some allege that Sir Richard was very dangerously hurt almost in the beginning of the fight, and lay speechless for a time ere he recovered: But two men belonging to the Revenge, who came home in a ship of Lyme from the islands, and were examined by some of the lords and others, affirmed, that he was never so much wounded as to forsake the upper deck till an hour before midnight, and being then shot in the body by a musket ball, was shot again in the head as the surgeon was dressing him, the surgeon himself being at the same time wounded to death. This also agrees with an examination of four other returned mariners of the same ship, taken before Sir Francis Godolphin, and sent by him to master William Killegrue of her majestys privy chamber.

To return to the fight: As the Spanish ships which attempted to board the Revenge were wounded and beaten off, so always others came up in their places, she never having less than two mighty galeons by her sides and close on board her; so that ere morning, from three o'clock of the day before, she had been successively assailed by no less than fifteen several armadas or great ships of war; and all of them had so ill approved their entertainment, that, by break of day, they were far more willing to hearken to a composition, than hastily to make any more assaults or entries for boarding. But as the day advanced, so our men decreased in number, and as the light grew more and more, by so much more increased the discomforts of our men. For now nothing appeared in sight but enemies, save one small ship called the Pilgrim, commanded by Jacob Whiddon, who hovered all night to see what might be the event; but, bearing up towards the Revenge in the morning, was hunted like a hare among so many ravenous hounds, yet escaped.

All the powder of the Revenge was now spent to the very last barrel, all her pikes broken, forty of her best men slain, and most part of the rest wounded. In the beginning of the fight, she had 90 of her men lying sick on the ballast in the hold, and only 100 capable of duty, a small crew for such a ship, and a weak garrison to resist so mighty an army. By this brave hundred was the whole of this hot fight sustained, the volleys, boardings, assaults, and entries, from fifteen great ships of war all full of men, besides those which had cannonaded her from a distance. On the contrary, the Spanish ships were always supplied with fresh soldiers from the several squadrons of this vast fleet, and had all manner of arms and powder at will; while to our men there remained no hope or comfort, no supply either of ships, men, weapons, or powder. The masts were all beaten overboard; all her tackle was cut asunder; her upper works all battered to pieces, and in effect evened with the water, nothing but the hull or bottom of the ship remaining, nothing being left over-head for flight or for defence.

Finding his ship in this distress, and altogether unable for any longer resistance, after fifteen hours constant fighting against fifteen great ships of war which assailed him in turns, having received by estimation 800 shot of great ordnance, besides many assaults and entries; and considering that he and his ship must now soon be in possession of the enemy, who had arranged their ships in a ring round about the Revenge, which was now unable to move any way, except as acted on by the waves; Sir Richard called for his master gunner, whom he knew to be a most resolute man, and commanded him to split and sink the ship, that nothing of glory or victory might remain to the enemy, who with so great a navy, and in so long a time, were unable to take her. They had fifty-three ships of war, and above 10,000 men, and had been engaged against this single ship for fifteen hours. At the same time, Sir Richard endeavoured to prevail upon as many of the company as he could influence, to commit themselves to the mercy of God, and not of their enemies, since they had like valiant men repulsed so many enemies, urging them not now to obscure their honour and that of their nation, for the sake of prolonging their lives a few days. The master gunner and various others of the crew readily assented to this desperate resolution; but the captain and master were quite of an opposite opinion, and conjured Sir Richard to desist from his desperate proposal; alleging that the Spaniards would be as ready to agree to a capitulation as they to offer it; and begged him to consider, that there still were many valiant men still living in the ship, and others whose wounds might not be mortal, who might be able to do acceptable service to their queen and country hereafter. And, although Sir Richard had alleged that the Spaniards should never have the glory of taking one ship of her majesty, which had been so long and valiantly defended; they answered, that the ship had six feet water in her hold, and three shot holes under water, which were so weakly stopped, that she must needs sink with the first labouring of the sea, and was besides so battered and bruised, that she could never be removed from the place.

While the matter was thus in dispute, Sir Richard refusing to listen to any reasons, the captain won over the most part to his opinion, and the master was conveyed on board the Spanish general, Don Alfonso Baçan. Finding none of his people very ready to attempt boarding the Revenge again, and fearing lest Sir Richard might blow up both them and himself, as he learned from the master his dangerous disposition; Don Alfonso agreed that all their lives should be saved, the ships company sent to England, and the better sort to pay such reasonable ransom as their estate could bear, all in the meantime to be free from prison or the gallies. He so much the rather consented to these terms, lest any farther loss or mischief might accrue to themselves, and for the preservation of Sir Richard, whose notable valour he greatly honoured and admired. On receiving this answer, in which the safety of life was promised; the common sort, now at the end of their peril, mostly drew back from the proposal of Sir Richard and the master gunner, it being no hard matter to dissuade men from death to life. Finding himself and Sir Richard thus prevented and mastered by the majority, the master gunner would have slain himself with his sword, but was prevented by main force, and locked up in his cabin.

Then the Spanish general sent many boats on board the Revenge, and several of her men, fearing Sir Richards disposition, stole away on board the general and other ships. Thus constrained to submit, Sir Richard was desired by a message from Alfonso Baçan to remove from the Revenge, as it was filled with blood and the bodies of the slain, and with wounded men, like a slaughter-house. Sir Richard gave for answer, that he might do now with his body what he pleased; and while removing from the ship, he fainted away, and on recovering he requested the company to pray for him. The Spanish general used Sir Richard with all humanity, leaving no means untried that tended towards his recovery, highly commending his valour and worthiness, and greatly bewailing his dangerous condition; seeing that it was a rare spectacle, and an instance of resolution seldom met with, for one ship to withstand so many enemies, to endure the batteries and boardings of so many huge ships of war, and to resist and repel the assaults and entries of such numbers of soldiers. All this and more is confirmed, by the recital of a Spanish captain in that same fleet, who was himself engaged in this action, and, being severed from the rest in a storm, was taken by the Lion, a small ship belonging to London, and is now prisoner in London.

The general commanding this great armada, was Don Alphonso Baçan, brother to the Marquis of Santa Cruz. Britandona was admiral of the squadron of Biscay. The Marquis of Arumburch [Aremberg] commanded the squadron of Seville. Luis Coutinho commanded the hulks and flyboats. There were slain and drowned in this fight, as the before-mentioned Spanish captain confessed, near a thousand of the enemy, with two special commanders, Don Luis de San Juan, and Don George de Prunaria de Mallaga, besides others of special account whose names have not yet been reported. The admiral of the hulks and the Ascension of Seville were both sunk at the side of the Revenge. One other ship, which got into the road of San Miguel, sank there also; and a fourth ship had to run on shore to save her men. Sir Richard, as it is said, died the second or third day on board the general, much bewailed by his enemies; but we have not heard what became of his body, whether it were committed to the sea or buried on land. The comfort remaining to his friends is, that he ended his life honourably, having won great reputation for his nation and his posterity, and hath not outlived his honour.

For the rest of her majestys ships, that entered not into the fight like the Revenge, the reasons and causes were these: There were of them only six in all, two whereof were only small ships; and they could be of no service, as the Revenge was engaged past recovery. The island of Flores was on one side; 53 sail of Spanish ships were on the other, divided into several squadrons, all as full of soldiers as they could contain. Almost one half of our men were sick and unable to serve; the ships were grown foul, _unroomaged_[374], and hardly able to bear any sail for want of ballast, having been six months at sea. If all the rest of the ships had entered into the action, they had been all lost; for the very hugeness of the Spanish ships, even if no other violence had been offered, might have crushed them all into shivers between them; by which the loss and dishonour to the queen had been far greater, than any injury the enemy could have sustained. It is nevertheless true, that the Lord Thomas Howard would have entered between the squadrons of the enemy, but the others would on no account consent; and even the master of his own ship threatened to leap into the sea, rather than conduct the admirals ship and the rest to be a certain prey to the enemy, where there was no hope or possibility of victory or even of defence. In my opinion, such rashness would have ill assorted with the discretion and trust of a general, to have committed himself and his charge to assured destruction, without any hope or likelihood of prevailing, thereby to have diminished the strength of her majestys navy, and to have increased the pride and glory of the enemy.

[Footnote 374: This singular antiquated sea term may signify, not in sailing _trim_.--E.]

The Foresight, one of her majestys vessels, commanded by Thomas Vavasour, performed a very great service, and staid two hours as near the Revenge as the weather would permit, not forsaking the fight till well nigh encompassed by the squadrons of the enemy, and then cleared himself with great difficulty. The rest gave diverse vollies of shot, and engaged as far as the place and their own necessities permitted, so as to keep the weather-gage of the enemy, till night parted them.

A few days after this fight, the prisoners being dispersed among the Spanish ships of war and ships from the Indies, there arose so great a storm from the W. and N.W. that all the fleet was dispersed, as well the fleet of the Indies then come to them as the rest of the armada that had attended their arrival, of which 14 sail, together with the Revenge having 200 Spaniards on board of her, were cast away upon the island of St Michael. Thus they honoured the obsequies of the renowned Revenge, for the great glory she had achieved, not permitting her to perish alone. Besides these, other 15 or 16 of the Spanish ships of war were cast away in this storm upon the other islands of the Azores: And, of an 100 sail and more of the fleet of the Indies, which were expected this year in Spain, what with the loss sustained in this tempest, and what before in the bay of Mexico and about the Bermuda islands, above 70 were lost, including those taken by our London ships; besides one very rich ship of the Indies, which set herself on fire being boarded by the Pilgrim, and five others taken by the ship belonging to Mr Wats of London between the Havannah and Cape St Antonio. On the 4th of November this year, we had letters from Tercera, affirming that 3000 dead bodies had been thrown upon that island from the perished ships, and that the Spaniards confessed to have lost 10,000 men in this storm, besides those who perished between the main and the islands. Thus it hath pleased God to fight for us, and to defend the justice of our cause, against the ambitious and bloody pretences of the Spaniards, who seeking to devour all nations are themselves devoured: A manifest testimony how unjust and displeasing are their attempts in the sight of God, who hath been pleased to witness, by the evil success of their affairs, his mislike of their bloody and injurious designs, purposed and practised against all Christian princes, over whom they seek unlawful and ungodly rule and supreme command.

A day or two before this terrible catastrophe, when some of our prisoners desired to be set on shore on the Azores islands, hoping to be thence transported into England, and which liberty had been formerly promised by the Spanish general; one Morice Fitz John, (son of old John of Desmond, a notable traitor, who was cousin-german to the late earl of Desmond,) was sent from ship to ship to endeavour to persuade the English prisoners to serve the king of Spain. The arguments he used to induce them were these. Increase of pay to treble their present allowance; advancement to the better sort; and the free exercise of the true catholic religion, ensuring the safety of all their souls. For the first of these, the beggarly and unnatural behaviour of those English and Irish rebels that served the king of Spain in that action was a sufficient answer; for so poor and ragged were they, that, for want of apparel, they stripped the poor prisoners their countrymen of their ragged garments, worn out by six months service, not even sparing to despoil them of their bloody shirts from their wounded bodies, and the very shoes from their feet; a noble testimony of their rich entertainment and high pay. As to the second argument, of hope of advancement if they served well and continued faithful to the king of Spain; what man could be so blockishly ignorant ever to expect promotion and honour from a foreign king, having no other merit or pretension than his own disloyalty, his unnatural desertion of his country and parents, and rebellion against his true prince, to whose obedience he is bound by oath, by nature, and by religion? No! such men are only assured to be employed on all desperate enterprizes, and to be held in scorn and disdain even among those they serve. That ever a traitor was either trusted or advanced I have never learnt, neither can I remember a single example. No man could have less becomed the office of orator for such a purpose, than this Morice of Desmond: For, the earl his cousin, being one of the greatest subjects in the kingdom of Ireland, possessing almost whole counties in his large property, many goodly manors, castles, and lordships, the county palatine of Kerry, 500 gentlemen of his own family and name ready to follow him, all which he and his ancestors had enjoyed in peace for three or four hundred years: Yet this man, in less than three years after his rebellion and adherence to the Spaniards, was beaten from all his holds, not so many as ten gentlemen of his name left living, himself taken and beheaded by a gentleman of his own nation, and his lands given by parliament to her majesty and possessed by the English. His other cousin, Sir John Desmond, taken by Mr John Zouch; and his body hung up over the gates of his native city to be devoured by ravens. The third brother, Sir James, hanged, drawn, and quartered in the same place. Had he been able to vaunt of the success of his own house, in thus serving the king of Spain, the argument might doubtless have moved much and wrought great effect: the which, because he happened to forget, I have thought good to remember in his behalf.

