Chapter 6

EARLY ENGLISH VOYAGES TO GUINEA, AND OTHER PARTS OF THE WEST COAST OF AFRICA.

INTRODUCTION.

On the present occasion we are principally guided in our selection by chronological order, owing to which this _Chapter_ may have an anomalous appearance, as containing the early voyages of the English to the Western or Atlantic coast of Africa, while the title of the _Book_ to which it belongs was confined to the Discoveries and Conquests of the Portuguese, and other European Nations, in India; yet the arrangement has been formed on what we have considered as sufficient grounds, more especially as resembling the steps by which the Portuguese were led to their grand discovery of the route by sea to India. Our collection forms a periodical work, in the conduct of which it would be obviously improper to tie ourselves too rigidly, in these introductory discourses, to any absolute rules of minute arrangement, which might prevent us from availing ourselves of such valuable sources of information as may occur in the course of our researches. We have derived the principal materials of this and the next succeeding chapter, from Hakluyt's Collection of the Early Voyages, Travels, and Discoveries of the English Nation, using the late edition published at London in 1810, and availing ourselves of the previous labours of the Editor of Astleys Collection, published in 1745. Mr John Green, the intelligent editor of that former collection, has combined the substance of the present and succeeding chapters of our work in the second book of his first volume, under the title of The First Voyages of the English to Guinea and the East Indies; and as our present views are almost solely confined to the period which he embraces, we have thought it right to insert his introduction to that book, as containing a clear historical view of the subject[175]. It is proper to mention, however, that, while we follow his steps, we have uniformly had recourse to the originals from which he drew his materials; and, for reasons formerly assigned, wherever any difference may occur between our collection and that of Astley, we shall subjoin our remarks and references, at the place or places to which they belong.--E.

[Footnote 175: Astley's Collection, Vol. I. p. 138, 140.]

"Although the Portuguese were the first who set on foot discoveries by sea, and carried them on for many years before any other European nation attempted to follow their example; yet, as soon as these voyages appeared to be attended with commercial gain, the English were ready to put in for a share. The Portuguese discovered Guinea about the year 1471; and only ten years afterwards we find the English making preparations to visit the newly discovered coast[176]. In the year 1481, John Tintam and William Fabian were busy in fitting out a fleet for the coast of Guinea; but whether on their own account in whole or in part, or solely for the Duke of _Medina Sidonia_ in Spain, by whose command they are said to have done this, cannot be now determined. It is possible, as the Spaniards were excluded by the Papal grant in favour of the Portuguese from trading to the East Indies, that they might endeavour to elude this authority by employing Englishmen in that navigation. However this may have been, _Joam_ or John II. king of Portugal, sent two persons on an embassy to Edward king of England, to renew the ancient league of friendship between the crowns, and to move him to hinder that fleet from putting to sea. The Portuguese ambassadors had orders to acquaint the king of England with the title which the king of Portugal derived from the Pope, to the exclusive sovereignty and navigation of Guinea, and to demand that Edward should prohibit his subjects from sending any ships to that country. This was accordingly done, and the purposes of that intended voyage were frustrated. This is an authentic testimony of the early attempts of the English, which is related at length by _Garcia de Resende_, in the life of Joam II. Ch. 33[177]. To this, or some similar circumstance, it may have been owing that the English desisted so long from sailing to the southwards, and turned their endeavours to the discovery of a passage to India by some other way.

[Footnote 176: The French pretend to have traded with Guinea from 1364 till 1413, being 107 years before it was discovered by the Portuguese.--Astl. I. 138, a.]

[Footnote 177: Cited by Hakluyt, Vol. II. Part 2. p. 2]

"It appears by a memorandum or letter of _Nicholas Thorn_, senior, a considerable merchant in Bristol, of which Hakluyt gives the contents[178], that in 1526, and from circumstances for a long time previous, certain English merchants, among whom were _Nicholas Thorn_ and _Thomas Spacheford_, had frequently traded to the Canary islands. In that letter or memorandum, notice was given to _Thomas Midnal_ his factor and _William Ballard_ his servant; residing in St Lucar in Andalusia, that the Christopher of Cadiz bound for the West Indies, had taken on board several packs of cloth of different fineness and colours, together with packthread, soap, and other goods, to be landed at Santa Cruz in Teneriffe. They are directed to sell these goods, and to send back returns in Orchil[179], sugar, and kid skins.

[Footnote 178: Id. ib. p. 3.]

[Footnote 179: A species of moss growing on high rocks, much used in these days in dying.--Astl. I. 138. d.]

"At length, about the middle of the _sixteenth_ century, the English spirit of trade, meeting with favourable circumstances, began to exert itself, and to extend its adventures to the south as well as the north. About the year 1551, Captain Thomas Windham sailed in the ship Lion for Morocco, whither he carried two Moors of the blood-royal. This was the first voyage to the western coast of Africa of which we have any account, and these are all the particulars to be found respecting it; except that one Thomas Alday, a servant to Sebastian Cabot, in a letter inserted in Hakluyt's Collection[180], represents himself as the first promoter of this trade to Barbary, and observes that he would have performed this voyage himself, with the sole command of the ship and goods, had it not been that Sir John Lutterel, John Fletcher, Henry Ostrich, and others with whom he was connected, died of the sweating sickness, and he himself, after escaping that disease, was seized by a violent fever, so that Thomas Windham sailed from Portsmouth before he recovered, by which he lost eighty pounds.

[Footnote 180: Vol. II. p. 7.]

"In the next year, 1552, Windham made a second voyage to _Zafin_ or _Saffi_ and Santa Cruz without the straits, which gave so much offence to the Portuguese, that they threatened to treat the English as enemies if found in these seas. Yet in the year following, the same Thomas Windham, with a Portuguese named Antonio Yanez Pinteado, who appears to have been the chief promoter of the attempt, undertook a voyage to Guinea, with three ships having an hundred and forty men; and having traded for some time on the coast for gold, they went to Benin to load pepper: But both the commanders and most of the men dying of sickness, occasioned by the climate, the rest returned to Plymouth with one ship only, having burnt the other two for want of hands, and brought back no great riches. In 1554, Mr John Lok made a voyage with three ships to the coast of Guinea, whence he brought back a considerable quantity of gold and ivory. These voyages appear to have been succeeded by others almost every year. At length, upon application to Queen Elizabeth, two patents were granted to certain merchants. One in 1585, for the Barbary or Morocco trade, and the other in 1588, for the trade to Guinea between the rivers Senegal and Gambia[181]. In 1592, a third patent was granted to other persons, taking in the coast from the river _Nonnia_ to the south of Sierra Leona, for the space of 100 leagues, which patents gave rise to the African company. In all their voyages to the coast of Africa they had disputes with the Portuguese. Several of these voyages have been preserved by Hakluyt, and will be found inserted in this chapter, as forerunners to the English voyages to the East Indies.

[Footnote 181: The former for twelve years, was granted to the Earls of Leicester and Warwick, and certain merchants of London, to the number of 32 in all. The other for ten years to eight persons of Exeter, London, and other places. By this latter patent, it appears that this trade was advised by the Portuguese residing in London, and one voyage had been made before the grant. See Hakluyt, II. part 2. pp. 114 and 123.--Astl. I. 139. a.]

"The views of the English extending with experience and success, and finding the long attempted north-east and north-west passages to India impracticable, they at length determined to proceed for that distant region round Africa by the same course with the Portuguese. In 1591, that voyage was undertaken for the first time by three large ships under the command of Captain Raymond; and in 1596, another fleet of three ships set out on the same design under Captain Wood, but with bad success. In the mean time several navigators were employed to discover this course to the East Indies. At length in 1600, a charter was obtained from Queen Elizabeth by a body of merchants, to the number of 216, having George Earl of Cumberland at their head, under the name of the _Company of Merchant Adventurers_, for carrying on a trade to the East Indies. From this period ships were sent there regularly every two or three years; and thus were laid the foundations of the English East India commerce, which has subsisted ever since under exclusive chartered companies.

"Long before the English sailed to India in their own ships, several English merchants and others had gone to India from time to time in the Portuguese ships, and some overland; from a desire to pry into and to participate in the advantages of that gainful commerce. Of those who went by land, several letters and relations remain which will be found in the sequel: But of all who performed the voyage as passengers in the Portuguese vessels, we know of only one who left any account of his adventures, or at least whose account has been published; viz. Thomas Stephens. To this may be added the account by _Captain Davis_ of a voyage in the Dutch ship called the _Middleburgh Merchants_ in 1598, of which he served as pilot, for the purpose of making himself acquainted with the maritime route to India, and the posture of the Portuguese affairs in that country. Both of these journals contain very useful remarks for the time in which they were made, and both will be found in our collection.

"Although the first voyages of the English to the East Indies are full of variety, yet the reader is not to expect such a continued series of new discoveries, great actions, battles, sieges, and conquests, as are to be met with in the history of the Portuguese expeditions: For it must be considered that we made few or no discoveries, as these had been already made before; that our voyages were for the most part strictly commercial; that our settlements were generally made by the consent of the natives; that we made no conquests; and that the undertakings were set on foot and carried on entirely by our merchants[182]. On this account it is, probably, that we have no regular history extant of the English Voyages, Discoveries, and Transactions in the East Indies, as we find there are many such of the Portuguese and Spanish. It may be presumed, however, that as the East India Company has kept regular journals of their affairs, and is furnished with letters and other memorials from their agents, that a satisfactory account of all the English Transactions in India might be collected, if the Company thought proper to give orders for its execution[183]."--_Astley_.

[Footnote 182: These observations are to be considered as applying entirely to the earlier connection of the English with India. In more modern days there has been a sufficiently copious series of great actions, battles, sieges, and conquests; but these belong to a different and more modern period than that now under review, and are more connected with the province of political military and naval history, than with a Collection of Voyages and Travels. Yet these likewise will require to be noticed in an after division of this work.--E.]

[Footnote 183: A commencement towards this great desideratum in English History has been lately made, by the publication of the early History of the English East India Company, by John Bruce, Esquire, Historiographer to the Company.--E.]

SECTION I.

_Second Voyage of the English to Barbary, in the year 1552, by Captain Thomas Windham_[184].

Of the first voyage to Barbary without the straits, made by the same Captain Thomas Wyndham, the only remaining record is in a letter from James Aldaie to Michael Locke, already mentioned in the Introduction to this Chapter, and preserved in Hakluyt's Collection, II. 462. According to Hakluyt, the account of this second voyage was written by James Thomas, then page to Captain Thomas Windham, chief captain of the voyage, which was set forth by Sir John Yorke, Sir William Gerard, Sir Thomas Wroth, Messieurs Frances Lambert, Cole, and others.--E.

[Footnote 184: Hakluyt, II. 463. Astley, I. 140.]

* * * * *

The ships employed on this voyage were three, of which two belonged to the River Thames. These were the Lion of London of about 150 tons, of which Thomas Windham was captain and part owner; and the Buttolfe of about 80 tons. The third was a Portuguese caravel of about 60 tons, bought from some Portuguese at Newport in Wales, and freighted for the voyage. The number of men in the three ships was 120. The master of the Lion was John Kerry of Minehead in Somersetshire, and his mate was David Landman. Thomas Windham, the chief captain of the Adventure, was a gentleman, born in the county of Norfolk, but resident at Marshfield Park in Somersetshire.

The fleet set sail from King-road near Bristol about the beginning of May 1552, being on a Monday morning; and on the evening of the Monday fortnight we came to anchor in the port of Zafia or Asafi on the coast of Barbary, in 32° N. where we landed part of our cargo to be conveyed by land to the city of Marocco. Having refreshed at this port, we went thence to the port of Santa-Cruz, where we landed the rest of our goods, being a considerable quantity of linen and woollen cloth, with coral, amber, jet, and divers other goods esteemed by the Moors. We found a French ship in the road of Santa-Cruz, the people on board which being uncertain whether France and England were then at peace or engaged in war, drew her as near as possible to the walls of the town, from which they demanded assistance for their defence in case of need; and on seeing our vessels draw near, they shot off a piece of ordnance from the walls, the ball passing through between the main and fore masts of the Lion. We came immediately to anchor, and presently a pinnace came off to inquire who we were; and on learning that we had been there the year before, and had the licence of their king for trade, they were fully satisfied, giving us leave to bring our goods peaceably on shore, where the viceroy, Sibill Manache came shortly to visit us, and treated us with all civility. Owing to various delays, we were nearly three months at this place before we could get our lading, which consisted of sugar, dates, almonds, and molasses, or the syrup of sugar. Although we were at this place for so long a time during the heat of summer, yet none of our company perished of sickness.

When our ships were all loaded, we drew out to sea in waiting for a western wind to carry us to England. But while at sea a great leak broke out in the Lion, on which we bore away for the island of Lançerota, between which and Fuertaventura we came to anchor in a safe road-stead, whence we landed 70 chests of sugar upon the island of Lançerota, with a dozen or sixteen of our men. Conceiving that we had come wrongfully by the caraval, the inhabitants came by surprise upon us and took all who were on shore prisoners, among whom I was one, and destroyed our sugars. On this transaction being perceived from our ships, they sent on shore three boats filled with armed men to our rescue; and our people landing, put the Spaniards to flight, of whom they slew eighteen, and made the governor of the island prisoner, who was an old gentleman about 70 years of age. Our party continued to chase the Spaniards so far for our rescue, that they exhausted all their powder and arrows, on which the Spaniards rallied and returned upon them, and slew six of our men in the retreat. After this our people and the Spaniards came to a parley, in which it was agreed that we the prisoners should be restored in exchange for the old governor, who gave us a certificate under his hand of the damages we had sustained by the spoil of our sugars, that we might be compensated upon our return to England, by the merchants belonging to the king of Spain.

Having found and repaired the leak, and all our people being returned on board, we made sail; and while passing one side of the island, the Cacafuego and other ships of the Portuguese navy entered by the other side to the same roadstead whence we had just departed, and shot off their ordnance in our hearing. It is proper to mention that the Portuguese were greatly offended at this our new trade to Barbary, and both this year and the former, they gave out through their merchants in England, with great threats and menaces, that they would treat us as mortal enemies, if they found us in these seas: But by the good providence of God we escaped their hands. We were seven or eight weeks in making our passage from Lançerota for the coast of England, where the first port we made was Plymouth; and from thence sailed for the Thames, where we landed our merchandise at London about the end of October 1552.

SECTION II.

_A Voyage from England to Guinea and Benin in 1553, by Captain Windham and Antonio Anes Pinteado_[185].

PREVIOUS REMARKS.

This and the following voyage to Africa were first published by Richard Eden in a small collection, which was afterwards reprinted in 4to, by Richard Willes in 1577[186]. Hakluyt has inserted both these in his Collection, with Eden's preamble as if it were his own; only that he ascribes the account of Africa to the right owner[187].

[Footnote 185: Astley, I. 141. Hakluyt, II. 464.--The editor of Astley's Collection says _Thomas_ Windham; but we have no evidence in Hakluyt, copying from Eden, that such was his Christian name, or that he was the same person who had gone twice before to the coast of Morocco. In Hakluyt, the Voyage is said to have been at the charge of certain merchant adventurers of London.--E.]

[Footnote 186: Hist. of Travayle in the West and East Indies, &c. by Eden and Willes, 4to, p. 336.--Astl. I. 141. b.]

[Footnote 187: So far the editor of Astley's Collection: The remainder of these previous remarks contains the preamble by Eden, as reprinted by Hakluyt, II. 464.--E.]

"I was desired by certain friends to make some mention of this voyage, that some memory of it might remain to posterity, being the first enterprised by the English to parts that may become of great consequence to our merchants, if not hindered by the ambition of such as conceive themselves lords of half the world, by having conquered some forty or fifty miles here and there, erecting certain fortresses, envying that others should enjoy the commodities which they themselves cannot wholly possess. And, although such as have been at charges in the discovering and conquering of such lands, ought in good reason to have certain privileges, pre-eminences and tributes for the same; yet, under correction, it may seem somewhat rigorous and unreasonable, or rather contrary to the charity that ought to subsist among Christians, that such as invade the dominions of others, should not allow other friendly nations to trade in places nearer and seldom frequented by themselves, by which their own trade is not hindered in such other places as they have chosen for themselves as staples or marts of their trade[188]. But as I do not propose either to accuse or defend, I shall cease to speak any farther on this subject, and proceed to the account of the first voyage to those parts, as briefly and faithfully as I was advertised of the same, by information of such credible persons as made diligent inquiry respecting it, omitting many minute particulars, not greatly necessary to be known; but which, with the exact course of the navigation, shall be more fully related in the second voyage. If some may think that certain persons have been rather sharply reflected on, I have this to say, that favour and friendship ought always to give way before truth, that honest men may receive the praise of well-doing, and bad men be justly reproved; that the good may be encouraged to proceed in honest enterprizes, and the bad deterred from following evil example.

[Footnote 188: Richard Eden here obviously endeavours to combat the monopoly of trade to the Portuguese discoveries, arrogated by that nation; although the entire colonial system of all the European nations has always been conducted upon the same exclusive principles, down to the present day.--E.]

That these voyages may be the better understood, I have thought proper to premise a brief description of Africa, on the west coast of which great division of the world, the coast of Guinea begins at Cape Verd in about lat. 12° N. and about two degrees in longitude _from the measuring line_[189]; whence running from north to south, and in some places by east, within 5, 4, and 3-1/2 degrees into the equinoctial, and so forth in manner directly east and north, for the space of about 36 degrees in longitude from west to east, as shall more plainly appear in the second voyage[190].

[Footnote 189: Evidently meaning the first meridian passing through the island of Ferro, one of the Canaries, from which Cape Verd is about 2° W.--E.]

[Footnote 190: These geographical indications respecting the coast of Guinea, are extremely obscure, so as to be almost unintelligible.--E.]

* * * * *

_Brief Description of Africa, by Richard Eden_[191].

In the lesser Africa are the kingdoms of Tunis and Constantina, which latter is at this day subject to Tunis, and also the regions of Bugia, Tripoli, and Ezzah. This part of Africa is very barren, by reason of the great deserts of Numidia and Barca. The principal ports of the kingdom of Tunis are, Goletta, Bizerta, Potofarnia, Bona, and Stora. Tunis and Constantina are the chief cities, with several others. To this kingdom belong the following islands, Zerbi, Lampadola, Pantalarea, Limoso, Beit, Gamelaro, and Malta; in which the grand-master of the knights of Rhodes now resides. To the south of this kingdom are the great deserts of Lybia. All the nations of this lesser Africa are of the sect of Mahomet, a rustical people living scattered in villages.

[Footnote 191: This brief description of Africa is preserved, rather for the purpose of shewing what were the ideas of the English on this subject towards the end of the sixteenth century, than for any excellence.--E.]

The best of this part of Africa is Mauritania, now called Barbary, on the coast of the Mediterranean. Mauritania is divided into two parts, Tingitana and Cesariensis. Mauritania Tingitana is now called the kingdoms of Fez and Marocco, of which the capitals bear the same names. Mauritania, Cesariensis is now called the kingdom of Tremessan, the capital of which is named Tremessan or Telensin. This region is full of deserts, and reaches to the Mediterranean, to the city of Oran with the port of Mersalquiber. The kingdom of Fez reaches to the ocean, from the west to the city of Arzilla, and Sala or Salee is the port of this kingdom. The kingdom of Marocco also extends to the ocean, on which it has the cities of Azamor and Azafi. Near to Fez and Marocco in the ocean are the Canary islands, anciently called the Fortunate islands.

To the south is the kingdom of Guinea, with Senega, Jalofo, Gambra, and many other regions of _the black Moors_, called Ethiopians or Negroes, all of which regions are watered by the river Negro, called anciently the Niger[192]. In these regions there are no cities, but only villages of low cottages made of boughs of trees, plastered over with chalk and covered with straw; and in these regions there are great deserts.

[Footnote 192: In the text the Senegal river is to be understood by the Negro, or river of the Blacks. But the ancient Niger is now well known to run eastwards in the interior of Nigritia, having no connection whatever with the Senegal or with the sea.--E.]

The kingdom of Marocco includes seven subordinate kingdoms, named Hea, Sus, Guzula, Marocco proper, Duccula, Hazchora, and Tedle. Fez has an equal number, as Fez, Temesne, Azgar, Elabath, Errif, Garet, and Elcair. Tremessan has only three, being Tremessan, Tenez, and Elgazair; all the inhabitants of all these regions being Mahometans. But all the regions of Guinea are peopled by Gentiles and idolaters, having no religion or knowledge of God except from the law of nature.

Africa, one of the three great divisions of the world known to the ancients, is separated from Asia on the east by the river Nile, and on the west from Europe by the Pillars of Hercules or the Straits of Gibraltar. The entire northern coast along the Mediterranean is now called Barbary, and is inhabited by the Moors. The inner part is called Lybia and Ethiopia. Lesser Africa, in which stood the noble city of Carthage, has Numidia on the west and Cyrenaica on the east.

On the east side of Africa, to the west of the Red Sea, are the dominions of the great and mighty Christian king or emperor Prester John, well known to the Portuguese in their voyages to Calicut. His dominions reach very far on every side, and he has many other kings under his authority who pay him tribute, both Christian and Pagan. This mighty prince is named David emperor of Ethiopia, and it is said that the Portuguese send him every year eight ships laden with merchandise. His dominions are bounded on one side by the Red Sea, and stretch far into Africa towards Egypt and Barbary. To the southwards they adjoin with the great sea or ocean towards the Cape of Good Hope, and to the north are bounded by the great and dangerous _Sea of Sand_, lying between the great city of Cairo in Egypt and the country of Ethiopia; in which are many uninhabitable deserts continuing for the space of five days journey. It is affirmed, if the Christian emperor were not hindered by the deserts, in which there is great want of provisions and especially of water, that he would ere now have invaded Egypt. The chief city of Ethiopia, in which this great emperor resides, is called _Amacaiz_, being a city of some importance, the inhabitants of which are of an olive complexion. There are many other cities, such as the city of _Sava_ on the Nile, where the emperor ordinarily resides during the summer. There is likewise a great city named _Barbaregaf_ and _Ascon_, whence the queen of Saba is supposed to have gone for Jerusalem to hear the wisdom of Solomon[193]. This last city though little is very fair, and one of the principal cities of Ethiopia. In this province there are many very high mountains, on which the terrestrial paradise is supposed to have been situated; and some say that the trees of the sun and moon which are mentioned by the ancients, are to be found there, but no one has ever been able to go to them, on account of great deserts extending to an hundred days journey. Also beyond these mountains is the Cape of Good Hope.

[Footnote 193: The names of places are so corruptly given as hardly even to be guessed at. Amacaiz may possibly be meant for Amba Keshem, Sava for Shoa, Barbaregaf for the Baharnagash, and Ascon for Assab.--E.]

_Journal of the Voyage_.

On the 12th of August 1553, there sailed from Portsmouth two goodly ships, the Primrose and the Lion, with a pinnace called the Moon, all well furnished with 140 able bodied men, and with ordnance and victuals fitting for the voyage. They were commanded by two captains; one of whom was a foreigner named Antonio Anes Pinteado, a native of Oporto in Portugal, a wise, discreet, and sober man, who, for his skill in navigation both as an experienced pilot and prudent commander, was at one time in such favour with the king of Portugal, that the coasts of Brazil and Guinea were committed to his care against the French, to whom he was a terror in these seas. He had been likewise a gentleman of the household to the king. But as fortune ever flatters when it favours, ever deceives when it promises, and ever casts down whom it raises, so great wealth and high favour are always accompanied by emulation and envy; in like manner was he, after many adversities and malicious accusations, forced to take refuge in England. In this golden voyage Pinteado was ill-matched with an evil companion, his own various good qualities being coupled with one who had few or no virtues. Thus did these noble ships depart on their voyage; but previously captain Windham put out of his ship at Portsmouth a kinsman of one of the head merchants, shewing in this a sample of the bad intention of his mind, which grew from this small beginning to a monstrous enormity; yet happy was that young man for being left behind.

Arriving at the island of Madeira, they took in some wine for the use of the ships. At this island was a great galleon belonging to the king of Portugal, full of men and ordnance, which had been expressly fitted out to interrupt our ships in their intended voyage, or any others that might intend a similar expedition; for the king of Portugal had been secretly informed that our ships were armed to attack his castle of Mina, though no such thing was intended; yet did not that galleon attempt to stay our ships, nor could she have been able to withstand them if that had been tried.

After their departure from Madeira the worthy captain Pinteado began to experience affliction from Captain Windham, who had hitherto carried a fair appearance of good will, but now assumed to himself the sole command, setting both captain Pinteado and the merchants factors at nought, giving them opprobrious words and sometimes abusing them most shamefully with threats of personal ill-treatment. He even proceeded to deprive captain Pinteado of the service of the boys and others who had been assigned him by order of the merchant adventurers, reducing him to the rank of a common mariner, which is the greatest affront that can be put upon a Portuguese or Spaniard, who prize their honour above all things. Passing the Canaries, they came to the island of St Nicholas, one of the Cape Verds, where they procured abundance of the flesh of wild goats, being almost its only produce. Following their voyage from thence, they tarried by the way at certain desert islands, not willing to arrive too early on the coast of Guinea on account of the heat. But being under an arbitrary rule, they tarried too long, and came at length to the first land of Guinea at the river _Cesto_[194], where they might have exchanged their merchandise for a full lading of the _grains_, or spice of that country, which is a very hot fruit and much like figs; the fruit being full of grains which are loose within the pod[195]. This kind of spice is much used in cold countries, and may be sold there to great advantage in exchange for other commodities. But, by the persuasion or command rather of our tyrannical captain, our people made light of this commodity in comparison with the fine gold for which they thirsted, wherefore they made sail an hundred leagues farther till they came to the golden land or gold coast.

[Footnote 194: Or Sestre, a river on the Grain coast or Malaguette.--E.]

[Footnote 195: This is the Guinea pepper, called grains of Paradise by the Italians, whence this part of Guinea was named the grain coast. The text describes the pods as having a hole on each side, which, it was afterwards learnt, were for putting thongs, strings or twigs on which to dry the pods. These pods grow on a humble plant, not above a foot and a half or two feet from the ground, and are bright red when first gathered,--Astl.]

At this part of the coast, not venturing to come near the castle of St George del Mina belonging to the king of Portugal, they made sale of their goods only on this side and beyond that place, receiving the gold of the country in exchange to the extent of 150 pounds weight[196], and they might have bartered all their merchandise for gold at that place, if the pride of Windham had allowed him to listen to the counsel and experience of Pinteado: but not satisfied with what he had got or might still have procured, if he had remained in the neighbourhood of Mina, he commanded Pinteado to navigate the ships to Benin under the equinoctial, 150 leagues beyond the Mina, where he expected to have laden the ships with pepper. When Pinteado urged the lateness of the season, and advised that instead of going farther they should continue to dispose of their wares for gold, by which great profit would have been gained, Windham flew into a passion, called Pinteado a Jew, and gave him much opprobrious language, saying, "This rascally Jew promised to conduct us to places that either do not exist or to which he knows not the way, but if he does not I will cut off his ears and nail them to the mast." The advice given by Pinteado, not to go farther, was for the safety of the mens lives, which would have been in great danger at that late season, during their winter or _rossia_, not so called on account of cold, but from the heat accompanied with close and cloudy air, alternating with great tempests, during which the air was of so putrifying a quality as to rot the clothes on their backs. He had formerly lingered by the way, to prevent them arriving too soon on the coast, when the heat of the sun is scorching and unbearable.

Thus constrained contrary to his wish, he brought the ships to anchor off the mouth of the river Benin, whence the pinnace was sent 50 or 60 leagues up the river. They then landed, and Pinteado, with Francisco another Portuguese, Nicholas Lambert a gentleman, and other merchants were conducted to the kings court, ten leagues from the river, where they were brought into the kings presence by a great company. The king was a _black Moor_ or negro, though not quite so black as the rest, and sat in a long wide hall having earthen walls without windows, roofed with thin planks open in many parts to let in air. These people give wonderful reverence to their king, even the highest of his officers when in his presence never daring to look him in the face, but sit cowering on their buttocks with their elbows on their knees, and their hands on their faces, never looking up till the king commands them. When coming towards the king they shew him the utmost reverence from as far off as they can see him; and when they depart they never turn their backs towards him. In the communication of our men with the king, he used the Portuguese language, which he had learnt when a child. Commanding our men to stand up, he inquired the reason of their coming into his country; on which he was answered by Pinteado, that we were merchants who had come from a distant country into his dominions, to procure the commodities of the country in exchange for wares which we had brought from our own country, to the mutual convenience of both countries. The king had then 30 or 40 quintals or hundred weights of pepper, which had long lain in a store-house, which he desired our people to look at, and that they should exhibit to him such commodities as they had brought for sale. He likewise sent some of his officers to conduct our people to the water-side, and to carry our wares from the pinnace to his residence. These things being done, the king engaged to our merchants that in 30 days he would provide a sufficiency of pepper to load all our ships, and in case our merchandise might not amount to the whole value of the pepper, he promised to give credit till next season, and immediately sent orders over all the country to gather pepper, so that in 30 days 80 tons of pepper were procured.

[Footnote 196: Or 1800 ounces, which at L.3, 17s. 6d. per ounce, is equal to L.6975 sterling, a large sum in those days.--E.]

In the meantime our men lived without any rule, eating without measure of the fruit of the country, drinking the palm wine which runs in the night from the cut branches of that tree, and continually running into the water to assuage the extreme heat of the season; and not being used to these sudden transitions, which are excessively dangerous, they fell into swellings and agues, by which about the end of the year they were dying sometimes 3, 4, or 5 in a day. When the 30 days were expired, and Windham saw his men dying so fast, he sent orders to Pinteado and the rest to come away without any more delay. Pinteado and the others wrote back to inform him of the large quantity of pepper already gathered, and that they looked daily for more, desiring him to consider the great praise they would all get on their return if the voyage turned out profitable, and the shame that must attend returning without a full loading. Not satisfied with this answer, more especially as the men continued to die in great numbers, Windham sent a second message ordering them to return immediately, or that he would go away and leave them. Thinking to prevail upon him by reasonable means, Pinteado returned to the ships under an escort provided by the negro king.

In the mean time Windham, enraged at Pinteado, broke open his cabin and all his chests, spoiled all the cordials and sweetmeats he had provided for his health, and left him nothing either of his cloaths or nautical instruments; after which strange procedure he fell sick and died. When he came on board, Pinteado lamented as much for the death of Windham as if he had been his dearest friend; but several of the mariners and officers spit in his face, calling him Jew, and asserted that he had brought them to this place on purpose that they should die; and some even drew their swords, threatening to slay him. They insisted that he should leave the coast immediately, and though he only requested them to wait till those who were left at the court of the king of Benin could be sent for, they would by no means consent. He then prayed them to give him a boat, and as much of an old sail as might serve to fit her out, in which he proposed to bring Nicholas Lambert[197] and the rest to England, but even this they would not consent to. Finding all his representations in vain, he wrote a letter to the merchants at court, informing them of all that had happened at the ships, promising, if God spared his life, that he would return as soon as possible for them.

[Footnote 197: This Lambert was a Londoner born, his father having been Lord Mayor of London.--Hakluyt.]

Pinteado, thus kept on board against his will, was thrust among the cabin-boys, and worse used than any of them, insomuch that he was forced to depend on the favour of the cook for subsistence. Having sunk one of their ships for want of hands to navigate her, the people departed from the coast with the other. Within six or seven days, Pinteado died broken-hearted, from the cruel and undeserved usage he had met with,--a man worthy to have served any prince, and most vilely used. Of 140 men who had sailed originally from Portsmouth on this unfortunate and ill-conducted voyage, scarcely 40 got back to Plymouth, and many even of those died soon afterwards.

That no one may suspect that I have written in commendation of Pinteado from partiality or favour, otherwise than as warranted by truth, I have thought good to add copies of the letters which the king of Portugal and the infant his brother wrote to induce him to return to Portugal, at the time when, by the king's displeasure, and not owing to any crime or offence, he was enforced by poverty to come to England, where he first induced our merchants to engage in voyages to Guinea. All these writings I saw under seal in the house of my friend Nicholas Lieze, with whom Pinteado left them when he departed on his unfortunate voyage to Guinea. But, notwithstanding these friendly letters and fair promises, Pinteado durst not venture to return to Portugal, neither indeed durst he trust himself in company with any of his own countrymen, unless in the presence of other persons, as he had secret intimation that they meant to have assassinated him, when time and place might serve their wicked purpose.

* * * * *

The papers alluded to in this concluding paragraph by Richard Eden, do not seem necessary to be inserted. They consist of, a commission or patent dated 22d September 1551, appointing Pinteado one of the knights of the royal household, with 700 _rees_, or ten shillings a month, and half a bushel of barley every day so long as he should keep a horse; but with an injunction not to marry for six years, lest he might have children to succeed in this allowance. The second document is merely a certificate of registration of the first. The third is a letter from the infant, Don Luis, brother to the king of Portugal, dated 8th December 1552, urging Pinteado to return to Lisbon, and intimating that Peter Gonzalvo, the bearer of the letter, had a safe conduct for him in due form. From the introduction to these papers, it appears that Pinteado had suffered long disgrace and imprisonment, proceeding upon false charges, and had been at last set free by means of the king's confessor, a grey friar, who had manifested his innocence.--E.

SECTION III.

_Voyage to Guinea, in 1554, by Captain John Lok_[198].

