CHAPTER IV.

CONTINUATION OF THE PORTUGUESE TRANSACTIONS IN INDIA, AFTER THE RETURN OF DON STEFANO DE GAMA FROM SUEZ IN 1341, TO THE REDUCTION OF PORTUGAL UNDER THE DOMINION OF SPAIN IN 1581.

In our remaining account of the early Transactions of the Portuguese in India, taken chiefly from the Portuguese Asia of De Faria, we have not deemed it necessary or proper to confine ourselves rigidly to the arrangement of that author, nor to give his entire narrative, which often contains a number of trifling incidents confusedly related. We have therefore selected such incidents only from that work as appeared important or curious: And, as has been already done in the two immediately preceding chapters, containing the Voyages of Solyman Pacha, and Don Stefano de Gama, we propose in the sequel to make such additions from other authentic and original sources, as may appear proper and consistent with our plan of arrangement. These additions will be found distinctly referred to their respective authors as we proceed.--E.

SECTION I.

_Incidents during the Government of India by Don Stefano de Gama, subsequent to his Expedition to the Red Sea._

During the expedition of Don Stephano de Gama up the Red Sea, some circumstances are related by De Faria which are not noticed in the Journal of Don Juan de Castro, who either thought proper to confine his narrative to nautical affairs, or his abreviator Purchas has omitted such as were military. On his voyage up the Red Sea, De Gama found most of the islands and cities abandoned, as the people had received notice of the expedition. The chief island was Massua, and the principal city Swakem, in about 19° of north latitude[349], which was well built and rich. The sheikh or king had withdrawn a league into the interior, and endeavoured to amuse De Gama with proposals of peace and amity, that he might save his insular city from being destroyed. The greatest injury occasioned by this delay was that it prevented De Gama from destroying the ships at Suez, the main object of his expedition, as so much time was gained that the news of his approach was carried to Suez, and the Turks were fully prepared for his reception. In revenge, De Gama marched into the interior with 1000 men, accompanied by his brother Don Christopher, and defeated the sheikh with great slaughter, making a considerable booty. Then returning to Swakem, that city was plundered; on which occasion many of the private men got to the value of five or six thousand ducats, after which the city was burnt to the ground.

[Footnote 349: Lat. 19° 40'.]

Sending back the large ships from thence to Massua under the command of Lionel de Lima, de Gama proceeded on his expedition to Suez with 250 men in 16 catures or barks. At Al-Kossir, in lat. 25° N.[350] that place was destroyed. Crossing over to Toro, some vessels belonging to the enemy were taken. The Turks first opposed their landing; but some of them being slain, the rest fled and abandoned the city, in which nothing of value was found; but De Gama refrained from burning the city from reverence to St Catharine, as there was a monastery at that place dedicated to her, which he visited at the instance of the friars. Being to his great glory the first European commander who took that city, he knighted several officers, who very justly held this honour in great esteem, which was even envied afterwards by the emperor Charles V. The friars of this monastery of St Catharines at Toro are of the Greek church, and of the order of St Basil. The city of Toro is in lat. 28° N.[351] and is thought by learned cosmographers to be the ancient _Elana_.

[Footnote 350: Lat. 26° 15'.]

[Footnote 351: Lat. 28° 15'.]

Proceeding onwards to Suez, after many brave attempts to sound and examine the harbour, all of which failed, De Gama resolved in person and in open day to view the Turkish gallies. He accordingly landed with his soldiers; but the enemies shot from the town was well kept up, and 2000 Turkish horse broke out from an ambush; and, though some of the enemy were slain by the Portuguese cannon, De Gama and his men were forced to retire, much grieved in being unable to accomplish the great object of the expedition.

On his return to the fleet at Massua, he there found that owing to the severity of _Emanual de Gama_[352] a mutiny had taken place, and that 80 men had run away with a ship, designing to go into Ethiopia. They were met however by a captain belonging to the king of Zeyla, and most of them slain after a vigorous resistance. Five of the mutineers were found hanging on a gallows, executed by order of Emanuel de Gama, for having concealed the design of the other 80 who deserted. At their execution, these men cited De Gama to answer before _the great tribunal_, and within a month De Gama died raving mad.

[Footnote 352: In preceding passage, Lionel de Lima is mentioned as commanding the fleet; Emanuel de Gama may therefore be supposed to have commanded the ship that mutinied.--E.]

About July 1541, while on its return from Massua to India, the fleet commanded by the governor Don Stefano de Gama encountered so severe a storm that one of the galliots sunk bodily, a bark was lost, and all the other vessels dispersed. During the continuance of this dreadful tempest, many religious vows were made by the people; but that made by one of the soldiers afterwards occasioned much mirth. He vowed, if he survived the tempest, that he would marry Donna Isabel de Sa, daughter to Don Garcia de Sa afterwards governor of India, which lady was one of the most celebrated beauties of the time. At length De Gama arrived at Goa; and as the ships from Portugal did not arrive at the expected time, and the public treasure was much exhausted by the late charges, he loaded the goods provided for the home voyage in four galleons, and dispatched them, for Lisbon.

About this time _Nizamoxa_[353] wished to gain possession of the forts of _Sangaza_ and _Carnala_, held by two subjects of Cambaya, on the frontiers of that kingdom, which were formidable from their strength and situation; and took them by assault in the absence of their commanders, who applied to Don Francisco de Menezes, the commander at Basseen to assist in their recovery, offering to hold them of the Portuguese. Menezes went accordingly with 300 Portuguese and a party of native troops, accompanied by the two proprietors, each of whom had 200 men. The fort of Carnala was taken by assault, and the garrison of Sangaza abandoned it on the approach of De Menezes. Having thus restored both commanders to their forts, De Menezes left Portuguese garrisons with both for their protection. Nizamoxa sent immediately 5000 men who ruined both districts, and the owners in despair resigned their titles to the Portuguese, and withdrew to Basseen, whence De Menezes sent supplies to the two forts, meaning to defend them. Nizamoxa sent an additional force of 6000, men, of which 1000 were musqueteers and 800 well equipped horse. This great force besieged Sangaza, to which they gave two assaults in one day, and were repulsed with great slaughter. Menezes went immediately to relieve the place with 160 Portuguese, 20 of whom were horse, together with several _naigs_ and 2000 Indians. After a sharp encounter, in which the Portuguese were nearly defeated, the enemy fled from Sangaza, leaving all the ground about the fort strewed with arms and ammunition. In this engagement the enemy lost 500 men and the Portuguese 20. During the action a Portuguese soldier of prodigious strength, named _Trancoso_, laid hold of a Moor wrapped up in a large veil as if he had been a buckler, and carried him before his breast, receiving upon him all the strokes from the enemies weapons, and continued to use this strange shield to the end of the battle.