As for the matter of religion, to which he adverted, it would require a separate volume, were I to set down how irreligiously they cover their greedy and ambitious pretences with that veil of pretended piety. But sure I am, there is no kingdom or commonwealth in all Europe that they do not invade, under pretence of religion, if it be reformed. Nay if it even be what they term catholic, they pretend a title, as if the kings of Castile were the natural heirs of all the world. Thus between both, no kingdom is exempted from their ambition. Where they dare not invade with their own forces, they basely entertain the traitors and vagabonds of all nations; seeking by their means, and by their runagate Jesuits, to win other parts to their dominion, by which they have ruined many noble houses and others in this land, extinguishing their lives and families. What good, honour, or fortune, any one hath ever yet achieved through them, is yet unheard of. If our English papists will only look to Portugal, against which they have no pretence of religion; how their nobility are imprisoned and put to death, their rich men made a prey, and all sorts of people reduced to servitude; they shall find that the obedience even of the Turk is ease and liberty, compared to the tyranny of Spain. What have they done in Sicily, in Naples, in Milan, in the low countries? Who hath there been spared even for religion? It cometh to my remembrance of a certain burgher at Antwerp, whose house was entered by a company of Spanish soldiers when they sacked that city. He besought them to spare him and his goods, being a good catholic, and therefore one of their own party and faction. The Spaniards answered, they knew him to be of a good conscience in himself; but his money, plate, jewels, and goods, were all heretical, and therefore good prize. So they abused and tormented the foolish Fleming, who thought that an _Agnus Dei_ had been a sufficient safeguard against all the force of that holy and charitable nation.

Neither have they at any time, as they protest, invaded the kingdoms of Mexico and Peru and elsewhere, being only led thereto to reduce the people to Christianity, not for gold or empire: Whereas, in the single island of Hispaniola, they have wasted and destroyed thirty hundred thousand of the natives, besides many millions else in other places of the Indies: a poor and harmless people, created of God, and might have been won to his service, as many of them were, even almost all whom they endeavoured to persuade thereto. The story of these their enormities, has been written at large by Bartholomew de las Casas[375], a bishop of their own nation, and has been translated into English and many other languages, under the title of _The Spanish Cruelties_. Who therefore would repose trust in such a nation of ravenous strangers, and more especially in those Spaniards, who more greedily thirst after the blood of the English, for the many overthrows and dishonours they have received at our hands; whose weakness we have discovered to the world, and whose forces, at home, abroad, in Europe, in the Indies, by sea and by land, even with mere handfuls of men and ships on our sides, we have overthrown and dishonoured? Let not therefore any Englishman, of what religion soever, have other opinion of these Spaniards or their abettors, but that those whom they seek to win of our nation, they esteem base and traiterous, unworthy persons, and inconstant fools; and that they use this pretence of religion, for no other purpose but to bewitch us from the obedience due to our natural prince, hoping thereby to bring us in time under slavery and subjection, when none shall be there so odious and despised, as those very traitors who have sold their country to strangers, forsaking their faith and obedience, contrary to the laws of nature and religion, and contrary to that humane and universal honour, not only of Christians but of heathen and unbelieving nations, who have always sustained every degree of labour, embracing even death itself, in defence of their country, their prince, and their commonwealth.

[Footnote 375: He was bishop of Chiapa in New Spain, and computes the Indians destroyed by the Spaniards in about fifty years, at no fewer than twenty millions.--Astley, I. 221. a.]

To conclude, it hath ever to this day pleased God to prosper and defend her majesty, to break the purposes of her malicious enemies, to confound the devices of forsworn traitors, and to overthrow all unjust practices and invasions. She hath ever been held in honour by the worthiest kings, served by faithful subjects, and shall ever, by the favour of God, resist, repell, and confound all attempts against her person and kingdom. In the mean time, let the Spaniards and traitors vaunt of their success; while we, her true and obedient subjects, guided by the shining light of her virtues, shall always love, serve, and obey her, to the end of our lives.

SECTION XI

_Note of the Fleet of the Indies, expected in Spain this year 1591; with the number that perished, according to the examination of certain Spaniards, lately taken and brought to England[376]._

The fleet of New Spain, at their first gathering together, consisted of 52 sail. The admiral and vice-admiral ships were each of 600 tons burden. Four or five of the ships were of 900 and 1000 tons each; some were of 400 tons, and the smallest of 200. Of this fleet 19 were cast away, containing by estimation 2600 men, which happened along the coast of New Spain, so that only 33 sail came to the Havannah.

[Footnote 376: Hakluyt, II. 670.]

The fleet of Terra Firma, at its first departure from Spain, consisted of 50 sail, bound for Nombre de Dios, where they discharged their loading, and returned thence for their health sake to Carthagena, till such time as the treasure they were to take in at Nombre de Dios were ready. But before this fleet departed, some were gone by one or two at a time, so that only 23 sail of this fleet arrived at the Havannah.

There met at the Havannah,

33 sail from New Spain, 23 from the Terra Firma, 12 belonging to San Domingo, 9 from Honduras.

Thus 77 ships joined and set sail from the Havannah, on the 17th of July 1591, according to our account, and kept together till they arrived in the lat. of 35° N. which was about the 10th of August. There the wind, which had been at S.W. changed suddenly to N. so that the sea coming from the S.W. and the wind violent from the N. they were put in great extremity, and then first lost the admiral of their fleet, in which were 500 men; and within three or four days after, another storm rising, five or six others of their largest ships were cast away with all their men, together with their vice-admiral.

In lat. 38° N. and about the end of August, another great storm arose, in which all their remaining ships, except 48, were lost. These 48 ships kept together till they came in sight of the islands of Corvo and Flores, about the 5th or 6th of September, at which time they were separated by a great storm; and of that number, 15 or 16 sail were afterwards seen by three Spanish prisoners, riding at anchor under Tercera, while 12 or 14 more were observed to bear away for San Miguel. What became of them after these Spaniards were taken, cannot yet be certified; but their opinion is, that very few of this fleet escaped being either taken or cast away. It has been ascertained of late by other means of intelligence, that of this whole fleet of 123 sail, which should have come to Spain this year, there have only 25 yet arrived. This note was extracted from the examinations of certain Spanish prisoners, brought to England by six of the London ships, which took seven of these men from the before-mentioned fleet of the Indies near the islands of the Açores.

SECTION XII.

_Report of a Cruizing Voyage to the Azores in 1591, by a feet of London ships sent with supplies to the Lord Thomas Howard. Written by Captain Robert Flicke_[377].

PRELIMINARY REMARKS[378].

The following voyage is extracted from a letter, dated at Plymouth the 24th of October 1591, and sent thence by Captain Flicke to Messrs Thomas Bromley, Richard Staper, and ---- Cordall, three of the contractors, as we apprehend, for the ships, and is titled, "Concerning the success of a part of the London supplies sent to the isles of the Azores to my Lord Thomas Howard." In this letter no mention is made of the number of ships employed, nor of the names of more than two captains besides Flicke, namely, _Brothus_ and _Furtho_, the latter of whom was bearer of the letter. We also find the name of four of the ships; the Costly, Centurion, Cherubim, and the Margaret and John, but not the names of their commanders, neither the name of the ship in which Flicke sailed, and which, for distinctions sake, we call the admiral. These omissions may be excuseable in a private letter, written only to acquaint the merchants of particulars they had not before learnt, and not designed as a formal narrative of the voyage to be laid before the public. As these, however, are essential to narratives of this kind, it might have been expected of Mr Hakluyt to have supplied such defects. We may judge, however, that the number of ships was seven, as in the preceding account of the fleet of the Indies, six London ships are mentioned as having fallen in with it, which were probably those separated from the admiral or commodore, which ship will make the seventh.--_Astley._

[Footnote 377: Hakluyt, II. 671. Astley, I. 221.]

[Footnote 378: Astley, I. 221.]

NARRATIVE[379].

Worshipful, my hearty commendations to you premised.--By my last letter, dated 12th August from this place, I advertised you particularly of the accidents which had befallen our fleet till then. It now remains to relate our exertions for accomplishing our orders for endeavouring to join my Lord Thomas Howard, and the success we have had. We departed from hence on the 17th August, the wind not serving before. Next day I summoned a council by signal, on which the captains and masters of all the ships came on board, when I acquainted them with my commission, confirmed by the lords of her majestys council, and with the advertisement of Sir Edward Denny, that my lord had determined to remain 60 leagues west of Fayal, spreading his squadron north and south between 37° 30' and 38° 30' north. But, if we did not there find him, we were to repair to the islands of Flores and Corvo, where a pinnace would purposely wait our coming till the last day of August; with the intent, after that day, to repair to the coast of Spain, about the heighth of the rock [_of Lisbon?_], some twenty or thirty leagues off shore. This being advisedly considered, and having regard to the shortness of time occasioned by our long delay at this place, and the uncertainty of favourable weather for us, it was generally concluded, as the best and surest way to meet my lord, to bear up for the heighth of _the rock_, without making any stay upon the coast, and thence to make directly for the foresaid islands, which was accordingly fully agreed to and performed.

[Footnote 379: In pursuance of our uniform plan, of drawing from the original sources, this article is an exact transcript from Hakluyt, only modernizing his antiquated language and orthography, and not copied from the abridgement of Astley.--.E]

The 28th of August we had sight of the Burlings, and being on the 29th athwart of Peniche, and having a favourable wind, we directed our course west for the Azores, without making any stay off the coast of Portugal. The 30th we met the Red Rose, Captain Royden, formerly called the Golden Dragon, which had separated from my lord in a storm. He informed us of 50 sail of the king of Spains armada having sailed for the islands, but could not give us any intelligence of my lord, otherwise than supposing him to remain about the islands, wherefore we continued our course, the wind remaining favourable. The 4th of September we had sight of Tercera, and ranged along all the islands, both on their south, and north sides, for the space of four days, during which time we met with no ships whatever, so that we could learn no intelligence, either of my lord or of the fleet of the Indies; wherefore we directed our course to the west of Fayal, according to the instructions of Sir Edward Denny. When plying to the westwards on the 11th, we descried a sail from our main-top, and by two or three in the afternoon raised her hull, but the weather fell so calm that we could not fetch her. I therefore sent off my skiff well manned, and furnished with shot and swords, the Cherubim and the Margaret and John doing the like. Upon this the sail stood off again, and on the approach of night our boats lost sight of her and so returned. During this pursuit the Centurion was left astern, so that we missed her next morning, and spent all that day plying up and down in search of her: And, as all our ships were directed, in case of separation by stress of weather or other mischance, to meet and join at Flores, we, according to the instructions of Sir Edward Denny, proceeded for the purpose of finding my Lord Thomas Howard, and being in the heighth appointed, and not able to remain there in consequence of extreme tempests, which forced us to the isles of Flores and Corvo, which we made on the 14th in the morning, and there rejoined the Centurion. She informed us, that on the 12th day, being the same on which she lost us, she had met 45 sail of the fleet of the Indies.

The same night, in consequence of this intelligence, we came to anchor between Flores and Corvo, and next morning at day-break, I convened a council of all the captains and masters on board my ship, by a signal flag. For satisfying our desire to learn some intelligence of my lord, as also for the purpose of procuring a supply of water, it was thought good to send our boats on shore armed, under the command of Captain Brothus; besides which, it was agreed, after our departure thence, to range along the south sides of the islands, that we might either procure some intelligence of my lord, or fall in with the fleet of the Indies; and, in case of missing both objects, to direct our course for Cape St Vincent. The boats being sent on shore, according to this determination, it chanced that the Costely, which rode outermost at our anchoring ground, having weighed to bring herself nearer among us to assist in protecting our boats, discovered two sail in opening the land, which we in the road-stead could not perceive. Upon this she fired a shot of warning, which caused us to _wave_ all our boats back; and before they could recover their ships, the two ships seen by the Costely appeared to us, on which we made all sail towards them, and in a happy hour as it pleased God. We had no sooner cleared the land and spoken one of them, which was a bark belonging to Bristol, also seeking my lord ineffectually at the place appointed, when so violent a storm arose that we had been in great danger of perishing if we had continued in the road. This storm continued in its utmost violence for sixty hours, during which I was separated from all our fleet except the Cherubim, and Costely, which continued in company. After it subsided, sailing in among the islands, I viewed the road of Fayal, and finding no roaders there, I went thence for the isle of Tercera.

On the 19th day of September in the morning, coming to Tercera, and intending to edge into the road, a tempest arose and so scanted the wind that we could not get in. Being accordingly driven to leeward, we fell in among some of the fleet of the Indies, which had been dispersed by the storm, and driven from the road. Upon this our ship and the two others then with me gave several chases, by which we parted company. Following up my chase, we made her strike and yield about noon, when she turned out to be a Portuguese, laden with hides, sarsa-parilla, and _anile_ [Indigo.] At this instant we espied another, and taking our prize with us, followed and captured her before night. She was called the Conception, commanded by Francisco Spinola, and was laden with cochineal, raw hides, and certain raw silk: And as the sea was so tempestuous that we could in no way board her, neither by boats nor from the ship, so we kept her under our lee till a fit opportunity. That same night, a little before day, another ship joined company with us, supposing us and our two prizes to belong to their fleet, which we dissembled till morning.