As in the first voyage of the English to Guinea, I have given rather the order of the history than the course of navigation, of which I had then no perfect information; so in this second voyage my chief purpose has been to shew the course pursued, according to the ordinary custom and observation of mariners, and as I received it from the hands of an expert pilot, who was one of the chiefest in this voyage[199], who with his own hand wrote a brief journal of the whole, as he had found and tried in all things, not conjecturally, but by the art of navigation, and by means of instruments fitted for nautical use[200]. Not assuming therefore to myself the commendations due to another, neither having presumed in any part to change the substance or order of this journal, so well observed by art and experience, I have thought fit to publish it in the language commonly used by mariners, exactly as I received it from that pilot[201].

[Footnote 198: Hakluyt, II. 470. Astl 1.114. In the first edition of Hakluyt's collection, this voyage is given under the name of Robert Gainsh, who was master of the John Evangelist, as we learn by a marginal note at the beginning of the voyage in both editions.--Astl. I. 144. a.]

[Footnote 199: Perhaps this might be Robert Gainsh, in whose name the voyage was first published.--Astl. I. 144. b.]

[Footnote 200: Yet the latitudes he gives, if observed, are by no means exact.--Astl.

In this version we have added the true latitudes and longitudes in the text between brackets; the longitude from Greenwich always understood.--E.]

[Footnote 201: This is the exordium, written by Richard Eden, from whose work it was adopted by Hakluyt, yet without acknowledgement. In the title, it appears that this expedition was fitted out as the joint adventure of Sir George Barne, Sir John York, Thomas Lok, Anthony Hickman, and Edward Castelin.--E.]

* * * * *

On the 11th October 1554, we departed from the river Thames with three good ships. One of these named the Trinity, was of 140 tons burden; the second, called the Bartholomew, was 90 tons; and the third, called the John Evangelist, was 140 tons. With these three ships and two pinnaces, one of which was lost on the coast of England, we staid fourteen days at Dover, and three or four days at Rye, and lastly we touched at Dartmouth. Departing on the 1st November, at 9 o'clock at night, from the coast of England, off the Start point, and steering due south-west all that night, all next day, and the next night after, till noon of the 3d, we made our way good, running 60 leagues. The morning of the 17th we had sight of the island of Madeira, which to those who approach from N.N.E. seems to rise very high, and almost perpendicular in the west. To the S.S.E. is a long low land, and a long point with a saddle through the midst of it, standing in 32° N. [lat. 32° 30' N. long. 16° 12' W.] And in the west part are many springs of water running down from the mountain, with many white fields like fields of corn, and some white houses in the S.E. part. Also in this part is a rock at a small distance from the shore, over which a great gap or opening is seen in the mountain.

The 19th at noon we had sight of the isles of Palma, Teneriffe, and Grand Canarea. The isle of Palma rises round, and stretches from S.E. to N.W. the north-west part being lowest. In the south is a round hill over the head-land, with another round hill behind and farther inland. Between the S.E. end of Madeira and the N.W. part of the island of Palma, the distance is 57 leagues[202], Palma being in 28°. [lat. 28° 45' N. long 17° 45' W.] Our course between the S.E. end of Madeira and the N.W. part of Palma was S. and S. by W. so that we had sight of Teneriffe and the Grand Canary. The S.E. part of Palma and N.N.E. of Teneriffe lie S.E. and N.W. [rather E. and W.] distance 20 leagues [33 leagues.] Teneriffe and Grand Canarea, with the west part of Fuertaventura, stand in 27° 30'[203]. Gomera is a fair island, but very rugged, W.S.W. from Teneriffe, the passage between running from N. by W. to S. by E. In the south part of Gomera is a town and good road-stead, in lat. 28° N. Teneriffe is a mountainous island, with a great high peak like a sugar-loaf, on which there is snow all the year, and by that peak it may be known from all other islands. On the 20th November we were there becalmed from six in the morning till four in the afternoon. On the 22d November, being then under the tropic of Cancer, the sun set W. and by S. On the coast of Barbary, 25 leagues N. of Cape Blanco, at 3 leagues from shore, we had 15 fathoms water on a good shelly bottom mixed with sand, and no currents, having two small islands in lat. 22° 20' N.[7] From Gomera to Cape de las Barbas is 100 leagues, [116] the course being S. by E. That cape is in lat. 22° 30, [22° 15'] all the coast thereabout being flat, and having 16 and 17 fathoms off shore. All the way from the river del Oro to Cape Barbas, at 7 or 8 leagues off shore, many Spaniards and Portuguese employ themselves in fishing during the month of November, the whole of that coast consisting of very low lands. From Cape Barbas we held a course S.S.W. and S.W. by S. till we came into lat. 20° 30', reckoning ourselves 7 leagues off shore, and we there came to the least shoals of Cape Blanco. We then sailed to the lat. of 13° N. reckoning ourselves 20 leagues off; and in 15° _we did rear the crossiers_, or cross stars, and might have done so sooner if we had looked for them. They are not right across in the month of November, as the nights are short there, but we had sight of them on the 29th of that month at night. The 1st of December, being in lat. 13° N. we set our course S. by E. till the 4th at noon, when we were in 9° 20' reckoning ourselves 30 leagues W.S.W. from the shoals of the Rio Grande, which extend for 30 leagues. On the 4th, being in 6° 30', we set our course S.E. The 9th we changed our course E.S.E. The 14th, being in lat. 5° 30' and reckoning ourselves 36 leagues from the coast of Guinea, we set our course due E. The 19th, reckoning ourselves 17 leagues from Cape Mensurado, we set our course E. by N. the said cape being E.N.E. of us, and the river Sesto E. The 20th we fell in with Cape Mensurado or Mesurado, which bore S.E. 2 leagues distant. This cape may be easily known, as it rises into a hummock like the head of a porpoise. Also towards the S.E. there are three trees, the eastmost being the highest, the middle one resembling a hay-stack, and that to the southward like a gibbet. Likewise on the main there are four or five high hills, one after the other, like round hummocks. The south-east of the three trees is _brandiernaure?_ and all the coast is a white sand. The said cape stands within a little of six degrees [lat. 6° 20' N. long. 10° 30' W.] The 22d we came to the river Sesto or Sesters, where we remained till the 29th, and we thought it best to send our pinnace before us to the Rio Dulce, that they might begin the market before the arrival of the John Evangelist. At the river Sesto, which is in six degrees less one terce, or 5° 40', we got a ton of grains[205]. From Rio Sesto to Rio Dulce the distance is 25 leagues, Rio Dulce being in 5° 30' N. The Rio Sesto is easily known by a ledge of rocks to the S.E. of the road[206], and at the mouth of the river are five or six trees without leaves. It is a good harbour, but the entrance of the river is very narrow, and has a rock right in the mouth. All that coast, between Cape Mount and Cape Palmas, lies S.E. by E. and N.W. by N. being three leagues offshore[207], and there are rocks in some places two leagues off, especially between the river Sesto and Cape Palmas.

[Footnote 202: The real distance is 84 marine leagues, 20 to the degree.--E.]

[Footnote 203: The parallel of lat. 28° N. goes through the centre of Grand Canarea, touching the southern point of Teneriffe, and just keeping free of the S.W. point of Fuertaventura.--E.]

[204][Footnote 204: 7 Cape Blanco is in lat. 20° 50' N. 25 leagues to the north, would only reach to lat. 22° 5'; exactly almost in 22° is the small island of Pedro de Agale.--E.]

[Footnote 205: In the preceding voyage grains have been explained as Guinea pepper, a species of capsicum.--E.]

[Footnote 206: Rock Sesters is in long. 9° 20' W.]

[Footnote 207: This is not intelligible, unless meant that ships may anchor for three leagues from the shore.--E.]

Between the river Sesto and the river Dulce are 25 leagues. Between them and 8 leagues from Sesto river is a high land called _Cakeado_, and S.E. from it a place called _Shawgro_, and another called _Shyawe_ or _Shavo_, where fresh water may be had. Off Shyawe lies a ledge of rocks, and to the S.E. is a headland named _Croke_, which is 9 or 10 leagues from Cakeado. To the S.E. is a harbour called St Vincent, right over against which is a rock under water, two and a half leagues from shore. To the S.E. of this rock is an island 3 or 4 leagues off, and not above a league from shore, and to the S.E. of the island is a rock above water, and past that rock is the entrance of the river Dulce, which may be known by that rock. The N.W. side of the haven is flat sand, and the S.E. side is like an island, being a bare spot without any trees, which is not the case in any other place. In the road ships ride in 13 or 14 fathoms, the bottom good ouse and sand. The marks for entering this road are to bring the island and the north-east land in one. We anchored there on the last day of December 1554, and on the 3d of January 1555 we came from the Rio Dulce. _Cape Palmas_ is a fair high land, some low parts of which by the waterside seem red cliffs, with white streaks like highways, a cables length each, which is on the east side of the Cape. This is the most southerly land on the coast of Guinea, and is in lat. 4° 25' N. From Cape Palmas to Cape _Three-points_ or _Tres puntas_, the whole coast is perfectly safe and clear, without rock or other danger. About 25 leagues to the eastward of Cape Palmas the land is higher than in any other place till we come to Cape Three-points, and about ten leagues westward from that Cape the land begins to rise, and grows higher all the way to the point. Also about 5 leagues west from that Cape there is some broken ground with two great rocks, within which, in the bight of a bay, there is a castle called _Arra_ belonging to the king of Portugal, which is readily known by these rocks, as there are none other between Cape Palmas and Cape Three-points. The coast trends E. by N. and W. by S. From Cape Palmas to Arra castle is 95 leagues, and from thence to the western point of Cape Three-points it is S.E. by S. and N.W. by N. This western point of Cape Three-points is low land, stretching half a mile out to sea, and on the neck nearest the land is a tuft of trees.

We arrived at Cape Three-points on the 11th January, and came next day to a town called _Samma_ or _Samua_, 8 leagues beyond, towards E.N.E. there being a great ledge of rocks a great way out to sea between Cape Three-points and that town. We remained four days off that town, the captain of which desired to have a pledge on shore, but on receiving one he kept him, and refused to continue trade, even shooting his ordnance at us, of which he only had two or three pieces[208]. On the 16th of the month we came to a place called Cape _Corea_[209], where dwelt Don John, and where we were well received by his people. This Cape Corea is 4 leagues eastward from the castle of _Mina_. We arrived there on the 18th of the month, making sale of all our cloth except two or three packs. On the 26th we weighed anchor and went to join the Trinity, which was 7 leagues to the eastwards of us, and had sold most of her wares. Then the people of the Trinity willed us to go 8 or 9 leagues farther to the east, to sell part of their wares at a place called _Perecow_, and another called _Perecow-grande_, still farther east, which is known by a great hill near it called _Monte Rodondo_ lying to the westwards, and many palm trees by the water side. From thence we began our voyage homewards on the 13th of February, and plied along the coast till we came within 7 or 8 leagues of Cape Three-points. About 8 in the afternoon of the 15th we cast about to seawards. Whoever shall come from the coast of Mina homewards, ought to beware of the currents, and should be sure of making his way good as far west as Cape Palmas, where the current sets always to the eastwards. About 20 leagues east of Cape Palmas is a river called _De los Potos_, where abundance of fresh water and ballast may be had, and plenty of ivory or elephants teeth, which river is in four degrees and almost two terces, or 4° 40' N. When you reckon to be as far west as Cape Palmas, being in lat. 1° or 1° 30' N. you may then stand W. or W. by N. till in lat. 3° N. Then you may go W. or N.W. by W. till in lat. 5° N. and then N.W. In lat. 6° N. we met northerly winds and great ruffling tides, and as far as we could judge the current set N.N.W. Likewise between Cape Mount and Cape Verd there are great currents, which are very apt to deceive.

[Footnote 208: The pledge was nephew to Sir John Yorke.--_Eden_.]

[Footnote 209: From the context, this seems to have been the place now called Cape Coast.--E.]

On the 22d of April we were in lat. 8° 40' N. and continued our course to the north-west, having the wind at N.E. and E.N.E. sometimes at E. till the first of May, when we were in lat. 18° 20' N. Thence we had the wind at E. and E.N.E. sometimes E.S.E. when we reckoned the Cape Verd islands E.S.E. from us, and by estimation 48 leagues distant. In 20° and 21° N. we had the wind more to the east and south than before; and so we ran N.W. and N.N.W. sometimes N. by W. and N. till we came into lat. 31° N. when we reckoned ourselves 180 leagues S.W. by S. of the island of Flores. Here we had the wind S.S.E. and shaped our course N.E. In 23° we had the wind at S. and S.W. and made our course N.N.E. in which direction we went to 40°, and then set our course N.E. having the wind at S.W. and the isle of Flores E. of us, 17 leagues distant. In 41° we had the wind N.E. and lay a course N.W. Then we met the wind at W.N.W. and at W. within 6 leagues, when we went N.W. We then altered to N.E. till in 42° where we shaped our course E.N.E. judging the isle of _Corvo_ to be W. of us, 36 leagues distant. On the 21st of May we communed with John Rafe who judged us to be in lat. 39° 30' N. 25 leagues E. of Flora, and recommended to steer N.E.

It is to be noted that in lat. 9° N. on the 4th of September, we lost sight of the north star. In lat. 45° N. the compass varied 8° to the W. of N. In 40° N. it varied 15°. And in 30° 30' N. its variation was 5° W.

It is also to be noted that two or three days before we came to Cape Three-points, the pinnace went along shore endeavouring to sell some of our wares, and then we came to anchor three or four leagues west by south of that cape, where we left the Trinity. Then our pinnace came on board and took in more wares, telling us that they would go to a place where the Primrose[210] was, and had received much gold in the first voyage to these parts; but being in fear of a brigantine that was then on the coast, we weighed anchor and followed them, leaving the Trinity about four leagues from us. We accordingly rode at anchor opposite that town, where Martine, by his own desire and with the assent of some of the commissioners in the pinnace, went on shore to the town, and thence John Berin went to trade at another town three miles father on. The town is called Samma or Samua, which and Sammaterra are the two first towns to the N.E. of Cape Three-points, where we traded for gold.

[Footnote 210: This was one of the ships in the former voyage under Windham.--E.]

Having continued the course of the voyage as described by the before-mentioned pilot, I will now say something of the country and people, and of such things as are brought from thence[211].

[Footnote 211: These subsequent notices seem subjoined by Richard Eden, the original publisher.--E.]

They brought home in this voyage, 400 pounds weight and odd of gold[212], twenty-two carats and one grain fine. Also 36 buts of _grains_, or Guinea pepper, and about 250 elephants teeth of different sizes. Some of these I saw and measured, which were nine spans in length measured along the crook, and some were as thick as a mans thigh above the knee, weighing 90 pounds each, though some are said to have been seen weighing 125 pounds. There were some called the teeth of calves, of one, two, or three years old, measuring one and a-half, two, or three feet, according to the age of the beast. These great teeth or tusks grow in the upper jaw downwards, and not upwards from the lower jaw, as erroneously represented by some painters and _arras_ workers. In this voyage they brought home the head of an elephant of such huge bigness that the bones or cranium only, without the tusks or lower jaw, weighed about two hundred pounds, and was as much as I could well lift from the ground. So that, considering also the weight of the two great tusks and the under jaw, with the lesser teeth, the tongue, the great hanging ears, the long big snout or trunk, with all the flesh, brains, and skin, and other parts belonging to the head, it could not in my opinion weigh less than five hundred weight. This head has been seen by many in the house of the worthy merchant Sir Andrew Judde, where I saw it with my bodily eyes, and contemplated with those of my mind, admiring the cunning and wisdom of the work-master, without which consideration such strange and wonderful things are only curiosities, not profitable subjects of contemplation.

[Footnote 212: Or 4800 ounces, worth, L.18,600 sterling at the old price of L.3 17s. 6d. per ounce; and perhaps worth in those days as much as ninety or an hundred thousand pounds in the present day.--E.]

The elephant, by some called oliphant, is the largest of all four-footed beasts. The fore-legs are longer than those behind; in the lower part or ancles of which he has joints. The feet have each five toes, but undivided. The trunk or snout is so long and of such form that it serves him as a hand, for he both eats and drinks by bringing his food and drink to his mouth by its means, and by it he helps up his master or keeper, and also overturns trees by its strength. Besides his two great tusks, he has four teeth on each side of his mouth, by which he eats or grinds his food, each of these teeth being almost a span long, as they lie along the jaw, by two inches high and about as much in breadth. The tusks of the male are larger than those of the female. The tongue is very small, and so far within the mouth that it cannot be seen. This is the gentlest and most tractable of all beasts, and understands and is taught many things, so that it is even taught to do reverence to kings, being of acute sense and great judgment. When the female is once seasoned, the male never touches her afterwards. The male lives two hundred years, or at least 120, and the female almost as long; but the flower of their age is reckoned 60 years. They cannot endure our winter or cold weather; but they love to go into rivers, in which they will often wade up to their trunk, snuffing and blowing the water about in sport; but they cannot swim, owing to the weight of their bodies. If they happen to meet a man wandering in the wilderness, they will go gently before him and lead him into the right way. In battle they pay much respect to those who are wounded, bringing such as are hurt or weary into the middle of the army where they may be defended. They are made tame by drinking the juice of barley[213].

[Footnote 213: The meaning of this expression is by no means obvious. It is known that in India, arrack, or a spirituous liquor distilled from rice, is given regularly to elephants, which may be here alluded to.--E.]

They have continual war with dragons, which desire their blood because it is very cold; wherefore the dragon lies in wait for the passing of an elephant, winding its tail of vast length round the hind legs of the elephant, then thrusts his head into his trunk and sucks out his breath, or bites him in the ears where he cannot reach with his trunk. When the elephant becomes faint with the loss of blood, he falls down upon the serpent, now gorged with blood, and with the weight of his body crushes the dragon to death. Thus his own blood and that of the elephant run out of the serpent now mingled together, which cooling is congealed into that substance which the apothecaries call _sanguis draconis_ or cinnabar[214]. But there are other kinds of cinnabar, commonly called _cinoper_ or vermillion, which the painters use in certain colours.

[Footnote 214: It is surely needless to say that this is a mere fable.--E.]

There are three kinds of elephants, as of the marshes, the plains, and the mountains, differing essentially from each other. Philostratus writes, that by how much the elephants of Lybia exceed in bigness the horses of Nysea, so much do the elephants of India exceed those of Lybia, for some of the elephants of India have been seen nine cubits high; and these are so greatly feared by the others, that they dare not abide to look upon them. Only the males among the Indian elephants have tusks; but in Ethiopia and Lybia, both males and females are provided with them. They are of divers heights, as of 12, 13, or 14 _dodrants_, the dodrant being a measure of 9 inches; and some say that an elephant is bigger than three wild oxen or buffaloes. Those of India are black, or mouse-coloured; but those of Ethiopia or Guinea are brown. The hide or skin of them all is very hard, and without hair or bristles. Their ears are two dodrants, or 18 inches in breadth, and their eyes are very small. Our men saw one drinking at a river in Guinea as they sailed along the coast. Those who wish to know more of the properties of the elephant, as of their wonderful docility, of their use in war, of their chastity and generation, when they were first seen in the triumphs and amphitheatres of the Romans, how they are taken and tamed, when they cast their tusks, and of their use in medicine, and many other particulars, will find all these things described in the eighth book of Natural History, as written by Pliny. He also says in his twelfth book, that the ancients made many goodly works of ivory or elephants teeth; such as tables, tressels or couches, posts of houses, rails, lattices for windows, idols of their gods, and many other things of ivory, either coloured or uncoloured, and intermixed with various kinds of precious woods; in which manner at this day are made chairs, lutes, virginals, and the like. They had such plenty of it in ancient times, that one of the gates of Jerusalem was called the ivory gate, as Josephus reports. The whiteness of ivory was so much admired, that it was anciently thought to represent the fairness of the human skin; insomuch that those who endeavoured to improve, or rather to corrupt, the natural beauty by painting, were said reproachfully, _ebur atramento candefacere_, to whiten ivory with ink. Poets also, in describing the fair necks of beautiful virgins, call them _eburnea colla_, or ivory necks. Thus much may suffice of elephants and ivory, and I shall now say somewhat of the people, and their manners, and mode of living, with another brief description of Africa.

The people who now inhabit the regions of the coast of Guinea and the middle parts of Africa, as inner Lybia, Nubia, and various other extensive regions in that quarter, were anciently called Ethiopians and _Nigritae_, which we now call Moors, Moorens, or Negroes; a beastly living people, without God, law, religion, or government, and so scorched by the heat of the sun, that in many places they curse it when it rises. Of the people about Lybia interior, Gemma Phrysius thus writes: Libia interior is large and desolate, containing many horrible wildernesses, replenished with various kinds of monstrous beasts and serpents. To the south of Mauritania or Barbary is Getulia, a rough and savage region, inhabited by a wild and wandering people. After these follow the _Melanogetuli_, or black Getulians, and Phransii, who wander in the wilderness, carrying with them great gourds filled with water. Then the Ethiopians, called Nigritae, occupy a great part of Africa, extending to the western ocean or Atlantic. Southwards also they reach to the river Nigritis or Niger, which agrees in its nature with the Nile, as it increases and diminishes like the Nile, and contains crocodiles. Therefore, I believe this to be the river called the Senegal by the Portuguese. It is farther said of the Niger, that the inhabitants on one side were all black and of goodly stature, while on the other side they were brown or tawny and of low stature, which also is the case with the Senegal.[215] There are other people of Lybia, called _Garamantes_, whose women are in common, having no marriages or any respect to chastity. After these are the nations called _Pyrei, Sathiodaphintae, Odrangi, Mimaces, Lynxamator, Dolones, Agangince, Leuci Ethiopes, Xilicei Ethiopes, Calcei Ethiopes_, and _Nubi_. These last have the same situation in Ptolemy, which is now given to the kingdom of Nubia, where there are certain Christians under the dominion of the great emperor of Ethiopia, called Prester John. From these towards the west was a great nation called _Aphricerones_, inhabiting, as far as we can conjecture, what is now called the _Regnum Orguene_, bordering on the eastern or interior parts of Guinea. From hence westwards and towards the north, are the kingdoms of _Gambra_ and _Budamel_, not far from the river Senegal; and from thence toward the inland region and along the coast are the regions of _Ginoia_ or Guinea. On the west side of this region is Cabo Verde, _caput viride_, Cap Verd, or the Green Cape, to which the Portuguese first direct their course when they sail to the land of Brazil in America, on which occasion they turn to the right hand towards the quarter of the wind called _Garbino_, which is between the west and south.

[Footnote 215: It may be proper to mention in this place, that the Niger and the Senegal, though agreeing in these particulars, are totally different rivers in the same parallel. The Senegal runs into the sea from the east; while the Niger running to the east, loses itself in an interior lake, as the Wolga does in the Caspian, having no connection whatever with the ocean. According to some accounts, this lake only exists as such during the rainy season, drying up in the other part of the year, probably however leaving an extensive marsh, called the _Wangara_. If so, the environs of that lake and marsh must be unhealthy in the utmost extreme.--E.]

To speak somewhat more of Ethiopia, although there are many nations called Ethiopians, yet is Ethiopia chiefly divided into two parts, one of which being a great and rich region, is called _Ethiopia sub Egypto_, or Ethiopia to the south of Egypt. To this belongs the island of Meroe, which is environed by the streams of the Nile. In this island women reigned in ancient times, and, according to Josephus, it was some time called _Sabea_, whence the queen of Saba went to Jerusalem to listen to the wisdom of Solomon. From thence, towards the east and south, reigneth the Christian emperor called Prester John, by some named Papa Johannes, or as others say _Pean Juan_, signifying Great John, whose empire reaches far beyond the Nile, and extends to the coasts of the Red Sea and of the Indian ocean. The middle of this region is almost in 66 degrees of E. longitude, and 12 degrees of N. lat.[216] About this region dwell the people called _Clodi, Risophagi, Axiuntiae, Babylonii, Molili_, and _Molibae_. After these is the region called _Trogloditica_, the inhabitants of which dwell in caves and dens, instead of houses, and feed upon the flesh of serpents, as is reported by Pliny and Diodorus Siculus, who allege, that instead of language, they have only a kind of grinning and chattering. There are also people without heads, called _Blemines_, having their eyes and mouths in their breast. Likewise _Strucophagi_, and naked _Gamphasantes_; _satyrs_ also, who have nothing of human nature except the shape. _Oripei_ likewise, who are great hunters, and _Mennones_. Here also is _Smyrnophora_, or the region of myrrh; after which is _Azania_, producing many elephants.[217] A great portion of the eastern part of Africa beyond the equinoctial line is in the kingdom of _Melinda_, the inhabitants of which have long been in use to trade with the nations of Arabia, and whose king is now allied to the king of Portugal, and pays tribute to Prester John.

[Footnote 216: Reckoning the longitude from the island of Ferro, the middle of Abyssinia is only in about 52° 30' E. and as Ferro is 18° W. from Greenwich, that coincides with 34° 30' E. as the longitude is now reckoned by British geographers.--E.]

[Footnote 217: It is impossible, in the compass of a note, to enter into any commentary on this slight sketch of the ancient geography of eastern Africa.--E.]

The other, or interior Ethiopia, being a region of vast extent, is now only somewhat known upon the sea-coast, but may be described as follows. In the first place, towards the south of the equator, is a great region of Ethiopians, in which are white elephants, _tigers_, (lions) and rhinoceroses. Also a region producing plenty of cinnamon, which lies between the branches of the Nile. Also the kingdom of Habesch or Habasia,[218] a region inhabited by Christians, on both sides of the Nile. Likewise those Ethiopians called _Ichthyophagi_, or who live only on fish, who were subdued in the wars of Alexander the Great[219]. Also the Ethiopians called _Rapsii_ and _Anthropophagi_, who are in use to eat human flesh, and inhabit the regions near the mountains of the moon. _Gazatia_ is under the tropic of Capricorn; after which comes the _front_ of Africa, and the Cape of Good Hope, past which they sail from Lisbon to Calicut: But as the capes and gulfs, with their names, are to be found on every globe and chart, it were superfluous to enumerate them here.

[Footnote 218: It is strange that Habasia or Abyssinia, inhabited by Christians, should thus be divided from the empire of Prester John.--E.]

[Footnote 219: The Icthyophagi of Alexander dwelt on the oceanic coast of Persia, now Mekran, between the river Indus and the Persian gulf, not in Ethiopia.--E.]

Some allege that Africa was so named by the Greeks, as being without cold; the Greek letter _alpha_ signifying privation, void of, or without, and _phrice_ signifying cold; as, although it has a cloudy and tempestuous season instead of winter, it is yet never cold, but rather smothering hot, with hot showers, and such scorching winds, that at certain times the inhabitants seem as if living in furnaces, and in a manner half ready for purgatory or hell. According to Gemma Phrisius, in certain parts of Africa, as in the greater Atlas, the air in the night is seen shining with many strange fires and flames, rising as it were as high as the moon, and strange noises are heard in the air, as of pipes, trumpets, and drums, which are caused perhaps by the vehement motions of these fiery exhalations, as we see in many experiments wrought by fire, air, and wind. The hollowness also, and various reflections and breakings of the clouds, may be great causes thereof, besides the great coldness of the middle region of the air, by which these fiery exhalations, when they ascend there, are suddenly driven back with great force. Daily experience teaches us, by the whizzing of a burning torch, what a noise fire occasions in the air, and much more so when it strives and is inclosed with air, as seen in guns; and even when air alone is inclosed, as in organ pipes and other wind instruments: For wind, according to philosophers, is nothing but air vehemently moved, as when propelled by a pair of bellows, and the like.

Some credible persons affirm that, in this voyage to Guinea, they felt a sensible heat in the night from the beams of the moon; which, though it seem strange to us who inhabit a cold region, may yet reasonably have been the case, as Pliny writes that the nature of stars and planets consists of fire, containing a spirit of life, and cannot therefore be without heat. That the moon gives heat to the earth seems confirmed by David, in the 121st psalm, where, speaking of such men as are defended from evils by the protection of God, he says, "The sun shall not burn thee by day, neither the moon by night[220]." They said likewise, that in some parts of the sea they saw streams of water, which they call _spouts_, falling out of the air into the sea, some of them being as large as the pillars of churches; insomuch that, when these fall into ships, they are in great danger of being sunk. Some allege these to be the cataracts of heaven, which were all opened at Noah's flood: But I rather consider them to be those fluxions and eruptions said by Aristotle, in his book de Mundo, to happen in the sea. For, speaking of such strange things as are often seen in the sea, he writes thus: "Oftentimes also, even in the sea are seen evaporations of fire, and such eruptions and breaking forth of springs, that the mouths of rivers are opened. Whirlpools and fluxions are caused of such other vehement motions, not only in the midst of the sea, but also in creeks and straits. At certain times also, a great quantity of water is suddenly lifted up and carried about by the moon," &c. From these words of Aristotle it appears, that such waters are lifted up at one time in one place, and suddenly fall down again in another place at another time. To this also may be referred what Richard Chancellor told me, as having heard from Sebastian Cabot, as far as I remember, either on the coast of Brazil or of the Rio de la Plata, that his ship or pinnace was suddenly lifted from the sea and cast upon the land, I know not how far. Which, and other strange and wonderful works of nature considered, and calling to remembrance the narrowness of human knowledge and understanding, compared with her mighty power, I can never cease to wonder, and to confess with Pliny, that nothing is impossible to nature, whose smallest power is still unknown to man.

[Footnote 220: In our present version the word _smite_ is used instead of burn. But the quotation in the text is a literal translation from the Latin vulgate, and agrees with the older English version, still used in the Book of Common Prayer.--E.]

Our people saw and considered many things in this voyage that are worthy of notice, and some of which I have thought fit to record, that the reader may take pleasure, both in the variety of these things, and in the narrative of the voyage. Among other matters respecting the manners and customs of these people, this may seem strange, that their princes and nobles are in use to pierce and wound their skins in such way as to form curious figures upon it, like flowered damask, which they consider as very ornamental[221]. Although they go in a manner naked, yet many of them, and the women especially, are almost loaded with collars, bracelets, rings, and chains, of gold, copper, or ivory. I have seen one of their ivory armlets weighing 38 ounces, which was worn by one of their women on her arm. It was made of one piece of the largest part of an elephant's tooth, turned and somewhat carved, having a hole through which to pass the hand. Some have one on each arm and one on each leg, and though often so galled by them as to be almost lame, they still persist to use them. Some wear great shackles on their legs of bright copper, and they wear collars, bracelets, garlands, and girdles of certain blue stones, resembling beads. Some also of their women wear upon their arms a kind of _fore-sleeves_[222], made of plates of beaten gold. They wear likewise rings on their fingers made of gold wire, having a knot or wreath, like those which children make on rush rings. Among other golden articles bought by our men, were some dog-collars and chains.

[Footnote 221: Now well known under the name of tatooing.--E.]

[Footnote 222: Sleeves for the fore-arms, or from the elbow to the wrist.--E.]

These natives of Guinea are very wary in driving bargains, and will not willingly lose the smallest particle of their gold, using weights and measures for the same with great circumspection. In dealing with them, it is necessary to behave with civility and gentleness, as they will not trade with any who use them ill. During the first voyage of our people to that country, on departing from the place where they had first traded, one of them either stole a musk-cat or took her away by force, not suspecting that this could have any effect to prevent trading at the next station: But although they went there in full sail, the news had got there before them, and the people refused to deal with them until the cat were either restored or paid for at a fixed price. Their houses are made of four posts or trees set in the ground, and are covered with boughs; and their ordinary food is roots, with such fish as they take, which are in great plenty. Among these are flying fishes, similar to those seen in the West India seas. Our people endeavoured to salt some of the fish which they caught on the coast of Africa, but some said that they would not take salt, and must therefore be eaten immediately; while others alleged that, if salted immediately when taken, they would keep good for ten or twelve days. Part of the salt meat taken by our people from England became putrid while on the coast of Africa, yet turned sweet again after their return to a temperate region. They have a strange method of making bread, which is as follows: They grind, with their hands, between two stones, as much corn into meal as they think may suffice the family, and making this flour into a paste with water, they knead it into thin cakes, which are stuck upon the posts of their houses and baked or dried by the heat of the sun; so that when the master of the house or any of the family are in want of bread, they take it down from the post and eat.

They have very fair wheat, the ear of which is two hand-breadths long and as big as a great bulrush, the stem or straw being almost as thick as a man's little finger. The grains are white and round, shining like pearls that have lost their lustre, and about the size of our pease. Almost their whole substance turns to flour, leaving very little bran. The ear is inclosed in three blades, each about two inches broad, and longer than the ear; and in one of them I counted 260 grains of corn. By this fruitfulness, the sun seems in some measure to compensate for the trouble and distress produced by its excessive heat. Their drink is either water, or the juice which drops from cut branches of the palmito, a barren palm or date tree; to collect which they hang great gourds to the cut branches every evening, or set them on the ground under the trees, to receive the juice which issues during the night. Our people said that this juice tasted like whey, but sweeter and more pleasant. The branches of the palmito are cut every evening to obtain this juice, as the heat of the sun during the day dries up and sears over the wound. They have likewise large beans, as big as chesnuts, and very hard, having shells instead of husks or pods. While formerly describing the fruit containing the _grains_ or Guinea pepper, called by the physicians _grana paradisi_, I remarked that they have holes through them, as in effect they have when brought to us; but I have been since informed, that these holes are made on purpose to put strings or twigs through, for hanging up the fruit to dry in the sun. This fruit grows on a plant which does not rise above eighteen inches or two feet above the ground.

At their coming home, the keels and bottoms of the ships were strangely overgrown with certain shells, two inches or more in length, as thick as they could stand, and so large that a man might put his thumb into their mouths. It is affirmed that a certain slimy substance grows in these shells, which falls afterwards into the sea, and is changed into the bird called barnacles[223]. Similar shells have been seen on ships coming from Ireland, but these Irish barnacles do not exceed half an inch long. I saw the Primrose in dock, after her return from Guinea, having her bottom entirely covered over with these shells, which in my judgment must have greatly impeded her sailing. Their ships also were in many places eaten into by the worms called _Bromas_ or _Bissas_, which are mentioned in the Decades[224]. These worms creep between the planks, which they eat through in many places.