[Footnote 353: In Portuguese _x_ has the power of _sh_ in English orthography; hence the name of this prince was perhaps Nizam Shah, and may be the same prince called in other places of De Faria _Nazamaluco or Nizam al Mulk.--E.]

The governor Don Stefano de Gama happened at this time to be in _Chual_, visiting the northern forts; and considering that the maintenance of Sangaza and Carnala cost more than they produced, and besides that Nizamoxa was in alliance with the Portuguese, delivered them to that prince for 5000 pardaos, in addition to the 2000 he paid before, to the great regret of De Menezes. Soon afterwards a fleet arrived from Portugal under Martin Alfonso de Sousa, who was sent to succeed Don Stephano de Gama in the government. This fleet had the honour to bring out to India the famous _St Francisco Xaviar_, one of the first fathers of the society of Jesus, both in respect to true piety and virtue. He was the first ecclesiastic who had the dignity of _Apostolic Legate_ of all Asia, and was very successful in converting the infidels: But we shall afterwards have occasion to enlarge upon his great virtues and wonderful actions.

On his arrival in the port of Goa, Martin Alfonso de Sousa sent notice to Don Stefano de Gama at the dead hour of the night, which induced De Gama to return an answer unworthy of them both. Martin Alfonso found nothing to lay to the charge of Don Stefano, as those desired who instigated him to seek for offences; for Alfonso was a gentleman of much honour, and could never have thought of any such thing of himself. But, though he ought now to have checked himself, finding nothing against De Gama, he became the more inveterate; as it is natural for men when they are in the wrong to persist with obstinacy. Alfonzo vented his malice by refusing conveniences to De Gama for the voyage home, which so disgusted him that he never waited upon Alfonso after resigning to him the sword of command.

Don Stefano arrived safe in Portugal, where he was received with much honour by the court, and with favour by the king; but refusing a wife offered by his majesty, he was disgraced, on which he went to reside at Venice. The Emperor Charles V. persuaded him to return to Portugal, assuring him of the kings favour; but he found none; for princes are more fixed in punishing a little omitted to please, than in rewarding much done for their service. On assuming the government of India, Don Stefano made an inventory of all he was worth, being 200,000 crowns; and when he left the government his fortune was found 40,000 crowns diminished. He was of middle stature, thick and strong built, with a thick beard and black hair, and a ruddy completion. On his tomb was inscribed at his own desire, _He who made knights on Mount Sinai ended here_.

SECTION II.

_Exploits of Antonio de Faria y Sousa in Eastern India_[354].

We have placed these exploits in a separate Section, because, although they appear in the Portuguese Asia as having taken place during the government of Don Stefano de Gama, yet is their chronology by no means well defined: and likewise because their authenticity is even more than problematical. In themselves they appear to carry evidence of overstepping the modest bounds of history; and there is reason to believe that they rest principally, if not altogether, on the authority of Fernan Mendez de Pinto, of notorious character. Yet they seem sufficiently curious to warrant insertion in this work; and it is not at all improbable that Antonio de Faria may have been a successful freebooter in the Chinese seas, and that he may have actually performed many of the exploits here recorded, though exaggerated, and mixed in some places with palpable romance.--E.

[Footnote 354: De Faria, II. 29 & seq.]

About this time Pedro de Faria, who was governor of Malacca, sent his factor MENDEZ DE PINTO with a letter and a present to the king of _Patane_, desiring him to procure the liberty of five Portuguese who were then slaves to his brother-in-law at Siam. Pinto was also entrusted with goods to the value of 10,000 ducats, to be delivered to the factor of De Faria at _Pam_. Having at that place made up a valuable cargo of diamonds pearls and gold, to the extent of 50,000 crowns, it was all lost one night in a tumult, occasioned by the following circumstance. There resided in Pam an ambassador from the king of Borneo, who one night detected the king of Pam in bed with his wife, and immediately slew him. On the death of the king becoming public, the people rose in commotion, more for the purpose of plunder than revenge. In this tumult about 4000 men were slain, and the Portuguese factors were robbed, and some of their companions slain. They made their escape to _Patane_, where they and other Portuguese asked leave of the king to make reprisals on three vessels belonging to merchants of Pam, which were then riding at anchor in the river _Calantam_ 18 leagues off, richly laden from China. Getting the kings permission, they set out to the number of 80 persons in three vessels, and after a sharp engagement took and brought in these ships to Patane, where their cargoes were valued at 300,000 ducats. The people of Patane urged the king to take these ships from the Portuguese; but he decided that the 50,000 crowns should be made good to them of which they had been plundered at Pam; on which the merchants paid that sum and were allowed to continue their voyage.

About the same period, _Pedro de Faria y Sousa_ sent his kinsman _Antonio de Faria y Sousa_ to treat of important affairs with the king of _Patane_, and in particular to preserve peace with that prince. Antonio carried goods with him to the value of 12,000 ducats, and finding no sale for them at that place, he sent them to the port of _Lugor_ in the kingdom of Siam, a place of great trade, where he was informed they would sell to great advantage. He intrusted the charge of this valuable cargo to _Christopher Borallo_, who was surprised while at anchor in the mouth of the Lugor river by, Khodjah Husseyn, a Moor of Guzerat, who commanded a vessel well stored with artillery, and manned with 80 Turks and Moors. Borallo thought himself happy in escaping from these pirates by swimming on shore, and brought the news of this disaster to Antonio de Faria at Patane, who vowed that he would never desist till he had destroyed Husseyn, in revenge for this loss. Husseyn was equally inveterate against the Portuguese, ever since Hector de Silveyra had taken a ship belonging to him in the sea of Guzerat, killing his father and two brothers, and had continually exerted himself in robbing and murdering the Portuguese. Owing to this loss and his determination of revenge, Antonio de Faria was led to the performance of those brave actions which I now mean to relate with all my usual sincerity, without affection for my kindred.