In the morning of the 20th, this new sail being somewhat shot a-head of us, and being anxious for the safe keeping of the two former, we purposed to cause our two prizes put out more sail, so as to keep near us while chasing the third, as our master insisted that they would follow us; owing to which, by the time we had caused this new one to yield, and had sent men on board to take possession, the Conception being far astern, and having got the wind of us, stood off with all her sails, so that we were forced to make a new chase after her, and had not the wind enlarged upon us we had lost her. The whole of this day was spent in this new pursuit, before we recovered her, and brought ourselves again in company with our other prizes; by which we lost the opportunity of that day, during which the weather served for boarding the Portuguese prize, which was in great distress, making request of us to take them on board, as they were ready to sink, as we could well perceive by their pumping incessantly, and in our judgment she went down that night.

On the 21st the Conception sprung a leak also, which gained upon her notwithstanding every effort at the pumps, so that she could not be kept long above water. So I took out of her 42 chests of cochineal and silk, leaving her to the sea with 11 feet water in her hold, and 4700 hides. The other prize, which we have brought into harbour, is the Nuestra Sennora de los Remedios, Francisco Alvares captain, laden with 16 chests of cochineal, certain fardels [or bales] of raw silk, and about 4000 hides. Upon the discharge of the goods, your honours shall be particularly advertised of the same. In boarding our prizes, such was the disorder of our men, that, besides rifling the persons of the Spaniards, they broke open the chests and purloined what money was in them; although I had given notice of my intention of going on board in person, to have taken a just account thereof in presence of three or four witnesses, putting the whole in safe custody, pursuant to the articles made in this behalf. And whereas certain sums of money taken from our men, which they had thus purloined and embezzled, together with other parcels brought on board my ship, amounting to 2129 pesos and a half, all of which the company demanded to have shared among them as due pillage, I refused this demand, and read to them openly at the mast the articles confirmed by my lord treasurer and my lord admiral, by which they ought to be directed in these things, declaring that it was not in my power to dispose thereof until the same were finally determined at home. Thereupon they mutinied, and grew at length to such fury, that they declared they would have it or else would break down the cabin. Seeing them ready to execute this threat, I was forced to yield, lest the great number of Spaniards we had on board might have taken the opportunity of rising against us; which, indeed, after the brawls of our men were appeased, they actually endeavoured to have done.

By the last advice from Castile, the general of the king of Spains armada, lately put to sea, is ordered to join his fleet with that of the Indies, and to remain at Tercera till the 15th of October, waiting for six _pataches_ with seven or eight millions of the royal treasure expected by that time: otherwise they are to wait their coming from the Havannah till January next, or until the kings farther pleasure shall be made known. These pataches are said to be of 300 tons burden each, carrying 30 pieces of brass cannon, and are also reported to sail in a superior manner to any other ships. Before their coming to Flores, there perished of the fleet of the Indies eleven sail, among which was the admiral, and not one roan saved. It is likewise supposed by the Spaniards, that the storms we encountered at Flores and Tercera must have destroyed many more of them, of which indeed we were partly eye-witnesses. On the whole, therefore, what by the seas and our men of war, of the 75 sail that came from the Havannah, I presume one half will not arrive in Spain.

On the night of the 11th October, we came to anchor in Plymouth sound, and got up next morning with our prize into Catwater, for which God be praised: For so vehement a storm arose, that our prize was forced to cut away her main-mast, otherwise, her ground tackle being bad, she had been driven on shore by the violence of the storm. This was the main cause which induced me to put in here, where I now propose to discharge the goods without farther risk, and have certified thus much to my lord admiral, and therewith desire to receive the directions of my lords of the council together with yours, as my lord Thomas Howard is not yet returned. How the rest of our consorts, which separated from us, may have sped, or what prizes they may have taken, of which there is much hope by reason of the scattering of the West India fleet, I am as yet unable to say any thing. And thus, waiting your answer, and referring for all other matters to captain Furtho, the bearer hereof, I make an end, at Plymouth this 24th of October 1591.

Your Worships loving Friend, ROBERT FLICKE.

SECTION XIII.

_Exploits of the English in several Expeditions and cruizing Voyages from 1589 to 1592; extracted from John Huighen van Linschoten_[380].

PRELIMINARY REMARKS.

The entire title of this article in Hakluyts Collection is, "A large testimony of John Huighen van Linschoten, Hollander, concerning the worthy exploits achieved by the right honourable the Earl of Cumberland, by Sir Martine Frobisher, Sir Richard Grenville, and diverse other English captains, about the isles of the Azores, and upon the coasts of Spain and Portugal, in the years 1589, 1590, 1591, &c. recorded in his excellent discourse of voyages to the East and West Indies, cap. 96, 97, and 99." Of this article, the Editor of Astley gives the following account.

[Footnote 380: Hakluyt, II. 674. Astley, I. 225.]

"The author, John Huighen van Linschoten, left Goa with a fleet of ships, viz. The Santa Maria, Nuestra Sennora de la Concepçao, the San Christopher admiral, the San Thome which was the largest and most richly laden, and the Santa Cruz in which Linschoten sailed. It was extracted by Hakluyt from the 96th, 97th, and 99th chapters of the first book of Linschotens Voyages in English, beginning at p. 171. This section is intended as a supplement to the English cruizing voyages already inserted, which fall within the period mentioned in the title; and is the more material, as the memoirs it contains not only confirm the most material facts related in these preceding voyages, but give a satisfactory account of many things which are there but imperfectly related, often continuing the history which in these breaks off abruptly, and bringing to light some remarkable achievements of our countrymen, of which otherwise no mention could be found in our voluminous naval transactions.

"We are persuaded the reader will feel a secret joy in contemplating the great figure this nation made in these heroic times; owing to that universal zeal to promote the commerce and glory of England, which then prevailed among the ministers of the crown, as well as the people at large. We presume likewise, that this pleasure will be not a little enhanced by the consideration that these particulars were written by a foreigner, who is held in great reputation for his judgment and fidelity, and who has sounded the praise of our countrymen even beyond what has been done by our own historians. On the other hand, the reader will be no less concerned to find what immense treasures some of our adventurers lost, by unaccountably missing the fleets of which they went in search, when at the same time they were so near them, that it seemed almost impossible they should escape. This shews, after all, how uncertain is the meeting of ships at sea, and that two great fleets may sail almost close to one another, without having the least suspicion."--_Astley._

* * * * *

The 22d of July 1589, about evening, being near the islands of Flores and Corvo, we perceived three ships making towards us, which came from under the land and put us in great fear, for they came close to our admiral and shot diverse times at him and at another ship of our company, whereby we perceived them to be English, for they bore the English flag at their main-tops, but none of them seemed above 60 tons burden. About evening they followed after us, and all night bore lanterns with candles burning at their sterns, although the moon shined. That night we passed hard by the island of Fayal; and next morning, being between the isle of St George on our right and the small isle of Graciosa on our left, we espied the three English ships still following us. They consulted together, upon which one of them sailed backwards, as if one ship had followed after us without company, and for a time that ship was out of sight; but in no long time afterwards, it returned to the other two, when they consulted again, and came all three together against our ship, because we were to leeward of all our ships, having the island of St George on one side instead of a sconce, [fort] thinking so to deal with us as to force us to run on shore, to which we were very near. In that manner they came bravely towards us, with their flags displayed, sounding their trumpets, and sailed at least three times about us, discharging at us their muskets and calivers and some pieces of great ordnance, doing us no harm in the hull of our ship, but spoiled all our sails and ropes, and so plagued us that no man durst put forth his head. When we shot off a piece of ordnance, we had at the least an hours work to load it again, there being a great noise and cry in our ship, as if we had been all cast away, whereupon the English began to mock us, calling out to us with many taunting words.

In the mean time, the other ships that were in company with us hoisted all their sails, doing their best to bear away for Tercera, and not looking once behind them to help us, as not caring for us, but doubting they would be too late thither, and thinking they did enough if they could save themselves, whereby it may be easily seen what kind of company they keep with each other, and what kind of order is among them. In the end, finding small advantage against us, and little knowing in what fear we were, and also because we were not far from Tercera, the English left us; on which we were not a little rejoiced, as thinking ourselves risen from death to life, though we were not yet well assured nor void of fear, till we got to anchor in the road of Tercera, under the protection of the Portuguese fort, towards which we made all possible sail. On the other hand, we were still in great doubt, not knowing the situation of the island, or whether they were our friends or enemies; and we were so much the more doubtful, because we found no man of war there, nor any caravels of advice from Portugal as we expected, to have convoyed us home, or given us intelligence, as they usually do in that country. And, because the English had been so victorious in those parts, we suspected that it went not well with Spain. The inhabitants of Tercera were no less fearful than we, for on seeing our fleet they thought us to have been English, and that we came to over-run the island, because the three English ships came in along with us and had wound up their flags; upon which the islanders sent out two caravels to us that lay there, with advice from the king for such India ships as should come there.

Those caravels came to view us, and perceiving what we were made after us; upon which the English ships left us and made towards the caravels, because the caravels thought them friends and shunned them not, as supposing them of our company: But we shot three or four times, and made signs to them that they should make towards the island, which they presently did. On perceiving that, the Englishmen made out to sea: and then the caravels sent on board us, saying that the people of the island were all in arms, having received advice from Portugal, that Sir Francis Drake was in readiness, and meant to come to the islands. They likewise brought us news of the overthrow of the Spanish armada which had gone against England, and that the English had been at the gates of Lisbon; for which reason it win the king's commands that we should put into the island of Tercera, and remain there under the protection of its castle, till we received further orders, as it was then thought too dangerous for us to continue our voyage to Lisbon. These news put all our fleet in great fear, making us look upon each other as not knowing what to do or say; as it was dangerous for us to put into the road, which lies open to the sea, so that although they had the kings commands for so doing, the India ships durst not anchor there, but only used to come thither, standing off and on, and sending their boats a-land for such necessaries as they wanted, without coming to anchor. But now necessity compelled us to this measure, owing to our fears for the three small English ships, also because of the kings orders, and because we understood that the Earl of Cumberland was not far from these islands with sundry ships of war. We made therefore a virtue of necessity, and entering the road of Tercera, anchored close under the castle, in waiting for orders from the king to pursue our voyage, it being then the 24th of July or St Jameses day.

The 12th of August, the Earl of Cumberland, with six or seven ships of war, sailed past the island of Tercera; and to our great good fortune passed out of sight. We then set out in all haste, and, for our greater security, took along with us 400 Spaniards of those who were in garrison in the island, and made sail for Lisbon with a favourable wind, so that in eleven days we arrived in the river Tagus with great joy and triumph. For, had we been one day longer of getting into the river, we had all been taken by Captain Drake, [Sir Francis Drake] who came before Cascais with 40 ships, at the very time when we cast anchor in the Tagus under the guard of several gallies.

While I remained in Tercera, the Earl of Cumberland came to St Marys to take in fresh water and other victuals; but the inhabitants would not suffer him to have it, and wounded both the earl himself and several of his men, so that they were forced to depart without having any thing. Likewise, while I was at Tercera, the same earl came to the island of Graciosa, where he went to land in person with seven or eight others, demanding certain beasts, poultry, and other victuals, with wine and fresh water, which they willingly gave him, after which he departed without doing any injury, for which the inhabitants were very thankful, praising his courtesy and faithfulness to his promise. The earl came likewise at that time to Fayal, where at the first they begun to resist him; but by reason of some controversy among themselves, they let him land, when he razed the castle, throwing all the cannon into the sea, and took with him certain caravels and ships that lay in the road, with all such provisions as he wanted, and then departed. Thereupon, the king caused the principal actors in that transaction to be punished, and went thither a company of soldiers, which went from Tereera, with all kind of warlike ammunition and great shot, rebuilding the cattle the better to defend the island, and no more trusting to the Portuguese inhabitants.

The 9th of October 1589[381], there arrived in Tereera fourteen ships from the Spanish West Indies, laden with cochineal, hides, gold, silver, pearls, and other rich wares. When they departed from the harbour of the Havannah, they were fifty in company; of which eleven sunk in the channel [of Florida] by reason of foul weather, and all the rest were scattered and separated from each other in a storm. Next day there came another ship of the same fleet, which sailed close under the island endeavouring to get into the road; when she was met by an English whip that had not above three cast pieces [of ordnance], while the Spaniards had twelve. They fought a long while together, which we in the island could distinctly see. The governor of the island sent out two boats filled with musketeers to aid the Spanish ship; but before they could get up to her assistance; the English had shot her below water, so that we saw her sink into the sea with all her sails up, and she entirely disappeared. The Englishmens boat saved the Captain and about thirty others, but not one pennyworth of the goods, which were to the value of 200,000 ducats, in gold, silver, and pearls. All the rest of the crew were drowned, to the number of about fifty persons, among whom were some friars and women, whom the English could not save. The English set all the people they had saved on shore, and then sailed away. The 27th of the same month of October 1589, these fourteen ships sailed from Tercera, for Seville; and on coming to the coast of Spain, they were all taken by some English ships that watched for them, two only excepted which made their escape, all the rest being carried to England.

[Footnote 381: In Hakluyt, all that now follows is marked as extracted from the 99th chapter of Linschoten.]