[Footnote 223: This is an old fable not worth confuting. The Barnacle goose or clakis of Willoughby, anas erythropus of Linnaeus, called likewise tree-goose, anciently supposed to be generated from drift wood, or rather from the _lepas anatifera_ or multivalve shell, called barnacle, which is often found on the bottoms of ships.--See Pennant's Brit. Zool. 4to. 1776. V. II. 488, and Vol. IV. 64.--E.]

[Footnote 224: Meaning the Decades of Peter Martyr, part of which book was translated and published by Richard Eden.--Astl I. 149. b.]

In this voyage, though they sailed to Guinea in seven weeks, they took twenty to return; owing to this cause, as they reported, that about the coast at Cape Verd the wind was continually east, so that they were obliged to stand far out into the ocean, in search of a western wind to bring them home. In this last voyage about twenty-four of the men died, many of them between the Azores and England, after their return into the cold or temperate region. They brought with them several black slaves[225], some of whom were tall strong men, who could well agree with our meats and drinks. The cold and moist air of England somewhat offended them; yet men who are born in hot regions can much better endure cold, than those of cold regions can bear heat; because violent heat dissolves the radical moisture of the human body, while cold concentrates and preserves it. It is to be considered as among the secrets of nature, that while all parts of Africa under the equator, and for some way on both sides, are excessively hot, and inhabited by black people, such regions in the West Indies [America], under the same parallels, are very temperate, and the natives are neither black, nor have they short curled wool on their heads like the Africans; but are of an olive colour, with long black hair. The cause of this difference is explained in various places of the _Decades_. Some of those who were upon this voyage told me that on the 14th of March they had the sun to the north of them at noon.

[Footnote 225: In a side note, _five blacke moors_.--E.]

SECTION IV.

_Voyage to Guinea in 1555, by William Towerson, Merchant of London_[226].

On Monday the 30th of September 1555, we sailed from the harbour of Newport, in the Isle of Wight, with two good ships, the Hart and the Hind, both belonging to London, of which John Ralph and William Carters were masters, bound on a voyage for the river Sestos, in Guinea, and other harbours in that neighbourhood. Owing to variable winds, we could not reach Dartmouth before the 14th of October; and having continued there till the 20th of that month, we warpt out of the harbour, and set sail to the S.W. and by next morning had run 30 leagues. On the 1st November, by the reckoning of our master, we were in lat. 31° N. and that day we ran 40 leagues. The 2d we ran 36 leagues; and on the 3d we had sight of Porto Santo, a small island about three leagues long and one and a-half broad, belonging to the Portuguese, and lying in the ocean. As we came towards it from the N.N.W. it seemed like two small hills near each other. The east end of the island is a high land like a saddle, having a valley which gives it that appearance; while the west end is lower, with several small round hillocks[227]. Porto Santo is in about lat. 33° N. The same day at 11 o'clock A.M. we raised the island of Madeira, which is 12 leagues S.W. from Porto Santo. Madeira is a fine and fertile island belonging to the Portuguese, and rises from afar like one great high mountain. By 3 P.M. being athwart of Porto Santo, we set our course to the S.W. leaving both Madeira and Porto Santo to the eastwards, being the first land we had seen after leaving England. About three next morning we were abreast of Madeira, within three leagues of its west end, and were becalmed under its high land. We estimated having run 30 leagues in the past day and night. The 4th we remained becalmed under the west end of Madeira till 1 P.M. when the wind sprung up at east, and we continued our course S.W. making in the rest of that day 15 leagues. The 5th we ran 15 leagues.

[Footnote 226: Hakluyt, II. 480, Astl. I. 150.--From several passages in this journal it appears that Towerson had been on the former voyage to Guinea with Captain Lock; but in the present voyage he appears to have acted as captain or chief director, and seems to have been the author of the journal here adopted from Hakluyt.--Astl. I. 150, 2.]

[Footnote 227: The saddle-backed hills of old navigators, are to be considered in reference to the old demipique or war-saddle, having high abrupt peaks, or hummocks, at each end, with a flattish hollow between.--E.]

The 6th in the morning we got sight of _Teneriffe_, otherwise called the Peak, being very high land, with a peak on the top like a sugar loaf; and the same night we got sight of _Palma_, which also is high land and W. from Teneriffe [W.N.W.] The 7th we saw _Gomera_, an island about 12 leagues S.E. from Palma, and eight W.S.W. from Teneriffe; and lest we might have been becalmed under Teneriffe, we left both it and Gomera to the east, and passed between Palma and Gomera. This day and night our course was 30 leagues. These islands, called the Canaries, are 60 leagues from Madeira, and there are other three islands in the group to the eastward of Teneriffe, named _Gran Canarea_, _Fuertaventura_, and _Lancerota_, none of which we saw. All these islands are inhabited by Spaniards. On this day likewise we got sight of the Isle of _Ferro_, which is 13 leagues south from Gomera, and belongs to the Spaniards like the others. We were unable all this day or the following night to get beyond Ferro, unless we had chosen to go to the westwards, which had been much out of our proper course; wherefore we put about, and stood back five hours E.N.E. in hope of being able to clear it next tack, the wind keeping always S.E. which is not often met with in that latitude by navigators, as it generally keeps in the N.E. and E.N.E. Next morning, being on the other tack, we were nearly close in with the island, but had room enough to get clear past.

The 8th, our due course to fetch the Barbary coast being S.E. by E. we were unable to keep it by reason of the wind being scant, but lay as near it as we could, running that day and night 25 leagues. The 9th we ran 30 leagues; the 10th 25; and 11th, 24 leagues. The 12th we saw a sail under our lee, which we thought to be a fishing bark, and stood down to speak with her; but in an hour there came on so thick a fog that we could neither see that vessel nor our consort the Hind. We accordingly shot off several guns to give notice to the Hind of our situation, but she did not hear or answer us. In the afternoon the Hind fired a gun, which we heard and answered with another gun. About half an hour afterwards the fog cleared away, and we were within four leagues of the Barbary coast, when sounding we had 14 fathoms water. The bark also had come _room_[228] with us, and anchored here likewise, the wind being contrary for going down the coast, or to the southwards. On falling in with the land, we could not judge precisely whereabout we were, most of that coast being low, the forepart of the coast being white like chalk or sand, _and very deep unto the hard shore_[229]. Immediately on coming to anchor we began to fish, and got abundance of that kind which the Portuguese call _Pergosses_, the French _saders_, and our men salt-water _breams_. Before the fog entirely cleared away, the vessel we had followed shaped such a course that we lost sight of her, chiefly because we had bore up to find the Hind again. Our pilot reckoned that we were upon that part of the coast which is 16 leagues eastwards[230] from the Rio del Oro.

[Footnote 228: This antiquated nautical word, which occurred before in the journal of Don Juan de Castro, is here obviously going down the wind, large, or to leeward.--E.]

[Footnote 229: The meaning of this passage is not obvious, and seems to want some words to make out the meaning: It may be that the shore is very steep, or that the water continues deep close to the shore.--E.]

[Footnote 230: Eastwards from Rio del Oro is directly into the land; so that they must either have been N.N.E. or S.S.W. probably the former.--E.]

In the afternoon of the 13th we spied a sail coming towards us, which we judged to be that we had seen the day before, and we immediately caused the Hind to weigh anchor and go towards her, manning likewise our own skiff, to lay her on board or to learn what she was, and within half an hour we weighed also. When the vessel noticed us, she put about and sailed from us; and soon after there came on so heavy a fog that we could not see her, and as the fog continued the whole night we had to quit the chase. In the afternoon the wind came about fair, so that we were able to shape a course S.W. by W. to keep clear of the coast, and ran that night 16 leagues. The 14th in the morning was very foggy, but the fog cleared away about noon, when we espied a caravel of 60 tons fishing, and sent our skiff on board with five men unarmed. For haste the caravel slipped her anchors and set sail, yet our unarmed boat overtook her and made her strike sail, and brought her away, though she had fourteen or fifteen men on board, all armed, but they had not the heart to resist. On coming to us they anchored, as we were likewise, because the wind had become foul; on which I made our skiff come for me, and I went on board the caravel, to take care that no harm was offered, and to see if they would spare us any thing for our money. Accordingly we got from them three _tapnets_ of figs, two small jars of oil, two pipes of water, and four hogsheads of salt fish, which they had taken on the coast, besides some fresh fish, which they held of no value, as they are so plentiful on that coast that one man may often take as many in an hour or less as will serve twenty men a whole day. For these things, some wine we drank while on board their ship, and three or four great cans which they sent on board our ships, I paid them 27 pistoles, being twice as much as they would willingly have taken. We then let them go to their anchor and cable which they had slipped, and assisted them to recover. After this we made sail, but the wind obliged us to come to anchor again about 12 leagues from the Rio del Oro, as we were informed by the Portuguese. There were five other caravels in this place, but immediately on our appearance they all made away for fear of us.

The 15th we continued at anchor, as the wind was still foul. The 16th we set sail and run our course 40 leagues, being this day, according to our pilots, right under the Tropic of Cancer, in lat. 23° 30' N. The 17th we ran 25 leagues, mostly in sight of the coast of Barbary. The 18th we ran 30 leagues, and at noon, by the reckoning of our pilots, were abreast of Cape Blanco. The 22d they reckoned we were abreast of Cape Verd. The 12th of December we got sight of the coast of Guinea, towards which we immediately hauled, standing to the N.E. and about 12 at night, being less than two leagues from the shore, we lay to and sounded, finding 18 fathoms water. We soon afterwards saw a light between us and the shore, which we thought might have been a ship, from which circumstance we judged ourselves off the river Sestro, and we immediately came to anchor, armed our tops, and made all clear for action, suspecting it might be some Portuguese or French ship. In the morning we saw no ship whatever, but espied four rocks about two English miles from us, one being a large rock and the other three small; whence we concluded that the light seen during the night had been on shore. We then weighed and stood E.S.E. along shore, because the master did not rightly know the place, but thought we were still to the westward of Sestro river. All along this coast the land is low, and full of high trees close to the shore, so that no one can know what place he falls in with, except by means of the latitude. I think we ran 16 leagues that day, as we had all night a stiff gale, with much thunder and lightning.

For most port of the 13th we ran E.S.E. along the coast, within two leagues of the land, finding the shore all covered with tall trees to the water's edge, and great rocks hard by the beach, on which the billows continually broke in white foam, so high that the surf might easily be seen at four leagues distance, and in such a manner that no boat could possibly go to land. At noon our masters and pilots took the altitude of the sun, by which they judged that we were 24 leagues beyond the river Sestro to the eastwards, wherefore we hauled in towards the shore and came to anchor within two English miles of the land in 15 fathoms, the water being so smooth that we might have rode with a hawser. We employed the afternoon to rig out our boat with a sail, for the purpose of sending her along shore in search of a place to take in water, as we could not go back to the river Sestro, because the wind is always contrary and the current sets continually to the eastwards. The 14th we weighed anchor and plied up along the coast to the W.N.W. sending our boats close in shore to seek a watering-place, which they found about noon. At this time, being far out to sea, we fell in with several small long and narrow boats or canoes of the natives, in each of which was one man only. We gave them bread, which they accepted and eat readily. About 4 P.M. our boats came off to us with fresh water; and at night we anchored off the mouth of a river. The 15th we weighed and stood near the shore, sounding all the way, finding sometimes a rocky bottom, at other times good ground, and never less than seven fathoms. Finally, we cast anchor within an English mile of the shore, in seven and a half fathoms, directly over against the mouth of the river, and then sent our boats for water, which they got very good after rowing a mile up the river. This river, called St Vincent in the chart, is by estimation about eight leagues beyond the river Sestro, but is so hard to find that a boat may be within half a mile of it without being able to discover any river, as a ledge of rocks of greater extent than its breadth lies directly before its mouth, so that the boats had to go a considerable way between that ledge and the shore before coming to its mouth. When once in, it is a great river, having several others that fall into it. The entrance is somewhat difficult, as the surf is rather high, but after getting in it is as smooth as the Thames.[231] Upon this river, near the sea, the inhabitants are tall large men, going entirely naked, except a clout about a quarter of a yard long before their middle, made of the bark of trees, yet resembling cloth, as the bark used for this purpose can be spun like flax. Some also wear a similar cloth on their heads, painted with sundry colours, but most of them go bareheaded, having their heads clipped and shorn in sundry ways, and most of them have their bodies punctured or slashed in various figures like a leathern jerkin. The men and women go so much alike, that a woman is only to be known from a man by her breasts, which are mostly long and hanging down like the udder of a milch goat.

[Footnote 231: Sestro river, in the Complete Neptune of the Rev. James Stanier Clarke, chart. 2, is called Sesters, in lat. 5° 30' N. long. 9° 10' W. from Greenwich. The river St Vincent of the text does not appear in that chart, but nearly at the indicated distance to the E.S.E. is one named Sangwin.--E.]

Soon after coming to anchor on the 15th December, we went up the river in our skiff, carrying with us certain basons, _manels_, &c. for sale. We procured that day one hogshead and 100 pounds weight of grains,[232] and two elephants teeth, getting both at an easy rate. We sold the natives basons, _maneilios_, and _margarits_,[233] but basons were most in request, and for most of these we got thirty pounds of _grains_ in exchange for each, and gave for an elephants tooth of thirty pounds weight six basons. We went again up the river on the 16th, in the morning, taking some of every kind of merchandise along with us in our boat, and shewed them to the negroes, but they made light of every thing, even of the basons, manellios, and margarite which they had bought the day before; yet they would have given us some grains for our basons, but so very little that we did not that day get above 100 pounds weight, through their chief or captain, who would not suffer any one to sell but through his mediation and at his price. He was so cunning that he would not give above 15 pounds of grains for a bason, and would sometimes offer us a small dishful, whereas we had a basket full for each the day before. Seeing that we would not accept what he offered, the captain of the negroes went away, and caused all the boats to depart likewise, thinking perhaps that we would have followed and agreed to his terms; but on perceiving his drift, we hauled up our grapnel and went away likewise. We landed at a small town, to see the manners of the people, and about 60 of them came about us, being at first shy, and seemingly afraid of us; but seeing we did them no harm, they came up in a familiar manner, and took us by the hand. We then went into their town, which consisted of about twenty small hovels, covered over with large leaves. All the sides were open, and the floor was raised like a scaffold about a yard high, where they work many ingenious things of the barks of trees, and there also they sleep. In some of these hovels they work in iron, making very pretty heads for javelins, tools for making their boats, and various other things, the women working as well as the men.

[Footnote 232: That is grains of paradise, so the Italians called Guinea pepper when they first saw it, not knowing what it was. We took the name from them, and hence came the name of the Grain Coast--Astl. I. 152, a.]

[Footnote 233: Margarits may possibly have been mock pearl beads; the manels or manellios were bracelets of some kind.--E.]

While we were among them, several of the women danced and sung after their manner, by way of amusing us, but the sound was by no means agreeable to our ears. Their song was continually,

Sakere, sakere, ho! ho! Sakere, sakere, ho! ho!

And with these words they kept leaping, dancing and clapping their hands. The only animals we saw among them were two goats, a few small dogs, and some hens. Having seen these things, we went on board our ships; and on seeing us depart, the chief of the other town sent two of his servants after us with a basket of grains, making signs to us that when we had slept, or next day, we should have plenty of grains if we came for them: Then shewing us his grains, he went away. Accordingly, next morning being the 17th, thinking that some business might be done with the negroes as the captain sent for us, I sent the master with the rest of the merchants on shore, remaining myself on board, because they had esteemed our goods so lightly the day before. The captain accordingly came to our people after they went up the river, bringing grains with him, but not seeing me he made signs to know where I was, and was answered in the same manner that I was on board ship. He then inquired by signs who was captain, or Diago as they call it, and the master of the ship being pointed out to him, he began to shew his grains, but held them so unreasonably dear that no profit could be made of them; on which, and because they seemed to have no store, the master came away with only about 50 pounds of grains. Going on shore at the small town on their way back to the ships, some one of our people plucked a gourd which gave great offence to the negroes, on which many of them came with their darts and large targets, making signs for our men to depart; which our men did, as they had only one bow and two or three swords among them. As soon as they were on board we weighed and set sail, but the wind was from the sea, so that we could not clear certain rocks, for which reason we came again to anchor.

This river called St Vincent is in lat. 4° 30' N[234]. The tide at this place ebbs and flows every twelve hours, but while we were there the rise and fall did not exceed 9 feet. So far as we could see, the whole country was altogether covered with wood, all the kinds of trees being unknown to us, and of many different sorts, some having large leaves like gigantic docks, so high that a tall man is unable to reach their tops. By the sea-side there grow certain pease upon great and long stalks, one of which I measured and it was 27 paces long. These grow on the sand like trees, and so very near the sea that we could distinctly perceive by the water marks that the sea sometimes flows into the woods. All the trees and other plants of this country are continually green. Some of the women have exceedingly long breasts, but they are not all so. All day the wind blows from the sea, and all night from the land, though we found this to differ sometimes, at which our master was much surprised.

[Footnote 234: This latitude would bring us to a river about half way between the Grand Sesters and Cape Palmas; but which does not agree with the former circumstances, as they could hardly have been so far to the S.E. without seeing Cape Palmas. The river Sangwin, which we have before supposed might be the St Vincent, is in lat. 5° 20' N. almost a degree farther north.--E.]

This night at 9 o'clock the wind came to east, which used ordinarily to be at N.N.W. off shore[235]; yet we weighed and hauled off south to seawards, and next morning stood in again towards the land, whence we took in 6 tons of water for our ship, the Hind probably taking as much. On this part of the coast I could not find that the natives had any gold or other valuable article of trade, for indeed they are so savage and idle that they give not themselves the trouble to seek for any thing, for if they would take pains they might easily gather large quantities of grains, yet I do not believe there were two tons to be had in all that river. They have many fowls likewise in their woods, but the people are not at the trouble to catch them. While here I collected the following words of their language, all of which they speak very thick, often repeating one word three times successively, and always the last time longer than the two former.

[Footnote 235: The text here is probably corrupt. The direct off-shore wind on the grain coast of Africa is N.E. The wind at N.N.W. certainly is in some degree off-shore, but very obliquely; and the wind at east is more direct from shore.--E.]

Bezow! bezow! Is their salutation. Manegete afoye,[236], Grains enough. Crocow afoye, Hens enough. Zeramme afoye, Have you enough? Begge sacke, Give me a knife. Begge come, Give me bread. Borke, Silence! Contrecke, You lie! Veede, Put forth, or empty. Brekeke, Row! Diago, or dabo, Captain, or chief.

[Footnote 236: In some maps the grain coast is named Malaguete, probably from this word, and consequently synonimous with the ordinary name. It is likewise called the Windward coast.--E.]

Towards night on the 18th, while sailing along the coast, we fell in with some boats or canoes, when the natives expressed by signs that we were abreast of a river where we might have grains, but we did not think it right to stop there, lest other ships might get before us. This river has three great rocks and five small ones lying before it, with one great tree and a small one close by the river, which exceed all the rest in height. This night we proceeded 10 leagues along the coast. About noon of the 19th, while proceeding along shore, three boats came off to tell us we might have grains, and brought some to shew, but we did not choose to stop. Continuing our course we anchored at night, having run this day 10 leagues. On the 20th as the Hind had come to anchor near us among some rocks and foul ground, she lost a small anchor. While passing along shore about noon a negro came off to us as before, offering grains if we would go on shore, and where we anchored at night another brought us a similar intimation, besides which a fire was kindled on shore, as if indicating where we might land, which was likewise done on other parts of the coast when they saw us anchored. Wherever we happened to anchor on this coast from our first watering place, we always found the tide [of flood?] running to the westwards, and saw many rocks close along shore, many others being a league out to sea. This day we ran 12 leagues. The 21st though we sailed all day with a brisk gale, yet so strong were the tides against us that we were only able to make out 6 leagues. This day likewise some negroes came off to us, offering to deal in grains if we would land. The 22d we ran all day and night to a double point called Cabo das Palmas[237].

[Footnote 237: Reckoning the course run as expressed in the text, the distance measured back from Cape Palmas brings us very nearly to Sangwin for the river St Vincent of Towerson, as formerly conjectured.--E.]

The 23d about 3 o'clock we were abreast of the point, and before we came to the western part of it we saw a great ledge of rocks which lie out to the west of it about 3 leagues, and a league or more from the shore. We soon after got sight of the eastern side of this cape, which is 4 leagues from the west side. Upon both corners of this cape there are two green spots like meadows, and to the westwards of this cape the land forms a bay, by which it may be easily known. Four leagues farther on there is a head-land jutting out to sea, and about two leagues farther on there is a great bay, seemingly the entrance to a river, before which we anchored all that night, lest we should overshoot a river where, in the voyage of last year, 1554, they got all their elephants teeth. Cape Palmas is in lat. 4° 30' N. between which and the river Sestro the greatest abundance of grains is to be had, while beyond this cape very little is got. Where we anchored this night, we found that the tide now ran to the eastwards, while on the other side of the cape it went to the N.W. This day we ran about 16 leagues.

While continuing our course on the 24th about 8 o'clock, some boats came off to us bringing small soft eggs without shells, and made signs that we might have fresh water and goats by going on shore. As the master judged this might be the river of which we were in search, we cast anchor and sent our boat on shore with a person who knew the river. On coming near the shore he perceived that it was not the river, and came therefore back again, and went along shore by the help of sails and oars, upon which we weighed and sailed likewise along shore. Being now 13 leagues past the cape, the master observed a place which he believed might be the river, when we were in fact two miles past it. At this time the boat came off to the ship, reporting that there was no river; yet we came to anchor, after which the master and I went in the boat with five men, and on coming near the shore he saw that it was the river for which he sought. We then rowed in with much difficulty, the entrance being very much obstructed by a heavy surf. After entering, several boats came off to us, informing us by signs that they had elephants teeth, and brought us one of 8 pounds and a small one only one pound weight, both of which we bought. Then they brought some other teeth to the river side, giving us to understand by signs that they would sell them to us if we came next day. We then gave a _manillio_ each to two chiefs, and departed to the ships. We sent another boat to a different place on shore, where some of the natives in the canoes at sea made signs that fresh water was to be had; and on going there they found a town but no river, yet the people brought them fresh water and shewed an elephants tooth, making signs that they would sell them such next day. This river lies 13 leagues beyond Cape Palmas, having a rock to the westwards about a league out to sea, and there juts out from the river a point of land on which grow five trees which may be discerned two or three leagues off when coming from the westwards; but the river itself cannot be seen till close upon it, and then a small town may be seen on either side, each of which has a _diago_ or captain. The river is small, but the water is fresh and good[238]. Two miles beyond the river, where the other town lies, another point runs oat to sea, which is green like a meadow, having only six trees growing upon it, all distant from each other, which is a good mark to know it by, as I have not seen as much bare land on the whole coast[239]. In this place, and three or four leagues to the westwards, there grow many palm trees, from which the natives have their palm wine, all along shore. These trees are easily known almost two leagues off, as they are very straight, tall and white bodied, and thickest in the middle, having no limbs or boughs, but only a round bush of leaves at the top. In this top the natives bore a hole, to which they hang a bottle or empty gourd, and in this they receive the juice that runs from the tree, which is their wine.

[Footnote 238: From the indicated distance eastwards from Cape Palmas, and the description in the text, the river and point in question seem those called Tabou, in long. 7° 10' W. from Greenwich.--E.]

[Footnote 239: It is hardly necessary to observe that these are very bad land-marks, being subject to alteration from many causes; besides that this description is above 250 years old.--E.]

From Cape Palmas to Cape _Tres-puntas_ or Three-points, the distance is 100 leagues east[240]; and from Cape Three-points to the port where we proposed to sell our cloth are other 40 leagues[241]. The language here, as far as I could judge, seemed to differ little from that formerly mentioned. The people likewise dress much in the same manner, or almost naked, but they were gentler in their manners and better looking. They chiefly coveted manillios and margarites, and cared very little for the rest of our wares. About 9 o'clock A.M. some boats came off to us from both towns, bringing with them some elephants teeth, and having made me swear by the water of the sea that I would do them no harm, three or four of them came on board, and we entertained them with such things as we had, of which they eat and drank as freely as ourselves. We then bought all their teeth, of which they had 14, 10 being small. On going away, they desired us to come to their towns next day. Not wishing to trifle our time at this place, I desired the master to go on the 26th with two of our merchants to one of the towns, while I went with one merchant to the other town, the two towns being three miles asunder. Taking with us to both places some of every kind of merchandise that we had, the master got nine rather small teeth at one town, while at the other I got eleven not large. Leaving on board with the [other] master an assortment of manillios, he bought 12 teeth in our absence from people who came to the ships. I bought likewise a small goat, and the master bought five small hens at the other town. Finding that nothing more was to be done here, as they had no more teeth, we went on board by one o'clock, P.M. and immediately weighed anchor, continuing our progress eastward, always within sight of land.

[Footnote 240: Between these two points is what is called the ivory coast of Guinea: After which is the gold coast to Cape St Pauls; and then the slave coast.--E.]

[Footnote 241: Forty leagues E.N.E. along the gold coast bring us to Saccoom or Accra, in the country called Aquamboo.--E.]

The 28th, the wind turning contrary, we stood out to sea, and when the wind changed from the seaward we again stood for the land, which we fell in with at a great round red cliff, not very high, having to the eastwards a smaller red cliff, and right above that towards the inland a round green hummock, which we took to be covered with trees. In the last 24 hours we only made good about 4 leagues. The 29th coming near the shore, we noticed the before mentioned red cliff to have a large tuft of trees on its summit. All to the westwards as far as we could see was full of red cliffs, and all along the shore, both on the tops of these cliffs, and in the low intervals between them, was everywhere full of wood. Within a mile of the great cliff to the eastwards there was a river, and no cliffs that we could see beyond it, except one small cliff very near its eastern side. At this place we had the wind in the night at north off the land, and in the day south from the sea, which was not usual, as we were assured by such of our people as had been there before, being commonly N.W. and S.W. We ran this day and night 12 leagues. The 31st we went our course by the shore, which was everywhere low and covered with wood, with no rocks. This morning many boats of the negroes came out to fish, being larger than those we had seen hitherto but of similar make, some of them having five men. In the afternoon, about 3 o'clock we had sight of a town by the sea-side, which our pilots judged to be 25 leagues west from Cape Three-points.

On the morning of the 3d January 1556, we fell in with Cape Three-points, having passed during the night one of the Portuguese castles, which is 8 leagues west from this point[242]. This is a very high land all grown over with trees, and on coming nearer we perceived three head-lands, having a kind of two bays between them, which open directly westwards. The farthest out to sea is the eastern cape. The middle cape is not above a league from the western cape, though the chart we had laid them down as 3 leagues asunder. Right before the point of the middle cape there is a small rock near it, which cannot be seen from the cape itself, except one be near the shore, and on the top of this cape there is a great tuft of trees. When abreast of this cape there is seen close beside it a round green hummock rising from the main-land. The eastern cape is about a league from the middle one, and is high land like the other two, and between these there is a little head or point of land, and several rocks close in shore. About 8 leagues before we came to cape Three-points the coast trends S.E. by E., and after passing the cape it runs N.E. by E. About two leagues after passing Cape Three-points there is a low glade for about two miles in length, after which the land becomes again high, with several successive points or headlands, the first of which has several rocks out to sea. The middle of the three capes runs farthest out to sea southwards, so that it can be seen a great way off from the coast, when it appears to rise with two small rocks. We ran this day 8 leagues, and anchored before night, lest we might overshoot a town named St Johns[243]. In the afternoon a boat with five men came off from the shore and ranged alongside of us, as if looking at our flags, but would not come near, and after looking at us for some time went back to the land. In the morning of the 4th, while sailing along the coast, we espied a ledge of rocks close to the shore, to the westwards of which were two green hills joining together, with a hollow between them resembling a saddle; and, as the master thought the town we were looking for stood within these rocks, we manned our boats, taking with us a quantity of cloth and other goods, with which we rowed on shore; but after going some way along the shore without finding any town, we returned again on board. About two leagues to the eastwards from the two saddle hills, a ledge of rocks stretches almost two miles out to sea, beyond which is a great bay running N.N.W. while the general stretch of the coast at this place is from S.W. by W. to N.E. by E. Having with a gentle gale run past that uttermost headland, we saw a great red cliff, which the master again judged to be near the town of St Johns, on which we again took our boat and merchandise and rowed to the shore. We actually found a town on the top of a hill to which we directed our course, and on seeing us a considerable number of the inhabitants collected together and waved a piece of cloth as a signal for us to come in, on which we rowed into an excellent bay to eastward of the cliff on which the town stands, and on getting fairly into the bay we let drop our grapnel. After remaining some time, a boat or canoe came off to us and one of the men in her shewed us a piece of gold about half a crown weight, requiring us to give them our measure and weight that they might shew them to their captain. We accordingly gave them a measure of two ells, and a weight of two _angels_, as the principles on which we meant to deal. He took these on shore to their captain; and then brought us back a measure of two ells one quarter and a half, and one _crusado_ weight of gold, making signs that they would give so much weight of gold for that measure of cloth and no more; but this we refused. After staying about an hour, and finding that they would not deal on our principles, besides understanding that the best places for trade were all before us, we returned to our ships, weighed anchor, and stood along shore, going before in the boat.

[Footnote 242: This was probably Fort St Antonio, at the mouth of the river Aximer or Ashim.--Astl. I. 155. a.]

[Footnote 243: St Johns river is about 12 leagues E.N.E. of Cape Three-points, nearly in lat. 5° N. long 2° 10' W.--E.]

Having sailed about a league, we came to a point of land having a long ledge of rocks running out from it to seawards like the others; and on passing the ledge our master noticed a place which he said was assuredly the town of Don John[244]. As the night approached we could not see it very distinctly, wherefore we came to anchor as near as possible. On the morning of the 5th it was recognized to be the town we wanted, wherefore we manned our boats and went towards the shore; but knowing that the Portuguese had taken away a man from that place the year before, and had afterwards shot at them with great _bases_[245], driving them from the place, we let go our grapnel almost a _base_ shot from shore, and lay there near two hours without any boat coming off to us. At this time some of our men who had gone in the Hinds boat into the bay to the eastward of the town, where they found a fine fresh river, waved to us to join them, because the negroes were seen coming down to that place, which we did. Immediately afterwards the negroes came down to the shore, and gave us to know by signs that they had gold, but none of them would come to our boats, neither indeed did we see that they had any canoes to come in, so that we suspected the Portuguese had spoiled their boats, as we saw half their town in ruins. Wherefore, having tarried a good while, and seeing that they did not come to us, and as we were well armed, we run the heads of both boats on shore. Upon this the captain of the town came towards us with his dart in his hand, followed by six tall men each of whom had a dart and target. Their darts were all headed with iron well-fashioned and sharp. After this party came another negro carrying the captains stool. We all saluted the captain respectfully, pulling off our caps and bowing to him; but he, seeming to consider himself as a man of consequence, did not move his cap in return, and gravely sat down on his stool, hardly inclining his body in return to our salute: All his attendants however, took off their caps and bowed to us.

[Footnote 244: Called St Johns twice before; and we shall see that they came to another town afterwards called Don Johns, more to the east, whence it appears that the Don John of the text here is an error for St John.--E.]

[Footnote 245: Probably musketoons or blunderbusses, and certainly some species of gun or fire-arm.--E.]

This chief was clothed from the loins downwards, with a cloth of the country manufacture, wrapped about him and made fast with a girdle round his waist, having a cap of the country cloth on his head, all his body above the loins with his legs and feet being bare. Some of his attendants had cloths about their loins, while others had only a clout between their legs, fastened before and behind to their girdles; having likewise caps on their heads of their own making, some made of basket-work, and others like a large wide purse of wild beast skins. All their cloth, girdles, fishing lines, and other such things, are made from the bark of certain trees, very neatly manufactured. They fabricate likewise all such iron implements as they use very artificially; such as the heads of their darts, fish-hooks, _hooking_ irons, _ironheads_, and great daggers, some of these last being as long as a bill hook, or woodcutters knife, very sharp on both sides and bent like a Turkish cymeter, and most of the men have such a dagger hanging on their left side. Their targets are made of the same materials with their cloths, very closely wrought, very large and of an oblong square form, somewhat longer than broad, so that when they kneel on the ground the target entirely covers their whole body. Their bows are short and tolerably strong, as much as a man is able to draw with one finger, and the string is made of the bark of a tree, made flat, and a quarter of an inch broad. I have not seen any of their arrows, as they were all close wrapped up, and I was so busily engaged in traffic that I had not leisure to get them opened out for my inspection. They have also the art to work up their gold into very pretty ornaments.

When the captain had taken his seat on the stool, I sent him as a present two ells of cloth and two basins, and he sent back for our weight and measure, on which I sent him a weight of two angels, and informed him that such was our price in gold for two ells, or the measure I had already sent him. This rule of traffic he absolutely refused, and would not suffer his people to buy any thing but basins of brass or latten; so that we sold that day 74 brass basins for about half an angel weight each, and nine white basins for about a quarter of an angel each. We shewed them some of all our other wares, but they did not care for any of them. About two o'clock, P.M. the chief returned again, and presented me a hen and two great roots, which I accepted, and he then made me understand by signs, that many people would come from the country that night to trade with me, who would bring great store of gold. Accordingly about 4 o'clock there came about 100 men under 3 chiefs, all well equipped with darts and bows; and when they came to us, every man stuck his dart into the ground in token of peace, all the chiefs having their stools with them, sat down, after which they sent a youth on board our boat who brought a measure of an ell, a quarter and a sixteenth, making us understand that they would have four times that measure in cloth for the weight in gold of an angel and 12 grains. I offered him two ells for that weight, for which I had before demanded two angels; but this he despised, and stuck to the four measures, being 5-1/4 ells. When it grew late and I motioned to go away, he came to four ells for the above weight, and as he and I could not agree we went back to the ships. This day we took for basins 6 ounces a half and an eighth of gold.