Antonio accordingly fitted out a small vessel with 50 men, in which he sailed from Patane on Saturday the 8th May 1540, and steered north-east towards the kingdom of _Champa_ or _Tsiompa_, to examine that coast. He here saw the island of _Pulo Condor_, in lat. 3° 20' N[355]. and then to the eastwards rounded one six leagues from the coast of Cambodia. Entering the port of _Bralapisam_, he found there a vessel of the _Lequii_, having on board an ambassador from the prince of the island of _Lossa_[356] in 36° of north latitude, for the king of Siam. As soon as this vessel espied the Portuguese ship, it weighed anchor and sailed away. Faria sent after them a Chinese pilot with a civil message, who brought back this remarkable answer, "We return thanks: The time will come when our nation shall have commerce with that captain in real friendship, through the law of the supreme God, whose clemency is boundless, since by his death he gave life to all mankind, and remains an everlasting faith in the house of the good. We confidently hold that this will be when half the times are past[357]." The pilot also brought back a rich cymeter in a scabbard of beaten gold, with a handle of the same, splendidly ornamented with pearls of great value. Antonio would have made a return, but the vessel could not be overtaken. From thence Antonio proceeded to the river _Pulo Cambier_, which divides the kingdoms of _Cambodia_ and _Tsiompa_. At the town of _Catimparu_, he was informed that great river took its rise in the lake of _Pinator_, 260 leagues westwards in the kingdom of _Quitirvam_, encompassed with high mountains, around which lake there are 38 towns, 13 of which are considerable, where was a gold mine that yielded 22 millions of crowns yearly. It belonged to _four_ lords, who were engaged in continual wars for its possession. At _Bauquerim_ likewise there is a mine of the finest diamonds: and from the disposition of the people they might easily be conquered by the Portuguese.

[Footnote 355: Pulo Condor, off the mouths of the Japanese river, is in lat. 8° 40' N. perhaps the figure 3 in the text is a typographical error.--E.]

[Footnote 356: Possibly Luzon in lat. 16° N. may be here meant. Unless we can suppose some part of Japan may be intended, which is in the latitude of the text--E.]

[Footnote 357: This strange oracular message, and indeed most of the wonderful deeds of Antonio de Faria, smells strongly of _Mendez de Pinto_, the factor of Pedro de Faria, who has been characterised as the _prince of liars_. Indeed the editor of Astleys Collection says that his name ought to be _Mendax_ de Pinto.--E.]

Coasting along, Antonio came to anchor in the mouth of the river _Toobasoy_, fearing to go up. At this place he espied a large vessel to which he made signs of peace, but received a rude answer. As night drew on, it was thought proper to wait for day; but in the dark first one vessel and then three more were descried coming towards them, and forty men from the first vessel boarded them, but were all slain, their vessel taken and the others burnt. A black, who was taken on this occasion, declared himself a Christian, saying he had been slave to Gaspar de Melo, who had been taken by the pirate _Similau_ along with 26 other Portuguese, all of whom he had barbarously put to death. The black said that Similau had another vessel in the port richly laden, having only a few men on board. Similau with the other prisoners were put to the same death they had used to inflict on others. As soon as day appeared that other vessel was taken, and the booty in silver only amounted to 60,000 ducats, besides other goods. Thus enriched, Antonio went on to the river _Tinacoreu_ or _Varela_, where the ships of Siam and Malacca, trading with China, barter their goods for gold, _calamba_, and ivory, with which that country abounds. He anchored off a small town called _Tayquileu_, the inhabitants of which called the Portuguese the _bearded people_; for though these people had beards, theirs were short and thin, whereas those of the Portuguese were at their full growth, many of them reaching to their girdles. By the inhabitants of this place, Antonio was informed that their river was formerly called _Tauralachim_ or the Great Stock, to express its greatness: That it is deep and navigable for 80 leagues, up to a town named _Moncalor_, and then becomes wide and shallow, coming from the great country of _Chintaleuho_, where the country for eight days journey had been depopulated 40 years before _by a multitude of birds!_ In the middle of that country is the great lake of _Cunabetee_ or _Chiamay_, whence spring four great rivers. That lake is 180 leagues in circumference, and the country round abounds in mines of silver, copper, tin, and lead.

From thence Antonio proceeded to the island of _Hainan_, passing in sight of _Champiloo_, in lat. 18° N. at the entrance of the bay of Cochin China. Farther on he discovered the promontory of _Pulocampas_, whence the island of Hainan may be seen. To the west of this they found a river, up which Borallo was sent in a small vessel with 16 men, who discovered at least 2000 sail of vessels and a large walled town. On their return they saw a large vessel at anchor. The captain supposing this might be Husseyn took it; but learnt from an ancient Christian of Mount Sinai, who was among the prisoners, that it belonged to a pirate named _Quioy Tayjam_, who had killed above an hundred Portuguese, and now lay hid in the forecastle with six or seven others, all of whom were drawn from their hiding place and slain. In this vessel were found 60,000 quintals[358] of pepper, with a great deal of other spices, besides ivory, tin, wax, and powder, the whole valued at 60,000 crowns; besides several good cannon, some valuable baggage, and silver. In the hold were nine children, the biggest only about nine years old, all loaded with irons, and starving of hunger.

[Footnote 358: This is either an enormous exaggeration, or a gross error. The quantity in the text is equal to 3500 tons.--E.]