About this time, the earl of Cumberland, with one of the queens ships and five or six others, kept hovering about the islands, and came oft-times close to the island of Tercera, and to the road of Angra, so near that the people on land could easily count all the men on his decks, and could even distinguish one from another; they of the island not once shooting at them, which they might easily have done, as they were often within musket-shot of the town and fort. He continued in these parts for the space of two months, sailing round about the islands, and landed in Graciosa and Fayal, as I have already mentioned. He took several ships and caravels, which he sent off to England, so that the people of the islands durst not put forth their heads. At one time, about three or four days after the earl had been at the island of Fayal, and was departed from thence, there arrived there six ships of the Indies, the general of which was one _Juan Dorives_, which landed in that island four millions of gold and silver[382]. Then, being much in fear of the English, and having refreshed themselves with all speed, they set sail and arrived safe at San Lucar, without meeting an enemy, to the great good luck of the Spaniards and bad fortune of the English; for, within less than two days after the gold and silver was again laden into the Spanish ships, the earl of Cumberland sailed past the island again; so that if he had once got sight of these valuable ships, without doubt he had got them all, as the Spaniards themselves confessed.

[Footnote 382: The denomination is not mentioned, perhaps _pezos_, or what we call dollars.--E.]

In the month of November, two great ships arrived in Tercera, being the admiral and vice-admiral of the fleet laden with silver, which had been separated from the fleet in a great storm, and were in great jeopardy and distress, ready to sink, being forced to use all their pumps, and so terrified, that they wished a thousand times to have met the English, to whom they would willingly have given all the silver, and every thing they had on board, only to preserve their lives. Although the earl still hovered about the islands, yet did he not meet with these ships, which got with much labour and difficulty into the road of Angra, where with all speed they unladed and landed about five millions in silver, all in great pieces or ingots of 8 or 12 great pounds, so that the whole quay lay covered with plates and chests of silver, full of pieces of eight rials, most wonderful to behold: Each million being worth ten hundred thousand ducats, besides gold, pearls, and other precious stones, which were not registered. The admiral and chief commander of these ships, and of the whole fleet to which they belonged, was _Alvaro Flores de Quin Quiniones_, who was sick of the Neapolitan disease, and was brought to land; and of which malady he died soon afterwards at Seville. He had with him the kings commission under the great seal, giving him full authority as general and commander in chief upon the seas, over all fleets and ships, and in all places, lands, and islands, on shore wherever he came; wherefore the governor of Tercera shewed him much honour, and between them it was concerted, seeing the weakness of the ships and the danger from the English, that they should send the ships first empty of treasure to Seville or Lisbon, under a guard of soldiers, when the king might give orders afterwards to fetch the silver home under safe convoy. The said admiral Alvaro Flores staid there, under colour of taking care of the silver, but chiefly because of his disease and fear of the English. He had for his part alone, above the value of 50,000 ducats in pearls, which he shewed us, and sought to sell or barter them with us for spices or bills of exchange. These two ships sailed from Tercera with three or four hundred men, including those who came with them from the Indies and soldiers; but while at sea in a storm, the admiral split and sunk outright, not one man being saved; and the vice-admiral, after cutting away her masts, ran aground hard by Setubal, where she broke in pieces, some of the men saving themselves by swimming, who brought the news of all the rest being drowned.

In the same month of November 1589, there came two great ships out of the Spanish Indies, and when within half a mile of the road of Tercera, they were met with by an English ship which fought them both together for a long while, and took them both. About seven or eight months before, there came an English ship to Tercera, pretending to be a Frenchman come for traffic, and began to load woad, but being discovered was confiscated to the king, both ship and cargo, and the men all made prisoners, yet were allowed to roam up and down to get their livings, by labouring like slaves, being considered in as safe custody in the island at large as if in a prison. But at length, upon a Sunday, they all went behind the hills called _Bresil_, where they found a fishing boat, in which they rowed out to sea to the ships of the Earl of Cumberland, who chanced for their good fortune to come to the island, and anchored with his ships about half a mile from the road of Angra, close to two small islands about a bare shot from the shore of Tercera, which are full of goats, deer, and sheep, belonging to the inhabitants of Tercera. These sailors knew this well, wherefore they rowed to these islands in their boats, whence they took as many goats and sheep as they needed, which was well seen by those of the town and main island, but they durst not go forth to hinder them. By this exploit, there only remained behind the master and merchant of the detained English ship. This master had a brother-in-law in England, who, on hearing of his brothers imprisonment, got a licence from the queen to fit out a ship, with which to endeavour to recover his losses by cruizing against the Spaniards, by which to redeem his brother from imprisonment in Tercera, and it was he who took the two Spanish ships before the town: The before-mentioned merchant, who was my intimate acquaintance, was standing on the shore along with me, looking at them at the time. When these ships were taken, which were worth 300,000 ducats, the brother sent all the men on shore, except only two of the principal gentlemen, whom he kept to give in exchange for his brother; and by the pilot of one of the captured ships he sent a letter to the governor of Tercera, offering to send the two gentlemen on shore if his brother were delivered up, otherwise he would carry them prisoners into England, which indeed he did, as the governor would not deliver up his brother, saying the gentlemen might make that suit to the king of Spain. We invited that Spanish pilot to supper with us, and the Englishmen likewise, when he related to us the particulars of the fight, much commending the order and manner in which the English fought, as also their courteous behaviour to him: But, in the end, the English merchant stole away in a French ship, without paying any ransom.

In January 1590, there arrived one ship alone at Tercera from the Spanish West Indies, bringing news that a fleet of an hundred sail, which had set out from the Indies, were driven by a storm on the coast of Florida, where they were all cast away, vast riches and many men being lost, and she alone had escaped with the news. Thus by account, of 200 ships which were certainly known to have sailed out of New Spain, San Domingo, Havannah, Cabo Verde, Brazil, Guinea, &c. in the year 1589, for Spain and Portugal, not above 14 or 15 of them arrived safe, all the rest having either been foundered, cast away, or taken. In the same month of January, there came to Tercera from Seville, 15 or 16 ships, mostly fliboats of the Low Countries, and some ships of Britanny, that were arrested in Spain. These came out full of soldiers and well provided with guns and ammunition, to lade home the silver that lay in Tercera, and to bring home Alvaro Flores into Spain, by order of the king. As at this time of the year there are always great storms about these islands, the above-mentioned ships durst not enter the road of Tercera, for it then blew so great a storm that some of the ships, which had entered the road, had been forced to cut away their masts, and were in much danger of being lost, and among these a ship of Biscay was actually driven upon the coast and dashed to pieces, but all the men were saved. The other ships were obliged to keep to sea and to separate from each other, allowing themselves to drive at the mercy of the winds and waves till the 15th of March, as in all that time they had not one day of good weather in which to anchor, so that they endured much distress, heartily cursing both the silver and the island.

When this storm was passed, they fell in with an English ship of about 40 tons, which by reason of the heavy wind could not hoist all her sails, so that they took her. Hoisting her English ensign on the stern of their admiral, the ships came now as proudly into the road-stead of Tercera as if they had defeated the whole navy of England: But, just as their admiral was entering the road, trickt out with the English flag on his stern, there came by chance two English ships past the island, which paid her so well for her bravity, that she had to cry out _misericordia_. Had she been a mile farther out, the English ships doubtless would have taken her; but getting under the guns of the fortress, which began to play upon the English ships, they were forced to leave her and put farther out to sea, after having slain five or six of the Spaniards.

The Englishmen taken in the small ship were put under hatches, coupled together in irons; and, after they had been three or four days prisoners, a Spanish ensign in the ship, who had a brother slain in the armada that went against England, took a fancy to revenge his brothers death, and to shew his own manhood on these captives; whereupon, taking a poinard, he stabbed six of them to the heart as they sat below in irons. Two others of them perceiving this atrocious action, clasped each other about the body, and leapt into the sea, where they were drowned. This infamous act was much disliked by all the Spaniards, so that the assassin was carried prisoner to Lisbon; upon which the king of Spain commanded him to be sent to England, that the queen might use him according to her pleasure; which sentence, at the earnest request of the friends of the murderer, was commuted to an order for his being beheaded; but on Good Friday, when the cardinal was going to mass, the captains and commanders made such intercession for him, that he was finally pardoned. I thought good to note this incident, that the bloody and dishonourable minds of the Spaniards to those who were under subjection to them, might be made manifest.

The same two English ships, which followed the Spanish admiral till he took shelter under the guns of the fort, put out to sea, where they met with the only remaining vessel of that fleet which had been scattered in the storm, all the rest being now in the road. This small ship they took, sending all me men on shore unhurt; but it they had known what had been done to the English captives, I believe they would have taken vengeance, as many an innocent soul afterwards paid for the atrocity of the Spanish ensign. The ship now taken by the English, was the same which had been formerly confiscated at Tercera, and was sold to the Spaniards that then came from the Indies, who sailed in her to San Lucar; where it also was arrested by the duke, and appointed to go along with the others, to fetch the silver from Tercera, as it was a good sailer; but it was the meanest of all that fleet. By this means, it was taken from the Spaniards and carried to England, where the owners got it again when they least expected.

On the 19th March 1590, having laden the kings silver and received Alvaro Flores with his company, and good provision of necessaries, warlike ammunitions and soldiers, the before-mentioned 19 ships sailed from Tercera, firmly resolved, as they set forth, to fight valiantly to the last man, before they would yield or lose their riches. Though they intended to make for San Lucar, the wind forced them to Lisbon, as if willing to keep them there in safety, although Alvaro Flores would have persisted in forcing his way to San Lucar against the wind and weather. But, constrained by adverse wind, and importunately urged by the mariners, who protested they would require their losses and damages from him, he consented to put in at Lisbon, whence the silver was conveyed by land to Seville. At this time, there lay 20 English ships off Cape St Vincent, to watch for this fleet; so that if they had gone forwards for Sun Lucar, which they certainly had done if the wind had been fair, they must have fallen into the hands of the English: They may say, therefore, that the wind lent them a fortunate voyage on this occasion. If the English had met them, they had surely been in great danger, and possibly few of them had escaped, on account of the fear which they were then in of the English; as fortune, or God rather, was then wholly against them, which was enough to make the Spaniards out of heart, and to inspire the English with the greater boldness; for being victorious, they were stout and valiant, and seeing all their enterprizes successful, they were become lords and masters of the sea, and needed to care for no man, as well appears from this short narrative.

On the 7th of August 1590, a fleet of 20 English ships appeared off Tercera, five of them being ships belonging to the queen, of which one Martin Frobisher was general, as we afterwards learnt. They came purposely to watch for the fleet of the Spanish West Indies, and for the India ships, and the ships of the other countries in the West. This put the islanders in great fear, especially those of Fayal, where the English sent a trumpeter to the governor, to ask certain supplies of wine, flesh, and other provisions for their money. This request was not only refused, but they shot the messenger and slew him, which gave the English much displeasure, so that they sent another message desiring them to look to themselves and keep sure guard, as they meant to come and visit them per force. The governor sent back for answer, that he was there in behalf of the king of Spain, and would do his best to keep them out, as in duty bound; but nothing was done after all, though the people of Fayal were in great fear, sending to Tercera for aid, whence they had some barks with powder and other ammunition of war, with some Biscuit and other necessary provisions.

The 30th of August, certain news came from Portugal, that 80 ships had sailed from _the Groin_, (Corunna) laden with victuals, ammunition of war, money, and soldiers, bound for Britanny in aid of the catholic leaguers of France against the king of Navarre. At this time likewise, two Netherland hulks, when half seas over on their way from Portugal to Tercera, were met by four English ships belonging to the queen, commanded by Sir John Hawkins, by whom they were stopped; but he let them go again uninjured. According to the report of these Netherlanders, each of these ships carried 80 pieces of ordnance. They reported likewise, that Captain Drake (Sir Francis) lay with 40 English ships in the channel, watching for the fleet from Corunna; and that ten other English ships lay off Cape St Vincent, that if any ships escaped Frobisher at the islands, they might intercept them. These tidings greatly alarmed the islanders, lest if the English failed of catching the Spanish fleet, and got nothing by them, they might fall upon the islands, that they might not go home empty handed; whereupon they held strict watch, sending home advice to the king of what intelligence they had.