In the morning of the 6th, we well manned our boats and the skiff, being in some fear of the Portuguese, who had taken away a man from the ships in the year before; and as the negroes had not canoes, we went near the shore to them. The young man who had been with us the night before was again sent to us, and he seemed to have had intercourse with the Portuguese, as he could speak a little of that language, and was quite expert in weights and measures. At his coming he offered us, as before, an angel and 12 grains for four ells, giving us to understand, if we would not deal on these terms, we might go away, which we did accordingly; but before going away, I offered him three ells of rotten cloth for his weight, which he would not accept. We then went on board our ships, which lay a league off, after which we went back in the boats for sand ballast. When the chiefs saw that our boats had now no merchandise, but came only for water and sand, they at last agreed to give the weight for three ells. Therefore, when the boats returned to the ships, we put wares into both, and, for greater expedition, I and John Saville went in one boat, while the master, John Makeworth, and Richard Curligin, went in the other. That night I took for my part 52 ounces of gold, and those in the other boat took 8-1/4 ounces, all by the above weight and measure. When it grew late we returned to the ships, having taken that day in all 5 pounds of gold.

We went on shore again on the 7th, and that day I took in our boat 3 pounds 19 ounces[246], so that we had sold most of the cloth we carried in the boat before noon, by which time many of the negroes were gone, and the rest seemed to have very little gold remaining; yet they made signs to us to bring them more latten basins, which I was not inclined to, not wishing to spend any more time there, but to push forwards for Don Johns town. But as John Saville and John Makeworth were anxious to go again, I consented, but did not go myself. They bartered goods for eighteen ounces of gold and came away, all the natives having departed at a certain cry or signal. While they were on shore, a young negroe who could speak a little Portuguese came on board with three others, and to him I sold 39 basins and two small white saucers, for three ounces of gold. From what I could pick out, this young fellow had been in the castle of Mina among the Portuguese, and had got away from them, for he told us that the Portuguese were bad men, who made the negroes slaves when they could take them, and put irons on their legs. He said also that the Portuguese used to hang all the French or English they could lay hold of. According to his account, the garrison in the castle consisted of 60 men, and that there came thither every year two ships, one large and the other a small caravel. He told me farther that Don John was at war with the Portuguese, which encouraged me to go to his town, which is only four leagues from the castle, and from which our men had been driven in the preceding year. This fellow came fearlessly on board, and immediately demanded why we had not brought back the men we took away the year before, for he knew that the English had taken away five negroes. We answered that they were in England, where they were well received, and remained there till they could speak the language, after which they were to be brought back to serve as interpreters between the English and the natives; with which answer he seemed quite satisfied, as he spoke no more of that matter.

[Footnote 246: This is surely an error, as the troy or bullion pound contains only 12 ounces. We ought therefore to read 3 pounds 9 ounces--E.]

Our boats being come on board, we weighed and set sail, and soon afterwards noticed a great fire on the shore, by the light of which we could discern a large white object, which was supposed to be the Portuguese castle of St George del Mina; and as it is very difficult to ply up to windward on this coast, in case of passing any place, we came to anchor for the night two leagues from the shore, lest we might overshoot the town of Don John in the night. This town lies in a great bay which is very deep[247], and there the people were chiefly desirous to procure basins and cloth, though they bought a few other trifles, as knives, horse-tails, and horns; and some of our people who were on shore sold a cap, a dagger, a hat, and other such articles. They shewed us a coarse kind of cloth, which I believe was of French manufacture: The wool was very coarse, and the stuff was striped with various colours, as green, white, yellow, &c. Several of the negroes at this place wore necklaces of large glass beads of various colours. At this place I picked up a few words of their language, of which the following is a short specimen:

Mattea! Mattea! Is their salutation. Dassee! Dassee! I thank you. Sheke, Gold. Cowrte, Cut. Cracca, Knives. Bassina, Basins. Foco, foco, Cloth. Molta, Much, or great plenty[248]

[Footnote 247: This abrupt account of a town, &c. seems to refer back to that of St John, which they had just left.--E.]

[Footnote 248: This language seems partly corrupted.--_Hakluyt_.

Two of the words in this short specimen have been evidently adopted from the Portuguese, _bassina_ and _molta_.--E.]

In the morning of the 8th, we had sight of the Portuguese castle of Mina, but the morning being misty we could not see it distinctly till we were almost at Don Johns town, when the weather cleared up and we had a full view of the fort, beside which we noticed a white house on a hill, which seemed to be a chapel. We stood in towards the shore, within two English miles of Don Johns town, where we anchored in seven fathoms. We here found, as in many places before, that the current followed the course of the wind. At this place the land by the sea is in some places low, and in others high, everywhere covered with wood. This town of Don John[249] is but small, having only about twenty huts of the negroes, and is mostly surrounded by a fence about the height of a man, made of reeds or sedge, or some such material. After being at anchor two or three hours, without any person coming off to us, we manned our boats and put some merchandize into them, and then went with our boats very near the shore, where we anchored. They then sent off a man to us, who told us by signs that this was the town belonging to Don John, who was then in the interior, but would be home at sunset. He then demanded a reward, as most of these people do on first coming aboard, and on giving him an ell of cloth he went away, and we saw no more of him that night. In the morning of the 9th we went again near the shore with our boats, when a canoe came off to us, from the people in which we were informed by signs that Don John was not yet come home, but was expected that day. There came also a man in a canoe from another town a mile from this, called Don Devis[250], who shewed us gold, and made signs for us to go there. I then left John Saville and John Makeworth at the town of Don John, and went in the Hind to the other town, where we anchored, after which I went in the boat close to the shore near the town. Boats or canoes soon came off to us, shewing a measure of 4-1/2 yards, and a weight of an angel and 12 grains, as their rule of traffic, so that I could make no bargain. All this day our people lay off Don Johns town and did nothing, being told that he was still absent.

[Footnote 249: Or Don _Juan_. This place stands at Cape Korea or Cors.--Astl. I. 158. a.

Cape Cors or Korea is now corruptly called Cape coast, at which there is an English fort or castle of the same name, in lat. 5° 10' N. long. 1° 16' W.--E.]

[Footnote 250: Called afterwards the town of John De Viso.--E.]

We went on the 10th to the shore, when a canoe came off with a considerable quantity of gold; and after long haggling we at length reduced their measure to a nail less than three ells, and brought up their weight to an angel and twenty grains, after which, in about a quarter of an hour, I sold cloth for a pound and a quarter of an ounce of gold. They then made signs for me to tarry till they had parted their cloth among them on shore, after their custom, and away they went and spread all their cloth on the sand. At this time a man came running from the town and spoke with them, and immediately they all hastened away into the woods to hide their cloth and gold. We suspected some treachery, and though invited by signs to land we would not, but returned on board the Hind, whence we could see 30 men on the hill, whom we judged to be Portuguese, who went up to the top of the hill, where they drew up with a flag. Being desirous to know what the people of the Hart were about, I went to her in the Hind's boat, and on nearing her was surprised on seeing her shoot off two pieces of ordnance. I then made as much haste as possible, and met her boat and skiff coming with all speed from the shore. We all met on board the Hart, when they told me that they had been on shore all day, where they had given 3-1/2 yards of cloth to each of Don Johns two sons, and three basins between them, and had delivered 3 yards more cloth at the agreed weight of an angel and 12 grains. That while remaining on shore for an answer, some Portuguese had come running down the hill upon them, of which the negroes had given them warning shortly before, but they understood them not. The sons of Don John had conspired with the Portuguese against them, so that they were almost taken by surprise; yet they recovered their boat and pushed off from the shore, on which the Portuguese discharged their calivers or muskets at them, but hurt none of them; in revenge for which hostility, the people in the ship had fired off the two guns formerly mentioned. We now laid _bases[251]_ into both the boats and the skiff, manning and arming them all, and went again towards the shore; but being unable to land on account of the wind, we lay off at the distance of about 200 yards, whence we fired against the Portuguese, but could not injure them as they were sheltered by the hill. They fired upon us in return from the hills and rocks, the negroes standing by to help them, more from fear than love. Seeing the negroes in such subjection that they durst not deal with us, we returned on board; and as the wind kept at east all night, we were unable to fetch the Hind, but I took the boat and went on board in the night, to see if any thing could be done there; and as in the morning we could perceive that the town was overawed by the Portuguese like the other, we weighed anchor and went along the coast to the eastwards.

[Footnote 251: Formerly conjectured to be musquetoons, or wall-pieces.--E.]

This town of John de Viso stands on a hill like that of Don John, but had been recently burnt, so that there did not remain above six houses standing. Most of the gold on this part of the coast comes from the interior country, and doubtless, if the people durst bring their gold, which they are prevented from doing by the Portuguese, we might have got abundance; but they are under such subjection to the Portuguese, that they dare not trade with others.

While coasting along on the 11th, we saw a small town about 4 leagues to the east of that we last came from. About half a league farther was another town upon a hill, and half a league beyond that another large town on the coast, to which we went to try what could be done in the way of trade, meaning, if unsuccessful, to return to the towns we had left behind, in hopes that the Portuguese would leave them on our departure. All the way from the castle of Mina to this place, there were very high hills to be seen rising above other hills, all covered with wood, and the coast was lined with great red cliffs close to the sea. The boats of this coast are larger than those we had seen hitherto, as one of them could carry 12 men, but they were still of the same form with all the boats along the coast. About these towns there seemed few rivers, and their language seemed the same with that at Don Johns town, every person being able to speak a few words of Portuguese, which they constantly used to us. About five o'clock P.M. we saw 22 of the native boats or canoes going along shore to the westwards, on which we suspected some treachery; wherefore on the 12th we made sail farther along the coast eastwards, and descried more towns, in which there were some larger houses than any we had hitherto seen, and from these the people came out to look at us, but we could see no boats on the shore. Two miles beyond the eastermost town there are black rocks, which continue to the uttermost cape or point of the land for the space of a league, after which the land runs E.N.E. Some negroes came down to these black rocks, whence they waved a white flag for us to land; but as we were near the principal town, we continued our course along shore, and when we had opened the point of land we perceived another head-land about a league farther on, having a rock lying off to sea, which was thought to be the place of which were in search. On coming abreast of the town it was recognized, and having anchored within half a mile of the shore in five fathoms, with good ground, we put wares into our boat, and went near the shore to endeavour to open trade. Anchoring close to the shore, about 10 A.M. we saw many canoes on the beach, and some came past us, but no one would draw near, being, as we supposed, afraid of us, as four men had been forcibly taken away from thence the year before. Seeing that no one came off to us, we went again on board, expecting to make no sales; but towards evening a great number of people came to the shore and waved a white flag, as inviting us to land, after which their chief or captain came down with many men along with him, and sat down under a tree near the shore. On seeing this I took some things with me in the boat to present to him, and at length he sent off a boat to us which would not come near, but made signs for us to return next day. At length, by offering things for their captain, I enticed them into our boat, and gave them two ells of cloth, a latten basin, a white basin, a bottle, a large piece of beef, and six biscuits, which they received and made signs for us to come back next day, saying that their chief was _grand captain_, which indeed appeared by his numerous attendants, who were armed with darts, targets, and other weapons. This town is very large, and stands upon a hill among trees, so that it cannot well be seen except when one is near. To the eastwards of it there are two very high trees on a hill close to the town[27]; and under the town is another and lower hill washed by the sea, where it is all composed of great black rocks. Beyond this town there is another considerably smaller on a bay.

[252][Footnote 252: 27 It is added, _which is a good mark to know the town_. But at this distance of time, above 250 years, such marks cannot be supposed to remain.--E.]

In the morning of the 13th we took our boat and went close to the shore, where we remained till ten o'clock, but no one came near us. We prepared therefore to return on board, on seeing which some negroes came running down and waved us back with a white flag, so we anchored again and they made us to understand by signs that the chief would soon come down. In the meantime we saw a sail pass by us, but being small we regarded it not. As the sun was high, we made a tilt with our oars and sails. There now came off to us a canoe with five men, who brought back our bottle, and gave me a hen, making signs by the sun that within two hours the merchants of the country would come and buy all we had. I gave them six _manillios_ to present to their captain; and as they signified by signs that they would leave a man with us if we gave them a pledge, we put one of our men into their boat; but as they would not give us one of their men, we took back our man again, and remained in expectation of the merchants. Shortly afterwards there came down one of the natives to the shore, arrayed like their captain, attended by a numerous train, who saluted us in a friendly manner, and then sat down under a tree where the captain used to sit in the former year. Soon afterwards we perceived a great number of natives standing at the end of a hollow way, and behind them the Portuguese had planted a base, which they suddenly discharged, but its ball overshot us, though we were very near. Before we could ship our oars to get away, they shot at us again, but did us no harm; the negroes came to the rocks close beside us, whence they discharged calivers at us, and the Portuguese shot off their base twice more. On this our ship made some shots at them, but they were protected by the rocks and hills.

We now went on board to leave this place, as the negroes were bent against us, because in the former year Robert Gainsh had taken away the captains son from this place, with three others, and all their gold and every thing else they had about them; owing to which they had become friends to the Portuguese, whom they hated before, as appeared in the former year when the Trinity was there; when the chief came on board and brought them to his town, trading with them largely, and offering them ground on which to build a fort[253]. The 14th we plied back to meet the Hind, which we met in the morning, and then both ships sailed eastwards to try what could be done at the place where the Trinity sold her friezes in the preceding year. The day after we parted, the Hind had taken eighteen and a half ounces of gold from some negroes in exchange for wares. This day, about one P.M. we saw some canoes on the coast, with men standing beside them, and going to them with merchandise, we took three ounces of gold for eighteen _fuffs_ of cloth, each _fuffe_ being three and a half yards, at the rate of one angel twelve grains the _fuffe_. These people made us understand by signs that if we waited till next day we might have plenty of gold. For this reason I sent off the master with the Hind, accompanied by John Saville and John Makeworth, to seek the other place, while I and Richard Pakeman remained here to try our fortunes next day. When the negroes perceived the Hind going away they feared the other ship would follow, wherefore they sent off four men in two canoes, asking us to remain, and offering two men to remain with us, if we would give one as a pledge or hostage for his safety. Accordingly, one Edward, who was servant to Mr Morley, seeing them so much in earnest, offered himself as a pledge, and we let him go for two of them who staid with us, one of whom had his weights and scales, with a chain of gold about his neck and another round his arm. These men eat readily of such things as we had to give them, and seemed quite contented. During the night, the negroes kept a light on shore over against us; and about one o'clock, A.M. we saw the flash of a _base_, which was twice shot off at the light, and then two _calivers_ were discharged, which in the end we perceived came from a Portuguese brigantine that followed us from place to place, to warn the natives to have no dealings with us.

[Footnote 253: In the margin, Hakluyt sets down the voyage of Robert Gainsh to Guinea as in 1554; yet does not mention where that voyage is to be found, or that it is the same voyage published in his second edition, under the name of Lok, instead of Gainsh to whom it was ascribed in his first edition. All the light we have into the matter from the second edition, is from a marginal note at the beginning of Loks voyage, in which Robert Gainsh is said to have been master of the John Evangelist; neither is there any mention of this villainous transaction in the relation of that voyage. Such crimes deserve severe punishment; since a whole community may suffer for the fault of one bad man.--Astl. I. 160, a.]

In the morning of the 15th, the negro chief came down to the coast attended by 100 men, bringing his wife along with him, and many others brought their wives also, as they meant to remain by the sea side till they had bought what they wanted, and their town was eight miles up the country. Immediately on his arrival, the chief sent our man on board, and offered to come himself if we would give two of our men in pledge for him. I accordingly sent him two, but he only retained one, and came on board accompanied by his wife and several friends, bringing me a goat and two great roots, for which I gave him in return a latten basin, a white basin, six _manillios_ and a bottle of _Malmsey_, and to his wife a small casket. After this we began to adjust our measure and weight. He had a weight of his own, equal to an angel and 14 grains, and required a measure of 4-1/2 ells. In fine we concluded the 8th part[254], for an angel and 20 grains; and before we had done he took my own weight and measure. The 16th I took 8 libs. 1 oz. of gold. Since the departure of the Hind I had not heard of her; but when our pledge went into the country the first night he said that he saw her at anchor about 5 leagues from us. The 17th I sold about 17 pieces of cloth, for which I got 4 libs. 4-1/2 oz. of gold. The 18th the chief desired to purchase some of our wine, offering half a gold ducat for a bottle; but I gave him one freely, and made him and his train drink besides. This day I took 5 libs. 5 oz. of gold. The 19th I sold about 18 pieces of cloth, and took 4 libs. 4-1/2 oz. of gold. The 20th 3 libs. 6-1/4 oz; the 21st 8 libs. 7-1/4 oz; the 22d 3 libs. 8-1/4 oz: And about 4 o'clock this night[255] the chief and all his people went away. The 23d we were waved on shore by other negroes, and sold them cloth, caskets, knives, and a dozen bells, for 1 lib. 10 oz. of gold. The 24th we sold bells, sheets[256], and thimbles, for 2 libs. 1-1/4 oz. of gold. The 25th we sold 7 doz. of small bells and other things, and finding their gold all gone, we weighed and sailed to leewards in search of the Hind, which we found about 5 o'clock, P.M. and understood she had made some sales.

[Footnote 254: The meaning is here obscure; perhaps the word _less_ is omitted, and the bargain was for a measure an eighth part less than that originally proposed.--E.]

[Footnote 255: Perhaps we should rather understand 4 o'clock next morning?--E.]

[Footnote 256: Perhaps this ought to be sheers or scissars?--E.]

The 26th we received from the Hind 48 libs. 3-1/8 oz. of gold, which they had taken while we were asunder; and this day, on the request of a negro sent us by the chief, we went on shore with our merchandise and took 7 libs, 1 oz. of gold. At this place they required no pledges from us, yet sent every night a man to sleep on board, as an assurance that they would come to us next day. The 27th in both ships we took 8 libs. 1-7/8 oz. of gold. The 28th we made sales to the amount of 1 lib. 1/3 oz. for the company. The 29th in the morning we heard two caliver shots on shore, which we judged might either be the Portuguese or some of their negroes, and we accordingly manned our boats, armed ourselves and our men, and went on shore, but they were gone off. The 30th we made more sales both for the company and the masters. The 31st we sent our boats on shore to take in sand for ballast; and our men met the negroes with whom they had dealt the day before, who were now employed fishing, and helped them to fill sand; and having now no gold, sold fish to our men for their handkerchiefs and neckerchiefs. The 1st of February we weighed and went to another place, where we took 1 lib. 9 1/3 oz. of gold. The 2d we made more sales; but on taking a survey of our provisions, we resolved not to stay much longer on the coast, most of our drink being spent, and what remained turning sour. The 3d and 4th we made some sales though not great; and finding the wind on this last day come off shore, we set sail and went along the coast to the westwards. Upon this coast, we found by experience that ordinarily, about 2 o'clock in the night[257] the wind came off shore from N.N.E., and continued in that direction till 8 o'clock in the morning, blowing all the rest of the day and night at S.W. The tide or current on this shore goes continually with the wind.[258] We continued our course along shore on the 5th, expecting to have met some English ships, but found none.

[Footnote 257: It is hard to say whether this means 2 hours after sunset, or after midnight--E.]

[Footnote 258: Apparently running from the east during the land breeze, and from the west with the sea breeze--E.]

The 6th February 1556, we altered our course S.W. leaving the coast, to fetch under the line, and ran 24 leagues by estimation. By the 13th we reckoned ourselves off Cape Palmas, and by the 22d we were by our reckoning abreast of Cape Mount, 30 leagues west from the river Sestos or Sestro. The 1st March we lost sight of the Hind in a tornado; on which we set up a light and fired a gun, but saw nothing of her, wherefore we struck sail and lay by for her, and in the morning had sight of her 3 leagues astern. This day we found ourselves in the latitude of Cape Verd which is in 14° 30' [14° 50' N.] Continuing our course till the 29th, we were then in 22°, on which day one of our men named William King died in his sleep, having been long sick. His clothes were distributed among those of the crew who were in want of such things, and his money was kept to be delivered to his friends at home. The 30th we found ourselves under the tropic. On the 1st April we were in the latitude of the Azores, and on the 7th of May we fell in with the south of Ireland, where we sent our boat on shore for fresh water, and where we bought two sheep and such other victuals as we needed from the country people, who are wild _kernes_. The 14th of the same month we went into the port of Bristol called Hungrode[259], where we cast anchor in safety, giving God thanks for our happy arrival.

[Footnote 259: Probably that now called King-road?--E.]

SECTION V.

_Second Voyage to Guinea in 1556, by William Towerson_[260].

On the 14th September 1556, we set sail from Harwich bound for the coast of Guinea, in the Tiger of London of 120 tons, directing our coarse for Scilly, where we expected to meet the Hart of London of 60 tons and a pinnace of 16 tons, both of which had been fitted out and victualled at Bristol. We arrived at Scilly on the 28th, and having lain to some time for our consorts to no purpose, we sailed back to Plymouth on the 12th October. They there joined us, and we sailed together from that port on the 15th November.

[Footnote 260: Hakluyt, II. 496. Astl. I. 162.

Hitherto we have given these voyages to Guinea at full length, as they are found in the collection of Hakluyt; but in this and the subsequent early English voyages to Guinea, we have thought proper to abbreviate such matters as seemed of small importance.--E.]

We made the coast of Guinea on the 30th December, where we got sight of three ships and two pinnaces which were to windward of us, on which we made ourselves ready for action and gave them chase, hauling to the wind as near as we could to gain the weather-gage. At first they made sail from us, but having cleared for fighting they put about and came towards us in brave order, their streamers, pennants and ensigns displayed, and trumpets, sounding. When we met they still had the weather-gage of us, yet were we firmly determined to have fought them if they had been Portuguese, and hailed them to come under our lee, which they stoutly refused. On demanding whence they were, they said from France; and we then told them we were from London in England. They then told us there were certain Portuguese ships gone to Mina to protect that place, and that they had already burnt a Portuguese ship of 200 tons at the river Sestro. The captain of the admiral ship and several other Frenchmen came on board of us in a friendly manner, and proposed that we should join company because of the Portuguese, and go together to Mina. We told them that we had not yet watered, having just fallen in with the coast. They said we were 50 leagues to leeward of Sestro river, but still water might be had, and they would assist us in watering with their boats for the sake of our company. They told us farther that they had been six weeks on the coast, and had only got 3 tons of grains among them all[261].

[Footnote 261: These ships were the Espoir of Harfleur, the admiral, of which Denis Blundel was captain; the Levriere of Rouen, vice-admiral, commanded by Jerome Baudet; and a ship of Houfleur, commanded by Jean de Orleans.--E.]

After hearing what they had to say, we considered that even if Mina were clear of Portuguese ships, yet if the Frenchmen went before us they would spoil our market: That if there were Portuguese ships at Mina, and they took the French ships, they would learn that we were behind, and would wait to take us likewise: And finally, if we went along with them and found the coast clear, we would do as well as they; but if the Portuguese remained on the coast we should be stronger in their company. Wherefore, having thus considered their friendly offers, we told them that we would confer more largely of the matter next day; upon which they invited me to dine with them next day, and to bring with me the masters of our ships and such merchants as I thought proper, offering to supply us with water from their own ships if we would, or else to remain with us and help us to water with their boats and pinnaces. In the morning of the 31st, the French admiral sent his boat for me, and I went on board his ship accompanied by our masters and some of our merchants. He had provided a noble banquet for us, and treated us excellently, requesting us to keep him company, promising to part with us what victuals were in his ship, or any other things that could serve us, even offering to strike his flag and obey my commands in all things. Not being able to find water at that place, we set sail on the 1st January 1557, and anchored off the mouth of a river, where on the two following days we procured water, and bought a few small elephants teeth.

On the 4th of January we landed with 30 men, well armed with arquebuses, pikes, long-bows, cross-bows, partizans, long swords, and swords and bucklers, meaning to seek for elephants. We found two, which we wounded several times with our fire-arms and arrows, but they both got away from us and hurt one of our men. We sailed on the 5th, and next day fell in with the river St Andrew, [in long. 6° 4' W.] The land is somewhat high to the westward of this river, having a fine bay likewise to the westward, but to the east the land is low. This is a great river, having 7 fathoms water in some places at its mouth. On the 7th we went into the river, where we found no village, and only some wild negroes not used to trade. Having filled our water casks here, we set sail to the eastward. On the 10th we had a conference with Captain Blondel, the admiral of the French ships, Jerome Baudet his vice-admiral, and Jean de Orleans, master of the ship of 70 tons. We agreed to traffic in friendly accord, so as not to hurt each others market, certain persons being appointed to make a price for the whole, and then one boat from every ship to make sales on the agreed terms. On the 11th, at a place called _Allow_[262], we got only half an angel weight and 4 grains of gold, which was taken by hand, the natives having no weights.

[Footnote 262: Rather Lu how or La hu.--Astl. I 163. b.--The river called Jack Lahows river, in Long. 4° 14' W.--E.]

On the 14th we came within _Saker_ shot of the castle of Mina, whence an Almadia was sent out to see what we were, but seeing that we were not Portuguese, she went immediately back to the large negroe town of _Dondou_ close by the castle. Without this there lie two great rocks like islands, and the castle stands on a point resembling an island. At some distance to the westwards the land for 5 or 6 leagues was high, but for 7 leagues from thence to the castle the land is low, after which it becomes high again. The castle of Mina is about 5 leagues east from Cape Three-points[263]. Here I took the boat with our negroes, and, went along the coast till I came to the cape, where I found two small towns having no canoes, neither could we have any trade. At these places our negroes understood the natives perfectly, and one of them went on shore at all the places, where he was well received by his countrymen. At a place called _Bulle_, about 3 leagues east from the eastermost point of Cape Three-points, we learnt from the natives by means of our negro George, that about a month before there had been an engagement at this place, in which two ships had put one to flight; and that some time before, one French ship had put to flight four Portuguese ships at the castle of Mina.

[Footnote 263: Mina is in Long. 1° 60', Cape Three points in 2 40' both west, the difference of Longitude therefore is about 50 minutes, or nearly 17 leagues.--E]

On the 16th we went to a place called _Hanta_, 12 leagues beyond the cape, but did no good, as the natives held their gold too dear. We went thence to _Shamma_[264], where we landed with 5 boats well armed with men and ordnance, making a great noise with our drums and trumpets, suspecting we might have found Portuguese here, but there were none. We sent our negroes first on shore, after which we followed and were well received. The 18th we agreed to give the negroes 2 yards and 3 nails of cloth, as a _fuffe_, to exchange for an angel-ducat weight; so we took in all 70 ducats, of which the Frenchmen had 40 and we 30. The 19th I took 4 libs. 2-1/2 oz. of gold, and the boat of the Hart had 21 oz. This night we were informed by the negroes that the Portuguese meant to attack us next day either by sea or land, and as we were about to return on board we heard several shots in the woods, but they durst not come near us. The 20th we went on shore well armed, but heard no more of the Portuguese, and this day the negroes informed us there were some ships come to _Hanta_, a town about 2 leagues to the west. The 21st we went in our boats to a town a league to the west, where we found many negroes under another chief, with whom we dealt on the same terms as at Shamma. The 22d we went again on shore, and I got 1 lib. 4 oz. of gold. The 23d the negroes told as that the Portuguese ships had departed from the Mina, intending to ply to windward and then come down to fight us, giving us warning to be on our guard. The 24th we went again on shore to trade, and I invited the chief of the town to dinner. While we were ashore on the 25th, our ships descried 5 sail of ships belonging to the king of Portugal, and fired several shots to recall us on board. So we went to the ships, but by the time that every thing was in order and we had weighed anchor it was night, so that nothing could be done. We set sail however and tried all night to gain the wind of the Portuguese, some of which were very near during the night. One of them, which we judged was their admiral, fired a shot, as we supposed to call the others to come and speak with him. The 26th we came in with the shore, and got sight of the Portuguese at anchor, on which we made sail towards them, giving all our men white scarfs, that the French and we might know each other in case of boarding: But night coming on before we could fetch the Portuguese, we anchored within demi-culverine shot of them.

[Footnote 264: Called Chama in modern maps, near the mouth of St Johns river, about 6 leagues east from Mina.--E.]

In the morning of the 27th, both we and the Portuguese weighed anchor, and by 11 o'clock, A.M. we had gained the weather-gage, on which we went room with them[265]: on this they bore away towards the shore, and we after them, and when they were near shore they put about again to seawards. We put about likewise, and gained a head of them, on which we took in our topsails and waited for them. The first that came up was a small bark, which sailed so well that she cared not for any of us, and had good ordnance. As soon as she came up she discharged her guns at us and shot past with ease, after which she fired at the French admiral and struck his ship in several places; and as we were in our fighting sails, she soon got beyond our reach. Then another caravel came up under our lee, discharging her ordnance at us and at the French admiral, wounding two of his men and shooting through his main-mast. After him came up the Portuguese admiral also under our lee, but was not able to do us so much harm as the small ships had done, as he carried his ordnance higher than they; neither were we able to make a good shot at any of them, because our ship was so weak in the side that she laid all her ordnance in the sea[266]. We determined therefore to lay the Portuguese admiral on board; but on making the attempt, the French admiral fell to leeward and could not fetch him, after which he fell to leeward of two other caravels, and was unable to fetch any of them. Being thus to leeward, the French admiral kept on towards the shore and left us. We hoisted our topsails and gave chase to the enemy, but both the other French ships kept their wind and would not come near us, and our own consort was so much astern that she could not get up to our assistance. When we had followed them to seaward about two hours, the enemy put about towards the land, thinking to pay us as they went past, and to gain the wind of the French admiral which had gone in shore; but we put about likewise keeping still the weather gage, expecting our consort and the rest to have followed our example. But when the Portuguese had passed our consort and the two French ships, firing as they went along, all of these ships and our own pinnace continued to seawards, leaving us in the _laps_, (lurch.) We continued our course after the enemy, keeping the weather gage, that we might succour the French admiral who was to leeward of them all; and on coming up with him, all the enemies ships bore down and gave him their broadsides, after which they put about again, but durst not board him as we were still to wind-wind of them, otherwise they had certainly taken or sunk him. Three of their smallest vessels were such prime sailors that it was quite impossible for any of our ships to have boarded them, and they carried such ordnance that they would have sore troubled any three of our ships; if they had been able to gain the weather-gage. Their other ships, the admiral and vice-admiral, were both notably appointed.

[Footnote 265: Bore down upon them.--E.]

[Footnote 266: Meaning apparently that she lay too much over to leeward.--E.]

When the French admiral was clear of them, he lay as near the wind as possible and ran to seaward after the rest, while we followed the enemy to leeward. Then seeing us alone and in chase, they put about, which we did likewise to keep the wind of them, and in this situation we sailed within _base_ shot of them, but they shot not at us, because we had the weather gage and they could not therefore harm us. We continued in this course till night, when we lost sight of them. All the rest of our ships made to seawards with all the sail they could carry; and, as they confessed themselves afterwards, they gave us their prayers, and no other help had we at their hands.

Next day, the 28th, we rejoined our own consort and pinnace, and two of the French ships, but the third, which was a ship of 80 tons belonging to Rouen, had fled. I took my skiff and went to them to know why they, had deserted me. John Kire said his ship would neither rear nor stear[267]. John Davis said the pinnace had broke her rudder, so that she could sail no farther, and had been taken in tow by the Hart. I found the French admiral to be a man of resolution, but half his crew was sick or dead. The other Frenchman said his ship could bear no sail, and 16 of his men were sick or dead, so that he could do nothing. After this the French ships durst not come to anchor for fear of the Portuguese.

[Footnote 267: Meaning perhaps, would neither wear nor tack?--E.]

The 29th, on finding our pinnace incapable of farther use, we took out her four bases, anchor, and every thing of value, and set her on fire, after which we ran along the coast. On the 3d February we anchored about 4 leagues from a town, which we saluted with two guns, on which the chief came to the shore, to whom I sent Thomas Rippon who knew him. After some conference, the chief came off to me; as it was become late, he did not enter into bargain for any price, but exchanged pledges and, returned on shore. Next day I went on shore, and though some French ships had been there and spoiled the market, I took 5-1/2 oz. of gold. The 5th I took 8-1/2 oz. but could perceive that the negroes thought the French cloth better and broader than ours; wherefore I told Captain Blundel that I would go to leeward, as where he was I should do no good. The 6th there came an Almadie or canoe to us with some negroes, inviting me to their town, where they had plenty of gold and many merchants. I did so, but could do no good that night, as the merchants were not come from the interior. On the 7th our negro George came to us, having followed us at least 30 leagues in a small canoe, and soon after his arrival we settled the terms of dealing with the natives. George had been left in Shamma at the time of the fight, which he saw from the shore, and told us that the Portuguese had gone afterwards into that river, when they said that two of their men had been slain by a shot, which was from our ship. This day I took 5 libs. 1-1/4 oz. of gold; the 8th 19 libs. 3-1/2 oz.; the 9th 2 libs. 6-1/2 oz.; the 10th 3 libs. The 11th. Jerome Baudet, the French vice-admiral, came to us in his pinnace, saying that they could do no good where they were, and that he meant to go to the eastwards: But we told him this could not be allowed, and desired him to return to his comrades, which he refused; till we shot three or four pieces at his pinnace; on which his ship put about and ran out to sea followed by the pinnace. This day I took 1 lib. 5 oz.