Coasting along the island of Hainan, Antonio met some fishers of pearls, whom he used courteously. They told him that the island belonged to China. Hence he went to the river _Tananquir_, where he was suddenly attacked by two large vessels, both of which were taken, after a long struggle, in which 80 of the enemy were slain, with the loss of 14 men belonging to Antonio, only one of whom was a Portuguese. After a while they heard lamentable cries in the hold of one of these ships, in which 17 prisoners were found, two of whom were Portuguese. From one of these Antonio was informed that these vessels had belonged to _Necoda Xicaulem_, who, after becoming a Christian at Malacca and marrying a Portuguese woman, had killed her and many more of her nation. The booty in these two ships was valued at 50,000 crowns. One of the vessels was burnt, as Antonio had not a sufficient number of men to navigate her. In both vessels there were seventeen brass guns, most of which had the arms of Portugal. Antonio anchored at Cape _Tilaumere_, where four vessels came up to his squadron likewise now consisting of four vessels, and in one of these was the bride of a young nobleman, who had engaged to meet her at that place with a like number of ships, owing to which they had come up to the Portuguese vessels. Three of these ships were taken, in one of which was the bride. Some of the seamen were retained, and all the others were set on shore. Antonio then went to _Mutipinam_, as a convenient place for selling his prizes; but as the governor of that city somewhat obstructed the sale, Antonio was obliged to hasten it, and received in payment of the goods he had to dispose of to the value of 200,000 crowns in uncoined silver.

In the beginning of the year 1541, Antonio sailed in search of the port of _Madel_ in the island of _Hainan_, and by the way took some prizes. Here he met with _Hinymilau_, a bold pirate and a great enemy to the Christians, whom he delighted to put to cruel deaths. With him they had a desperate engagement, and at last took him. He gave a bold account of the many cruelties he had practised upon the Portuguese, and was therefore immediately slain with four more. The prize was valued at 70,000 ducats. This action struck such terror into all who were in that river, that they sent a message to Antonio, calling him _King of the Seas_, offering him 30,000 crowns to take them under his protection, and desiring to have passes for their safe trading. He accepted the money and gave the passes, only for writing which his servant received 6000 crowns in the space of twelve days. So great a reputation had he acquired in these parts, that the governor of the city offered to make him admiral of those seas for the emperor of China, with a salary of 9000 crowns yearly. Antonio ran all along this coast without any remarkable occurrence, only that he saw many towns, none of which were large, and a fruitful country, and was informed that there were mines of silver, tin, saltpetre, and brimstone.

Being now weary of looking out for the pirate _Husseyn_, the soldiers demanded their shares of the prizes and to be discharged. This was agreed to, and their course was directed towards Siam; but by a furious storm they were cast away upon the _Ladrones_, where out of 500 men, only 86 got on shore naked, 28 of whom were Portuguese. At this place they were fifteen days with hardly any thing to eat. While in utter despair, as the island was uninhabited, they discovered a small vessel making for the shore where it cast anchor, and presently thirty Chinese landed, some of whom went to procure wood and water, while the others diverted themselves. Our men ran furiously and possessed themselves of the vessel and put to sea as quickly as possible. In this vessel they found only an old man and a child, but were quite delighted upon finding plenty of provisions and much silk. Sailing for _Xamoy_ in _Liampo_, they took another Chinese vessel and went to the island of _Luxitay_[359], where they remained fifteen days refitting both vessels, and then proceeded on their voyage. On the coast of _Lamau_ they discovered a large vessel having fifteen guns, which began to fire upon them as soon as within range; but on coming close it was observed to have several crosses and some men in Portuguese habits, on which they hailed each other, and the vessel was found to belong to _Quiay Panjau_ a Chinese and a great friend of the Portuguese, having thirty soldiers of that nation on board. He came on board of Antonios vessel, bringing a present of amber, pearls, gold, and silver, worth 2000 ducats. Among other discourse, Antonio told him that he was bound for _Liampo_ to furnish himself with necessaries, meaning to attempt the mines of _Quamjaparu_, where he was told he might get much treasure. _Quiay Panjau_ offered to accompany him, demanding only a third part of what might be taken, which was agreed to.

[Footnote 359: The names in this strange relation of the adventures of Antonio de Faria are so extremely corrupt as to defy even conjectural commentary.--E.]

They refitted at the river Ainay, and going from there to _Chincheo_, Faria hired 35 Portuguese whom he found at that place. Soon after putting again to sea he found eight Portuguese, almost naked and all wounded in a fishing-boat, who told him that the pirate Khojah Husseyn had taken their ship, worth 200,000 ducats, in the harbour of the isle of _Cumbor_, and that they had escaped with difficulty in that miserable condition. Faria was quite rejoiced to hear of that pirate, and immediately turned back eight leagues to _Layloo_ to prepare for engaging him. He there changed his old vessels for new ones, and provided men arms and ammunition, paying generously for every thing. In four vessels which he there fitted out, he had 40 pieces of cannon, 160 muskets, 6000 darts, with abundance of other arms and ammunition, and a force of 500 men, 95 of whom were Portuguese. In a day and a half sail from _Layloo_ he came to the fisheries where those Portuguese had been robbed, and was informed by some fishermen that Husseyn was only at the distance of two leagues in the river _Tinlau_. To make quite sure, he sent a person to see if that were the case, and finding the information accurate he proceeded immediately to the place. The engagement began before day-light upon four ships belonging to the pirate, which were soon reduced to great straits, when four small vessels came up to their assistance. One of the Portuguese cannon was so well pointed that it sank the first of these at the first fire, and killed several men in another vessel. At length Antonio boarded Husseyns vessel, and gave him such a cut over the head as struck him down on the deck, and by another stroke cut his hamstrings so that he could not rise. The pirates wounded Antonio in three places; but being succoured by his men the victory was complete, almost 400 of the enemy being slain or drowned by leaping overboard, while it cost 43 men on the side of Antonio, 8 of whom were Portuguese. Antonio immediately landed to bury his dead, and finding 96 men belonging to Husseyn in a house where they were left to be cured, he set the house on fire, and destroyed them all. He here restored the Portuguese ship to her owners, and gave liberty to all the slaves, as he vowed on going upon this enterprise, paying their masters the value. After all this generosity, the remaining booty was worth 100,000 crowns.