The 1st September, there came a Portuguese ship from Pernambuco in Brazil to the island of St Michael, with news, that the admiral of the Portuguese fleet from the East Indies, having missed St Helena, was forced to put into Pernambuco, though expressly forbidden by the king under a heavy penalty, because of the worms in that haven which greatly spoil the ships. The same ship, in which was the Admiral Bernardin Ribero, sailed the former year 1589 from Lisbon for India with five ships in her company, four only of which got to India, the fifth being never heard of, so that she was believed lost. The other four returned safe into Portugal, though the admiral was much spoiled, as he met two English ships, which fought him a long while and slew many of his men, yet he escaped from them at last. The 5th of the same month, there arrived at Tercera a caravel belonging to Corvo, bringing 50 men who had been spoiled by the English, who set them ashore on the island of Corvo. They had been taken in a ship coming from the Spanish West Indies, and reported that the English had taken four other West India ships, and a caravel having the king of Spains letters of advice for the Portuguese ships coming from the East Indies; and that, including those they had taken, the English had at least 40 ships together, so that nothing could escape them; therefore, that the Portuguese ships coming from India durst not put into the islands, but took their course between 40° and 42° of N. latitude, whence they shaped their course for Lisbon, shunning likewise Cape St Vincent, as otherwise they could not look for safety, the sea being quite full of English ships. Wherefore, the king advised that the fleet now at Havannah in the Spanish West Indies, and ready to sail for Spain, should remain till the next year, because of the great danger of falling into the hands of the English. This was no small charge and hindrance to the fleet, as the ships that remain long at the Havannah consume themselves and in a manner eat up one another, from the great number of their people, and the great scarcity and dearness of every thing at that place; wherefore many of the ships adventured rather to hazard themselves singly for the voyage than to stay there; all of which fell into the hands of the English, and many of their men were brought to Tercera: So that we could see nothing else for a whole day but spoiled men set on shore, some from one ship and some from another, it being pitiful to see and hear them all, cursing the English and their own bad fortunes, with those who had been the cause of provoking the English to war, and complaining of the small remedy and order taken therein by the officers of the king of Spain.

The 19th of the same month of September, a caravel arrived at Tercera from Lisbon, bringing one of the kings officers to cause lade the goods that were saved from the Malacca ship, and for which we had so long tarried there, and to send them to Lisbon. At the same time Don Alonso de Baçan sailed from Corunna for the Azores with 40 great ships of war, to wait for the fleets from the Spanish and Portuguese Indies, which, along with our Malacca goods when laden, he was to convoy to the Tagus. But, when he had been some days at sea, always with a contrary wind, only two of his ships could get to the islands, all the rest being scattered. When these two ships arrived at Tercera and did not find the fleet, they immediately returned in search of it. In the mean time the king changing his mind, sent orders for the commercial ships to remain in the Indies, and for Don Alonso Baçan to return to Corunna, which he did accordingly, never once coming near the Azores except the two ships already mentioned; for he well knew that the English lay near Corvo, but would not visit them, and so returned to Corunna. Thus our goods from Malacca remained unshipped, and were trussed up again, having to wait some other opportunity.

The 23d October in this same year 1590, a caravel came from Portugal to Tercera, bringing advice that of the five ships which sailed in that year from Lisbon for the East Indies, four of them had returned to Portugal after being four months at sea: the admiral ship, in which was the viceroy Mathias de Albuquerque, having only got to India after being eleven months at sea without ever seeing land, as was afterwards learnt by news over-land, having arrived in great misery at Malacca. In this ship there died 280 men during the voyage out, according to a note sent by the viceroy to the cardinal at Lisbon, with the names and sirnames of every man, likewise giving a narrative of the voyage, and the misery they had endured. This obstinate perseverance was entirely occasioned by the anxiety of Albuquerque not to lose the government of Portuguese India, as he had sworn to lose his life or arrive in India, which indeed he did to the great danger and loss of his company, many of whom paid with their lives, and that chiefly owing to want of provisions. Albuquerque knew well, however, if he had returned to Portugal with the other ships, that he would have been deprived of his government, as the people began already to murmur at his proud and lofty demeanour. Among other instances of his pride, he caused to be painted over his gallery, the figure of Fortune and his own picture, with a staff standing by, as if threatening Fortune, with this motto, _Quero que vencas_; that is, _I will have thee to overcome_[383]. When this was read by the cardinal and other gentlemen, who accompanied him on board out of respect, they thought it an instance of foolish arrogance: But this is no strange matter among the Portuguese, as they above all others _must let the fool peep out of their sleeves_, especially when in authority. I knew Mathias de Albuquerque in India, when a military officer, then beloved of all men and behaving himself courteously to all, so that he was unanimously desired to be their viceroy. But, having received his patent with full power and authority, he so much changed from his former behaviour, that, by reason of his pride, all began to fear and curse him, even before his departure from Lisbon, such charges being often seen in many men, when advanced to high state and dignity[384].

[Footnote 383: De Faria says, "The season was so far advanced when he set out, that it was generally believed he would not accomplish the voyage. But he caused himself to be painted on his colours standing on Fortune; and, setting these up in his ship, declared he would perform the voyage in spite of her, and did so" As De Faria does not reflect upon him for this, it may be presumed, he thought it merely an indication of an heroic disposition.--Astley, I. 231. a.]

[Footnote 384: De Faria gives a very advantageous character of this viceroy, saying that he was one of the most deserving of those who enjoyed that high station. He left 80,000 ducats in the treasury, besides jewels of Ceylon of great value. He thought no one could cheat him; yet, on purpose to undeceive him, a soldier drew his pay three several times by as many names. He was of middle stature, and lame of one foot, but not so in disposition and manners, being a good Christian and well-bred gentleman.--Astley, I. 231, b.]

The 20th January 1591, news was brought from Portugal to Tercera, that the English had taken a ship sent by the king to the Portuguese Indies, carrying advice to the viceroy of the return of the four ships to Portugal; which captured ship was stuffed full of goods, in consequence of their return, besides having 500,000 ducats in ryals of eight. It sailed from Lisbon in November 1590, and fought the English a long time, but had at length to yield, and was carried to England, where all the men were set free and returned to Lisbon, at which place the captain was thrown into prison, but afterwards justified himself and was released, as he told me personally. The English took, at the same time, a ship coming from the Mina, laden with gold, and two ships laden with pepper and other spices, bound for Italy, their pepper only being worth 170,000 ducats. All these rich prizes were carried clear off into England.

In July 1591, an earthquake commenced in the island of Tercera, which continued from the 26th of that month to the 12th of August, or 18 days, during all which time no person durst remain within a house, but all fled into the fields in terrible consternation, fasting and praying almost incessantly. Many houses fell down, and in particular a town called Villa Franca was almost utterly destroyed, all its houses and cloisters thrown down, and several people slain. In some places the ground rose up, the cliffs were removed from their places, and even some hills were thrown down and levelled with the adjoining plains. The earthquake was so violent, that the ships in the road and in the adjoining sea, were shaken as if the whole earth had been agitated to its centre. In one place a fountain sprung from the ground, whence clear water flowed in abundance for four days, and then ceased. All this time a noise was heard under ground as of thunder, or as if all the devils in hell had been assembled there, by which many died of fear. Four several times the island of Tercera shook with such violence as if it had turned upon its foundations, yet was it not overwhelmed. Earthquakes are common in these islands, as about 20 years before there happened just such an earthquake, when a hill, close to the town of Villa Franca, fell down and buried all the town with earth, by which many people were overwhelmed and slain.

The 25th of August, the kings armada from Ferrol arrived in Tercera, consisting of 30 ships of war belonging to Biscay, Portugal, and Spain, together with 10 Dutch fliboats that were pressed at Lisbon into the service, besides other small vessels and _pataxos_ to serve as advice-boats, and to scour the seas for intelligence. This fleet came to wait for and convoy the ships from the Spanish Indies; and the fliboats were for the purpose of bringing home to Lisbon our goods that were saved in the lost ship from Malacca. This fleet arrived at the island of Corvo on the 13th of September[385], where the English then lay waiting for the fleet from the Spanish Indies, with a squadron of about 16 ships. Some or most of the Spanish ships were already come to the Azores, and the English were in great hopes to have taken them: But, on perceiving the Spanish fleet of war to be so strong, the lord Thomas Howard, who was admiral of the English, gave orders to his fleet not to assail the Spaniards, and on no account to separate from him without special orders[386]. Yet the vice-admiral, Sir Richard Grenville, in his ship the Revenge, bore into the Spanish fleet, and shot among them doing much harm, thinking that the rest of the English ships would have followed him, which they did not, but left him there and sailed away, the reason of which could not be known. Perceiving this, the Spaniards boarded the Revenge with 7 or 8 ships, but she bravely withstood them all, fighting with them at the least 12 hours without ceasing, and sunk two of them, one a double fliboat of 600 tons, and admiral of the fliboats, the other a ship of Biscay. In the end, however, in consequence of the overwhelming number that came against her, the Revenge was taken, but to the heavy loss of the Spaniards, who lost in the fight, either slain or drowned, above 400 men, while 100 of the English were slain. Sir Richard was himself wounded in the brain, of which he afterwards died.

[Footnote 385: It is probable, from this date, that the arrival of the fleet at Tercera on the 25th August, as above, is an error; and that it only then left Ferrol; on its voyage for Tercera.--E.]

[Footnote 386: See the English account of these events in the immediately preceding section.--E.]

Sir Richard, after the Revenge yielded, was carried on board the San Paulo, the ship in which was Don Alonso de Baçan, the admiral of the Spanish fleet, where his wounds were dressed by the Spanish surgeons, but Don Alonso would neither see nor speak to him. All the other captains went to visit and comfort him in his hard fortune, wondering at his courage and constancy, as he shewed no signs of faintness, not even changing colour: But, feeling his death approaching, he spoke in Spanish to the following purport: "Here die I Richard Grenville, with a joyous and quiet mind, having ended my life as a true soldier ought to do, fighting for my country, my queen, my religion, and my honour: so that my soul most joyfully departeth from this body, and shall always leave behind the everlasting fame of a true and valiant soldier, having done my duty as became me." When he had finished these, or such like words, he gave up the ghost with great and unshaken courage, no man being able to perceive the least sign of concern. This sir Richard Grenville was a great and rich gentleman of England, having large yearly revenues, but of a daring and intrepid disposition, and much affected to warlike enterprize; insomuch that he voluntarily offered his services to the queen. He had performed many valiant deeds, and was greatly feared among the islands, his intrepidity being well known to all. He was, however, of a severe and rigid character, so that his own people feared and hated him for his fierceness, and spoke very hardly of him. For, when they in the Revenge first fell in among the Spanish fleet, they had their mainsail in readiness, and might possibly have got away, as it was one of the best sailing ships of the English; and, as the master perceived that the rest of the squadron had left them, and did not follow up to their support, he gave orders to _cut the mainsail_, that they likewise should make off: But sir Richard threatened him and all the rest of the crew, that if any man laid hold of the mainsail with that intent, he would cause him to be hung up immediately; so that in fact they were compelled to fight, and in the end were taken. He was of so hardy a complexion, that, while among the Spanish officers, while at dinner or supper with them, he would swallow three or four bumpers of wine, and then by way of bravado, crush the glasses between his teeth and swallow them, so that the blood ran out of his mouth, yet without any apparent harm to him. This was told me by several credible persons, who had often stood by and beheld him.

The Englishmen who remained alive in the Revenge, as the captain of the soldiers, the master, and others, were distributed among the different ships by which she was taken. On taking possession of her, a fight had almost taken place between the Biscaineers and Portuguese who boarded her, both claiming the honour of having boarded first, so that there grew a great noise and quarrel among them, one seizing the chief ensign, and the other the flag, the captains and every one holding their own. The ships which had laid her on board were altogether out of order, and sore shattered, having many of their men hurt, so that they had to come to Tercera to be repaired. On their arrival, I and my chamber companion, desirous to hear the news, went on board one of the twelve apostles, or great ships of Biscay, whose captain was _Bartandono_[387], who had been general of the Biscaineers in the great armada that went against England. On seeing us, he called us into his gallery, where he received us courteously, being then at dinner along with the English captain, who was dressed in a suit of black velvet, but could not tell us any thing, as he could speak no other language but English and Latin, which last Bartandono could speak a little. The English captain was permitted by the governor of Tercera to land with his sword by his side, and was in our lodging visiting the Englishman who belonged to the ship of which the sailors escaped, as I related before. This captain wrote a letter, in which he related all the particulars of the fight, and left it with that English merchant who resided in the lodging with us, to forward it to the lord admiral of England. The captain went afterwards to Lisbon, where he was honourably received, and sent, to Setubal, whence he sailed for England with the other prisoners. The master likewise of the Revenge came on shore, with licence from Bartandono, and lived in the same lodgings with us. He had at the least 10 or 12 wounds, in his head and body, of which he afterwards died on his voyage from the islands to Lisbon.

[Footnote 387: Named Britandona in the foregoing section.--E.]

The Spanish navy remained at the Azores till the end of September, to assemble all the fleet together, which in the end amounted to the number of 140 sail in all, including the ships of war and those of the Indies. When all ready to sail, there arose suddenly so violent a storm, that the islanders declared nothing like it had been seen in the memory of man. The sea raged with such fury as if it would have swallowed up the islands, the waves rising higher than the cliffs, so that it was amazing to behold them, and living fish were thrown upon the land. The storm lasted for seven or eight successive days, veering about to every point of the compass at least twice or three times during its continuance, with a continual tempestuous force most terrible to behold, even by us who were on shore, much more to those who were on the sea, and exposed to its fury. During this dreadful storm, above 12 ships were dashed to pieces on the coasts and rocks of the island of Tercera all round about, so that nothing was to be heard but weeping, lamenting, and wailing, now a ship being broken in pieces in one place, then another at a different place, and all the men drowned. For 20 days after the storm, nothing else was done but fishing for dead men that were continually driving on shore. Among the rest, the Revenge was cast away on a ledge of rocks near the isle of Tercera, where she split to pieces and sunk, having in her 70 men, Gallegos and Biscaineers and others, with some of the captive English, one only of whom got upon the rock alive, having his head and body all wounded. Being brought on shore, he told us the sad tidings, and desired to be shriven, after which he presently died. The Revenge had in her several fine brass pieces of artillery, which were all sunk in the sea; but the islanders had great hopes of weighing them up next summer.