The 12th one of the French pinnaces came with cloth, but we would not allow them to trade, and made them remain all day close to our ship. This day we took 5 lib. 6-1/2 oz. The 17th we went to another town, where we understood that three of the Portuguese ships were at the castle, and the other two at Shamma. Though the Portuguese were so near that they might have been with us in three hours, we yet resolved to remain and make sales if we could. The chief of this town was absent at the principal town of the district visiting the king, but came soon back with a weight and measure. The 18th some of the kings servants came to us, and we took 1 lib. 2-1/8 oz. of gold. The 19th we took 5 libs. 1 oz. the 20th 1 lib. 4 oz; the 21st 4 libs. 1 oz; the 22d 3-1/2 oz.

Having sent one of our merchants with a present to the king, he returned on the 23d, saying that he had been received in a friendly manner by _Abaan_, who had little gold but promised if we would stay that he would send all over his country in search of gold for us, and desired our people to request our king to send men to his country to build a fort, and to bring tailors with them to make them apparel, and to send good wares and we should be sure to sell them; but that the French had for the present filled the market with cloth. This town where the king Abaan resides, is about 4 leagues up the country, and in the opinion of our people who were there is as large in circumference as London, though all built like those we had already seen. Around the town there was great abundance of the wheat of the country, insomuch that on one side of it they saw 1000 ricks of wheat and of another sort of grain called _mill_ or millet, which is much used in Spain. All round this town there is kept a good nightly watch, and across all the roads or paths they have cords stretched and connected with certain bells; so that if any one touch the cords the bells, immediately ring to alarm the watchmen, on which they run out to see what is the matter. In case of any enemies, they have nets suspended over the paths ready to let fall and entangle them. It is impossible to get to the town except by the regular paths, as it is every where environed with trees and thick underwood; besides which the town is surrounded by a fence of sedge bound with thick ropes made of the bark of trees[268].

[Footnote 268: It is hard to discover what place this was. Perhaps it was _Great Commendo_ or _Guaffo_, which stands on a river that runs by the town of the _Mina_, and is still the residence of a negro king; in which case the port they put in at might have been little _Commendo._ But the royal city is very far from being as large as London was in 1556, not having above 400 houses. The contrivance for apprizing the watchmen of the approach of an enemy, and for taking them prisoners, seems a notable invention of our countrymen; for surely an enemy might easily destroy these net-traps to catch soldiers, these pack-thread fortifications.--Astl. 1. 167. a.]

As in this country it is necessary to travel in the night to avoid the heat of the day, our men came to the town about five in the morning. About nine the king sent for them, as no one must go to him unless sent for, and they proposed carrying their present, but were told they must be brought before him three times, before their gift could be offered. They then waited upon him and were graciously received. And having been sent for three several times, they carried their present the last time, which was thankfully accepted; and calling for a pot of Palm wine, the king made them drink. Before drinking they use the following ceremonies: On bringing out the pot of wine, a hole is made in the ground into which a small quantity of the wine is poured, after which the hole is filled up, and the pot set on the place. Then with a small cup made of a gourd shell, they take out a little of the wine, which is poured on the ground in three several places. They set up likewise some branches of the Palm tree in different parts of the ground, where they shed some of the wine, doing reverence to the palms. All these ceremonies being gone through, the king took a gold cup full of wine which he drank off, all the people calling out Abaan! Abaan! together with certain words, as is usual in Flanders on twelfth night, _the king drinks._ When he had drank, then the wine was served round to every one, and the king allowed them to depart. Then every one bowed three times, waving his hands, and so departed. The king has usually sitting beside him, eight or ten old men with grey beards.

On the 23d we took 1 lib. 10 oz. of gold; the 24th 3 lib. 7 oz.; the 25th 3-1/4 oz.; the 26th 2 libs. 10 oz.; the 27th 2 libs. 5 oz.; the 28th 4 libs. Then seeing that there was no more gold to be had, we weighed anchor and continued along the coast. The 1st of March we came to a town called _Moure_, where we found neither boats nor people; but when about to depart there came some people to us in two canoes from another town, from whom we took 2-1/2 oz. of gold, and who told us that the inhabitants had removed from Mowre to _Lagoua._[269]. The 2d we were abreast the castle of Mina, where we saw all the five Portuguese ships at anchor, and by night we were off Shamma or Chama, where we meant to water. But next day we saw a tall ship of about 200 tons to windward within two leagues, and then two more astern of her, one a ship of 500 tons or more and the other a pinnace. Upon this we weighed anchor, and made a shirt to stand out to sea, the wind being S.S.W., but the Hart fell three leagues to leeward of us. These ships chased us from 9 A.M. till 5 P.M. but could not make up with us. At night, when we joined the Hart, on asking why she fell to leeward, they pretended that they durst not make sail to windward, lest they had carried away their fore-top-mast. Having been thus obliged to abandon our watering-place, we were under the necessity of boiling our meat-in sea-water, and to reduce our allowance of drink to make it hold out, as we now shaped our course homewards.

[Footnote 269: Mowree is 4-1/2 leagues east from the castle of Minas, and Lagoua or Laguy is 9 leagues east from the same place.--Astl. I. 168. a.]

On the 16th of March we fell in with the land, which I judged to be Cape Misurado, about which there is much high land. The 18th we lost sight of the Hart, and I think the master wilfully went in shore on purpose to lose us, being offended that I had reproved him for his folly when chased by the Portuguese. The 27th we fell in with two small islands about 6 leagues off Cape Sierra Leona; and before we saw them we reckoned ourselves at least 30 or 40 leagues from them. Therefore all who sail this way must allow for the current which sets N.N.W. or they will be much deceived. The 14th April we met two large Portuguese ships, which we supposed were bound to Calicut. The 23d we saw a French ship of 90 tons to windward of us, which came down upon us as if to lay us on board, sending up some of his men in armour into the tops, and calling out to us to strike. Upon this we saluted him with some cross-bars, chain-shot, and arrows, so thick that we made their upper works fly about their ears, and tore his ship so miserably, that he fell astern and made sail. Our trumpeter was a Frenchman, at this time ill in bed; yet he blew his trumpet till he could sound no more, and so died. The 29th we arrived at Plymouth, and gave thanks to God for our safety.

SECTION VI.

_Third Voyage of William Towerson to Guinea, in 1558_[270].

On the 30th of January of the above year, we set sail from Plymouth with three ships and a pinnace, bound by the grace of God for the Canaries and the coast of Guinea. Our ships were the Minion, admiral; the Christopher, vice-admiral; the Tiger, and a pinnace called the Unicorn. Next day we fell in with two hulks[271] of Dantziek, one called the Rose of 400 tons, and the other the Unicorn of 150, both laden at Bourdeaux, mostly with wine. We caused them to hoist out their boats and come on board, when we examined them separately as to what goods they had on board belonging to Frenchmen[272]. At first they denied having any; but by their contradictory stories, we suspected the falsehood of their charter parties, and ordered them to produce their bills of lading. They denied having any, but we sent certain persons to the place where they were hid, and thus confronted their falsehood. At length they confessed that there were 32 tons and a hogshead of wine in the Unicorn belonging to a Frenchman, and 128 tons in the Rose belonging to the, same person; but insisted that all the rest was laden by Peter Lewgues of Hamburgh, and consigned to Henry Summer of Campvere. After a long consultation, considering that to capture or detain them might lose our voyage, already too late, we agreed that each of our ships should take out as much as they could stow for necessaries, and that we should consider next morning what was farther to be done. We accordingly took out many tuns of wine, some aquavitae, cordage, rosin, and other things, giving them the rest of the Frenchmans wines to pay for what we had taken of their own, and took a certificate under their hands of the quantity of French goods they had confessed to, and then allowed them to continue their voyage.

[Footnote 270: Hakluyt, II. 504. Astley, I. 169.--In the last London edition of Hakluyt, 1810, it is dated erroneously in 1577, but we learn from the editor of Astley's Collection that in the edition 1589, it is dated in 1557. Yet, notwithstanding that authority, we may be assured that the date of this voyage could not have been earlier than January 1558, as Towerson did not return from his former voyage till the 29th of April 1557.--E.]

[Footnote 271: Probably meaning large unwieldy ships.--E]

[Footnote 272: It is to be noted, that at this time there was war between England and France.--This observation is a side note of Hakluyt: And it may be worth while to notice that, so early as 1557, free bottoms were not considered by the English as making free goods.--E.]

The 10th January we had sight of the grand Canary, and on the 12th we anchored in the road, a league from the town, where we were well received. We went to the town with two English merchants who resided there, and remained that day at their house. The second day following we returned on board to get our pinnace repaired, which had broken her rudder, and to deliver our merchandize. The 14th there came nineteen sail of Spanish ships into the road, bound for the West Indies, six of them being of 400 or 500 tons each, and the rest of 200, 150, and 100 tons. On coming to anchor they saluted us, which we returned. The Spanish admiral, who was a knight, sent a boat for me, and received me in a friendly manner, desiring to learn the news of England and Flanders. After partaking of a banquet, I departed; and when I was in the boat, he desired my interpreter to say that he expected I should strike my flag to him, as general of the Emperors fleet. When I was come on board my own ship this was told me by the interpreter, and as I refused compliance and continued to display my ensign, some Spanish soldiers began to discharge their arquebusses at us. At this time some Spanish gentlemen came on board to see our ship, to whom I said that if they did not order their men to cease firing, I would fire my cannon through their ships. They accordingly went away and made their soldiers give over firing, and coming back said that they had punished their men. I then shewed them our ship, and gave them such cheer as I had, which they were well pleased with. Next day they sent for me to dine with them, saying their general was sorry any one should have desired me to strike my flag, which had been done without his orders.

The 17th we set sail, and got sight of the coast of Africa, and running along shore came off Rio del Oro which is almost under the tropic of Cancer. The 25th we got sight of the land in the bay to the north of Cape Verd[273]. The 26th taking our interpreter Francisco and Francis Castelin along with me in the pinnace, I went to the Tiger, which was nearer shore than the other ships. With her and the other ships we ran W. by S. and W.S.W, till about 4 o'clock, P.M. when we were close on board the cape. Then going about 4 leagues beyond the cape S.W. we found a fair island, and beside that two or three islands of high rocks, full of various kinds of sea fowl and pigeons, with other kinds of land birds, and so numerous that the whole island was covered with their dung, and as white as if the whole had been covered by chalk. Within these islands was a fine bay; and close by the rocks we had 18 fathoms and good ground[274]. The 27th, as no negroes came to us, we went along shore in the pinnace, and going beyond the point of the bay (Cape Emanuel) we found a fair island (_Goree_) with a goodly bay, and saw some negroes on the main who waved us on shore. Going a-land, they told us that they had elephants teeth, musk[275], and hides for traffic; but as the captain of the Christopher was not willing to stop, we went on board and made sail, On inquiry, some of the negroes said there had been no ships there for 8 months, others said six, and some only four, and that they were French ships.

[Footnote 273: The bay of Yof, in lat. 15° N. long. 17° 20' W. from Greenwich.--E.]

[Footnote 274: Obviously the Bird isles, which are 4-1/2 leagues E.S.E. from Cape Verd, not W.S.W. as in the text.--E.]

[Footnote 275: What is here called musk must have either been civet or ambergris.--E.]

The 10th of March we fell in with the coast of Guinea, 5 leagues east of Cape _Monte_, beside a river called Rio das Palmas. At this place I got 19 elephants teeth, and 2 1/2oz. of gold. The 13th we came to Rio Sestro, and next day sent our boats for water, and delivered such wares to the Christopher and Tiger as they needed. The 15th we sent the Tiger to another river for water, and to try what she could do for grains. We here learnt that three French ships had been at this river two months before, two six weeks ago, and one only a fortnight past, all of which had gone eastwards to the Mina. Getting few grains, and many of our men falling sick at this unwholesome place, and considering that the French ships were before us, we left the Rio Sestro on the 19th, and made all sail for the Mina[276]. The 21st we came to Rio de Potos, where our boats went for water, and where I got 12 small elephants teeth. The 31st we came to _Hanta_, where I sold some _Manillios_.

On the 1st of April we had sight of 5 Portuguese ships, on which we stood out to sea to gain the wind of them, which we had done if the wind had kept its ordinary course at S.W. and W.S.W. but this day it kept with a _flow_ always at E. and E.S.E. so that they had the wind of us and chased us to leeward till near night, when all but one that sailed badly were within shot of us. It then fell calm, and the wind came round to S.W. at which time the Christopher was about 4 leagues to leeward of us. We tacked in the Minion, and gained the wind of the Portuguese admiral and other three of his ships; when he cast about and fired at us, which we returned, shooting him four or five times through. Several of their shots went through our sails, but none of our men were hurt. The Christopher was still to leeward, though the Tiger and the pinnace had joined us; but as it was night we did not think it adviseable to lay him on board; wherefore, after firing two hours or more, we three stood out to sea, and fired a gun to give notice to the Christopher. We joined the Christopher on the 2d, which had exchanged shots with the Portuguese the night before about midnight, and we agreed to seek the Portuguese, keeping however to windward of the place where we meant to trade. We accordingly ran all day on the 3d to the S.W. in search of the Portuguese ships, but could not see them, and stood towards the shore at night. When we made the shore on the 4th, we found ourselves off Lagua, 30 leagues to the eastwards of our reckoning, owing to the currents setting east. Going on shore with our negro interpreter, we learned that there were four French ships on the coast: One at _Perinnen_, 6 leagues west of Lagua; one at _Weamba[277]_, 4 leagues east of Lagua; a third at _Perecow[9]_, 4 leagues east of Weamba; and the fourth at _Egrand[10]_, 4 leagues east of Perecow. We accordingly proceeded toward Weamba, where we saw one of the French ships under sail to which we gave chase; and lest we should over-shoot her in the night, the Minion was brought to anchor, and the Tiger and Christopher followed the chase all night.

[Footnote 276: The Mina is here to be considered as the gold coast of Guinea, called Mina or the mines on account of its great produce in gold dust. The castle of St George del Mina, is usually called in these early voyages _the castle._--E.]

[Footnote 277: Or Wiamba, where the English had afterwards a fort.--Astl. I. 172. d.]

[278][Footnote 278: 9 This seems to have been little Barakhow, or Berow.--Astl. I. 172. c.]

[279][Footnote 279: 10 Probably Akkara, where the English, Dutch, and Danes had afterwards separate forts--Astl. 1.172. d.]

The 5th we found three French ships at anchor: One called _La Foi_ of Harfleur of 200 tons, the second the _Venturuse_ of Harfleur of 100, and third the _Mulet de Batville_ of Rouen of 120 tons. On nearing them, we in the Minion were determined to lay the admiral on board, while the Christopher boarded the vice-admiral, and the Tiger the smallest. But they weighed and got under sail, on which the Christopher, being our headmost ship, bore down on La Foi, and we in the Minion on the Mulet, which we took; but the Venturuse sailed so swift that we could not take her. The one we took was the richest except the admiral, which had taken 80 libs, of gold, the Venturuse having only 22 libs.; while our prise had 50. They had been above two months on the coast; but three others had been there before them, and had departed a month before our arrival, having swept the coast of 700 pounds of gold. Having continued the chase all that day and night, and the next day till 3 P.M. and being unable to get up with them, we were afraid of falling too far to leewards, and made sail back to the shore. On the 7th, I convened the captains masters and merchants of all our three ships, when we weighed the gold taken in the prize, being 50 libs. 5 oz., after which we put men out of all our ships into the prize to keep her. On the 12th, on coming to _Egrand_, having taken all the goods out of the prize, we offered to sell the ship to the Frenchmen; but she was so leaky that they would not have her, and begged us to save their lives by taking them into our ships. So we agreed to take out all the victuals and sink the ship, dividing the men among us.

On the 15th, it was proposed to proceed to Benin, but most of our people refused; wherefore it was agreed to remain as long as we could on the coast of Mina, leaving the Minion at Egrand, sending the Tiger to Perecow 4 leagues, west, and the Christopher to Weamba 10 leagues west, with directions in case of seeing any force they were unable to cope with, to come to leewards to us in the Minion at Egrand. We remained here till the last of April, by which time many of our men fell sick and six of them died, and we could only trade with the natives three or four days of the week, as on the other days they could not come off to us. The 3d May, as the pinnace had not come to us with cloth from the other ships, as promised, we sold French cloth, giving only three yards for every _fuffe_. The 5th the negroes left us, saying they would be back in four days. The 8th all our own cloth being sold, I called the people together, to ask them whether they chose to remain till the prize cloth was all sold. They answered, that as several of our men were dead, and twenty now sick, they would not tarry, but desired that we should repair to the other two ships. On the 10th we accordingly sailed in quest of the other ships, meaning to try what we could do at Don Johns town. The 11th we joined the Christopher, which had done little. The 13th the Tiger was sent down to Egrand, as we found no trade worth while at Perinnen. The 14th the pinnace was sent with cloth to Weamba, where she had before got 10 libs. of gold.

The 21st we anchored before Don Johns town; and on the 22d we manned our boats and went close in shore, but the negroes would not come to us. The 24th our pinnace came to us from Cormantine, where they had taken 2 libs. 5 oz. of gold. The 25th the master of the Christopher sent his boat on shore at Mowre for ballast, when the negroes attempted to drive them off with stones; but our men slew and hurt several of them, then burnt their town and stove all their canoes. The 27th we went to Cormantine, where we were joined next day by the Christopher. The 2d June the Tiger came to us from Egrand and the pinnace from Weamba, the two having procured 50 libs. of gold. The 4th we made sail and plied to windward for Chama, not being able to remain longer for want of victuals, and especially as our drink ran short. The 7th we saw five Portuguese ships at anchor beside the castle. The 8th George and Binny came off to us, and brought about 2 libs. of gold. The 21st we put 25 Frenchmen into our pinnace with such victuals as we could spare, and sent them away. The 25th we put to sea on our homeward voyage. The 30th we fell in again with the land, 18 leagues to leeward of the place whence we had taken our departure, having been deceived by the current which sets continually towards the east. The 7th July we fell in with the island of San Thome [280], where we wished to come to anchor; but the wind coming about we again made sail. From that time till the 13th we were tossed about by baffling winds, and that day fell in again with San Thome.

[Footnote 280: They must have fallen far to leeward, as San Thome is to the east of the Bight of Benin, almost 8 degrees or 160 leagues to the east of St George del Mina.--E.]

This is a very high island, and being on the west side of it, we had sight of a very high small and upright peak, like the steeple of a church, which peak is directly under the equator, and to the westward of the south end of the island there is a small islet about a mile from the larger one. The 3d of August we set sail from San Thome with the wind at S.W. The 22d we fell in with the island of _Salt_, one of the Cape Verds; and being told by a Scotsman whom we had taken among the French on the coast of Guinea, that there were fresh provisions to be had at this place, we came to anchor. The 24th we went on shore, where we found no houses, and only saw four men who would not come near us. We found plenty of goats, but so wild that we could only take three or four of them; but we got plenty of fish, and great quantities of sea-fowl on a small isle close to the larger one. At night the Christopher broke her cable and lost an anchor, so that we were all obliged to weigh and put to sea. On this occasion the Scotsman was left on shore, by what means we could not tell, unless that he had been found asleep by the inhabitants and carried off-prisoner.

The 25th the master of the Tiger came on board, and reported his ship to be in so leaky a condition and his men so weak, that he was unable to keep her afloat, and requested therefore that we would return to the island to take every thing out of her, that she might be abandoned: This day on mustering the companies of all the three ships, we had not above 30 sound men altogether[281]. The 25th we had sight of St Nicholas, and the day following of St Lucia, St Vincent, and St Anthony, four of the Cape Verd islands, which range with each other from N.W. by W. to S. E by E. The 26th we were unable to weather the Cape of St Anthony, and this day Philip Jones the master of the Christopher came on board and reported that they were not able to keep the Tiger from sinking as she was so leaky, and the master and crew were very weak. The 3d September I went on board the Tiger, accompanied by the masters and merchants to survey her, and we found her in a very leaky condition with only six men fit for duty, one of whom was master gunner. It was agreed accordingly to take all the men into the other ships, with all the goods we could save, and then to abandon her. We began discharging her on the 5th, and having taken out her guns, victuals, gold, and every thing we could by the 8th, we set her adrift in lat. 25° N.

[Footnote 281: At this place Hakluyt observes in a note, the great inconvenience of staying late on the coast of Guinea. He ought rather to have said, the impropriety of sailing too late for that coast.--E.]

On the 6th October, the ships companies both of the Minion and Christopher being very weak, so as to be scarce able to keep the sea, we agreed to make for Vigo, which is frequented by many English ships; but having a fair wind for England on the 10th, we fired two shots to give notice to the Christopher of our intention, and immediately shaped our course homewards. She followed us, and we carried a light to direct her way; but it was so thick next morning that we could not see her, and as she was not seen all that day we concluded she had either shot ahead of us in the night or had bore up for Spain, for which reason we hoisted our top-sails and continued our course, being then 120 leagues from England and 45 leagues N.W. by W. from Cape Finister, having then only six mariners and six merchants in health. The 16th we had a great storm at W.S.W. by W. which came on about 6 P.M. and our men being very weak and unable to hand our sails, we that night lost our mainsail, foresail, and spritsail, and were obliged to _lie hulling_ till the 18th, when we got up an old foresail; and finding ourselves now in the Channel, we bore up for the coast of England. In less than two hours the old foresail was blown from the yard by a spurt of wind, and we were again forced to lie to till the morning of the 19th, when we got up an old bonnet, or topsail, on the fore-yard, which by the blessing of God brought us to the Isle of Wight in the afternoon of the 20th.

* * * * *

_Commodities most in request in Guinea, between Sierra Leone and the farthest extremity of the Mine or Gold Coast[282]._

MANILS of brass, and some of lead. Basins of various sorts, but chiefly of latten. Pots holding a quart or more, of coarse tin. Some wedges of iron. Margarites, and other low priced beads. Some blue coral. Some horse nails. Linen cloth, principally. Basins of Flanders. Some low priced red cloth, and kersies. Dutch kettles with brass handles. Some large engraved brass basins, like those usually set upon. their cupboards in Flanders. Some large pewter basins and ewers, graven. Some lavers for holding water. Large low priced knives. Slight Flemish caskets. Low priced Rouen chests, or any other chests. Large pins. Coarse French coverlets. Good store of packing sheets.

Swords, daggers, prize-mantles and gowns, cloaks, hats, red cans, Spanish blankets, axe heads, hammers, short pieces of iron, slight bells, low priced gloves, leather bags, and any other trifling articles you will.

[Footnote 282: This list is appended in Hakluyt's Collection, II.513. to the present voyage, and is therefore here retained, though several of the articles are scarcely intelligible.--E.]

SECTION VII.

_Notices of an intended Voyage to Guinea, in 1561[283]._

In 1561, a voyage was projected to Guinea by Sir William Gerard, knight, in conjunction with Messrs William Hunter, Benjamin Gonson, Anthony Hickman, and Edward Castelin. Only one ship, the Minion, was to have gone, and seems to have been intended to assist and bring home the Primrose and Flower de Luce, then on the coast. The command of the Minion was to have been given to John Lok, probably the same person who made the Guinea voyage in 1554, already inserted. The adventurers sent the following articles of instruction to Mr Lok, dated 8th September 1561. But Lok declined undertaking the voyage for the following reasons, dated Bristol, 11th December 1561. 1. The Minion was so spent and rotten, as to be incapable of being put into a fit and safe condition for the voyage. 2. The season was too far gone to perform the voyage in safety. 3. He understood that four large Portuguese ships were in readiness to intercept him. 4. It was quite uncertain that he should meet the Primrose, which would have completed her voyage before he could get to the coast, or would have been obliged to quit the coast by that time for want of provisions. It will be seen in the succeeding section, that the Minion actually proceeded on her voyage; on the 25th February 1562, and the unsuccessful events of that voyage fully justify the refusal of Lok.

[Footnote 283: Hakluyt, II. 514. Astl I. 176.--As this voyage did not take place, it is principally inserted here for the sake of the instructions devised by the adventurers, for the conduct of the intended expedition--E.]

* * * * *

_Remembrance for Mr Lok, at his Arrival on the Coast of Guinea._

When God shall bring you upon the coast of Guinea, you are to make yourself acquainted, as you proceed along the coast, with all its rivers, havens and harbours or roadsteads, making a plat or chart of the same, in which you are to insert every place that you think material, all in their true elevations. You will also diligently inquire what are the commodities to be procured it the several places you visit, and what wares are best calculated for their markets.

As it is believed that a fort on the coast of Mina or the Gold Coast of Guinea, in the King of _Habaan's_ country, might be extremely useful, you are especially desired to consider where such a fort could be best placed, in which you will carefully note the following circumstances.

1. That the situation be adjoining to the sea on one side, so that ships and boats may conveniently load and unload--2. What is the nature of the soil in its neighbourhood?--3. What wood or timber may be had, and in what manner it may be carried?--4. What victuals are to be procured in the country, and what kinds of our victuals are best calculated for keeping there?--5. The place must be strong by nature, or capable of being made strong at small expence, and of being afterwards defended by a small number of men.--6. How water is to be procured, if none is to be had on the ground where the fort is to stand, or at least near it?--7. What help may be expected from the natives, either in building the fort, or in defending it afterwards?

You are to sound the King of Habaan at a distance as to the erection of a fort in his country, taking notice how he relishes the proposal; yet you will so manage your communication with him that he may not understand your meaning, although there may seem good cause for its erection.

You will search the country as far as you can, both along the coast and into the interior. You will likewise use your endeavours to learn what became of the merchants who were left at Benin. In all other important matters worthy of notice, we have no doubt that you will diligently inquire and report to us, which we leave to your good discretion. We also request, that you will aid and assist our factors on all occasions, both with your advice and otherwise; and thus God send you safely to return.

SECTION VIII.

_Voyage to Guinea in 1562, written by William Rutter_[284].

This relation is said by Hakluyt to have been written by _one_ William Rutter, to his master Anthony Hickman, being an account of a voyage to Guinea in 1562, fitted out by Sir William Gerard, Sir William Chester, Thomas Lodge, Anthony Hickman, and Edward Castelin. Three of these are named in the preceding section as adventurers in the voyage proposed to have gone under John Lok, and two of those former adventurers are here omitted, while two others seem now to have supplied their places, yet it appears to have been the same adventure, as the Minion was the ship employed, notwithstanding the unfavourable report made of her by Lok. But it would appear that the Primrose was likewise of this voyage, as this relation is contained in a letter from Rutter to his master, dated on board the Primrose, 16th of August 1563.--E.

[Footnote 284: Hakluyt, II. 516. Astley, I. 177.]

* * * * *

Worshipful Sir,--My duty remembered, this shall serve to inform you of our voyage, since our departure from Dartmouth on the 25th February 1562, of which I then gave you notice. Having prosperous wind, we arrived at Cape Verd on the 20th of March, whence we sailed along the coast, to our first appointed port at Rio de Sestos, where we arrived on the morning of the 3d April. We here saw a French ship, which immediately made sail to leeward, and we came to anchor in the road. While we merchants were on shore engaged in traffic, the French ship returned and hailed [_saluted_] our ship with his ordnance. We were informed by the negroes that the Frenchman had been trading there for three days before our arrival, and we concluded, if he sent his boat on shore again for trade, that we would not suffer him till we had conferred with his captain and merchants. Accordingly his pinnace came on shore in the afternoon, but we desired them not to trade till we had spoken with their captain and merchants, whom we desired might come that night on board our admiral for that purpose. They did so accordingly, when Mr Burton and John Munt went on board the Minion, where the Frenchmen were, and it was determined that they should wait eight days beside us, allowing us to trade quietly the while. They were much dissatisfied with this arrangement, and sailed next morning eastwards to the Rio de Potos, on purpose to hinder our trade on the coast.

In consequence of this the merchants, both of the Minion and our ship, determined to go on before them, understanding that no other ships had gone that way before this season, and that our trade might not be interrupted by the French ship. We did so accordingly, and found the Frenchman trading to the westward at Rio de Potos, on which we passed them, and came to Rio de Potos on the 12th of April, where we remained trading till the 15th, when we departed with the Primrose for the river St Andrew, where we agreed to wait for the Minion. We arrived at that river on the 17th, and the Minion came to us that same day, saying that they had met with a great ship and a caravel, belonging to the king of Portugal, off cape Palmas, bound for the Mina, which had chased them, and shot many guns at them, which the Minion had returned in her defence. God be praised the Minion had no harm at that time. We then concluded to hasten to cape Three-points, to endeavour to intercept them on their way to the castle. We lay to off the cape for two days and a night, and suspecting they were past, the Minion went in shore and sent her boats to a place called _Anta_, where we had formerly traded. Next morning, the 21st of April, we again saw the ship and caravel to seaward, when we immediately made sail, endeavouring to get between them and the castle, but to our great grief they got to the castle before us, when they shot freely at us and we at them, but as they had the aid of the castle against us we profited little.

We set sail in the afternoon, and came to the town of Don Juan, called _Equi_, where, on the morning of the 22d, we went ashore to trade: But the negroes refused till they should hear from Don Luis the son of Don Juan, who was now dead. On the 23d Don Luis and Pacheco came to Equi, intending to trade with us; but two gallies came rowing along shore from the castle of Mina, meaning to interrupt our trade. We made sail on the 24th, and chased the gallies back to the castle, at which the negroes were much pleased; but they desired us to proceed to _Mowre_, about three leagues farther on, where they promised to follow us, being in fear of the Portuguese. We did so, and remained there waiting for the merchants who were coming with gold from the country, but Antonio, the son of Don Luis, and Pacheco were on board the Minion. In the morning of the 25th the two gallies came again from the castle, the weather being very calm, and shot at us, hitting us three times. Shortly after the land-wind sprung up, at which time we observed the great ship and the caravel making towards us, on which we weighed and made sail to attack them; but it was night before we could get up with them, and we lost sight of them in the night. While returning towards the coast next night we agreed to proceed to Cormantin; and next morning, the 28th, we found ourselves very near the large ship and the two gallies, the caravel being close in-shore. It being very calm, the two gallies rowed towards the stern of the Minion, and fought with her most part of the forenoon. During the engagement a barrel of powder blew up in the steward room of the Minion, by which misfortune the master-gunner, the steward, and most of the gunners were sore hurt. On perceiving this, the gallies became more fierce, and with one shot cut half through the Minions foremast, so that she could bear no sail till that were repaired. Soon after this, the great ship sent her boat to the gallies, which suddenly withdrew.

After their departure we went on board the Minion to consult what was best to be done: As the Minion was sore discomfited by the accident, and as we knew the negroes durst not trade with us so long as the gallies were upon the coast, it was agreed to return to the Rio Sestos. In the morning of the 14th of May we fell in with the land, and being uncertain whereabout we were, the boats were sent on shore to learn the truth, when it was found to be the Rio Barbas. We remained there taking in water till the 21st, and lost five of our men by the Hack pinnace over-setting. Departing on the 22d, we came to the Rio Sestos on the 2d of June. We again set sail on the 4th, and arrived this day, the 6th of August, within sight of the Start Point in the west of England, for which God be praised. We are very side and weak, not having above twenty men in both ships, able for duty. Of our men 21 have died, and many more are sore hurt or sick. Mr Burton has been sick for six weeks, and is now so very weak that, unless God strengthen him, I fear he will hardly escape. Your worship will find inclosed an abstract of all the goods we have sold, and also of what commodities we have received for them; reserving all things else till our meeting, and to the bearer of this letter.

In this voyage there were brought home, in 1563, 166 elephants teeth, weighing 1758 libs, and 22 buts full of grains, or Guinea pepper.

SECTION IX.

_Supplementary Account of the foregoing Voyage_ [285]

An account of the preceding voyage to Guinea in 1563, of which this section is an abstract, was written in verse by Robert Baker, who appears to have been one of the factors employed by the adventurers. It is said to have been written in prison in France, where he had been carried on his subsequent voyage, which forms the subject of the next section, and was composed at the importunity of his fellow traveller and fellow-prisoner, Mr George Gage, the son of Sir Edward Gage. Of this voyage he relates nothing material, except a conflict which happened with the negroes at a certain river, the name of which is not mentioned; neither does the foregoing relation by Rutter give any light into the matter. But from the circumstance of the ship commencing her return for England immediately after this adventure, it must have happened at the river Sestos or Sestre, which was the last place they touched at, and where they staid three days, as stated both in this and the proceeding narratives.--Astl. I. 179.

[Footnote 285: Astley, I. 179. Hakluyt, II. 518.]

In the versified relation, which is to be found at large in the last edition of Hakluyts Collection, London, 1810, Vol. II. p.518-523, he complains of being detained in a French prison, against all law and right, as the war between England and France was concluded by a peace. The account given of this conflict with the negroes is to the following effect--E.

One day while the ship was at anchor on the coast of Guinea, Baker ordered out the small pinnace or boat, with nine men well armed, to go on shore to traffic. At length, having entered a river, he saw a great number of negroes, whose captain came to him stark naked, sitting in a canoe made of a log, _like a trough to feed hogs in_. Stopping, at some distance, the negro chief put water on his cheek, not caring to trust himself nearer till Baker did the like. This signal of friendship being answered, and some tempting merchandize being shewn him, the chief came forward and intimated by signs, that he would stand their friend if some of these things were given him. He was gratified, and many things given to others of the natives. After trading all day with the negroes, Baker returned at night to the ship, carrying the chief along with him, where he clothed him and treated him kindly. In return the chief promised by signs to freight them in a day or two. While on board, Baker observed that the chief took much notice of the boat which was left astern, of the ship loaded with goods; yet not suspecting he had any ill design, no farther care or precaution was taken of the boat.