On the night after sailing from _Tinlau_ so violent a storm arose that two of the ships were cast away, and most of the goods in the others had to be thrown overboard, to the value of 200,000 ducats. One hundred and eleven men were lost, eleven of whom were Portuguese. Thirteen men who escaped the shipwreck were carried prisoners to _Nauday_, where Faria came with the five remaining ships to anchor. He immediately offered 3000 crowns to the governor of the city for the liberty of the prisoners, and meeting with an unfavourable answer, he determined to liberate them by force. His men were fearful of the issue of so dangerous an enterprise; but he so encouraged them, that they agreed. He had at this time, which was in the beginning of the year 1542, a force of 470 men in all, 60 of whom were Portuguese. Of these he chose 300 men to accompany him on shore. After sending another civil message to the governor, who answered by hanging the messenger, he landed with his small but resolute band. While marching towards the city, 12,000 foot and 100 horse came out to meet him. His musqueteers killed at least 300 of them, and pursued the rest to a bridge which led into the city. The governor was on the inside with 600 men, and defended the passage of the bridge till he was slain by a musquet shot, immediately on which his men fled, and were pursued with great slaughter till they ran out at the opposite side of the city. The city was plundered, on which occasion he who even got least was enriched, after which the place was reduced to ashes. Having thus gloriously redeemed his prisoners, Antonio returned to his ships with many beautiful female captives, having only lost eight men, one of whom was a Portuguese.

Antonio now resumed his intended expedition for the mines, but in the first place went to pass the winter at _Pulo Hindor_, an inhabited island fifteen leagues from _Nauday_. When near the islands of _Commolem_, he was attacked by two large ships in which were 200 resolute men commanded by a pirate named _Premata Gundel_, a mortal enemy to the Portuguese, to whom he had done much harm, but thought now he had only to encounter Chinese merchant ships. One of the pirate ships came up to board one of those belonging to Antonio, but _Qiay Panjau_ came up against her in full sail and ran so furiously upon the pirate ship that both went down instantly, but _Quiay_ and most of his men were saved. The other pirate ship commanded by _Premata_ in person boarded Faria, who was in great danger of being taken, but was at length victorious and slew 90 of the enemy; then boarding in his turn, he put the whole to the sword. This action cost Antonio 17 men, 5 of whom were Portuguese, and above 40 were wounded, among whom Antonio himself had two great cuts and a thrust of a spear. The prize was valued at 120,000 ducats. After staying 20 days in the island of _Buncalen_ to cure the wounded men, they steered for the gates of _Liampo_, which are two islands three leagues from the city of that name which was built by the Portuguese who there governed in the nature of a commonwealth.

Anchoring at the gates of _Liampo_, Antonio sent to ask leave to come into the port, when he received a courteous answer, praying him to wait six days till the inhabitants had prepared a house for his reception. On Sunday morning, the time being expired, he hoisted sail and went up the river accompanied by many boats sent to receive him, in which were 3000 of the citizens, who saluted him with the sound of musical instruments. About 200 ships then in the port were ranged in two lines forming a lane through which de Faria passed, all the cannons in the vessels and on shore firing a salute. Some Chinese who saw this magnificent reception asked whether this was a brother or near kinsman to the king of Portugal, and being answered he was only his smiths son, they concluded that Portugal must be the greatest kingdom in the world. From his ship, Antonio was received into a barge shaded by a natural chestnut tree full of ripe fruit, and was seated on a silver chair raised on six steps adorned with gold, six beautiful maids richly clad standing on each side, who played and sang melodiously. When he landed on the quay, he was placed in a still richer chair on mens shoulders under a canopy, guarded by 60 halberdiers, and preceded by 16 men on fine horses, and before these eight with silver maces, all in splendid attire. In this manner he was conducted to a large scaffold covered with fine tapestry, where being placed in his chair of state, he received the compliments of the magistracy and principal inhabitants of the city. From the quay to the city, which was a considerable distance, there was a closely covered lane formed of chestnut, pine, and laurel trees, and the ground was strewed with flowers. And all the way, at regular distances, there were companies of dancers, and perfumes burning, with astonishing multitudes of people the whole way.

At the entrance into the city, a temporary castle was built for the occasion, having the arms of the Faria family in front, being _Sanguin, a tower argent; in base, a man torn in pieces_. At this place he was received by a reverend old man, attended by four mace-bearers, and after some ceremonies the old man made a long speech in praise of the family, concluding with a panegyric on his own actions, and bidding him welcome to the city. The orator then offered him, in the name of the city, five chests full of silver in bars, worth twenty thousand pieces of eight, which he refused, saying he would endeavour to deserve in some measure the honours which wore heaped on him. From thence he walked on foot, passing through many splendid arches, to the church of our Lady, where he assisted at mass under a canopy, and heard a sermon full of his own praises. After this he was conducted by above 1000 Portuguese to a large open space before the house in which he was to reside, shaded by a variety of fine trees, the ground strewed with flowers and sweet herbs, where three long tables were splendidly decorated and richly covered with a sumptuous entertainment. When Antonio was seated, the whole multitude departed, except about 80 of the principal citizens who were to dine along with him, and 50 soldiers who attended, while the halberdiers stood at a distance to keep off the people. As soon as the company was seated, the music began to play, and eight beautiful maids came forwards playing on instruments and dancing, eight others being placed beside Antonio singing. The dishes were brought in by a number of fine women, and set upon the tables by men, the abundance and costliness of the entertainment being wonderful. After dinner the company adjourned to another place, where there was a bull-feast, with several wild horses among them, and at the death of each animal there followed dancing music and other entertainments.

De Faria continued here five months, entertained in great splendour, having dogs and horses to go a hunting, as the environs abounded in game. The time being come for going to the mines of _Quamgiparu_, Quiay Panjau who was to have accompanied him thither was carried off by sickness. After this another Chinese named _Similau_ dissuaded Antonio from attempting the adventure of the mines, as attended with too much difficulty and danger, and proposed to him to undertake an expedition to the island of _Calempluy_, in which were the tombs of the ancient kings of China, which were said to contain great treasures. To this Antonio gave ear, as covetousness had great sway even upon his generous mind. Happy had it been for him if he had returned to India, satisfied with the victories he had already achieved. About the middle of May 1542, he set sail accompanied by _Similau_ in two galliots with 146 men, 52 of whom were Portuguese, and among these the priest _Diego Lubato_. Next day they discovered the islands of _Nangnitur_, and then entered upon seas till then unknown by the Portuguese. Having crossed a gulf of 40 leagues, they discovered the high mountain, of _Nangalaci_, and held on their course northwards. At the end of ten days they anchored in a river where they saw white people like the Chinese, but differing in language, and could never prevail to have any intercourse with them. After eight days sailing they entered the strait of _Silcapaquim_, in which they spent five days in sight of many populous towns. But this course appearing dangerous, they steered up the river _Humbepadam_ by the advice of _Similau_, passing to the east of the mountain _Fangus_, and came thirteen days afterwards to the bay of _Buxipalem_ in the latitude of 30°, which produces fish, serpents, and crocodiles of wonderous size, and many sea-horses. Farther on they came to the bay of _Calinclam_, surrounded with high mountains, whence four great rivers fall into the sea. They next sailed under the great mountain _Botinasora_, abounding in lions, rhinoceroses, tigers, ounces, and other wild beasts, and then past _Gangitanu_, inhabited by the _Gigahui_, a wild gigantic people, some _ten_ and some _eleven spans_ high, of whom they saw fourteen of both sexes. They have good complexions, being white and red, but very ill-favoured features. Antonio gave them some procelain dishes and silk, for which they seemed thankful, and brought some cows and deer in return, but their language could not be understood.