Among those ships that were cast away about Tercera, was one of those fliboats which had been arrested in Portugal for the kings service, named the White Dove, the master of which was one Cornelius Martenson of Schiedam in Holland, having in her 100 soldiers, as was the case in all the rest. Being overruled by the Spanish captain, so that he could not be master of his own ship, he was sailing about at the mercy of the winds and waves, and came at length in sight of Tercera, whereupon the Spaniards, thinking all their safety consisted in putting into the roads, compelled the master and pilot to make towards the island; and when they remonstrated, saying they would certainly be cast away and all destroyed, the Spanish captain called him a drunkard and heretic, and striking him with a staff, commanded him to do as he was ordered. Seeing this, the master said, "Well then, since it is your desire to be cast away, I can lose but one life." He then made sail for the land, which was on that side of the island where there is nothing but rocks and stones as high as mountains, most terrible to behold. Several of the inhabitants stood on the cliffs with long ropes, having bundles of cork fastened to one end, to throw down to the men, that they might lay hold of them and save their lives. Few of them, however, got near enough for this, as most of them were dashed to pieces before they could reach the rocks forming the wall-like shore. At this time, when approaching the rocks, the master, who was an old man, called his son who sailed with him, and having embraced and taken a last farewell, the good old father desired his son to take no note of him, but to seek and save himself. "Son, said he, thou art young, and mayst have some hope of saving thy life; but I am old and it is no great matter what becomes of me." Thus, shedding many tears, as may well be conceived in such a situation, the ship struck the rocks and went in pieces, the father and son falling into the sea on different sides of the vessel, each laying hold on what came first to hand, but to no purpose. The sea was so high and furious, that all were drowned, except fourteen or fifteen who saved themselves by swimming, with their legs and arms half broken and sore hurt. Among these was the Dutch masters son and four other Dutch boys; all the rest of the Spaniards and sailors, with captain and master, being drowned. What heart so hard as not to melt at so grievous a sight, especially considering the beastly and ignorant insolence of the Spaniards? From this instance, it may be conceived how the other ships sped, as we indeed partly beheld, and were informed by those few who were saved, some of whom were our countrymen.

On the other islands the loss was no less than at Tercera, two ships were cast away on the island of St George; two on Pico; three on Graciosa. Besides those, there were seen everywhere round about, many pieces of broken ships and other things, floating towards the islands, with which the sea was everywhere covered, most pitiful to behold. Four ships were cast away on the island of St Michael, and three more were sunk between Tercera and St Michael, from which not one man was saved, though they were seen and heard to cry out for aid. All the rest were dismasted and driven out to sea, all torn and rent; so that of the whole armada and merchant ships, 140 in all, only 32 or 33 arrived in Spain and Portugal, and these with great pain, misery and labour, not any two together, but this day one, to-morrow another, and next day a third. All the rest were cast away about the Azores islands, or foundered at sea, whereby may be judged what loss was incurred; as the loss was esteemed greater by many, than had been sustained in the great armada that went against England. It may very well be considered that this terrible disaster was a just judgment of God against the Spaniards; and it may truly be said that the taking of the Revenge was justly revenged against them, not by the force of men, but by the power of God. Some of the people in Tercera said openly, that they verily believed God would consume them, and that he had taken part with the Lutherans and heretics. They alleged farther, that so soon as they had thrown the body of Sir Richard Grenville overboard, they verily believed, as he had a devilish faith and religion, therefore all the devils loved him: For he instantly sunk to the bottom of the sea, and down into hell, where he raised up all the devils to revenge his death; and that they brought these great storms and tempests upon the Spaniards, because they only maintained the Catholic and true Romish religion. Such and the like blasphemies did they utter openly and continually, without being reproved of any one for their false opinions.

Of their fleet which sailed from New Spain, 50 in all, 35 were cast away or foundered at sea, so that 15 only escaped. Of the San Domingo fleet, 14 were cast away coming through the channel from Havannah, the admiral and vice-admiral being of the number. Two ships, coming from the Terra Firma, laden with gold and silver, were taken by the English; and before the fleet under Don Alonso de Baçan came to Corvo, at the least 20 ships, coming from San Domingo, India, Brazil, &c. had been taken at different times by the English, all of which were sent to England.

Section XIV.

_Cruizing voyage to the Azores, in 1592, by Sir John Burrough, Knight_[388]

INTRODUCTION.

THE title of this section as here given from Astleys Collection, is by no means accurate, as the service performed by Burrough forms only one prominent portion of the present narrative. The expedition which it relates was fitted out and commanded by the memorable Sir Walter Raleigh, and the entire title of this relation, as given by Hakluyt, is as follows: "A true report of the honourable service at sea, performed by Sir John Burrough, knight, lieutenant-general of the fleet prepared by the honourable Sir Walter Raleigh, knight, lord warden of the stanneries of Cornwal and Devon. Wherein chiefly the Santa Clara of Biscay, a ship of 600 tons, was taken, and two East India Caraks, the Santa Cruz and the Madre de Dios were forced; the one burnt, and the other taken and brought into Dartmouth, the 7th September 1592."

[Footnote 388: Hakluyt, III. 9. Astley, I. 245.]

Even this long title does not clearly describe the narrative, as Sir Walter Raleigh actually sailed on the expedition. But it is not necessary to extend this observation, as the story will sufficiently explain itself. The editor of Astleys collection, alleges that Sir Walter Raleigh seems to have been the author of this article.--E.

* * * * *

Having received a commission from the queen for an expedition to the West Indies, Sir Walter Raleigh used the utmost diligence in making all necessary preparations, both in the choice of good ships and sufficient men and officers, as the performance sufficiently evinced. His ships were 14 or 15 in number; of which the two principal belonged to the queen, called the Garland and Foresight The rest either belonged to himself or his friends, or to the adventurers of London. As for the gentlemen who went with him as officers, they were so well qualified in courage, experience and discretion, that the greatest prince might think himself happy in being served by the like. The honour of lieutenant-general [vice-admiral] was conferred upon Sir John Burrough, a gentleman every way worthy of that command, by his many good and heroic qualities; with whom, after Sir Walter returned, was joined in commission Sir Martin Frobisher; who, for his great skill and knowledge in maritime affairs, had formerly held employments of similar or greater importance. The rest of the captains, sailors and soldiers were men of notable resolution, and who for the most part had before given sufficient proof of their valour, in sundry services of the like nature.

With these ships thus manned, Sir Walter Raleigh departed towards the west country, there to provide such farther necessaries as were needful for the expedition. The wind blew long from the west, quite contrary to his intended course, by which he was wind-bound many weeks, the fittest season for his purpose being thereby lost, his victuals much consumed, and the minds of his people greatly changed. When her majesty came to understand how crossly all this went, she began to call the propriety of this expedition in question, as the 6th of May was come before Sir Walter could put to sea. Sir Martin Frobisher came to him the next day, in a pinnace of the lord admiral called the Disdain, and brought her majestys letters of recal, with orders to leave the fleet under the command of Sir John Burrough and Sir Martin Frobisher. But, finding his honour so far engaged, that he saw no means to save his reputation or content his friends who had adventured great sums on fitting out the expedition, Sir Walter pretended to understand the queens letters as if they had left it to his choice either to return or proceed; wherefore he would in no case leave his fleet, now under sail.

Continuing therefore his course to sea, he met within a day or two some ships newly come from Spain, among which was a ship belonging to Monsieur Gourdon, governor of Calais, on board of which was one Mr Nevil Davies an Englishman, who had endured a long and miserable captivity of twelve years, partly in the inquisition, and had now by good fortune made his escape, and was on his way home. Among other things, this man reported that there was little good to be done or expected this year in the West Indies, as the king of Spain had sent express orders to all the ports both of the islands and the main, that no ships were to sail that year, nor any treasure to be shipt for Spain. Yet did not this unpleasant intelligence induce Sir Walter to desist from his proceedings; till, on Thursday the 11th of May, a tempest of great violence, when he was athwart Cape Finister, so scattered the greater part of his fleet, and sunk his boats and pinnaces, that Sir Walter, who was in the Garland belonging to her majesty, was in danger of foundering.

Upon this, considering that the season of the year was too far gone for the enterprize he meditated against Panama, having been detained by contrary winds on the coast of England from February till May, in which time he had expended three months victuals, and considering that to cruize upon the Spanish coast or at the islands for the homeward bound East or West India ships, was a mere work of patience, he gave directions to Sir John Burrough and Sir Martin Frobisher, to divide the fleet in two parts. Sir Martin, with the Garland, Captain George Clifford, Captain Henry Thin, Captain Grenville and others, to lie off the south cape, on purpose to oblige the Spanish fleet to remain on their own coast; while Sir John Burrough, with Captain Robert Crosse, Captain Thomson and others, should go to cruize off the Azores for the caraks or any other Spanish ships coming from Mexico or other parts of the West Indies. These intentions took effect accordingly: For the Spanish admiral, having intelligence of the English fleet being on the coast, attended to the defence of the southern parts of Spain, keeping as near Sir Martin Frobisher as he could, to hinder the success of any thing he might undertake, and thereby neglected the safe conduct of the caraks.

Before the fleet separated, they met with a great ship of Biscay on the coast of Spain, called the Santa Clara of 600 tons, which was taken after a stout resistance. She was freighted with all sorts of small iron ware, as horse shoes, nails, ploughshares, iron bars, spikes, bolts, locks, gimbols, &c. and valued by us at 6000 or 7000 pounds, though worth treble that value to them. This ship was on her way to San Lucar, to take in there some farther articles of freight for the West Indies; and being first rummaged, was sent off for England. Our fleet then sailed towards the south cape of St Vincent; and while near the rock of Lisbon, Sir John Burrough in the Roebuck espied a sail far off to which he gave chace. Being a fliboat and a quick sailer, she drew him far to the south before he could fetch her, but at last, she came under his lee and struck sail. The master gave information, that a great fleet was prepared at Cadiz and San Lucar, destined according to report for the West Indies; but the real object of this armament was this: Having received notice that Sir Walter Raleigh was fitted out with a strong force for the West Indies, the king of Spain had provided this great fleet to oppose him; but, in the first place, as the East India caraks were expected, this fleet was to convoy them home. But, as he persuaded himself, if Sir Walter went to the West Indies, the Azores would only have a few small ships of war to infest them, his orders to Don Alonzo de Baçan, brother to the Marquis of Santa Cruz, and general of his armada, were to pursue the fleet of Sir Walter Raleigh whatever course he went, and to attack him wherever he could find him.

Our men soon found this to be true, for, not long after the capture of the fliboat, as Sir John Burrough sailed back again to rejoin his fleet, he discovered the Spanish fleet to seaward; which, espying him between them and the shore, made themselves sure of carrying him into a Spanish harbour. For this purpose, they spread themselves in such sort before him, that his danger was very great, as his course to seawards was utterly impeded, and the land being hostile could yield him no relief. In this extremity, putting his trust in God and his good ship, he thrust out from among them with all sail, and in spite of their force and notable cunning to intercept him, got clear off. Having thus got clear, and finding the coast so well guarded by this fleet, and knowing it were only folly to expect meeting with Sir Martin Frobisher, who knew of the armada as well as himself, and would be sure to avoid them, he began to shape his course directly for the Azores, according to the orders of Sir Walter Raleigh, and soon came in sight of St Michael, running so near the town of Villa Franca, that he could easily discern the ships that lay there at anchor. He intercepted several small vessels, both here and between St Georges and Pico in his course to Flores, but could get no intelligence from them for his purpose.

Arriving before Flores on Thursday the 21st June towards evening, then only accompanied by captain Caufield and the master of his ship, the rest not being yet arrived, be made towards the shore in his boat, where he found all the inhabitants of Santa Cruz, a village or small town of that island, under arms, and drawn up to oppose his landing. Having no intention of committing hostilities, Sir John shewed a white flag in token of amity, which was answered by the islanders, upon which a friendly conference ensued, and hostages were taken on both sides, the captain of the town for them, and captain Caufield for us; so that whatever our people wanted and that place could supply, as fresh water, victuals, or the like, was freely granted by the inhabitants, and our people had leave to refresh themselves on shore without restraint, as long and as often as they pleased. At this place Sir John Burrough was informed, that they had no expectation of any fleet coming from the West Indies; but that only three days before his arrival, a carak had passed by from the East Indies for Lisbon, and that there were four more behind all of one convoy. Being very glad of this news, Sir John embarked immediately, having at this time in his company only a small bark of Bristol, belonging to one Mr Hopkins.