Next morning the chief was carried on shore, and trade or barter went on with the negroes as on the day before; and at the return of Baker to the ship, the boat was fastened to the stern, and the goods left in her as usual. In the night the negro captain came with two or three canoes, and was noticed by the watch to be very busy about the boat. On giving the alarm, the negroes fled; but on hoisting up the boat, all the goods were carried of. Vexed at being so tricked, the English went next morning up the river to the negro town, in order to recover their goods; but all their signs were to no purpose, as the negroes would neither understand them nor acknowledge the theft. On the contrary, as if wronged by the charge, and resolved to revenge the affront, they followed the English down the river in 100 canoes, while as many appeared farther down ready to intercept their passage. In each canoe were two men armed with targets and darts, most of which had long strings to draw them back again after they were thrown.

Being hard pressed, they discharged their arquebuses upon the negroes, who leapt into the water to avoid the shot. The English then rowed with all their might to get to sea; but the negroes getting again into their canoes, pursued and overtook them. Then drawing near, poured in their darts with accurate aim. The English kept them off with their pikes and halberts, and many of the negroes being slain or wounded by the English arrows and hail-shot from the arquebuses, they retreated. But when the English had expended all their arrows, the negroes came on again, and made many attempts to board the boat. The negro chief, who was a large tall man, advanced in his canoe under cover of his target, with a poisoned dart in his hand, in order to board; and as he pressed forward, the masters-mate thrust a pike through his target and throat, which dispatched him. While the mate was striving to disengage his pike, which stuck fast in the shield, he was wounded by a dart; yet drew the dart from his flesh and killed with it the negro who had wounded him. The enemy continued the fight closer than ever, and did great mischief with their darts, which made wide and grievous wounds. The gunner received two desperate wounds, and lost a great deal of blood, and the brave masters-mate, while standing firmly in his post, was struck through the ribs by a dart, on pulling out which his bowels followed, and he fell down dead. On perceiving this, the negroes gave a great shout, and pressed to enter the boat where the mate had stood, imagining as so many of the English were wounded they would now soon yield. But four of those remaining in the pinnace kept them off with their pikes, while the other four at the oars made the best of their way to sea.

At length they got out of the river, and the negroes retired having expended all their darts. This was fortunate for the English, as six of the remaining eight were desperately wounded, one of whom was Robert Baker, the author of this narrative, and only two remained who were able to handle the oars, so that they made very slow progress to the ship, which appears to have been four leagues from the shore. When they got on board they were all so faint that none of them were able to stand. After having their wounds dressed they refreshed themselves; but as Robert Baker had more occasion for rest than food he went to bed, and when he awoke in the morning the ship was under sail for England.

SECTION X.

_Voyage to Guinea in 1563 by Robert Baker_[286]

This relation, like the former, is written in verse, and only contains a description of two adventures that happened in the voyage, one of which proved extremely calamitous to those concerned in it, among whom was the author. From the title or preamble, we learn that the adventurers in this voyage were Sir William Gerard, Sir William Chester, Sir Thomas Lodge, Benjamin Gonson, William Winter, Lionel Ducket, Anthony Hickman, and Edward Castelin. There were two ships employed, one called the John Baptist, of which Lawrence Rondell was master, and the other the Merlin, Robert Revell master. The factors were Robert Baker, the author, Justinian Goodwine, James Gliedell, and George Gage. They set out on their voyage in November 1563, bound for Guinea and the river Sestos, but the port whence they fitted out is nowhere mentioned. After the unlucky disaster that befel him in Guinea in the year before, Baker had made a kind of poetical vow not to go near that country any more; but after his return to England, and recovery from his wounds, he soon forgot past sorrows; and being invited to undertake the voyage in quality of factor, he consented.--Astley.

[Footnote 286: Astley I. 180. Hakluyt, II. 523-531. The prose abstract here inserted is chiefly taken from Astleys collection, carefully compared with the original versified narrative in Hakluyt.--E.]

After we had been at sea two days and a night, the man from the main-top descried a sail or two, the tallest of which they immediately made up to, judging her to be the most valuable; and, as captains are in use to do[287], I hailed her to know whence she was. She answered from France, on which we _waved_ her, but she nothing dismayed, _waved_ us in return. I immediately ordered armed men aloft into the main and fore-tops, and caused powder to be laid on the poop to blow up the enemy if they should board us that way. At the sound of trumpets we began the fight, discharging both chain and bar-shot from our brazen artillery; while the Frenchmen, flourishing their swords from the main-yard, called out to us to board their ship. Willing to accept their invitation, we plied them warmly with our cannon, and poured in flights of arrows, while our arquebuses plied them from loop-holes, and we endeavoured to set their sails on fire by means of arrows and pikes carrying wildfire. I encouraged, the men to board, by handing spiced wine liberally among them, which they did with lime-pots, after breaking their nets with stones, while those of our men who were aloft entered the enemys tops, after killing those who defended them. Then cutting the ropes, they brought down the yard by the board, and those who entered the ship plied the enemy so well with their swords, that at length the remaining Frenchmen ran below deck and cried out for quarter. Having thus become masters of the ship, we carried her to the _Groin_ in Spain, or Corunna, where we sold the ship and cargo for ready money.

[Footnote 287: In these early trading voyages, the chief factor, who here appears to have been Baker, seems to have had the supreme command--Astl. I. 180. b.]

After this we proceeded on our voyage and arrived in Guinea. One day about noon, I went with eight more in a boat towards the shore to trade, meaning to dispatch my business and be back before night. But when we had got near the shore, a furious tempest sprung up, accompanied with rain and thunder, which drove the ships from their anchors out to sea; while we in the boat were forced to run along the coast in search of some place for shelter from the storm, but meeting none, had to remain all night near the shore, exposed to the thunder, rain, and wind in great jeopardy. We learnt afterwards that the ships returned next day in search of us, while we rowed forward along the coast, supposing the ships were before us, and always anxiously looked out for them; but the mist was so great that we could never see them nor they us. The ships continued, as we were told afterwards, looking out for us for two or three days; after which, concluding that we had inevitably perished in the storm, they made the best of their way for England.

Having been three days in great distress for want of food, we at length landed on the coast and exchanged some of our wares with the negroes for roots and such other provisions as they had, and then put to sea again in search of the ships, which we still supposed were before us or to leeward, wherefore we went down the coast to the eastwards. We continued in this manner ranging along shore for twelve days, seeing nothing but thick woods and deserts, full of wild beasts, which often appeared and came in crowds at sunset to the sea shore, where they lay down or played on the sand, sometimes plunging into the water to cool themselves. At any other time it would have been diverting to see how archly the elephants would fill their trucks with water, which they spouted out upon the rest. Besides deer, wild boars, and antelopes, we saw many other wild beasts, such as I had never seen before.

We often saw a man or two on the shore, who on seeing us used to come off in their almadias or canoes; when casting anchor we offered such wares as we had in the boat for fish and fresh water, or provisions of their cooking, and in this way we procured from them roots and the fruit of the palm tree, and some of their wine, which is the juice of a tree and is of the colour of whey. Sometimes we got wild honeycombs; and by means of these and other things we relieved our hunger; but nothing could relieve our grief, fatigue and want of sleep, and we were so sore depressed by the dreadful situation in which we were placed, that we were ready to die, and were reduced to extreme weakness. Having lost all hope of rejoining the ships, which we now concluded were either lost or gone homewards, we knew not how to conduct ourselves. We were in a strange and distant country, inhabited by a people whose manners and customs were entirely different from ours; and to attempt getting home in an open boat destitute of every necessary was utterly impossible. By this time we found we had passed to leeward of _Melegete_ or the grain coast, and had got to the Mina or gold coast of Guinea, as the negroes who now came on board spoke some Portuguese, and brought off their weights and scales for the purpose of trade, asking where were our ships. To this we answered, in hopes of being the better treated, that we had two ships at sea, which would be with them in a day or two.

We now consulted together how they should best proceed. If we continued at sea in our boat, exposed by day to the burning heat of the sun which sensibly consumed us by copious perspiration, and to the frequent tornadoes or hurricanes by night, accompanied with thunder, lightning and rain; which deprived us of all rest, we could not possibly long hold out. We were often three days without a morsel of food; and having sat for twenty days continually in our boat, we were in danger of losing the use of our limbs for want of exercise, and our joints were so swollen by the scurvy, that we could hardly stand upright. It was not possible for us to remain much longer in the boat in our present condition, so that it was necessary to come to some resolution, and we had only three things to choose. The first was to repair to the castle of St George del Mina, which was not far off, and give ourselves up to the Portuguese who were Christians, if we durst trust them or expect the more humanity on that account. Even the worst that could happen to us from them was to be hanged out of our misery; yet possibly they might have some mercy on us, as nine young men such as we were might be serviceable in their gallies, and if made galley slaves for life we should have victuals enough to enable us to tug at the oar, whereas now we had both to row and starve.

The next alternative was to throw ourselves upon the mercy of the negroes, which I stated was very hopeless and discouraging, as I did not see what favour could be expected from a beastly savage people, whose condition was worse than that of slaves, and who possibly might be cannibals. It was likewise difficult for us to conform ourselves to their customs, so opposite to ours; and, we could not be expected, having always lived on animal food, to confine ourselves to roots and herbs like the negroes, which are the food of wild beasts. Besides, having been always accustomed to the use of clothes, we could not for shame go naked. Even if we could get the better of that prejudice, our bodies would be grievously tormented and emaciated by the scorching heat of the sun, for want of that covering and defence to which we had been accustomed. The only other course was to stay at sea in the boat, and die miserably. Being determined to run any risk at land, rather than to continue pent up in a narrow boat, exposed to all the inclemencies of the weather day and night, and liable to be famished for want of victuals, I gave it as my opinion that we had better place confidence in the Christian Portuguese than in the negroes who lived like so many brutes. We how determined to throw ourselves on the mercy of the Portuguese, and hoisting sail shaped our course for the castle of St George del Mina; which was not above 20 leagues distant. We went on all day without stopping till late at night, when we perceived a light on shore. Concluding that this might be a place of trade, our boatswain proposed to cast anchor at this place, in hopes that we might be able to procure provisions next morning in exchange for some of our wares. This was agreed upon, and on going next morning near the shore we saw a watchhouse upon a rock, in the place whence the light had proceeded during the night, and near the watchhouse a large black cross was erected. This made us doubtful whereabout we were, and on looking farther we perceived a castle which perplexed us still more[288].

[Footnote 288: It appears in the sequel that this fort or castle had been recently erected by the Portuguese at the western point or head-land of Cape Three-points, and of which there are no notices in any of the preceding voyages on this part of the coast.--Astley, I. 132, a.]

Our doubts were quickly solved by the appearance of some Portuguese, one of whom held a white flag in his hand which he waved as inviting us to come on shore. Though we were actually bound in quest of the Portuguese, yet our hearts now failed us, and we tacked about to make from the shore. On being seen from the castle, a gun was fired at us by a negro, the ball from which fell within a yard of our boat. At length we turned towards the shore to which we rowed, meaning to yield ourselves up; but to our great surprise, the nearer we came to the shore the more did the Portuguese fire at us; and though the bullets fell thick about us we continued to advance till we got close under the castle wall, when we were out of danger from their cannon. We now determined to land in order to try the courtesy of the Portuguese, but were presently assailed by showers of stones from the castle: wall, and saw a number of negroes marching down to the beach with their darts and targets, some of them having bows and poisoned arrows. Their attack was very furious, partly from heavy stones falling into the boat which threatened to break holes in her bottom, as well as from flights of arrows which came whizzing about our ears, and even wounded some of us: Therefore being in desperation, we pushed off from the shore to return to sea, setting four of our men to row, while the other five determined to repay some part of the civility we had received, and immediately handled our fire-arms and bows. We employed these at first against the negroes on the beach, some of whom soon dropped; and then against the Portuguese who stood on the walls dressed in long white-shirts and linstocks in their hands, many of which were dyed red by means of the English arrows. We thus maintained our ground a long while, fighting at our leisure, regardless of the threats of the enemy, as we saw they had no gallies to send out to make us prisoners. When we had sufficiently revenged their want of hospitality, we rowed off, and though we knew that we must pass through another storm of bullets from the castle, we escaped without damage.

When we got out to sea, we saw three negroes rowing after us in an almadia, who came to inquire to what country we belonged, speaking good Portuguese. We told them we were Englishmen, and said we had brought wares to trade with them if they had not used us so ill. As the negroes inquired where our ship was, we said we had two at sea well equipped, which would soon come to the coast to trade for gold, and that we only waited their return. The negroes then pretended to be sorry for what had happened, and intreated us to remain where we were for that day, and promised to bring us whatever we were in want of. But placing no confidence in their words, we asked what place that was, and being answered that it was a Portuguese castle at the western head-land of Cape Three-points, we hoisted sail and put to sea, to look out for some more friendly place.

We now resolved to have no more reliance on the kindness of the Portuguese, of which we had thus sufficient experience, and to make trial of the hospitality of the negroes; for which purpose we sailed back about 30 leagues along the coast, and coming to anchor, some natives came off to the boat, to all of whom we gave presents. By this we won their hearts, and the news of such generous strangers being on the coast soon brought the kings son to our boat. On his arrival, I explained our sad case to him as well as I could by signs, endeavouring to make him understand that we were quite forlorn, having been abandoned by our ships, and being almost famished for want of food, offering him all the goods in our boat if he would take us under his protection and relieve our great distress. The negro chief was moved even to tears, and bid us be comforted. He went then on shore to know his fathers pleasure regarding us, and returning presently invited us to land. This was joyful news to us all, and we considered him as a bountiful benefactor raised up to us by the goodness of Providence. We accordingly fell to our oars in all haste to pull on shore, where at least 500 negroes were waiting our arrival; but on coming near shore the surf ran so high that the boat overset, on which the negroes plunged immediately into the water and brought us all safe on shore. They even preserved the boat and all that was in her, some swimming after the oars, and others diving for the goods that had sunk. After this they hauled the boat on shore and brought every thing that belonged to us, not daring to detain the most trifling article, so much were they in awe of the kings son, who was a stout and valiant man, and having many excellent endowments.

They now brought us such provisions as they used themselves, and being very hungry we fed heartily, the negroes all the while staring at us with much astonishment, as the common people are used to do in England at strange outlandish creatures. Notwithstanding all this apparent humanity and kindness, we were still under great apprehensions of the negroes, all of whom were armed with darts. That night we lay upon the ground among the negroes, but never once closed our eyes, tearing they might kill us while asleep. Yet we received no hurt from them, and for two days fared well; but finding the ships did not come for us, as they expected would soon have been the case, when likewise they looked to have had a large quantity of goods distributed among them in reward for their hospitality, they soon became weary of us; and after lessening our allowance from day to day, they at length left us to shift for ourselves. In this forlorn state, we had to range about the woods in search of fruits and roots, which last we had to dig from the ground with our fingers for want of any instruments. Hunger had quite abated the nicety of our palates, and we were glad to feed on every thing we could find that was eatable. Necessity soon reconciled us to going naked, for our clothes becoming rotten with our sweat fell from our backs by degrees, so that at length we had scarcely rags left to cover our nakedness. We were not only forced to provide ourselves in food, but had to find fuel and utensils to dress it. We made a pot of clay dried in the sun, in which we boiled our roots, and roasted the berries in the embers, feasting every evening on these varieties. At night we slept on the bare ground, making a great fire round us to scare away the wild beasts.

What with the entire change in our manner of living, and the heat and unhealthiness of the climate, our people sickened apace; and in a short time our original number of nine was reduced to three. To those who died it was a release from misery, but we who remained were rendered more forlorn and helpless than before. At length, when we had abandoned all hopes of relief, a French ship arrived on the coast, which took us on board and carried us to France, which was then at war with England, where we were detained prisoners.

A prisner therefore I remaine, And hence I cannot slip Till that my ransome be Agreed upon and paid: Which being levied yet so hie, No agreement can be made. And such is lo my chance, The meane time to abide; A prisner for ransome in France, Till God send time and tide. From whence this idle rime To England I do send: And thus, till I have further time, This tragedie I end.

SECTION XI.

_A Voyage to Guinea, in 1564:, by Captain David Carlet_[289].

At a meeting of merchant adventurers, held at the house of Sir William Gerard, on the 11th July 1564, for setting forth a voyage to Guinea, the following chief adventurers were present, Sir William Gerard, Sir William Chester, Sir Thomas Lodge, Anthony Hickman, and John Castelin. It was then agreed that Francis Ashbie should be sent to Deptford for his letters to Peter Pet, to go about rigging of the Minion at the charges of the queens majesty, after which Francis Ashbie was to repair with these letters to Gillingham, with money to supply our charges there.

[Footnote 289: Hakluyt, II. 531. Astley, I. 134.]

It was also agreed that every one of the five partners shall forthwith call upon their partners to supply, towards this new rigging and victualling L.29, 10s. 6d., for every L.100 value. Also that every one of the five partners shall forthwith bring in L.50, towards the furniture of the premises. Likewise, if Mr Gonson give his consent that the Merlin shall be brought round from Bristol to Hampton, that a letter shall be drawn under his hand, before order be given in the same.

The ships employed in this voyage were, the Minion belonging to the queen, David Carlet, captain, the John Baptist of London, and the Merlin belonging to Mr Gonson. The success of this voyage in part appears by certain brief relations extracted out of the second voyage of Sir John Hawkins to the West Indies, made in the year 1564, which I have thought good to set down for want of more direct information, which hitherto I have not been able to procure notwithstanding every possible endeavour[290].

[Footnote 290: This is the substance of Hakluyt's introduction to the following brief relation of the present voyage.--E.]

* * * * *

Sir John, then only Mr Hawkins, departed from Plymouth with a prosperous wind for the West Indies, on the 18th of October 1564, having under his command the Jesus of Lubec of 700 tons, the Salomon of 140 tons, a bark named the Tiger of 50 tons, and a pinnace called the Swallow of 30 tons, having in all 170 men, well supplied with ordnance and provisions for such a voyage. While casting loose the foresail, one of the officers in the Jesus was killed by the fall of a block, giving a sorrowful beginning to the expedition. After getting ten leagues out to sea, they fell in with the Minion, a ship belonging to the queen, of which David Carlet was captain, and her consort the John Baptist of London; which two ships were bound for Guinea. The two squadrons, as they may be called, saluted each other with some pieces of ordnance, after the custom of the sea; after which the Minion parted company to seek her other consort the Merlin of London, which was out of sight astern, leaving the John Baptist in company with Hawkins.

Continuing their voyage with a prosperous wind until the 21st, a great storm arose at N.E. about 9 o'clock at night, which continued 23 hours, in which storm Hawkins lost sight of the John Baptist and of his pinnace called the Swallow, the other three ships being sore tossed by the tempest. To his great joy the Swallow joined company again in the night, 10 leagues to the north of Cape Finister, having been obliged to go _roomer_, as she was unable to weather that cape against a strong contrary wind at S.W. On the 25th, the wind still continuing contrary, he put into Ferol in Galicia, where he remained five days, and gave out proper instructions to the masters of the other ships for keeping company during the rest of the voyage.

On the 26th of the month the Minion came into Ferol, on which Mr Hawkins saluted her with some guns, according to the custom of the sea, as a welcome for her safe arrival: But the people of the Minion were not in the humour of rejoicing, on account of the misfortune which had happened to their consort the Merlin, whom they had gone to seek on the coast of England when they parted from Mr Hawkins. Having met with her, they kept company for two days; when, by the negligence of one of the gunners of the Merlin, the powder in her gun-room took fire, by which her stern was blown out and three of her men lost, besides many sore hurt, who saved their lives in consequence of their brigantine being at her stern; for the Merlin immediately sunk, to the heavy loss of the owners and great grief of the beholders.

On the 30th of the month, Mr Hawkins and his ships, together with the Minion and her remaining consort the John Baptist, set sail in the prosecution of their voyage with a prosperous gale, the Minion having both brigantines at her stern. The 4th of November they had sight of Madeira, and the 6th of Tenerife, which they thought to have been grand Canary, as they reckoned themselves to the east of Tenerife, but were not. The Minion and her consort, being 3 or 4 leagues a head of the ships of Mr Hawkins, kept the course for Tenerife, of which they had a better view than the other ships, and by that means they parted company.

Hawkins and his ships continued his voyage by Cape Verd and Sierra Leone, after which he crossed the Atlantic ocean and came to the town of Burboroata on the coast of the Terra Firma in the West Indies, or South America; where he afterwards received information of the unfortunate issue of the Guinea voyage, in the following manner. While at anchor in the outer road on the 29th of April 1565, a French ship came in called the Green Dragon of Newhaven, of which one Bon-temps was captain, which saluted the English squadron after the custom of the sea, and was saluted in return. This ship had been at the Mina, or Gold coast of Guinea, whence she had been driven off by the Portuguese gallies, and obliged to make for the Terra Firma to endeavour to sell her wares. She informed that the Minion had been treated in the same manner; and that the captain, David Carlet, with a merchant or factor and twelve mariners, had been treacherously made prisoners by the negroes on their arrival on that coast, and remained in the hands of the Portuguese; besides which they had lost others of their men through the want of _fresh water_, and were in great doubts of being able to get home the ships[291].

[Footnote 291: Hakluyt might have said whether they did come home or not, which he certainly might have known; but he often leaves us in the dark as to such matters.--Astl. I. 185. a.]

* * * * *

_Note_.--It may not be improper to state in this place, that no ship need be reduced to utter distress for want of _fresh water_ at sea; as distilled sea water is perfectly fresh and wholesome. For this purpose, all ships bound on voyages of any length, ought to have a still head worm and cooler adapted to the cooking kettle, to be used when needed, by which abundance of fresh water may always be secured while cooking the ships provisions, sufficient to preserve the lives of the crew. In default of that useful appendage, a still may be easily constructed for the occasion, by means of the pitch kettle, a reversed tea kettle for a head, and a gun barrel fixed to the spout of the tea kettle, the breach pin being screwed out, and the barrel either soldered to the spout, or fixed by a paste of flour, soap and water, tied round with rags and twine. The tea kettle and gun barrel are to be kept continually wet by means of swabs and sea water, to cool and condense the steam. This distilled water is at first vapid and nauseous, both to the taste and the stomach; but by standing open for some time, especially if agitated in contact with air, or by pumping air through it, as is commonly done to sweeten putrid water, this unpleasant and nauseous vapidness is soon removed.

The nautical world owes this excellent discovery, of distilled sea water being perfectly fresh, to the late excellent and ingenious Dr James Lino, first physician to the general hospital of the navy at Haslar near Portsmouth during the American war, the author of two admirable works, on the Scurvy, and the Means of Preserving the Health of Seamen during long voyages, to which the British navy, and seamen in general, owe inestimable advantages. The editor, while giving this useful hint to seamen engaged on long voyages, is happy in having an opportunity of bearing this feeble testimony of honourable respect to the friend of his youth, under whom he had the happiness and advantage of serving, in that magnificent asylum of the brave defenders of the glory and prosperity of our king and country, for the last three years of the American war. Besides being an eminent and experienced physician, Dr Lind was a man of exemplary humanity, and of uncommon urbanity and singleness of manners: He was truly the seaman's friend. The rules and expedients which he devised and proposed, founded on the solid basis, of observation and experience, for Preserving the Health of Seamen on long voyages, were afterwards employed and perfected by the great navigator and discoverer COOK, and by his pupils and followers; and are now universally established in our glorious navy, to the incalculable advantage of the service.

In high northern or southern latitudes, solid clear ice melted affords good fresh water, the first runnings being thrown away as contaminated by adhering sea water. White cellular ice is quite unfit for the purpose, being strongly impregnated with salt. In future articles of our work, several opportunities will occur in which these two expedients for supplying ships with fresh water will be amply detailed. But on the present opportunity, it seemed proper to mention these easy and effectual expedients for preserving the health and lives of seamen, when in want of fresh water by the ordinary means.--Ed.

SECTION XII.

_A Voyage to Guinea and the Cape de Verd Islands in 1566, by George Fenner_[292]

Three ships were employed on this voyage, the admiral, called the Castle of Comfort, George Fenner general[293] of the expedition, and William Bats master; the May-Flower, vice-admiral, William Courtise master; the George, John Heiwood captain, and John Smith of Hampton master; besides a small pinnace. Walter Wren, the writer of the narrative, belonged to the George.

[Footnote 292: Hakluyt, II. 533. Astley, I. 185.]

[Footnote 293: This general was probably head factor--E.]

We departed from Plymouth on the 10th December 1566, and were abreast of Ushant on the 12th. On the 15th we got sight of Cape Finister, and lost company of our admiral that night, for which reason we sailed along the coast of Portugal, hoping our admiral might be before us. Meeting a French ship on the 18th and getting no intelligence of our admiral, we made sail for the Canaries, and fell in with the island of Tenerife on the 28th, where we came to anchor in a small bay, at which there were three or four small houses, about a league from the town of Santa Cruz. In this island there is a marvellous high hill called the Peak, and although it is in lat. 28° N. where the air is as warm in January as it is in England at midsummer, the top of this hill, to which no man has ever been known to ascend, is seldom free from snow even in the middle of summer. On the 3d January 1567, we departed from this place, going round the western point of the island, about 12 or 14 leagues from Santa Cruz, and came into a bay right over against the house of one Pedro de Souza, where we came to anchor on the 5th, and heard that our admiral had been there at anchor seven days before us, and had gone thence to the island of Gomera, to which place we followed him, and coming to anchor on the 6th over against the town of Gomera, we found our admiral at anchor to our great mutual satisfaction. We found here Edward Cooke in a tall ship, and a ship of the coppersmiths of London, which had been treacherously seized by the Portuguese in the bay of Santa Cruz on the coast of Barbary, or Morocco, which ship we left there all spoiled. At this place we bought 14 buts of wine for sea stores, at 15 ducats a but, which had been offered to us at Santa Cruz for 8, 9, or 10 ducats. The 9th we went to another bay about three leagues off, where we took in fresh water; and on the 10th we sailed for Cape Blanco on the coast of Africa.

The 12th we came to a bay to eastwards of Cape Pargos, (_Barbas?_) which is 35 leagues from Cape Blanco, but being unacquainted with that part of the coast, we proceeded to Cape Blanco, off which we had 16 fathoms two leagues from shore, the land being very low and all white sand. At this place it is necessary to beware of going too near shore, as when in 12 or 10 fathoms you may be aground within two or three casts of the lead. Directing our course on the 17th S. and S. by E. we fell into a bay about 16 leagues east of Cape Verd, where the land seemed like a great number of ships under sail, owing to its being composed of a great number of hummocks, some high some low, with high trees upon them. When within three leagues of the land we sounded and had 28 fathoms over a ground of black ouze. This day we saw much fish in sundry _sculs_ or shoals, swimming with their noses at the surface. Passing along this coast we saw two small round hills about a league from the other, forming a cape, and between them great store of trees, and in all our sailing we never saw such high land as these two hills. The 19th we came to anchor at the cape in a road, fast by the western side of two hills[294], where we rode in 10 fathoms, though we might safely have gone into five or six fathoms, as the ground is good and the wind always blows from the shore.

[Footnote 294: The paps of Cape Verd are about a League S.S.E. from the extreme west point of the Cape.--E.]

At this place some of our officers and merchants went on shore with the boat unarmed, to the number of about 20 persons, among whom were Mr George Fenner the general, his brother Edward Fenner, Thomas Valentine, John Worme, and Francis Leigh, merchants, John Haward, William Bats, Nicholas Day, John Thomson, and several others. At their coming on shore they were met by above 100 negroes armed with bows and arrows. After some talk pledges were interchanged, five of the English being delivered into their hands, and three negroes taken on board the admirals skiff. Our people mentioned the merchandize they had brought, being linen and woolen cloth, iron, cheese, and other articles; on which the negroes said that they had civet, musk, gold, and grains to give in exchange, with which our people were well pleased. The negroes desired to see our merchandize, on which one of the boats was sent back to the ships, while our general and merchants remained in the other with the three negroe pledges, our five men walking about on shore among the negroes. On the return of the boat from the ship with goods, bread, wine, and cheese were distributed among the natives. At this time two of the negroe pledges, on pretence of sickness, were allowed to go on shore, promising to send two others in their stead. On perceiving this, Captain Haiward began to dread some perfidy, and retreated towards the boat, followed by two or three negroes, who stopped him from going on board, and made signs for him to bring them more bread and wine, and when he would have stepped into the boat, one of them caught him by the breeches, but he sprung from him and leapt into the boat. As soon as he was in, one of the negroes on shore began to blow a pipe, on which the negroe pledge who remained in the boat, suddenly drew Mr Wormes sword, cast himself into the sea and swam on shore. The negroes immediately laid hands on our men that were on shore, and seized three of them with great violence, tore their clothes from their backs, and left them nothing to cover them. Then many of them shot so thick at our men in the boats that they could scarcely handle their oars, yet by God's help they got the boats away, though many of them were hurt by the poisoned arrows. This poison is incurable, if the arrow pierce the skin so as to draw blood, except the poison be immediately sucked out, or the part hurt be cut out forthwith; otherwise the wounded man inevitably dies in four days. Within three hours after any part of the body is hurt, or even slightly pricked, although it be the little toe, the poison reaches the heart, and affects the stomach with excessive vomiting, so that the person can take neither meat nor drink.

The persons seized in this treacherous manner by the negroes were Nicholas Day, William Bats, and John Thomson, who were led away to a town about a mile from the shore. The 20th we sent a boat on shore with eight persons, among whom was the before-mentioned John Thomson[295] and our interpreter, who was a Frenchman, as one of the negroes spoke good French. They carried with them two arquebuses, two targets, and a _mantell?_ and were directed to learn what ransom the negroes demanded for Bats and Day whom they detained. On coming to the shore and telling the negroes the nature of their errand, Bats and Day were brought from among some trees quite loose, but surrounded by some 40 or 50 negroes. When within a stone's throw of the beach, Bats broke suddenly from them and ran as fast as he could into the sea towards the boat; but immediately on getting into the water he fell, so that the negroes retook him, violently tearing off his clothes. After this some of the negroes carried our two men back to the town, while the rest began to shoot at our people in the boat with their poisoned arrows, and wounded one of our men in the small of the leg, who had nearly died in spite of every thing our surgeons could do for him. Notwithstanding this unjustifiable conduct, our general sent another message to the negroes, offering any terms they pleased to demand as ransom for our men. But they gave for answer, that three weeks before we came an English ship had forcibly carried off three of their people, and unless we brought or sent them back we should not have our men, though we gave our three ships and all their lading. On the 21st a French ship, of 80 tons came to the place where we were, intending to trade with the negroes, and seeing that the Frenchmen were well received by the natives, our general told them of our two men being detained, and wished them to endeavour to procure their release, promising L.100 to the Frenchmen if they succeeded. We then committed this affair to the management of the Frenchmen, and departed. Of our men who were hurt by the poisoned arrows, four died, and one had to have his arm cut off to save his life. Andrews, who was last hurt, lay long lame and unable to help himself, and only two recovered.

[Footnote 295: It is not said how he had got away from the negroes.--E.]

While between Cape Verd and Bonavista on the 26th, we saw many flying fishes of the size of herrings, two of which fell into the boat which we towed at our stern. The 28th we fell in with Bonavista, one of the Cape de Verd islands, which is 86 leagues from that cape. The north side of that island is full of white sandy hills and dales, being somewhat high land. That day we came to anchor about a league within the western point, in ten fathoms upon fine sand, but it is quite safe to go nearer in five or six fathoms, as the ground is every where good. The 30th we went into a bay within a small island about a league from our first anchorage, where we took plenty of various kinds of fish. Whoever means to anchor in this bay may safely do so in four or five fathoms off the south point of the small island; but must beware of the middle of the bay, where there is a ledge of rocks on which the sea breaks at low water, although then they are covered by three fathoms water. The last day of January, our general went on shore in the bay to some houses, where he found twelve Portuguese, the whole island not having more than 30 inhabitants, who were all banished men, some condemned to more years of exile and some to less, and among them was a simple man who was their captain. They live on goat's flesh, cocks and hens, with fresh water, having no other food except fish, which they do not care for, neither indeed have they any boats wherewith to catch them. They told us that this island had been granted by the king of Portugal to one of his gentlemen, who had let it at 100 ducats of yearly rent, which was paid by the profit on goats skins, of which 40,000 had been sent from that island to Portugal in one year. These men made us very welcome, entertaining us as well as they could, giving us the carcasses of as many he-goats as we pleased, and even aided us in taking them, bringing them down for us from the mountains on their asses. They have great store of oil procured from tortoises, which are _fishes_ that swim in the sea, having shells on their backs as large as targets. It only rains in this island for three months in every year, from the middle of July to the middle of October; and the climate is always very hot. Cows have been brought here, but owing to the heat and drought they always died.