At length they arrived in the bay of _Nanking_, and six days afterwards to the great city of _Pamor_, whose bay was almost hid under three thousand vessels. Fearing danger here they stood off and came to _Tanquilem_, where Similau and 36 Chinese seamen ran away for fear; because Antonio, weary of the voyage, and finding that Similau could give no good account of where they were, threatened to kill him. Similau was not indeed ignorant, but he was so terrified by the ill usage of the Portuguese that he knew not what he said, and they were afraid that either he knew not the coast or meant to betray them. It was a great error to believe him at _Liampo_, and to use him ill at _Nanking_ where they had most need of him. In fine the Portuguese gave themselves up for lost, not knowing where they were till some of the natives informed them that they were only ten leagues from the island of _Calempluy_, on which they sore repented the ill usage they had given to _Similau_. Doubling Cape _Guinaytarau_, after a tedious voyage of two months and a half, they discovered the island of which they were in search in the middle of the river. This island is quite plain and seemed four miles round. Next morning Antonio sailed round it in his galliots, and found it surrounded by a wall of jasper so closely built that it seemed all one stone. The wall rose 19 feet above the surface of the water, and was terrassed on the inside. On the top of the wall was a _massy twist_, on which was a brass rail, having little columns at regular distances, on which were the statues of women having balls in their hands, all likewise of brass. At some distance from these were figures of iron, of monstrous shapes, that seemed to give each other their hands; and further on were several curious arches of stones of various colours. On the inside there were afterwards seen a delightful assemblage of small groves of orange trees, among which were 366 chapels dedicated to the gods of the year. On one side was a great building, not all of a piece, but divided into seven parts, all over splendidly ornamented with gold.

In the evening Antonio entered the island by one of its eight gates, accompanied by sixty men, four of whom were Portuguese. On entering one of the chapels, they saw a man who seemed an hundred years of age, who fell down with fear; but, on recovering, rebuked the soldiers for taking the bars of silver from the tombs. Having received information of what was in the other chapels, Antonio went on board with a considerable quantity of silver taken from the first chapel, meaning to return next day to plunder them all. About midnight, lights were seen on the top of the great building, and numbers of bell were heard all over the island. Antonio went again on shore, though advised to make off as the alarm was given. He brought away two old men with some candlesticks and a silver idol, and was informed that the island would soon be relieved, as the first hermit had given the alarm; on which Antonio found that he had erred in not bringing away that old man as he was advised. He departed therefore from the island, much dissatisfied at having missed the acquisition of so much treasure by his own fault. After sailing a month, there arose so great a storm on the 5th of August, that his galliot was swallowed up. The other galliot perished a few days afterwards, and only fourteen of the crew escaped. Thus perished the brave Antonio de Faria; a just judgment, doubtless, for the sacrilegious robbery he intended to have committed.

No less unfortunate was the end of the city of _Liampo_, where Antonio had been so nobly received, falling a sacrifice to the base and insatiable avarice of its inhabitants. Lancelot Pereyra, judge of that city, having lost a thousand ducats by some Chinese, went out with a body of troops to rob and plunder others in satisfaction of the debt. This unadvised and barbarous procedure brought the governor of the province against the city with 80,000 men, and in four hours burnt it to the ground, together with 80 ships that were in the port. Twelve thousand men were slain, among whom were 1000 Portuguese, and three millions of gold were lost. Thus scarce any thing was left of _Liampo_ but the name; and thus what the Portuguese gained by their valour was lost by their covetousness. _Liampo_ had above three thousand catholic inhabitants, almost the half of whom were Portuguese. Those who survived this cruel execution, obtained leave in 1547, by great presents, to settle in the province of _Chincheo_, in a village which began to flourish in consequence of a rich trade, but it came to the same end with the other.

SECTION III.

_Transactions during the Government of Martin Alfonso de Sousa, from 1542 to 1543_.

In the year 1542, but whether under the government of De Gama or De Sousa is uncertain, Antonio de Mota, Francisco Zeymoto, and Antonio Peixoto, while on a voyage to China, were driven by a storm among the islands of _Nipongi_ or _Nijon_, called _Gipon_ by the Chinese, and known in Europe by the name of _Japan_. They were well received in one of these islands, of which they had the honour to be the first discoverers, though accidentally. These islands of Japan are far to the eastward of all India, being even beyond China, and lie between the latitudes of 30° and 40° N[360]. These islands are numerous, the principal and largest island being that peculiarly called _Niphon_, _Nifon_, _Nipongi_, or _Japan_, which gives name to the group, and in which is the city of _Meaco_ the imperial residence. According to the natives this principal island is 366 leagues in length, but by our computation only 266[361]. The chief islands around the large one, are _Cikoko_, _Toksosi_, _Sando_, _Sisime Bacasa_, _Vuoki_, _Taquixima_, or _Takishima_, and _Firando_[362]. Fernan Mendez Pinto in his travels assumes the merit of this discovery to himself; pretending that he came to the island of _Tanixima_, by which I suppose he meant _Taquixima_, not by stress of weather, but by design, in the service of a pirate who had relieved him and his companions when cast away, naming Christopher Borallo and Diego Zeymoto as those who accompanied him. In both relations _three_ names are mentioned as the discoverers of Japan, one only, _Zeymoto_, being the same in both, and both agree in the date of the discovery being in 1542. According to Pinto, the prince of the island of _Tanixima_ was named _Nautaquim_ who stood amazed on seeing the three Portuguese strangers, and uttered the following mysterious words: "These are certainly the _Chinchicogies_, spoken of in our records; who, flying over the waters, shall come to be lords of the lands where God has placed the greatest riches of the world. It will be fortunate for us if they come as friends!"