In the meanwhile, part of the English ships that Sir John had left on the coast of Spain drew towards the Azores; and Sir John very soon got sight of one of the caraks. The same evening he descried two or three of the earl of Cumberlands ships, whereof one Mr Norton was captain, which had descried the carak and pursued in the track she was following for the islands, but no way could be made by either party, as it was almost a dead calm. In this dilemma, on purpose to discover her force, burden, and countenance, Sir John took his boat and rowed three miles towards her, to make her out exactly; and on his return, having consulted with his officers, it was resolved to board her in the morning. A heavy storm arose in the night, which forced them to weigh anchor, yet did they bear up amain against the weather, not to lose the carak. In the morning, being very near the shore, our men could perceive the carak close to the land, and the Portuguese using their utmost endeavour to convey whatever they could from her on shore. Seeing our men making all haste to come upon her, the Portuguese forsook her, but first, that nothing might be left for our men, they set her on fire, that neither the glory of victory nor the benefit of the ship and cargo might remain to the English. And, lest the English might find means to extinguish the fire, and thereby to preserve a part of the cargo, being in number 400 well armed men, they entrenched themselves on shore as near as possible to the carak, to keep our men aloof till the fire might consume the carak and all her contents.

Seeing this, Sir John landed with an hundred of his men, many of whom had to swim on shore or wade more than breast high; and having easily dispersed those who guarded the shore, he no sooner approached the entrenchment but the Portuguese fled, leaving as much as the fire had spared to reward the pains of our men. Among others taken at the entrenchment, were a Portuguese called Vincent Fonseca, purser of the carak, with two of her cannoneers, one a German, and the other a Hollander; who, refusing to give any account voluntarily of what was asked, were threatened with torture, and then confessed that within fifteen days three other caraks would certainly arrive at the same island, there being five caraks in the fleet at their departure from Goa, the Buen Jesus admiral, Madre de Dios, San Bernardo, San Christophoro, and Santa Cruz, that now on fire. They had especial orders from the king of Spain, not in any case to touch at St. Helena, where the Portuguese caraks used always till now to refresh on their way from the East Indies, procuring water and fresh, provisions. The reason of this order was, that the king was informed the English men of war meant to lie there in wait for them. If therefore, their necessities should drive them to seek supply any where, they were commanded to put in at Angola on the coast of Africa, and only to remain there so long as was necessary to take in water, that they might avoid the inconvenience of infections, to which that hot country is dangerously liable. The last rendezvous appointed for them was the island of Flores, where they were assured of a naval force meeting them and convoying them to Lisbon.

On receiving this intelligence, Sir John held a council with Captains Norton, Downton, and Abraham Cocke, commanding three ships of the Earl of Cumberland, Mr Thomson of Harwich, captain of the Dainty, belonging to Sir John Hawkins, one of Sir Walter Raleighs fleet, Captain Christopher Newton of the Golden Dragon, newly come from the West Indies, and others. To these he communicated the intelligence he had just got from the foresaid examination, and what great presumptions of truth appeared in their story; and wishing, since God and their good fortune had so opportunely brought them together, that they might unite their utmost endeavours to bring these Orientals under the lee of English obedience. Upon this it was mutually agreed not to part company or leave these seas, till time and opportunity should enable them to put their consultations into execution. Next day her majestys ship Foresight, Sir Robert Cross, joined them, and he, being informed of the matter, entered heartily on this service. Then Sir John, with all these ships, went 6 or 7 leagues to the west of Flores, spreading them out in a line from north to south, each ship at least two leagues distant from each other, by which order they were able to discover two whole degrees of the sea.

They lay in this manner from the 29th of June to the 3d of August, when Captain Thomson in the Dainty had first sight of the huge carak called the Madre de Dios, one of the greatest belonging to the crown of Portugal. Having the start of the rest, and being an excellent sailor, the Dainty began the combat something to her cost, by the slaughter and hurt of several of her men. Within a little Sir John Burrough came up to second her in the Roebuck, belonging to Sir Walter Raleigh, and saluted the Madre de Dios with great shot, continuing the fight within musket-shot, assisted by Captains Thomson and Newport, till Sir Robert Cross came up, who was vice-admiral and was to leeward, on which Sir John asked his opinion what was best to be done. Sir Robert said, if she were not boarded she would reach the shore and be set on fire, as had been done with the other. Wherefore Sir John Burrough concluded to grapple her, and Sir Robert Cross engaged to do so likewise at the same moment, which was done accordingly. After some time in this situation, Sir John Burroughs ship received a shot of a _cannon perier_[389] under water; and, being ready to sink, desired Sir Robert to fall off, that he also might clear himself and save his ship from sinking. This was done with much difficulty, as both the Roebuck and Foresight were so entangled that they could not clear themselves.

[Footnote 389: Probably a large stone ball.--E.]

That same evening, finding the carak drawing near the land, Sir Robert Crosse persuaded his consorts to board her again, as otherwise there were no hopes of taking her. After many fears and excuses, he at last encouraged them, and then went athwart her bows all alone, and so hindered her sailing, that the rest had time to get up to the attack before she could make the land. So, towards evening, after Sir Robert had fought her three hours singly, two of the Earl of Cumberlands ships came up, and then they and Sir Robert Crosse carried her by boarding with very little loss, as Sir Robert by this time had broken their courage, and made the assault easy for the rest. Having disarmed the Portuguese, and bestowed them for better security as prisoners into the other ships, Sir Robert had now time to contemplate the proportions of this vast carak, which did then, and may still provoke the admiration of all men not accustomed to such a sight. But though this first view afforded our men sufficient admiration, yet the pitiful sight of so many bodies slain and mangled drew tears from their eyes, and induced them to lend aid to those miserable people, whose limbs were sore torn by the shot, and their bodies agonized by a multitude of wounds. No man could almost step but upon a dead carcass or a bloody floor, but especially about the helm, where many of them had been slain while endeavouring to steer, as it required the united strength of twelve or fourteen men at once to move the rudder, and some of our ships beating in at her stern with their ordnance, often slew four or five labouring on each side of the helm at one shot, whose places were immediately supplied by fresh hands, and as our artillery incessantly plied them with continual vollies, much blood was necessarily spilt in that place.

Moved with compassion for their misery, our general immediately sent them his own surgeons, withholding no possible aid or relief that he or his company could supply. Among those whom this chance of war had rendered most deplorable, was Don Fernando de Mendoça, grand captain and commander of this mighty carak, descended of the house of Mendoça in Spain, but having married in Portugal, lived there as one of that nation. He was a gentleman well striken in years, of comely personage and good stature, but of hard fortune. In the course of his services against the Moors he had been twice taken prisoner, and both times ransomed by the king. In a former return voyage from the East Indies, he was driven upon the _Baxos_ or sands of _India_, near the coast of Sofala, being then captain of a carak which was lost, and himself fell into the hands of the infidels on shore, who kept him in a long and rigorous captivity. Once more, having great respect for him, and willing to mend his fortune, the king had given him the conduct of this huge carak, in which he went from Lisbon as admiral of the India fleet, and had returned in that capacity, but that the viceroy embarked in the Bon Jesus, and assumed that rank in virtue of his late office. Not willing to add too severely to the affliction of this man, Sir John Burrough freely dismissed Don Fernando and most of his followers, giving them some vessels for that purpose, with all necessary provisions.

Having dispatched this business, Sir John Burrough had leisure to take such a survey of the goods in his prize, as the convenience of the seas would admit; and seeing many inclined to commit spoil and pillage, he very prudently seized upon the whole in the name of her majesty. He then made a cursory inspection of the cargo, and perceived that the wealth would be fully answerable to expectation, and would be more than sufficient to content both the desires of the adventurers, and the fatigues and dangers of the captors. I cannot here refrain from acknowledging the great favour of God to our nation, by putting this rich prize into our hands, thereby manifestly discovering the secrets and riches of the trade of India, which had hitherto lain strangely bidden and cunningly concealed from our knowledge, only a very imperfect glimpse of it being seen by a few, while it is now turned into the broad light of full and perfect knowledge. Whence it would appear to be the will of God for our good, if only our weakness would so apprehend it, that we should participate in those East Indian treasures, by the establishment of a lawful traffic, to better our means of advancing the true religion and the holy service of God.

This carak, in the judgment of those most experienced, was of not less than 1600 tons burden, 900 of which were stowed full of rich merchandize; the remainder being allowed partly for the ordnance, which were 32 pieces of brass cannon of all sorts, and partly to the ships company, passengers, and victuals, which last could not be a small quantity, considering the length of the voyage, and that there were between six and seven hundred persons on board. To give a taste as it were of the commodities, it may suffice to give a general enumeration of them, according to the catalogue made out at Leadenhall, London, on the 15th September 1592. After the jewels, which were certainly of great value, though they never came to light, the principal wares consisted of spices, drugs, silks, calicoes, quilts, carpets, and colours, &c. The spices were pepper, cloves, mace, nutmegs, cinnamon, green ginger. The drugs, benzoin, frankincense, gallinga, mirabolans, socotorine aloes, camphor. The silks, damasks, taffetas, sarcenets, _altobassos_ or counterfeit cloth of gold, unwrought China silk, sleaved silk, white twisted silk, and curled cypress. The calicoes were book-calicoe, calicoe-lawns, broad white calicoes, fine starched calicoes, coarse white calicoes, brown broad calicoes, brown coarse calicoes. There were also canopies, and coarse diaper towels, quilts of coarse sarsenet, and of calico, and carpets like those of Turkey. Likewise pearls, musk, civet, and ambergris. The rest of the wares were many in number, but less in value; as elephants teeth, porcelain vessels of China, coco nuts, hides, ebony as black as jet, bedsteads of the same, curious cloth made of the rind of trees, &c. All which piles of merchandize, being valued at a reasonable rate by men of approved judgment, amounted to no less than 150,000 pounds Sterling, which being divided among the adventurers, of whom her majesty was the chief, was sufficient to content all parties.

The cargo being taken out, and the goods reloaded on board ten of our ships to be sent to London, one Mr Robert Adams, a man of excellent skill, took the exact bigness, height, length, breadth, and other dimensions of this huge vessel, that these might be preserved according to the exact rules of geometrical proportions, both for present knowledge and transmission to posterity, omitting nothing which either his art could demonstrate, or any mans judgment think worthy of being known. After an exact survey of the whole frame, he found the extreme length, from the beak head to the stern, where a lantern was erected, 165 feet. The breadth, in the second close deck, of which she had three, but this the broadest, was 46 feet 10 inches. At her departure from Cochin in India, her draught of water was 31 feet; but at her arrival in Dartmouth, not above 26, being lightened 5 feet during her voyage by various causes. She contained 7 several stories; viz. one main orlop, three close decks, one forecastle, and a spar deck of two floors each. The length of the keel was 100 feet, of the main-mast 121 feet, and its circumference at the partners was 10 feet 7 inches. The main-yard was 106 feet long. By this accurate mensuration, the hugeness of the whole is apparent, and far beyond the mould of the largest ships used among us, either for war or cargo.

Don Alonso de Baçan, having a greater fleet, and yet suffering these two great caraks to be lost, the Santa Cruz burnt, and the Madre de Dios taken, was disgraced by the king of Spain for his negligence.

SECTION XV.

_The taking of two Spanish Ships, laden with quicksilver and the Popes bulls, in 1592, by Captain Thomas White_.[390]

While returning from Barbary in the Amity of London, and in the latitude of 36° N. at 4 in the morning of the 26th of July 1592, Captain White got sight of two ships at the distance of three or four leagues. Giving immediate chace, he came within gun-shot of them by 7 o'clock; and by their boldness in shewing Spanish colours, he judged them rather to be ships of war than laden with merchandize; indeed, by their own confession afterwards, they made themselves so sure of taking him, that they debated among themselves whether it were better for them to carry his ship to San Lucar or Lisbon. After waving each other amain, the Spaniards placed themselves in order of battle, a cables length before the other, when the fight began, both sides charging and firing as fast as they were able, at the distance of a cables length, for the space of five hours. In this time, the Amity received 32 great shots in her hull, masts, and sails, besides at least 500 iron muskets and arquebuses, which were counted after the fight.

[Footnote 390: Astley, I. 249. The editor of Astleys collection gives no notice of the source whence he procured this narrative. The Spanish ships with quicksilver are usually called _azogue_ or _assogue_ ships; the word assogue signifying quicksilver.--E.]

Finding them to make so stout a resistance, Captain White attempted to board the Biscaian, which was foremost; and after lying on board about an hour, plying his ordnance and small shot, he _stowed all her men_[391]. At this time, the other vessel, which was a fliboat, thinking Captain White had boarded her consort with all his men, _bore room with him_[392], intending to have laid him close on board, so as to entrap him between both ships, and place him between two fires. Perceiving this intention, he fitted his ordnance in such sort as to get quit of her, so that she boarded her consort, and both fell from him. Mr White now kept his loof, hoisted his main-sails, and weathering both ships, came close aboard the fliboat, to which he gave his whole broadside, by which several of her men were slain, as appeared by the blood running from her scuppers. After this he tacked about, new charged all his ordnance, and coming round again upon both ships, ordered them to yield or he would sink them outright. One of them being shot between wind and water, would have complied, but the other called him a traitor; on which Captain White called out, that if he also did not presently yield, he would sink him first. Intimidated by this threat, they both hung out white flags and yielded; yet refused to strike their own sails, as they had sworn not to strike to any Englishman.