We left Bonavista, or Buenavista, on the 3d February, and fell in the same day with another island called Mayo, 14 leagues distant; there being a danger midway between the two islands, but it is always seen and easily avoided. We anchored in a fine bay on the N.W. side of Mayo, in eight fathoms on a good sandy bottom; but weighed next day and went to another island called St Jago, about five leagues E. by S. from Mayo. At the westermost point of this island, we saw a good road-stead, having a small town by the waterside, close to which was a fort or battery. We here proposed to have anchored on purpose to trade; but before we were within shot, they let fly two pieces at us, on which we went to leeward along shore two or three leagues, where we found a small bay and two or three houses, off which we anchored in 14 fathoms upon good ground. Within an hour after we had anchored, several persons both on foot and horseback were seen passing and repassing opposite the ships. Next day a considerable force of horse and foot was seen, and our general sent a message to know whether they were disposed to trade with us. They answered that we were made welcome as merchants, and should have every thing we could reasonably demand. On this our general ordered all the boats to be made ready, but doubting the good faith of the Portuguese, caused the boats to be well armed, putting a _double base_ in the head of his pinnace and two _single bases_ in the skiff, directing the boats of the May-flower and George to be similarly armed. On rowing towards the shore with all the boats, the general was surprised to see above 60 horsemen and 200 foot all armed to receive us, for which reason he sent a flag of truce to learn their intentions. Their answer was fair and smooth, declaring that they meant to treat us like gentlemen and merchants, and desired that our general might come on shore to converse with their captain. When our general approached the shore in his skiff, they came towards him in great numbers, with much seeming politeness, bowing and taking off their bonnets, and earnestly requesting our general and the merchants to come on shore. He declined this however, unless they would give sufficient hostages for our security. At length they promised to send two satisfactory hostages, and to give us water, provisions, money, and negroes in exchange for our merchandize, and desired a list of our wares might be sent on shore; all of which our general promised to do forthwith, and withdraw from the shore, causing our _bases, curriers_[296], and arquebuses to be fired off in compliment to the Portuguese, while at the same time our ships saluted them with five or six cannon shot. Most of the Portuguese now left the shore, except a few who remained to receive the list of our commodities; but, while we meant honestly and fairly to trade with them as friends, their intentions were treacherously to betray us to our destruction, as will appear in the sequel.

[Footnote 296: Bases and curriers must have been some small species of ordnance, capable of being used in boats; arquebuses were matchlock muskets.--E.]

About two leagues to the west of where we lay, there was a town behind a point of land, where the Portuguese had several caravels, and two brigantines or row barges like gallies. With all haste the Portuguese fitted out four caravels and these two brigantines, furnishing them with as many men and cannon as they could carry; and as soon as it was night these vessels made towards us with sails and oars, and as the land was high, and the weather somewhat dark and misty, we did not see them till they were almost close on board the May-flower, which lay at anchor about a gun-shot nearer them than our other ships. When within gun-shot of the May-flower, one of the watch chanced to see a light, and then looking out espied the four ships and gave the alarm. The Portuguese, finding themselves discovered, began immediately to fire their cannon, _curriers_, and arquebuses; then lighted up certain tubes of wild fire, and all their people both on shore and in their ships set up great shouts, while they continued to bear down on the May-flower. With all the haste we could, one of our guns was got ready and fired at them, on which they seemed to hesitate a little; But they recharged their ordnance, and again fired at us very briskly. In the mean time we got three guns ready which we fired at them, when they were so near that we could have shot an arrow on board. Having a fine breeze of wind from the shore, we hoisted our foresail and cut our cable, making sail to join our admiral to leeward, while they followed firing sometimes at us and sometimes at our admiral. At length one shot from our admiral had the effect to make them retire, when they made away from us like cowardly traitors. During all this time, though they continually fired all their guns at us, not a man or boy among us was hurt; but we know not what were the effects of our shot among them.

Seeing the villany of these men, we set sail immediately for an island named _Fuego_, or the Fire island, twelve leagues from St Jago, where we came to anchor on the 11th February, opposite a white chapel at the west end of the island, half a league from a small town, and about a league from the western extremity of the island. In this island, there is a remarkably high hill which burns continually, and the inhabitants told us, that about three years before, the whole island had like to have been destroyed by the prodigious quantity of fire which it discharged. About a league west from the chapel we found a fine spring of fresh water, whence we supplied our ships. They have no wheat in this island, instead of which they grow millet, which makes good bread, and they likewise cultivate peas like those of Guinea. The inhabitants are Portuguese, and are forbidden by their king to trade either with the English or French, or even to supply them with provisions, or any other thing unless forced. Off this island is another named Brava, or St John, not exceeding two leagues over, which has abundance of goats and many trees, but not above three or four inhabitants.

On the 25th of February we set sail for the Azores, and on the 23d of March we got sight of one of these islands called Flores, to the north of which we could see another called Cuervo, about two leagues distant. The 27th we came to anchor at Cuervo, opposite a village of about a dozen mean houses; but dragging our anchors in the night during a gale of wind, we went to Flores, where we saw strange streams of water pouring from its high cliffs, occasioned by a prodigious rain. The 18th April we took in water at Flores, and sailed for Fayal, which we had sight of on the 28th, and of three other islands, Pico, St George, and Graciosa, which are round about Fayal. The 29th we anchored in 22 fathoms water in a fine bay on the S.W. side of Fayal, over against a small town, where we got fresh water and fresh provisions. In this island, according to the report of the inhabitants, there grows green woad, which they allege is far better than the woad of St Michael or of Tercera.

The 8th of May we came to Tercera, where we found a Portuguese ship, and next morning we saw bearing down, upon us, a great ship and two caravels, which we judged to belong to the royal navy of Portugal, as they really were, and therefore made ready for our defence. The large ship was a galliass, of about 400 tons and 300 men, well appointed with brass guns both large and small, some of their shot being as large as a mans head; and the two caravels were both well appointed in men and ammunition of war. As soon as they were within shot of us, they waved us amain with their swords as if in defiance, and as we kept our course they fired at us briskly, while we prepared as well as we could for our defence. The great ship gave us a whole broadside, besides firing four of her greatest guns which were in her stern, by which some of our men were hurt, while we did our best to answer their fire. At this time two other caravels came from shore to join them, and two pinnaces or boats full of men, whom they put on board the great ship, and then returned to the shore with only two men in each. The ship and caravels gave us three attacks the first day, and when night came they ceased firing, yet kept hard by us all night, during which we were busily employed knotting and spicing our ropes and strengthening our bulwarks.

Next day the Portuguese were joined by four great caravels or armadas, three of which were not less than 100 tons each, the fourth being smaller, but all well armed and full of men. All these came up against us, in the admiral or Castle of Comfort, and we judged that one of the caravels meant to lay us on board, as we could see them preparing their false nettings and all other things for that purpose, for which the galliasse came up on our larboard side, and the caravel on our starboard. Perceiving their intention, we got all our guns ready with bar-shot, chain-shot, and grape; and as soon as they came up, and had fired off their guns at us, thinking to lay us on board, we gave them such a hearty salutation on both sides of us, that they were both glad to fall astern, where they continued for two or three hours, there being very little wind. Then our small bark the George came up to confer with us, and as the Portuguese ships and caravels were coming up again to attack us, the George, while endeavouring to get astern of us, fell to leeward, and was so long of filling her sails for want of wind, that the enemy got up to us, and she got into the middle of them, being unable to fetch us. Then five of the caravels assailed her all round about, yet she defended herself bravely against them all. The great ship and one caravel came to us and fought us all day. The May-flower being well to windward, took the benefit of that circumstance, and kept close hauled all that day, but would not come near us. When night came, the enemy ceased firing, yet followed us all night. During these repeated attacks we had some men slain and several wounded, and our tackle much injured; yet we did our best endeavour to repair all things, resolving to defend ourselves manfully, putting our trust in God. In the night the May-flower came up to us, on which our captain requested they would spare us half a dozen fresh men, but they would not, and bore away again.

Next morning, the enemy seeing us at a distance from one another, came up against us with a great noise of hooping and hallooing, as if resolved to board or sink us; yet although our company was small, lest they might think us any way dismayed, we answered their shouts, and waved upon them to board us if they durst, but they did not venture. This day they gave us four several assaults; but at night they forsook us, desisting with shame from the fight which they had begun with pride. We had some leaks in our ship from shot holes, which we stopped with all speed, after which we took some rest after our long hard labour. In the morning the Mayflower joined, and sent six of her men on board us, which gave us much relief, and we sent them four of our wounded men.

We now directed our course for England, and by the 2d of June came into soundings off the Lizard. On the 3d we fell in with a Portuguese ship, the captain of which came on board our admiral, saying that he was laden with sugar and cotton. Our merchants shewed him five negroes we had, asking him to buy them, which he agreed to do for 40 chests of sugar, which were very small, not containing above 26 loaves each. While they were delivering the sugar, we saw a large ship and a small one bearing down upon us, which our captain supposed to be men of war or rovers, on which he desired the Portuguese to take back their sugars, meaning to prepare for defence. But the Portuguese earnestly entreated our captain not to forsake him, and promised to give him ten chests of sugar in addition to the bargain, if we would defend him. To this our captain consented, and the rovers seeing that we were not afraid of them, let us alone. Next morning two others came up, but on seeing that we did not attempt to avoid them, they left us also. The 5th of June we got sight of the Start, and about noon were abreast of Lyme bay, where we sounded in 35 fathoms water. Next day we came in at the Needles, and anchored at a place called Meadhole, under the isle of Wight; from whence we sailed to Southampton, where our voyage ended.

SECTION XIII.

_Embassy of Mr Edmund Hogan to Morocco in 1577, written by himself_.[297]

Though not exactly belonging to the subject of the present chapter, yet as given by Hakluyt along with the early voyages to Guinea, it has been thought proper to be inserted in this place. According to Hakluyt, Mr Hogan was one of the sworn esquires of the person to Queen Elizabeth, by whom he was sent ambassador to Muley Abdulmeleck, emperor of Morocco and king of Fez.--_Hakl_.

[Footnote 297: Hakluyt, II. 541.]

* * * * *

I Edmund Hogan, being appointed ambassador from her majesty the queen to the emperor and king Muley Abdulmeleck, departed from London with my company and servants on the 22d of April 1577; and embarking in the good ship called the Gallion of London, I arrived at Azafi, a port in Barbary, on the 21st of May. I immediately sent Leonell Edgerton on shore, with my letters to the care of John Williams and John Bampton, who dispatched a _trottero_ or courier to Morocco, to learn the emperors pleasure respecting my repair to his court. They with all speed gave the king notice of it[298]; who, being much satisfied with the intelligence, sent next day some of his officers and soldiers to Azafi, with tents and other necessaries, so that these captains, together with John Bampton, Robert Washborne, and Robert Lion, came late on Whitsunday night to Azafi. Having written in my letter, that I would not land till I knew the kings pleasure, I remained on board till their arrival; but I caused some of the goods to be landed to lighten the ship.

[Footnote 298: It would appear that Williams and Bampton were resident at the city of Morocco.--E.]

The 22d of May the Make-speed arrived in the road: and on the 27th, being Whitsunday, John Bampton came on board the Gallion with others in his company, giving me to understand that the king was rejoiced at my safe arrival from the queen of England, and that for my safe conduct he had sent four captains and 100 soldiers, together with a horse and furniture on which the king was in use to ride. I accordingly landed with my suite consisting of ten persons, three of whom were trumpeters. The four English ships in the harbour were dressed up to the best advantage, and shot off all their ordnance, to the value of twenty marks in powder. On coming ashore, I found all the soldiers drawn up on horseback, the captains and the governor of the town standing close to the water side to receive me, with a jennet belonging to the king for my use. They expressed the great satisfaction of their sovereign, at my arrival from the queen my mistress, and that they were appointed by the king to attend upon me, it being his pleasure that I should remain five or six days on shore, to refresh myself before commencing my journey. Having mounted the jennet, they conducted me through the town to a fair field, where a tent was provided for me, having the ground spread with Turkey carpets. The castle discharged a peal of ordnance, and every thing necessary was brought to my tent, where I had convenient table and lodging, and had other tents for the accommodation of my servants. The soldiers environed the tents, and kept watch as long as I remained there.

Although I sought a speedier dispatch, I could not be permitted to begin my journey till Wednesday the 2d of June, when I mounted towards evening, and travelled about ten miles to the first place on the road where water was to be had, and there pitched our tents till next morning[299]. The 3d we began our journey early, and travelled till ten o'clock, when we halted till four, at which time we resumed our journey, travelling as long as we had light, making about 26 miles in all that day. The 4th being Friday, we travelled in the same manner about 28 miles, and pitched our tents beside a river, about six wiles from the city of Morocco. Immediately afterwards, all the English and French merchants came on horseback to visit me, and before night there came an _alcayde_ from the king, with 50 men and several mules laden with provisions, to make a banquet for my supper, bringing a message from the king, expressing how glad he was to hear from the queen of England, and that it was his intention to receive me more honourably than ever Christian had been before at the court of Morocco. He desired also to know at what time I proposed to come next day into his city, as he was resolved that all the Christians, and also his own nobles should meet me. He desired likewise that John Bampton should wait upon him early next morning, which he did accordingly.

[Footnote 299: Having no inns in Barbary, travellers have to encamp or lodge in the open fields where they can find water.--_Hakluyt_.]

About seven o'clock the next morning, I moved towards the city, accompanied by the English and French merchants, and a great number of soldiers; and by the time I had gone about two miles, I was met by all the Spanish and Portuguese Christians, which I knew was more owing to the kings commands than of their own good will,[300] for some of them, though they spoke me fair, hung down their heads like dogs, especially the Portuguese, and I behaved to them accordingly. When I had arrived within two miles of the city, John Bampton rejoined me, expressing that the king was so glad of my arrival, that he knew not how sufficiently to shew his good will towards the queen and her realm. His counsellors met me without the gates; and on entering the city some of the kings footmen and guards were placed on both sides of my horse, and in this manner I was conducted to the palace. The king sat in his chair of state, having his counsellors about him, both Moors and _Elchies_; and, according to his order previously given me, I declared my message to him in the Spanish language, and delivered her majestys letters. All that I spoke at this time in Spanish, he caused one of his _Elchies_ to interpret to the Moors who were present in the _Larbe_ tongue. When this was done, he answered me in Spanish, returning great thanks to the queen my mistress, for my mission, and offering himself and country to be at her majesty's disposal; after which he commanded some of his counsellors to conduct me to my lodging, which was at no great distance from the court. The house appointed for me was very good according to the fashion of the country, and was every day furnished with all kinds of provisions at the kings charge.

[Footnote 300: The Spaniards and Portuguese were commanded by the king, on pain of death, to meet the English ambassador.--Hakluyt.]

I was sent for again to court that same night, and had a conference with the king for the space of about two hours, when I declared to him the particulars of what had been given me in charge by the queen, and found him perfectly willing to oblige her majesty, and not to urge her with any demands that might not conveniently be complied with, well knowing that his country might be better supplied from England with such things as it stood in need of, than England from his country. He likewise informed me, that the king of Spain had sent demanding a licence to send an ambassador to him, and had strongly urged him not to give credence or entertainment to any ambassador that might come from the queen of England: "Yet," said he, "I know well what the king of Spain is, and what the queen of England and her realm; for I neither like him nor his religion, being so governed by the inquisition that he can do nothing of himself; wherefore, when his ambassador comes upon the licence I have given, he will see how little account I make of him and Spain, and how greatly I shall honour you for the sake of the queen of England. He shall not come into my presence, as you have done and shall daily; for I mean to accept of you as a companion and one of my household, whereas he shall wait twenty days after he has delivered his message."

At the end of this speech I delivered him the letters of Sir Thomas Gresham; upon which he took me by the hand, and led me down a long court to a palace, past which there ran a fair fountain of water, and sitting down in a chair, he commanded me to sit upon another, and sent for such simple musicians as he had to entertain me. I then presented him with a great bass lute, which he thankfully accepted, and expressed a desire to hear when he might expect the musicians: I told him great care had been taken to provide them, and I did not doubt that they would come out in the first ship after my return. He is willing to give them good entertainment, with lodgings and provisions, and to let them live according to their own law and conscience, as indeed he urges, no one to the contrary. He conducts himself greatly by the fear of God, and I found him well read in the scriptures both of the old and new testament, bearing a greater affection for our nation than any other, because that our religion forbids the worship of images; and indeed the Moors call him the Christian king. That same night[301] I continued with him till twelve o'clock, and he seemed to have taken a great liking for me, as he took from his girdle a short dagger set with 200 stones, rubies and turquoises, which he presented to me, after which I was conducted back to my lodgings.

[Footnote 301: In the original this is said to have been the 1st of June; but from what has gone before, that date must necessarily be erroneous; it could not be before the 5th of June, on which day he appears to have entered Morocco in he morning.--E.]

Next day being Sunday, which he knew was our Sabbath, he allowed me to remain at home; but he sent for me on the afternoon of Monday, when I had a conference with him, and was entertained with music. He likewise sent for me on Tuesday by three o'clock, when I found him in his garden laid upon a silk bed, as he complained of a sore leg. Yet after a long conference, he walked with me into another orchard, having a fine banqueting-house and a large piece of water, in which was a new galley. He took me on board the galley, and for the space of two or three hours, shewed me what great experience he had in the management of gallies, in which he said he had exercised himself for eighteen years of his youth. After supper he shewed me his horses, and other matters about his house. From that time I did not see him, as he was confined with his sore leg, yet he sent messages to me every day. I was sent for to him again on the 13th of June, about six in the evening, and continued with him till midnight, conferring about her majestys commission, and with regard to the good usage of our merchants trading in his dominions. He said that he would even do more than was asked for the queen and her subjects, who might all come to his ports in perfect security, and trade in every part of his dominions, likewise that they should at all times freely have water and provisions, and in times of war might bring in the ships taken from our enemies, and either sell them there, or freely depart at their pleasure. Likewise that all English ships, either passing along his coast of Barbary, or going through the straits into the Mediterranean or Levant sea, should have safe conducts to pass freely to the dominions of the Turks or of Algiers, as well as to his own. And he engaged to write to the great Turk and the king of Algiers to use our ships and goods in a friendly manner. Also, that if any Englishmen should be hereafter made captives and brought into his dominions, that they should on no account be sold as slaves. Whereupon, declaring the acceptance by her majesty of these conditions, to confirm the intercourse of trade between our merchants and his dominions, I engaged to satisfy him with such commodities as he stood in need of, to furnish the wants of his country in all kinds of merchandize, so that he might not require any thing from her majesty contrary to her honour and law, or in breach of league and amity with the Christian princes her neighbours. That same night I presented him with a case of combs[302], and requested his majesty to give orders for the lading of the ships back again, as I found there was very little saltpetre in the hands of John Bampton. He answered that I should have all the aid in his power, as he expected there was some store in his house at _Sus,_ and that the mountaineers had much in readiness. On my request that he would send orders for that to be brought, he promised to do so.

[Footnote 302: This seems rather a singular present to the emperor of Morocco.--E.]

The 18th day I was with him again and continued till night, when he shewed me his house, with the amusement of duck-hunting with water spaniels, and bull-baiting with English dogs. At this time I reminded him of sending to _Sus_ about the saltpetre, which he engaged to do; and on the 21st the Alcayde Mammie departed on that errand, accompanied by Lionel Edgerton and Rowland Guy, carrying with them, on our account and the king's, letters to his brother Muley Hamet, the Alcayde Shavan, and the viceroy. The 23d the king sent me out of Morocco with a guard, and accompanied by the Alcayde Mahomet, to see his garden called Shersbonare; and at night of the 24th I was sent for to court to see a Morris dance, and a play acted by his _Elchies._ He promised me an audience on the next day being Tuesday, but put it off till Thursday, when he sent for me after supper, when the Alcaydes Rodwan and Gowry were appointed to confer with me; but after a short conversation, I requested to be admitted to the king to receive my dispatch. On being admitted, I preferred two bills, or requests, of John Bampton respecting the provision of saltpetre, also two other petitions for the quiet trade of our English merchants, together with petitions or requests for the sugars which had been agreed to be made by the Jews, both for the debts they had already incurred to our merchants, and those they might incur hereafter, as likewise for the proper regulation of the ingenios. I also moved him to give orders for the saltpetre and other affairs that had been before agreed upon, which he referred me to be settled by the two alcaydes. But on Friday the alcaydes could not attend to my affairs, and on Saturday Rodwan fell sick. So on Sunday I again made application to the king, and that afternoon I was sent for to confer upon the bargain with the alcaydes and others, but we could not agree.

Upon Tuesday I wrote a letter to the king for my dispatch, and was called again to court that afternoon, when I referred all things to the king, accepting his offer of saltpetre. That night the king took me again into his galley, when the water spaniels hunted the duck. On Thursday I was appointed to weigh the 300 gross quintals of saltpetre; and that afternoon the _tabybe_ came to my lodging, to inform me that the king was offended with John Bampton for various reasons. Late on Sunday night, being the 7th of July, I got the king to forgive all to John Bampton, and he promised to give me another audience on Monday. Upon Tuesday I wrote to the king for my dispatch, when he sent _Fray Lewes_ to me, who said he had orders to write them out. Upon Wednesday I wrote again, and the king sent me word that I should come on Thursday to receive my dispatches, so that I might depart without fail on Friday the 12th of July.

According to the kings appointment I went to court on Friday, when all the demands I had made were granted, and all the privileges which had been requested on behalf of the English merchants were yielded to with great favour and readiness. As the Jews resident in Morocco were indebted in large sums to our men, the emperor issued orders that all these should be paid in full without delay or excuse. Thus at length I was dismissed with great honour and special favour, such as had not ordinarily been shewn to other Christian ambassadors. Respecting the private affairs treated on between her majesty and the emperor, I had letters to satisfy her highness in the same. To conclude, having the same honourable escort for my return from court that I had on my way there, I embarked with my suite, and arrived soon after in England, when I repaired to court, and ended my embassy to her majestys satisfaction, by giving a relation of my services.

SECTION XIV.

_Embassy of Henry Roberts from Queen Elizabeth to Morocco in 1585, written by himself_[303].

Like the former ambassador, Edmund Hogan, Mr Henry Roberts was one of the sworn esquires of the person to Elizabeth queen of England, and the following brief relation of his embassy, according to Hakluyt, was written by himself. This, like the former, does not properly belong to the present portion of our arrangement, but seemed necessary to be inserted in this place, however anomalous, as an early record of the attentions of the English government to extend the commerce and navigation of England, the sinews of our strength, and the bulwark of our glorious constitution. Mr Roberts appears to have spent three years and five months on this embassy, leaving London on the 14th August 1585, and returning to the same place on the 12th January 1589, having, in the words of Hakluyt, remained at Morocco as _lieger_, or resident, during upwards of three years.

[Footnote 303: Hakluyt, II 602.]

In the commencement of this brief notice, Mr Roberts mentions the occasion of his embassy as proceeding from the incorporation of a company of merchants, for carrying on an exclusive trade from England to Barbary; upon which event he was appointed her majestys messenger and agent to the emperor of Morocco, for the furtherance of the affairs of that company. It is not our intention to load our work with copies of formal patents and diplomatic papers; yet in the present instance it may not be amiss to give an abridgment of the patent to the Barbary company, as an instance of the mistaken principles of policy on which the early foundations of English commerce were attempted.--E.

_Letters Patent and Privileges granted in 1585 by Queen Elizabeth, to certain Noblemen and Merchants of London, for a Trade to Barbary.[304]_

[Footnote 304: Hakluyt, II. 599.]

Elizabeth, &c.--Whereas our right trusty and well beloved counsellors, Ambrose earl of Warwick, and Robert earl of Leicester, and also our loving and natural subjects Thomas Starkie, &c.[305] all merchants of London, now trading into the country of Barbary, in the parts of Africa under the government of Mulley Hamet Sheriffe, emperor of Morocco, and king of Fez and Sus, have made it evident to us that they have sustained great and grievous losses, and are likely to sustain greater if it should not be prevented. In tender consideration whereof, and because diverse merchandize of the same countries are very necessary and convenient for the use and defence of this our realm, &c. Wherefore we give and grant to the said earls, &c. by themselves, their factors or servants, and none others, for and during the space of twelve years, the whole freedom and liberty of the said trade, any law, &c. to the contrary in any way notwithstanding. The said trade to be free of all customs, subsidies or other duties, during the said period to us, our heirs and successors, &c. Witness ourself at Westminster, the 5th July, in the 27th year of our reign.

[Footnote 305: Here are enumerated forty merchants of London, as members of the Barbary company in conjunction with the two earls.--E.]

_Narrative._

Upon an incorporation granted to the company of Barbary merchants resident in London, I Henry Roberts, one of her majesties sworn esquires of her person, was appointed messenger and agent from her highness unto Mulley Hamet Sheriffe, emperor of Morocco and king of Fez and Sus. And, having received my commission, instructions, and her majesties letters, I departed from London, the 14th August 1585, in a tall ship called the Ascension, in company with the Minion and Hopewell. We arrived in safety at the port of Azaffi in Barbary on the 14th of September following. The alcaide of the town, who is the kings chief officer there, or as it were mayor of the place, received me with all civility and honour, according to the custom of the country, and lodged me in the best house in the town. From thence I dispatched a messenger, which in their language is called a _trottero_, to inform the emperor of my arrival; who immediately sent a party of soldiers for my guard and safe conduct, with horses for myself, and mules for my baggage and that of my company or suite.

Accompanied by Richard Evans, Edward Salcot, and other English merchants resident in the country, and with my escort and baggage, I came to the river _Tenisist_, within four miles of the city of Morocco, and pitched my tents among a grove of olive trees on the banks of that river, where I was met by all the English merchants by themselves, and the French, Flemish, and various other Christians, who waited my arrival. After we had dined, and when the heat of the day was over, we set out about 4 o'clock in the afternoon for the city, where I was lodged by order of the emperor in a fair house in the _Judaria_ or jewry, the quarter in which the Jews have their abode, being the best built and quietest part of the city.

After I had rested there three days, I was introduced into the kings presence, to whom I delivered my message and her majesties letters, and was received with much civility. During three years in which I remained there as her majesties agent and _ligier_, or resident, I had favourable audiences from time to time; as, whenever I had any business, I was either admitted to his majesty himself or to his viceroy, the alcaide Breme Saphiana, a very wise and discreet person, and the principal officer of the court. For various good and sufficient reasons, I forbear to put down in writing the particulars of my service.

After obtaining leave, and receiving an honourable reward from the emperor, I departed from his court at Morocco the 18th of August 1588, to a garden belonging to him called Shersbonare, where he promised I should only stay one day for his letters. Yet on one pretence or another, I was detained there till the 14th of September, always at the kings charges, having 40 or 50 shot attending upon me as my guard. At length I was conducted from thence, with every thing requisite for my accommodation, to the port of Santa Cruz, six days journey from Morocco, where our ships ordinarily take in their lading, and where I arrived on the 21st of that month.

I remained at Santa Cruz 43 days. At length, on the 2d November, I embarked in company with one Marshok, a Reis or captain, a gentleman sent along with me by the emperor on an embassy to her majesty. After much foul weather at sea, we landed on new-years day 1589, at St Ives in Cornwal, whence we proceeded together by land to London. We were met without the city by 40 or 50 of the principal Barbary merchants all on horseback, who accompanied us by torch light into the city on Sunday the 12th January 1589, the ambassador and myself being together in a coach.

_Edict of the Emperor of Morocco in favour of the English, obtained by Henry Roberts_.

In the name of the most merciful God, &c. The servant of the Supreme God, the conqueror in his cause, the successor appointed by God, emperor of the Moors, son of the emperor of the Moors, the Shariffe, the Haceny, whose honour and estate may God long increase and advance. This our imperial commandment is delivered into the hands of the English merchants who reside under the protection of our high court, that all men who see these presents may understand that our high councils will defend them, by the aid of God, from all that may injure or oppress them in any way or manner in which they shall be wronged; and that which way soever they may travel, no man shall take them captives in these our kingdoms, ports, or other places belonging to us; and that no one shall injure or hinder them, by laying violent hands upon them, or shall give occasion that they be aggrieved in any manner of way. And we charge and command all the officers of our ports, havens, and fortresses, and all who bear authority of any sort in our dominions, and likewise all our subjects generally of all ranks and conditions, that they shall in no way molest, offend, wrong, or injure them. And this our commandment shall remain inviolable, being registered on the middle day of the month Rabel of the year 996.

The date of this letter agrees with the 20th of March 1587, which I, Abdel Rahman el Catun, interpreter for his majesty, have translated out of Arabic into Spanish, word for word as contained therein.[306]

[Footnote 306: Besides this, Hakluyt gives copies in Spanish and English of a letter from Mulley Hamet to the Earl of Leicester, and of a letter from Queen Elizabeth to Mulley Hamet, both of which are merely complimentary, or relate to unexplained circumstances respecting one John Herman an English rebel, whose punishment is required from the emperor of Morocco. He had probably contraveened the exclusive privileges of the Barbary company, by trading in Morocco.--E.]

SECTION XV.

_Voyage to Benin beyond Guinea in 1588, by James Welsh_[307].

This and the subsequent voyage to Benin were fitted out by Messrs Bird and Newton, merchants of London, in which a ship of 100 tons called the Richard of Arundel and a pinnace were employed, under the chief command of James Welsh, who wrote the account of both voyages--_Astley_.

[Footnote 307: Hakluyt, II. 613. Astley, I. 199.]

It seems not improbable that these voyages were intended as an evasion of an exclusive privilege granted in May 1588 by Queen Elizabeth, for trade to the rivers Senegal and Gambia, called Senega and Gambra in Hakluyt. The boundaries of this exclusive trade are described as beginning at the northermost part of the river Senegal, and from and within that river all along the coast of Guinea into the southermost part of the river Gambia, and within that river also; and the reason assigned for this exclusive grant is, that the patentees had already made one voyage to these parts, and that the enterprizing a new trade must be attended with considerable hazard and expence. The patentees were several merchants of Exeter and other parts of Devonshire, and one merchant of London, who had been instigated by certain Portuguese resident in England to engage in that trade, and the privilege is extended to ten years.[308]--E.

[Footnote 308: See the patent at large in Hakluyt, II. 610. London edition, 1810.]

* * * * *

On the 12th October 1588, weighing anchor from Ratcliff we dropped down to Blackwall, whence we sailed next day; but owing to contrary winds we did not reach Plymouth till the 25th October, where we had to remain for want of a fair wind to the 14th of December, when we set sail and passed the Lizard that night. Thursday the 2d January 1589, we had sight of the land near Rio del Oro, making our lat. 22° 47' N. The 3d we saw Cape Barbas, distant 5 leagues S.E. The 4th in the morning we had sight of the stars called the _Croziers_. The 7th we had sight of Cape Verd, making our lat. 14° 43' at 4 leagues off shore. Friday 17th Cape Mount bore from us N.N.E., when we sounded and had 50 fathoms water with a black ouse, and at 2 P.M. it bore N.N.W. 8 leagues distant, when Cape Misurado bore E. by S. Here the current sets E.S.E. along shore, and at midnight we had 26 fathoms on black ouse. The 18th in the morning we were athwart a land much resembling Cabo Verde, about 9 leagues beyond Cape Misurado. It is a saddle-backed hill, and there are four or five one after the other; and 7 leagues farther south we saw a row of saddle-backed hills, all the land from Cape Misurado having many mountains. The 19th we were off Rio de Sestos, and the 20th Cape Baixos was N. by W. 4 leagues distant. In the afternoon a canoe came off with three negroes from a place they called Tabanoo. Towards evening we were athwart an island, and saw many small islands or rocks to the southward, the current setting from the south. We sounded and had 35 fathoms. The 21st we had a flat hill bearing N.N.E. being 4 leagues from shore; and at 2 P.M. we spoke a French ship riding near a place called _Ratere_, there being another place hard bye called Crua[309]. The Frenchman carried a letter from us on shore for Mr Newton; and as we lay to while writing the letter, the current set us a good space along shore to the S.S.E. The 25th we were in the bight of a bay to the west of Cape Three-points, the current setting E.N.E. The 31st January we were off the middle part of Cape Three-points at 7 in the morning, the current setting to the E. Saturday 1st February we were off a round foreland, which I considered to be the easternmost part of Cape Three-points, within which foreland was a great bay and an island in the bay.

[Footnote 309: Krou Sestra, nearly in lat. 5° N.]

The 2nd February we were off the castle of Mina; and when the third glass of the watch was run out, we spied under our larboard quarter one of their boats with some negroes and one Portuguese, who would not come on board. Over the castle upon some high rocks, we saw what we thought to be two watch houses, which were very white. At this time our course was E.N.E. The 4th in the morning we were athwart a great hill, behind which within the land were other high rugged hills, which I reckoned were little short of _Monte Redondo_, at which time I reckoned we were 20 leagues E.N.E. from the castle of Mina; and at 11 o'clock A.M. I saw two hills within the land, 7 leagues by estimation beyond the former hills. At this place there is a bay, having another hill at its east extremity, beyond which the land is very low. We went this day E. N E. and E. by N. 22 leagues, and then E. along shore. The 6th we were short of Villa Longa, and there we met a Portuguese caravel. The 7th, being a fair temperate day, we rode all day before Villa Longa, whence we sailed on the 8th, and 10 leagues from thence we anchored again, and remained all night in 10 fathoms water. The 9th we sailed again, all along the shore being clothed with thick woods, and in the afternoon we were athwart a river[310], to the eastward of which a little way was a great high bushy tree which seemed to have no leaves. The 10th we sailed E. and E. by S. 14 leagues along shore, the whole coast being so thick of woods that in my judgment a person would have much difficulty in passing through them. Towards night we anchored in 7 fathoms. The 11th we sailed E. by S. and 3 leagues from shore we had only 5 fathoms water, all the wood along shore being as even as if it had been clipt by gardeners sheers. After running 2 leagues, we saw a high tuft of trees on a brow of land like the head of a porpoise. A league farther on we had a very low head land full of trees; and a great way from the land we had very shallow water, on which we hauled off to seaward to get deeper water, and then anchored in 5 fathoms, athwart the mouth of the river _Jayo_. The 12th we sent the pinnace and the boat to land with the merchants, and they did not return till next morning. The shallowest part of this river is toward the west, where there is only 4-1/2 fathoms, and it is very broad.

[Footnote 310: Rio de Lagoa--_Hakluyt_.--Probably that now called Lagos, in long. 2° 40' E. from Greenwich, in the Bight of Benin.--E.]