[Footnote 360: More rigidly from lat. 31° 28' to 40° 80' N. and between the longitudes of 127° 47' and 142° 33' E. from Greenwich.--E.]

[Footnote 361: Meaning probably a different denomination of measure. The island of Niphon measures 824 English miles in extreme length, from S.W. to N.E. in a somewhat bent line. Its breadth varies from 55 to 240 miles, averaging about 100; but it is extremely irregular, owing to many deep bays and considerable peninsulae. _Jedo_ is now the capital and residence of the temporal sovereign, _Meaco_ of the once spiritual sovereign, now reduced to chief priest of the national religion.--E.]

[Footnote 362: The only islands of magnitude besides Niphon, are _Kiusiu_, which does not appear to have any representative in the text, and _Sicocf_, probably the _Cikoko_ of De Faria. The other numerous islands are of little importance, and several of the names in the text cannot be referred to any of the islands. _Firando_ and _Taquixima_ remain unchanged, and the others cannot be traced.--E.]

The first action of the new governor De Sousa was to diminish the pay of the soldiers. The saving of charges is a great means of gaining the favour of princes; _yet ministers never express their zeal by retrenching their own large allowances_, but by cutting off the small ones from the poor; and, as was natural, this alteration occasioned much discontent among the troops. At this time the queen of _Batecala_, a well-built city on the banks of a river, on the coast of Canara, in a fertile country, refused to pay her tribute, and entertained pirates in her port to the great prejudice of trade; on which account De Sousa went with 2000 men in 60 vessels of different kinds to reduce her to obedience. On entering the port of Batecala where he demanded payment of the tribute, and that the pirate ships should be delivered up, the queen endeavoured to procrastinate till such time as she knew it would be necessary for the governor to retire with his armament to Cochin. But being aware of this artifice, the governor landed with 1200 men in two battalions, and ordered twenty light vessels to go up the river to attack the city on that side, while he assailed it on the land side. While marching through a wood, the governor was opposed by a body of musqueteers; but his troops drove them to the gates of the city, which they entered along with the fugitives, in spite of every opposition from the enemy who were encouraged by the queen in person. It was night when the Portuguese got possession of the city; and in the morning they began to plunder, not even sparing the Portuguese who were settled there. They even fell out among themselves, and came to blows, in which all were hurt and none enriched. The enemy noticed this contention among the Portuguese from a neighbouring hill to which they had retired, and endeavoured to take advantage of this circumstance, by discharging incessant flights of arrows into the town. On receiving orders from De Sousa to march against the enemy, the discontented troops exclaimed, "That the rich gentry might march if they would; but that they only came to make up by plunder for the pay of which they had been unjustly deprived." Gracia de Sa went out against the enemy with a few lances; but after several charges, almost the whole of the Portuguese shamefully took to flight, endeavouring in such haste to reimbark that several were drowned in the confusion. Indignant at this cowardice, the governor reproached them as not being the same brave men he had left in India only two years before. To this they answered, thinking he meant it as a reflection on his predecessor, "That the men were the same, but the governor was changed; and that this was the fruit of lessening their pay, to enable him to give gratuities to those who knew better how to beg favours than to deserve them." De Sousa retired to the ships for the night, but landed next day, when he utterly destroyed the city and surrounding country with fire and sword, and made all the woods be cut down[363]. Unable any longer to resist, the queen purchased peace by submitting to a heavier subjection than before.

[Footnote 363: The cutting down of the woods mentioned in the text, probably refers to cocoa nut trees, on which the natives of the coast of India appear to have greatly depended for food.--E.]

The king of Ormuz had fallen into arrears of life tribute, and was due 500,000 ducats, which he was unable to pay; for the tribute had been successively raised from 12,000 ducats originally imposed by Albuquerque, to 100,000, so that from a tributary he became a slave, not having even a competent maintenance remaining. Finding him unable to discharge the debt, De Sousa proposed to him to make over the customs of Ormuz to the Portuguese, which he agreed to, that he might get rid of the oppression. But the Persians soon afterwards deprived them of this source of revenue, which they had unjustly appropriated to themselves.

In the year 1544, De Sousa fitted out a fleet of 45 sail, in which were embarked 3000 seamen and soldiers. The design of this armament was kept a profound secret, which was to rob the pagoda of _Tremele_, 12 miles inland from St Thomas of Meliapour, in the kingdom of Bisnagar, for which express orders had been given by King John, under pretence that India was wasted, as if any pretence could justify robbery. The design was however discovered, or as others say it was disappointed by contrary winds. Yet the governor was persuaded to plunder other pagodas, where it was thought there were equal riches. By the way, he sent a message to the king of Jafnapatam in the island of Ceylon, commanding him either to become tributary to the crown of Portugal, or to prepare for opposing the armament. The king agreed to pay 4000 ducats yearly, glad to get off so easily. A king called _Grande_ near Cape Comorin, being in fear of the Portuguese, sent a present to the governor. De Sousa proceeded to a pagoda named _Tebelicate_[364], near _Calecoulam_, although the Portuguese were at peace with the king of that country, and went into it with a small number of his confidants, whence they brought out two casks so heavy that they loaded many men. These casks were reported to contain water, though some affirmed that it was gold and jewels; but the truth was never known. It has been alleged by some writers that nothing was found but a golden vessel worth 4000 crowns, in which the idol used to be bathed, and which was ordered to be restored by the king of Portugal, who was much displeased at the conduct of De Sousa on this occasion; as if it were a greater crime to rob the pagoda of _Tebilicare_ without orders, than that of _Tremele_ with orders. While the Portuguese were returning to their ships, the town and pagoda were set on fire, and they were attacked in a narrow defile by 200 Nayres, who killed 30 of them; but on getting into the open field, the Nayres were put to flight. No danger terrifies avarice. The Portuguese went on to another pagoda, from which a chest was brought out and opened publicly, and some silver money which it contained was distributed among the troops; but of so small account, that many believed the liberality was owing to that circumstance.