[Footnote 391: This expression seems to mean, that he forced them to run below.--E.]

[Footnote 392: That is, bore down upon him.--E.]

He then commanded the captains and masters to come on board the Amity, where they were examined and placed in safe custody; after which he sent some of his own men on board both ships to strike the sails and man them. There were found in both, 126 persons alive, with eight dead bodies, besides those that had been cast overboard. This victory was obtained by 42 men and a boy, of whom two were slain and three wounded. The two prizes were laden with 1400 chests of quicksilver, marked with the arms of Castile and Leon, besides a vast quantity of bulls or indulgences, and ten packs of gilded missals and breviaries, all on the kings account. Also an hundred tons of excellent wine, intended for the supply of the royal fleet; all of which Captain White brought shortly afterwards to Blackwall in the river Thames.

By this capture of quicksilver, the king of Spain lost for every quintal a quintal of silver, that should have been delivered to him by the mine-masters in Peru, amounting in value to L.600,000. There were likewise 2,072,000 bulls for living and dead persons, intended for the use of New Spain, Yucatan, Guatimala, Honduras, and the Philippine islands, taxed at two ryals each; besides 18,000 bulls at four ryals; amounting in all to L.107,700: So that the total loss to the king of Spain was L.707,700, not reckoning the loss and disappointment by the mass-books and wine.

SECTION XVI.

_Narrative of the Destruction of a great East India Carak, in 1594, written by Captain Nicholas. Downton_[393].

In the latter end of the year 1593, the right honourable the earl of Cumberland, at his own charges and those of his friends, fitted out three ships of equal size and rates, having each the same quantity of provisions and the same number of men. These were, the Royal Exchange, which went as admiral, commanded by Captain George Cave; the May-flower, vice-admiral, commanded by Captain William Anthony; and the Sampson, which my lord was pleased to commit to me, Nicholas Downton. In all the three ships there were embarked 420 men of all sorts, or 140 in each. Besides these, there, was a pinnace: called the Violet, or _Why-not-I._

[Footnote 393: Hakluyt, III. 14. Astley, I 250.]

Our instructions were sent to us at Plymouth, and we were directed to open them at sea. The 6th of April 1594, we set sail from Plymouth sound, directing our course for the coast of Spain. The 24th, being then in lat. 43° N; we divided ourselves east and west from each other, on purpose to keep a good look out, with orders from our admiral to close up again at night. In the morning of the 27th, we descried the May-flower and the little pinnace, in company with a prize they had taken belonging to Viana in Portugal, and bound for Angola. This vessel was about 28 tons burden, having 17 persons on board, with some 12 tons of wine, which we divided among our ships, together with some rusk in chests and barrels, 5 bales of coarse blue cloth, and some coarse linen for negroes shirts; all of which goods were divided among our fleet. The 4th of May, we had sight again of our pinnace and the admirals shallop, which had taken three Portuguese caravels, two of which we sent away and kept the third. The 2d June we came in sight of St Michaels. The 3d we sent off our pinnace, which was about 24 tons burden, together with the small caravel we had taken off the Burlings, to range about the anchorages of the Azores, trying to make captures of any thing they could find, appointing them to meet with us at a rendezvous 12 leagues W.S.W. from Fayal. Their going from us served no purpose, and was a misfortune, as they omitted joining us when appointed, and we also missed them when they might have been of much service.

The 13th of June we fell in with a mighty carak from the East Indies, called _Las cinquellagues_, or the five wounds. The May-Flower was in sight of her before night, and I got up with her in the evening. While I had ordered our men to give her a broadside, and stood carefully examining her strength, and where I might give council to board her in the night when the admiral came up, I received a shot a little above the belly, by which I was rendered unserviceable for a good while after, yet no other person in my ship was touched that night. Fortunately, by means of one captain Grant, an honest true-hearted man, nothing was neglected though I was thus disabled. Until midnight, when the admiral came up, the May-Flower and the Sampson never desisted from plying her with our cannon, taking it in turns: But then captain Cave wished us to stay till morning, when each of us was to give her three broadsides, and then lay her on board; but we long lingered in the morning till 10 o'clock, before we attempted to board her.

The admiral then laid her on board amid ships, and the May-Flower came up on her quarter, as if to take her station astern of our admiral on the larboard side of the carak; but the captain of the May-Flower was slain at the first coming up, on which his ship fell astern on the _outlicar_[394] of the carak, a piece of timber, which so tore her foresail that they said they could not get up any more to fight, as indeed they did not, but kept aloof from us all the rest of the action. The Sampson went aboard on the bow of the carak, but had not room enough, as our quarter lay on the bow of the Exchange, and our bow on that of the carak. At the first coming up of the Exchange, her captain Mr Cave was wounded in both legs, one of which he never recovered, so that he was disabled from doing his duty, and had no one in his absence that would undertake to lead his company to board the enemy. My friend, captain Grant, led my men up the side of the carak; but his force being small, and not being manfully seconded by the crew of the Exchange, the enemy were bolder than they would have been, so that six of my men were presently slain, and many more wounded; which made those that remained return on board, and they would never more give the assault. Some of the Exchanges men did very well, and I have no doubt that many more would have done the like, if there had been any principal men to have led them on, and not to have run into corners themselves. But I must allow that the carak was as well provided for defence as any ship I have seen; and perhaps the Portuguese were encouraged by our slackness, as they plied our men from behind barricades, where they were out of danger from our shot. They plied us also with wildfire, by which most of our men were burnt in some parts of their body; and while our men were busied in putting out the fire, the enemy galled them sore with small arms and darts. This unusual casting of wildfire did much dismay many of our men, and caused them greatly to hang back.

[Footnote 394: Probably a boom or outrigger for the management of the after-sails.--E.]

Finding that our men would not again board, we plied our great ordnance at them, elevated as much as possible, as otherwise we could do them little harm. By shooting a piece from our forecastle, we set fire to a mat at the beak head of the enemy, which kindled more and more, communicating from the mat to the boltsprit, and thence to the top-sail-yard; by which fire the Portuguese abaft were much alarmed, and began to make show of a parley: But their officers encouraged them, alleging that the fire could be easily extinguished, on which they again stood stiffly to their defence; yet at length the fire grew so strong, that I plainly saw it was beyond all help, even if she had yielded to us. We then wished to have disentangled ourselves from the burning carak, but had little hope of success; yet we plied water with great diligence to keep our ship safe. At this time I had little hope but our ship, myself, and several of our wounded men must have been all destroyed along with the carak. Most of our people indeed might have saved themselves in boats on board our consorts. When we were at the worst, by Gods providence our spritsail-yard with the sail and ropes, which were fast entangled with the spritsail-yard of the carak, were so burned that we fell away, with the loss of some of our sails. The Exchange also, being farther aft and more distant from the fire, was more easily cleared, and fell off abaft.

As soon as God had put us out of danger, the fire caught hold of the forecastle of the carak, where I think there was great store of benzoin, or some such combustible matter, for it flamed and flowed over the carak, which was almost in an instant all over in flames. The Portuguese now leapt over-board in great numbers, and I sent captain Grant with the boat, bidding him use his discretion in saving them. He brought me on board two gentlemen. One of them was an old man named Nuno Velio Pereira, who had been governor of Mozambique and Sofala in the year 1582, and had since been governor of a place of importance in the East Indies. The ship in which he was coming home was cast away a little to the east of the Cape of Good Hope, whence he travelled by land to Mozambique, and got a passage in this carak. The other was named Bras Carrero, who was captain of a carak that was cast away at Mozambique, and came likewise as a passenger in this ship. Also three men of the inferior sort; but only these two gentlemen we clothed and brought home to England. The rest, and others which were saved by our other boats, were all set on shore on the island of Flores, except two or three negroes, one of whom was a native of Mozambique, and the other of the East Indies.

This fight took place in the open sea, 6 leagues to the southward of the sound or channel between Fayal and Pico. The people whom we saved informed us, that the cause of the carak refusing to yield was, that she and all her goods belonged to the king, being all that had been collected for him that year in India, and that the captain of her was greatly in favour with the king, and expected to have been made viceroy of India at his return. This great carak was by no means lumbered, either within board or on deck, being more like a ship of war than a merchant vessel; and, besides her own men and guns, she had the crew and ordnance that belonged to another carak that was cast away at Mozambique, and the crew of another that was lost a little way to the east of the Cape of Good Hope. Yet, through sickness caught at Angola, where they watered, it was said she had not now above 150 white men on board, but a great many negroes. They likewise told us there were three noblemen and three ladies on board; but we found them to disagree much in their stories. The carak continued to burn all the rest of that day and the succeeding night; but next morning, on the fire reaching her powder, being 60 barrels, which was in the lowest part of her hold, she blew up with a dreadful explosion, most of her materials floating about on the sea. Some of the people said she was larger than the Madre de Dios, and some that she was less. She was much undermasted and undersailed, yet she went well through the water, considering that she was very foul. The shot we made at her from the cannon of our ship, before we laid her on board, might be seven broadsides of six or seven shots each, one with another, or about 49 shots in all. We lay on board her about two hours, during which we discharged at her about 20 sacre shots. Thus much may suffice for our dangerous conflict with that unfortunate carak.

On the 30th of June, after traversing the seas, we got sight of another huge carak, which some of our company took at first for the great San Philippo, the admiral of Spain; but on coming up with her next day, we certainly perceived her to be a carak. After bestowing some shots upon her, we summoned her to yield, but they stood stoutly on their defence, and utterly refused to strike. Wherefore, as no good could be done without boarding, I consulted as to what course we should follow for that purpose; but as we, who were the chief captains, were partly slain and the rest wounded in the former conflict, and because of the murmuring of some disorderly and cowardly fellows, all our resolute determinations were crossed: To conclude in a few words, the carak escaped our hands. After this, we continued to cruize for some time about Corvo and Flores, in hopes of falling in with some ships from the West Indies; but, being disappointed in this expectation, and provisions falling short, we returned for England, where I arrived at Portsmouth on the 28th of August 1594.

SECTION XVII.

_List of the Royal Navy of England of the demise of Queen Elizabeth_[395].

The following list of the royal navy of England, as left in good condition by Queen Elizabeth at her death in 1603, was written by Sir William Monson, a naval officer of that and the two following reigns, "By which, he observes, she and her realm gained honour, by the exploits and victories they and her subjects obtained." It would occupy too much space to give a contrasted list of the royal navy in the present year, 1813; but which our readers can easily obtain from the monthly lists published at London.

[Footnote 395: Church. Collect. III. 196.]

Men in Men at Of which Names of Ships. Tonnage. Harbour. Sea. Mariners. Sailors. Guns. Elizabeth-Jonas, 900 30 500 340[A] 120[A] 40 Triumph, 1000 30 500 340 120 40 White Bear, 900 30 500 340 120 40 Victory, 800 17 400 268 100 32 Ark Royal, 800 17 400 268 100 32 Mere Honour, 800 17 400 268 100 32 St Matthew, 1000 30 500 340 120 40 St Andrew, 900 17 400 268 100 32 Due Repulse, 700 16 350 230 90 30 Garland, 700 16 300 190 80 30 Warspite, 600 12 300 190 80 30 Mary-Rose, 600 12 250 150 70 30 Hope, 600 12 250 150 70 30 Bonaventure, 600 12 250 150 70 30 Lion, 500 12 250 150 70 30 Nonpareille, 500 12 250 150 70 30 Defiance, 500 12 250 150 70 30 Rainbow, 500 12 250 150 70 30 Dreadnought, 400 10 200 130 50 20 Antilope, 350 10 160 114 30 16 Swiftsure, 400 10 200 130 50 20 Swallow, 380 10 160 114 30 16 Foresight, 300 10 160 114 30 16 Tide, 250 7 120 88 20 12 Crane, 200 7 100 76 20 12 Adventure, 250 7 120 88 20 12 Quittance, 200 7 100 76 20 12 Answer, 200 7 100 76 20 12 Advantage, 200 7 100 70 20 12 Tiger, 200 7 100 70 20 12 Tremontain, 6 70 52 10 8 Scout, 120 6 66 48 10 8 Catis, 100 5 60 42 10 8 Charles, 70 5 45 32 7 6 Moon, 60 5 40 30 5 5 Advice, 50 5 40 30 5 5 Spy, 50 5 40 30 5 5 Merlin, 45 5 35 26 4 5 Sun, 40 5 30 24 2 4 Synnet[B] 20 2 George Hoy, 100 10 Penny-rose Hoy, 80 8

[Footnote A: The difference between mariners and sailors is not obvious: Perhaps the former were what are now called ordinary, and the latter able seamen. Besides, the numbers of both these united, do not make up the whole compliment of men at sea: Perhaps the deficiency, being 40 in the largest ships of this list, was made up by what were then called _grummets:_ servants, ship-boys, or landsmen.--E.]

[Footnote B: This name ought probably to have been the Cygnet.]