Thursday the 13th we set sail going S.S.E. along shore, the trees being wonderfully even, the east shore being higher than the west shore[311]. After sailing 18 leagues we had sight of a great river, called Rio de Benin, off which we anchored in 3-1/2 fathoms, the sea being here very shallow two leagues from the main[312]. The 15th we sent the pinnace and boat with the merchants into the river; and as we rode in shallow water, we made sail with the starboard tacks aboard till we came to 5 fathoms water, where we anchored having the current to the westwards. The west part of the land was high-browed, much like the head of a Gurnard, and the eastermost land was lower, having three tufts of trees like stacks of corn. Next day we only saw two of these trees, having removed more to the eastwards. We rode here from the 14th of February till the 14th of April, having the wind always at S.W.

[Footnote 311: This is only to be understood as implying that the shore was now higher in the eastern part of the voyage along the coast, than formerly to the west on the coast of Mina; the east shore and the west shore referring to the bight or bay of Benin.--E.]

[Footnote 312: It is probable that the two rivers mentioned in the text under the names of Rio de Lagoa and Rio de Benin, are those now called the Lagos creek and the great river Formosa, both in the negro kingdom of Benin.--E.]

The 17th February our merchants weighed their goods and put them aboard the pinnace to go into the river, on which day there came a great current out of the river setting to the westwards. The 16th March our pinnace came on board with Anthony Ingram the chief factor, bringing 94 bags of pepper and 28 elephants teeth. All his company were sick. The 19th our pinnace went again into the river, having the purser and surgeon on board; and the 25th we sent the boat up the river again. The 30th our pinnace came from Benin with the sorrowful news that Thomas Hemstead and our captain were both dead. She brought with her 159 serons or bags of pepper, besides elephants teeth. In all the time of our remaining off the river of Benin, we had fair and temperate weather when the wind was at S.W. from the sea; but when the wind blew at N. and N.E. from the land, it then rained with thunder and lightning, and the weather was intemperately hot.

The 13th of April 1589, we began our voyage homeward, and the 27th of July we spoke a ship called the Port belonging to London, giving us good news of England. The 9th September we put into Catwater, where we remained till the 28th, owing to sickness and want of men. The 29th we sailed from Plymouth, and arrived at London on the 2d October 1589.

The commodities we carried out in this, voyage were linens and woollen cloths, iron work of sundry kinds, manillios or bracelets of copper, glass beads and coral. Those we brought home were pepper, elephants teeth, palm oil, cloth made of cotton very curiously woven, and cloth made of the bark of the palm tree. Their money consists of pretty white shells, as they have no gold or silver. They have also great store of cotton. Their bread is made of certain roots called _Inamia_, as large as a mans arm, which when well boiled is very pleasant and light of digestion. On banian or fish days, our men preferred eating these roots with oil and vinegar to the best stock-fish[313]. There are great quantities of palm trees, out of which the negroes procure abundance of a very pleasant white wine, of which we could purchase two gallons for 20 shells. The negroes have plenty of soap, which has the flavour of violets. They make very pretty mats and baskets, also spoons of ivory very curiously wrought with figures of birds and beasts.

[Footnote 313: It is obvious that the banian or meager days, still continued in the British navy, are a remnant of the meager days of the Roman catholic times, when it was deemed a mortal sin to eat flesh. Stock-fish are, however now abandoned, having been found to promote scurvy.--E.]

Upon this coast we had the most terrible thunder and lightning, which used to make the deck tremble under our feet, such as I never heard the like in any other part of the world. Before we became accustomed to it, we were much alarmed, but God be thanked we had no harm. The natives are very gentle and courteous; both men and women going naked till they are married, after which they wear a garment reaching from the middle down to the knees. Honey was so plentiful, that they used to sell our people earthen pots of comb full of honey, the size of two gallons for 100 shells. They brought us also great store of oranges and plantains, which last is a fruit which grows on a tree, and resembles our cucumbers, but is very pleasant eating. It pleased God of his merciful goodness to give me the knowledge of a means of preserving water fresh with little cost, which served us six months at sea; and when we came to Plymouth it was much wondered at by the principal men of the town, who said there was not sweeter water in all Plymouth[314]. Thus God provides for his creatures, unto whom be praise, now and _for ever more_, amen.

[Footnote 314: This preservative is wrought by casting a handful of bay-salt into a hogshead of water, as the author told me.--_Hakluyt_.

The Thames water soon putrifies on board ships in long voyages; but afterwards throws down a sediment and becomes perfectly sweet pleasant and wholesome; insomuch that it is often bought from ships which have been to India and back. Putrid water at sea is purified or rendered comparatively sweet by forcing streams of air through it by what is called an air pump. Water may be preserved sweet on long voyages, or restored when putrid, by means of pounded charcoal.--E.]

SECTION XVI.

_Supplement to the foregoing Voyage, in a Letter from Anthony Ingram the chief Factor, written from Plymouth to the Owners, dated 9th September, the day of arriving at Plymouth_[315].

Worshipful Sirs! The account of our whole proceedings in this voyage would require more time than I have, and a person in better health than I am at present, so that I trust you will pardon me till I get to London.

[Footnote 315: Hakluyt, II. 616. Astley, I. 202.]

Departing from London in December 1588, we arrived at our destined port of Benin on the 14th of February following, where we found not water enough to carry our ship over the bar, so that we left her without in the road. We put the chiefest of our merchandise into the pinnace and ships boat, in which we went up the river to a place called _Goto_[316], where we arrived on the 20th, that place being the nearest to Benin to which we could go by water. From thence we sent negro messengers to certify the king of our arrival, and the object of our coming. These messengers returned on the 22d with a nobleman to conduct us to the city of Benin, and with 200 negroes to carry our merchandise. On the 23d we delivered our commodities to the kings factor, and the 25th we came to the great city of Benin, where we were well entertained. The 26th we went to court to confer with the king, but by reason of a solemn festival then holding we could not see him; yet we spoke with his _veador_, or chief man who deals with the Christians, who assured us that we should have every thing according to our desires, both in regard to pepper and elephants teeth.

[Footnote 316: Goto or Gato is a negro town on the northern branch of the Rio Formoso, about 45 miles in a straight line from the mouth of the river, and about 85 miles short of the town of Benin. This branch or creek is probably the river of Benin of the text.--E.]

We were admitted into the kings presence on the 1st of March, who gave us like friendly assurances respecting our trade; and next day we went again to court, when the _veador_ shewed us a basket of green pepper and another of dry in the stalks. We desired to have it plucked from the stalks and made clean, which he said would require some time to get done, but should be executed to our satisfaction, and that by next year it should be all in readiness for us, as we had now come unexpectedly to their country, to which no Christians had traded for pepper in the reign of the present king. Next day they sent us 12 baskets full, and continued to send more daily till the 9th March, by which time we had made up 64 serons of pepper and 28 elephants teeth. By this time, as our constitutions were unused to the climate of Benin, all of us were seized with fevers; upon which the captain sent me down to Goto with the goods we had collected. On my arrival there, I found all the men belonging to our pinnace sick, so that they were unable to convey the pinnace and goods to the ship; but fortunately the boat came up to Goto from the ship within two hours after my arrival, to see what we were about, so that I put the goods into the boat and went down to the ship: But by the time I had got on board several of our men died, among whom were Mr Benson, the copper, and the carpenter, with three or four more, and I was in so weak a state as to be unable to return to Benin. I therefore sent up Samuel Dunne and the surgeon, that he might let blood of them if it were thought adviseable; but on their arrival they found the captain and your son William Bird both dead, and Thomas Hempstead was so very weak that he died two days after.

In this sorrowful state of affairs they returned with all speed to the ship, with such pepper and elephants teeth as they had got, as will appear by the cargo. At their coming away; the _veador_ told them he would use all possible expedition to procure them more goods if they would remain longer; but the sickness so increased among us, that by the time our men came back we had so many sick and dead, that we looked to lose our ship, lives, country, and all. We were so reduced that it was with much difficulty we were able to heave our anchors; but by Gods blessing we got them up and put to sea, leaving our pinnace behind, on the 13th of April. After which our men began to recover and gather strength. Sailing between the Cape de Verd islands and the Main, we came to the Azores on the 25th of July; and here our men began again to fall sick, and several died, among whom was Samuel Dunn, those who remained alive being in a sad state. In the midst of our distress, it pleased God that we should meet your ship the _Barke Burre_ on this side the North Cape, which not only kept company with us, but sent us six fresh men on board, without whose assistance we must have been in a sad condition. By this providential aid we are now arrived at Plymouth, this 9th September; and, for want of better health at this present. I must refer you for farther particulars till my arrival in London.--Yours to command,

ANTHONY INGRAM.

SECTION XVII.

_Second Voyage of James Welsh to Benin, in 1590_[317].

In the employment of the same merchants, John Bird and John Newton, and with the same ship as in the former voyage, the Richard of Arundel, accompanied by a small pinnace, we set sail from Ratclif on the 3d September 1590, and came to Plymouth Sound on the 18th of that month. We put to sea again on the 22d, and on the 14th October got sight of Fuertaventura, one of the Canary islands, which appeared very rugged as we sailed past. The 16th of October, in the lat. of 24° 9' N. we met a prodigious hollow sea, such as I had never seen before on this coast; and this day a monstrous great fish, which I think is called a _gobarto_[318], put up his head to the steep-tubs where the cook was shifting the victuals, whom I thought the fish would have carried away. The 21st, being in lat. 18° N. we had a _counter-sea_ from the north, having in the same latitude, on our last voyage, encountered a similar sea from the south, both times in very calm weather. The 24th we had sight of Cape Verd, and next day had a great hollow sea from the north, a common sign that the wind will be northerly, and so it proved. The 15th November, when in lat. 6° 42' N. we met three currents from west to north-west, one after the other, with the interval of an hour between each. The 18th we had two other great currents from S.W. The 20th we saw another from N.E. The 24th we had a great current from S.S.W. and at 6 P.M. we had three currents more. The 27th we reckoned to have gone 2-1/2 leagues every watch, but found that we had only made _one_ league every watch for the last 24 hours, occasioned by heavy billows and a swift current still from the south. The 5th December, on setting the watch, we cast about and lay E.N.E. and N.E. and here in lat. 5° 30' our pinnace lost us wilfully. The 7th, at sunset, we saw a great black spot on the sun; and on the 8th, both at rising and setting we saw the like, the spot appearing about the size of a shilling. We were then in lat. 5° N. and still had heavy billows from the south.

[Footnote 317: Hakluyt, II. 618. Astley, I. 203.]

[Footnote 318: In a side note, Astley conjectures this to have been a great shark.]

We sounded on the 14th December, having 15 fathoms on coarse red sand, two leagues from shore, the current setting S.E. along shore, and still we had heavy billows from the south. The 15th we were athwart a rock, somewhat like the _Mewstone_ in England, and at the distance of 2 leagues from the rock, had ground in 27 fathoms. This rock is not above a mile from the shore, and a mile farther we saw another rock, the space between both being broken ground. We sounded off the second rock, and had ground at 20 fathoms on black sand. We could now see plainly that the rocks were not along the shore, but at some distance off to sea, and about 5 leagues farther south we saw a great bay, being then in lat. 4° 27' N. The 16th we met a French ship belonging to Harfleur, which robbed our pinnace: we sent a letter by him. This night we saw another spot on the sun at his going down. Towards evening we were athwart the mouth of a river, right over which was a high tuft of trees. The 17th we anchored in the mouth of the river, when we found the land to be Cape Palmas, there being a great ledge of rocks between us and the Cape, a league and half to sea, and an island off the point or foreland of the Cape. We then bore to the west of the Cape, and as night came on could see no more of the land, except that it trended inwards like a bay, in which there ran a stream or tide as it had been the Thames. This was on the change day of the moon.

The 19th December, a fair temperate day, with the wind S. we sailed east, leaving the land astern of us to the west, all the coast appearing low like islands to the east of Cape Palmas, and trending inwards like a great bay or sound. We went east all night, and in the morning were only three or four leagues from shore. The 20th we were off Rio de las Barbas. The 21st we continued along shore; and three or four leagues west of Cape Three Points, I found the bay to be set deeper than it is laid down by four leagues. At 4 P.M. the land began to shew high, the first part of it being covered by palm trees. The 24th, still going along shore, the land was very low and full of trees to the water side. At noon we anchored off the Rio de Boilas, where we sent the boat towards the shore with our merchants, but they durst not put into the river, because of a heavy surf that broke continually on the bar. The 28th we sailed along shore, and anchored at night in seven fathoms, to avoid being put back by a current setting from E.S.E. from _Papuas_.

At noon on the 29th we were abreast of Ardrah, and there we took a caravel, the people belonging to which had fled to the land. She had nothing in her except a small quantity of palm oil and a few roots. Next morning our captain and merchants went to meet the Portuguese, who came off in a boat to speak with them. After some communing about ransoming the caravel, the Portuguese promised to give for her some bullocks and elephants teeth, and gave us then one tooth and one bullock, engaging to bring the rest next day. Next day being the 1st January 1591, our captain went a-land to speak with the Portuguese, but finding them to dissemble, he came on board again, when presently we unrigged the caravel and set her on fire before the town. We then set sail and went along the coast, where we saw a date tree, the like of which is not on all that coast, by the water side. We also fell a little aground at one place. Thus we went on to _Villalonga_ where we anchored. The 3d we came to Rio de Lagoa, or Lagos Creek, where our merchants went to land, finding 3 fathoms on the bar, but being late they did not go in. There is to the eastward of this river a date tree, higher than all the other trees thereabouts. Thus we went along the coast, anchoring every night, and all the shore was full of trees and thick woods. The morning of the 6th was very foggy, so that we could not see the land; but it cleared up about three in the afternoon, when we found ourselves off the river Jaya; and finding the water very shallow, we bore a little out to seawards as we had done in the former voyage, and came to anchor in five fathoms. We set sail again next day, and came about noon abreast the river of Benin, where we anchored in four fathoms.

The 10th our captain went to land with the boat at 2 P.M. All this week it was very foggy every day till 10 o'clock A.M. and hitherto the weather had been as temperate as our summer in England. This day we anchored in the road in 4 fathoms, the west point bearing from us E.N.E. The 21st, being a fair temperate day, Mr Hassald went up to the town of Gato to hear news of our captain. The 23d came the caravel[319] in which was Samuel, bringing 63 elephants teeth and three bullocks. The 28th was a fair temperate day, but towards night we had much rain with thunder and lightning. This day our boat came on board from Gato. The 24th February, we took in 298 serons or bags of pepper, and 4 elephants teeth. The 26th we put the rest of our goods on board the caravel, in which Mr Hassald went up to Gato. The 5th March the caravel came again, bringing 21 serons of pepper and 4 elephants teeth. The 9th April our caravel came again on board with water for our return voyage, and this day we lost our shallop or small boat. The 17th was a hazy and rainy day, and in the afternoon we saw three great water spouts, two to larboard and one right a-head, but by the blessing of God they came not to our ship. This day we took in the last of our water for sea store, and on the 26th we victualled our caravel to accompany us. The 27th we set sail on our voyage homewards.

[Footnote 319: It is not mentioned how they came by this caravel.--Astl. I. 204. b. Probably the pinnace that attended them in the voyage, for the purpose of going up the shallow rivers.--E.]

The 24th May we were 37 leagues south of Cape Palmas. The 1st July we got sight of Brava, one of the Cape Verd islands, bearing east 7 leagues off. The 13th August we spoke the queens ship, of which Lord Howard was admiral and Sir Richard Grenville vice-admiral. They made us keep company till the night of the 15th, lying all the time a hull in waiting for prizes, 30 leagues S.W. from the island of Flores. That night we got leave to depart, accompanied by a fliboat laden with sugar from the island of San Thome which had been taken by the queens ship, and of which my lord admiral gave me strict charge not to part with her till safe harboured in England. The 23d the N.E. part of the island of Corvo bore from us E. by S. 6 leagues distant. The 17th September we fell in with a ship belonging to Plymouth bound from the West Indies. Next day we had sight of another sail; and this day died Mr Wood one of our company. The 23d we spoke the Dragon belonging to my Lord Cumberland, of which _master_ Ivie was _maister_[320]. The 2d October we met a ship belonging to Newcastle coming from Newfoundland, out of which we got 300 couple of _Newland_ fish. The 13th we put into Dartmouth, where we staid till the 12th December, when we sailed with a west wind, and by the blessing of God we anchored on the 18th December 1591, at Limehouse in the river Thames, where we discharged 589 sacks of pepper, 150 elephants teeth, and 32 barrels of palm oil.

[Footnote 320: This distinction of master and maister often occurs in these early voyages.--Astl. I. 205. a.]

The commodities we carried out on this my second voyage were, broad cloth, kersies, bays, linen cloth, unwrought iron, copper bracelets, coral, hawks bells, horse-tails, hats, and the like. This voyage was more comfortable to us than the former, because we had plenty of fresh water and that very sweet. For even yet, being the 7th June 1592, the water we brought out of Benin on the 1st of April 1591, is as clear and good as any fountain can yield. In this voyage we sailed 350 leagues within half a degree of the equator, where we found the weather more temperate than at our anchorage on the coast of Benin. Under the line we killed many small dolphins, and many other good fish, which were very refreshing to us; and the fish never forsook us till we were to the north of the Azores: But God be thanked we met with several ships of our own country, during the five months we were at sea, which were great comfort to us, having no consort.

SECTION XVIII.

_Voyage of Richard Rainolds and Thomas Dassel to the Rivers Senegal and Gambia adjoining to Guinea, in 1591_[321].

PREVIOUS REMARKS [322].

In virtue of her majestys most gracious charter, given in the year 1588, being the 30th of her reign, certain English merchants were privileged to trade, in and from the river of Senega or Senegal, to and in the river of Gambra or Gambia on the western coast of Africa. The chiefest places of trade on that coast, in and between these rivers are: 1. _Senegal_ river, where the commodities are hides, gum, elephants teeth, a few grains or pepper, ostrich feathers, ambergris, and some gold. 2. _Beseguiache_[323], a town near Cape Verd, and ---- leagues[324] from the river Senegal. The commodities here are small hides and a few teeth. 3. _Rufisque_, or _Refisca viejo_, a town 4 leagues from Beseguiache, producing small hides and a few teeth now and then. 4. _Palmerin_, a town 2 leagues from Rufisque[325], having small hides and a few elephants teeth occasionally. 5. _Porto d'Ally_, or _Portudale_, a town 5 leagues from Palmerin, having small hides, teeth, ambergris, and a little gold; and many Portuguese are there. 6. _Candimal_, a town half a league from Portudale, having small hides and a few teeth now and then. 7. _Palmerin_[326], a town 3 leagues from Candimal, with similar commodities. 8. _Jaale_ or _Joala_, 6 leagues beyond Palmerin, its commodities being hides, wax, elephants teeth, rice, and some gold, for which it is frequented by many Spaniards and Portuguese, 9. _Gambia river_, producing rice, wax, hides, elephants teeth, and gold.

[Footnote 321: Hakluyt, III. 2. Astley, I. 242.]

[Footnote 322: In Astley, these previous remarks are stated to have been written by Richard Rainolds; but in the original collection of Hakluyt no such distinction is made, only that in the text Richard Rainolds states himself to have written the account of the voyage.--E.]

[Footnote 323: Or Barzaguiche, by which name the natives call the island of Goree; the town of that name being on the opposite shore of the continent.--Astl, I. 242. c.]

[Footnote 324: At this place the editor of Astley's Collection supplies 28 leagues, in the text between brackets: But Cape Verd is 39 leagues from the southern mouth of the Senegal, and Goree is 6 leagues beyond Cape Verd. Near the situation pointed out for Beseguiache, modern maps place two small towns or villages named Dakar and Ben.--E.]

[Footnote 325: A league north from Rufisque in modern maps is a place called Ambo; about 1-1/2 league farther north, one named Canne; and near 2 leagues south, another named Yenne.--E.]

[Footnote 326: We have here two towns called Palmerin within a few leagues, perhaps one of them may be wrong named in the text.--E.]

The French have traded thither above thirty years from Dieppe in New-haven[327], commonly with four or five ships every year, of which two small barks go up the river Senegal. The others are wont, until within these four years that our ships came thither, to ride with their ships in Portudale, sending small shalops of six or eight tons to some of the before-named places on the sea coast. They were generally as well beloved and as kindly treated by the negroes as if they had been natives of the country, several of the negroes going often into France and returning again, to the great increase of their mutual friendship. Since we frequented the coast, the French go with their ships to Rufisque, and leave us to anchor a Portudale. The French are not in use to go up the river Gambia, which is a river of secret trade and riches concealed by the Portuguese. Long since, one Frenchman entered the river in a small bark, which was surprised, betrayed, and taken by the Portuguese. In our second voyage in the second year of our trade[328], about forty Englishmen were cruelly slain or captured, and most or all of their goods confiscated, by the vile treachery of the Portuguese, with the consent of the negro kings in Portudale and Joala. On this occasion only two got back, who were the merchants or factors. Likewise, by the procurement of Pedro Gonzalves, a person in the service of Don Antonio one of the officers of the king of Portugal, Thomas Dassel and others had been betrayed, if it had not pleased the Almighty to reveal and prevent the same.

[Footnote 327: Havre de Grace is probably here meant--E.]

[Footnote 328: Hence it appears that the relation in the text was the third voyage of the English exclusive company, in the third year of their patent, but we find no account of the other two beyond what is now mentioned. It appears, however from Kelly's ship being at the same time upon the coast, that others as well as the patentees carried on this trade.--Astl. I. 242. d.]

From the south side of the river Senegal, all along the sea coast to Palmerin is one kingdom of the Negroes, the king of which is named Melick Zamba[329], who dwells about two days journey inland from Rufisque.

[Footnote 329: Melick; or Malek, in Arabic signifies king.--Astl. I. 242. e.]

_The Voyage._

On the 12th of November 1591, I, Richard Rainolds and Thomas Dassel, being factors in a ship called the Nightingale of London, of 125 tons, accompanied by a pinnace of 40 tons called the Messenger, arrived near Cape Verd at a small island called the _Isle of Liberty_. At this island we set up a small pinnace in which we are in use to carry our goods to land in the course of our traffic; and in the mean time Thomas Dassel went in the large pinnace to traffic with the Spaniards or Portuguese in Portudale or Joale. Over against this island of Liberty [_Goree_] there is a village of the negroes called Beseguiache, the alcaide or governor of which came on board, with a great train in a number of canoes, to receive the kings duties for anchorage and permission to set up our pinnace. He was much pleased that we had no Portuguese in our ships, saying that we should be always better thought of by the king and people of that country if we never brought any Portuguese, but came of ourselves as the French do always. To secure his favour, I gave him and his company very courteous entertainment, and upon his entreaty, having sufficient hostages left on board, I and several others went to the land along with him. At this time a war subsisted between this governor and the governor of a neighbouring province; but upon our arrival a truce was entered into for some time, and I with my companions were conducted through among the contending parties belonging to both provinces, to the house of the governor of Beseguiache, where we were hospitably entertained after their manner, and having received some presents returned safely on board. Next day the alcaide came again on board, desiring me to send some iron and other commodities in the boat to barter with the negroes, and also requested me to remove with the ship to Rufisque, which I did accordingly. I observed one thing, that a number of negroes, armed with bows and poisoned arrows, poisoned darts, and swords, attended the landing of the governor in warlike array, because the hostile tribe had come there to view our ship, taking advantage of the truce. These his armed attendants for the most part approached him in a kneeling posture, and kissed the back of his hand.

On the 17th of November, finding no French ship had yet come out, I left the anchorage at the island [_Goree_], and went to the road of Rufisque, where the interpreters of the alcaide came on board and received from me the kings duties for free trade with the negroes, with whom I every day exchanged my iron and other wares for hides and some elephants teeth, finding the people very friendly and tractable. Next day I went about three miles inland to the town of Rufisque, where I was handsomely received and treated by the alcaide, and especially so by a young noble named _Conde Amar Pattay_[330], who presented me with an ox, and some goats and kids, for my company, assuring me that the king would be glad to hear of the arrival of a Christian ship, calling us _blancos_ or white men, and more especially that we were English. Every day the young _conde_ came to the sea-side with a small company of horsemen, feasting me with much courtesy and kindness. On the 5th of December, he and his train came on board to view the ship, which to them seemed wonderful, as a thing they had seldom seen the like of. He then told me that a messenger sent to the king to notify our arrival was returned, and that the king was much rejoiced that the English had brought a ship to trade in his ports; and as I was the first Englishman who had brought a ship there, he promised that I and any Englishman hereafter might be sure of being well treated, and of receiving good dealings in his country. The _conde_ farther requested, in the kings name and his own, that before my final departure from the coast, I might return to the road of Rufisque, to confer with him for our better acquaintance, and for the establishment of stable friendship between them and the English, which I agreed to. Having shewn him and his train every civility in my power, he went on shore, on which I proposed to have given him a salute, but he desired the contrary, being amazed at the sight of the ship and noise of the guns, which they greatly admired.

[Footnote 330: In the name or title of this negro chief or noble may be recognized the Portuguese or Spanish _conde_, and the Arabic _amir_ or _emir_.--E.]

The 13th of December I weighed anchor from before Rufisque, and went to Porto d'Ally, which is in another kingdom, the king of which is called Amar Malek, being son to Malek Zamba the other king, and has his residence a days journey and a half inland from Porto d'Ally. When we had anchored, the governors of the town, who were the kings kinsmen, and all the other officers, came on board to receive the kings duty for anchorage and liberty to trade, all of whom seemed much pleased that we had no Portuguese on board, saying that it was the kings pleasure we should bring none of that nation, whom they considered as a people devoid of truth[331]. They complained of one Francisco de Costa, a servant of Don Antonio, who had often, and particularly the former year, abused their king Amar Malek, promising to bring him certain things out of England which he had never done, and supposed that might be his reason for not coming this voyage. They said likewise that neither the Portuguese nor Spaniards could abide us, but always spoke to the great defamation and dishonour of England. They also affirmed that on the arrival of a ship called the Command, belonging to Richard Kelley of Dartmouth, one Pedro Gonzalves, a Portuguese, who came in that ship from Don Antonio, reported to them that we were fled from England, and had come to rob and commit great spoil on the coast, and that Thomas Dassel had murdered Francisco de Acosta since we left England, who was coming in our ship with great presents for their king from Don Antonio, desiring on our arrival that they should seize our goods and ourselves secretly. They assured us however that they had refused to do this, as they disbelieved the report of Gonzalves, having often before been abused and deceived by such false and slanderous stories by the Portuguese. Their king, they said, was extremely sorry for the former murder of our people, and would never consent to any such thing in future, holding the Portuguese and Spaniards in utter abhorrence ever since, and having a much better opinion of us and our nation than these our enemies wished them to entertain. I gave them hearty thanks for their good opinion, assuring them that they should always find a great difference between our honour, and the dishonourable words and actions of our enemies, and then paid them the customary duties. As this was a chief place for trade, I told them that I intended to wait upon their king that I might give him certain presents which I had brought out of England, on purpose to strengthen the friendship between their nation and ours.

[Footnote 331: From this and other passages of the present journal, it appears that the English used to carry a Portuguese along with them in their first voyages to the coast of Africa, whether from choice or by agreement with the government of Portugal does not clearly appear: and that, finding the inconvenience of this custom, they began now to lay it aside. This seems to have provoked the king of Portugal, who proposed to ruin the English trade by means of these agents or spies.--_Astl_. I. 214. b.]

All this time, Thomas Dassel was with our large pinnace at the town of Joala, in the dominions of king Jocoel Lamiockeric, trading with the Spaniards and Portuguese at that place. The before-mentioned Pedro Gonzalves, who had come out of England, was there also along with some English merchants, employed in the service of Richard Kelley. As Gonzalves had not been able to accomplish his treacherous purposes against Dassel at Porto d'Ally, where I remained, he attempted, along with other Portuguese who were made privy to his design, to betray Dassel at this town of Joala, and had seduced the chiefs among the negroes, by means of bribes, to concur in his wicked and most treacherous intentions. These, by the good providence of God, were revealed to Thomas Dassel by Richard Cape, an Englishman, in the service of Richard Kelley; on which Thomas Dassel went on board a small English bark called the Cherubim of Lyme, where a Portuguese named Joam Payva, a servant of Don Antonio, declared that Thomas Dassel would have been betrayed long before, if he and one Garcia, a Portuguese, who lived at Joala, would have concurred with Pedro Gonzalves. Upon this warning, Thomas Dassel contrived next day to get three Portuguese on board the pinnace, two of whom he sent on shore, and detained the third named Villanova as an hostage, sending a message that if they would bring Gonzalves on board next day by eight o'clock, he would release Villanova; but they did not. Dassel likewise got intelligence, that certain Portuguese and negroes were gone post by land from Joala to Porto d'Ally, with the view of having me, Richard Rainolds, and my company detained on shore; and, being doubtful of the negro friendship, who were often wavering, especially when overcome by wine, he came with his pinnace and the Portuguese hostage to Porto d'Ally on the 24th December, for our greater security, and to prevent any treacherous plan that might have been attempted against us in the roads by the Portuguese. He was no sooner arrived beside our large ship the Nightingale in the road of Porto d'Ally, than news was brought him from John Baily, servant to Anthony Dassel, that he and our goods were detained on shore, and that twenty Portuguese and Spaniards were come there from Joala along with Pedro Gonzalves, for the purpose of getting Villanova released. After a conference of two or three days, held with the negro chiefs and the Spaniards and Portuguese, the negroes were in the end convinced how vilely Pedro Gonzalves had behaved; and as he was in their power, they said he ought to suffer death or torture for his villany, as an example to others; but we, in recompence of his cruel treachery, pitied him and shewed mercy, desiring the negroes to use him well though undeserving; upon which the negro chiefs brought him on board the pinnace to Thomas Dassel, to do with him as he thought proper. Owing to some improper language he had used of certain princes, Gonzalves was well buffetted by a Spaniard at his coming off from the shore, and had been slain if the natives had not rescued him for our sakes.

When I went on shore to release Villanova, Pedro Gonzalves confessed to Thomas Dassel, that he had concerted with some negroes and Portuguese about detaining Dassel and the goods on shore; but that he had acted nothing on this subject without authority from his king, contained in certain letters he had received at Dartmouth from London, after our departure from the Thames, occasioned by our presuming to trade to Guinea without a servant of the king of Portugal; and declared likewise that he had power or authority from Francisco de Costa, a Portuguese, remaining in England, to detain the goods of Anthony Dassel in Guinea. By consent of Francis Tucker, John Browbeare, and the other factors of Richard Kelley, with whom this Pedro Gonzalves came from England, it was agreed that we should detain Gonzalves in our ships until their departure, to avoid any other mischief that he might contrive. Therefore, on 9th January 1592, he was delivered to go for England in the same ship that brought him, being all the time he remained in our ship, well and courteously treated by me, though much against the will of our mariners, who were much disgusted at seeing one who had been nourished and relieved in our country, seeking, by villanous means, to procure the destruction of us all.

Although the Spaniards and Portuguese are dissemblers and not to be trusted, yet when they saw how the subjects of Amar Malek befriended and favoured us, and that it would be prejudicial to their trade if we were any way injured, they renounced their evil intentions against us, shewing detestation of him who had been the cause of it, and promised to defend us and our affairs in all faithfulness for the future; desiring us, as the negro king had done already, to bring no more Portuguese with us from England, for they esteemed one bar of iron as more valuable than twenty Portuguese, and more serviceable towards the profitable trade which had been of late carried on by us and the French; whereas the Portuguese, whom we were in use to bring with us, endeavoured all they could to do us injury, and even to hurt all parties concerned in the trade.

At the beginning of these broils, Amar Malek had sent his chief secretary with three horses for me, Richard Rainolds; but I refused going, on account of the disturbances, though I might have had negroes of condition left as hostages for my safety; yet I transmitted the customary presents for the king. When he understood the reason of my not coming to his residence, he was very sorry and much offended at the cause, and immediately issued a proclamation, commanding that no injury should be done to us in his dominions by his own people, neither suffered to be done by the Spaniards or Portuguese; and declaring, if any of the neighbouring negro tribes should confederate with the Spaniards and Portuguese to molest us, that he and his subjects should be ready to aid and defend us. Thus there appeared more kindness and good will towards us in these ignorant negroes, than in the Spaniards and Portuguese.

None of the Spaniards or Portuguese are in use to trade up the river Senegal, except one Portuguese named _Ganigogo_ who dwells far up that river, where he has married the daughter of one of the kings. In the towns of Porto d'Ally and Joala, which are the places of chief trade on this coast, and at Cauton and Cassan in the river Gambia, there are many Spaniards and Portuguese who have become resident by permission of the negroes, and carry on a valuable trade all along the coast, especially to the Rio San Dominica and Rio Grande, which are not far distant from the Gambia, to which places they transport the iron which they purchase from us and the French, exchanging it for _negro slaves_, which are transported to the West Indies in ships that come hither from Spain. By order of the governor and renters of the castle of Mina, and of all those places on the coast of Guinea where gold is to be had, these residents have a place limited for them in the river Gambia, beyond which they must not go under pain of death and confiscation of their goods; as the renters themselves send their own barks at certain times up the river, to those places where gold is to be had. In all those places hereabout, where we are in use to trade, the Spaniards and Portuguese have no castle or other place of strength, merely trading under the licence and safe conduct of the negroes. Most of the Spaniards and Portuguese who reside in those parts are banished men or fugitives, who have committed heinous crimes; and their life and conversation is conformable to their conditions, as they are the basest and most villainously behaved persons of their nation that are to be met with in any part of the world.