[Footnote 364: Called afterwards _Tebilicare_.]

De Sousa was obliged to return in all haste to Goa, owing to the following circumstance, communicated to him by a message from Don Garcia de Castro. _Aceda Khan_, lord of the lands around Goa, intending to depose Adel Khan, prevailed on Don Garcia, by means of presents to deliver up to him _Meale Khan_ the brother of Adel Khan, pretending that he held the kingdom wrongfully. This gave just cause of complaint to Adel Khan, and occasioned considerable danger to the Portuguese. The governor listened to the arguments and offers of both sides; but inclined more to favour Aceda Khan, who offered to cede the kingdom of Concan, giving a revenue of about a million, then possessed by Abraham, a good man and a friend of the Portuguese. As this territory was very valuable, particularly from its neighbourhood to Goa, the governor declared in favour of Meale Khan, and prepared to possess himself of the Concan which was offered by Aceda Khan. This was a notorious act of injustice; and as De Sousa was naturally of a haughty disposition, none of his officers dared to remonstrate; but Pedro de Faria, then four-score years of age, trusting to his quality and the great offices he had held, repaired late one night to the governors tent, and prevailed upon him to desist from so unjust an undertaking. Next day the governor abandoned his design, pretending various reasons of delay, and returned to Goa, carrying Meale Khan along with him.

At this time Aceda Khan died, who was the contriver of this discord, and Adel Khan descended the gaut mountains with a powerful army to reduce the rebels, recovering possession of the Concan in a few days. But as Adel Khan was still fearful of Meale Khan, he offered the lands of _Salsete_ and _Bardez_ to De Sousa, on condition of delivering him up, which were valued at 50,000 ducats of yearly revenue. De Sousa refused to give up this man who had confided in him for protection; but offered, if put in possession of these districts, that he would remove Meale to some place where he could give no disturbance to Adel Khan. These conditions were agreed to and performed by Adel Khan, but evaded by De Sousa, who sent Meale to Cananor and brought him back to Goa. Some alleged that this was done to overawe Adel Khan, while others said it was meant as a bait to extort presents; and it was certain that some were actually sent.

In this treaty, Adel Khan had agreed that De Sousa was to be put into possession of the vast treasures which had been left by the rebel Aceda Khan, said to amount to ten millions of ducats, and which at his death had fallen into the hands of Khojah Zemaz-oddin, who persuaded De Sousa that it was only one million, and delivered that sum to him. Adel Khan afterwards gave notice to De Sousa of the vast fraud which had been used in the pretended delivery of the treasure; but all his efforts to secure the defaulter were in vain.

Sultan Mahmud, sovereign of Cambaya or Guzerat, was desirous of recovering possession of the castle built by the Portuguese at Diu, and of freeing himself by that means from the trammels which had been thrown in the way of the trade of his dominions. In the late treaty between him and the Portuguese, it had been stipulated, with the consent of the viceroy Don Garcia, that the government of Cambaya might erect a wall between the city of Diu and the castle. This wall was accordingly commenced; but as Emanuel de Sousa, who commanded in the castle of Diu, considered that the wall now building was of a very different description from a mere boundary, as intended in the treaty, and appeared to be destined for hostile purposes, he drove away the workmen, threw down the wall, and made use of the materials for strengthening the defences of the castle. Mahmud was highly offended at this procedure, and at the instigation of his great minister Khojah Zofar, he secretly used every possible means to stir up enemies to the Portuguese, endeavouring to form an union of the Indian princes to expel them not only from Diu but from all India.

In the course of this year 1544, the great Khan of the Tartars invaded China and besieged _Peking_ with a prodigious army, amounting to millions of men. A large detachment from this vast army, among which were 60,000 horse, was sent against the city of _Quamsi_, which was plundered, and an immense number of the inhabitants put to the sword. While on his return with this part of the army, _Nauticor_ the Tartar general attempted to reduce the fortress of _Nixiancoo_, but was repulsed with the loss of 3000 men, on which he was disposed to desist from the enterprise, deeming the place impregnable. Among the prisoners taken at Quamsi were nine Portuguese, one of whom named George Mendez made offer to the Tartar general to put him on a plan for gaining the fortress of _Nixiancoo_, on condition that he and his companions were restored to liberty. The general agreed to his proposal, and gained the fort by the advice of Mendez, with the slaughter of 2000 Chinese and Moguls. In pursuance of his promise, the general obtained the liberty of the Portuguese from his sovereign, but prevailed on Mendez to continue in his service by a pension of 6000 ducats. The Tartar emperor was constrained to raise the siege of Peking and retire to _Tuymican_ his residence in Tartary, after having closely invested the metropolis of China for almost seven months, with the loss of 450,000 men, mostly cut off by pestilence, besides 300,000 that deserted to the Chinese.

In 1545, Martin Alfonso de Sousa became exceedingly dissatisfied with his situation as governor-general in India, being threatened on every side by a combination of the native princes, and having no adequate means of defence either in men or money. Only a few days before the arrival of his successor, he declared to Diego Silveyra who was going to sail for Portugal, that if the king did not immediately send out a successor, he would open the patents of succession, and resign the government to whoever he might find nominated for that purpose. He was soon afterwards relieved by Don Juan de Castro, whose journal of the expedition into the Red Sea we have laid before our readers in the preceding chapter, and who arrived at Goa in August or September 1545, to assume the government of India.

SECTION IV.

_Government of India by Don Juan de Castro, from 1545 to 1548._

Khojah Zofar, who was now chief minister and favourite to the king of Cambaya, though he continued to keep up a fair correspondence with the Portuguese, yet, with the perfidy so natural to a Moor, never ceased persuading his sovereign to endeavour to shake off the yoke by a second attempt to reduce the castle of Diu. For this purpose he collected a powerful army, yet endeavoured in the first place to attain his ends by the most infamous means of secret policy. With this view he gained over a Portuguese of a base character, named _Ruy Freire_, to poison the great cistern or reservoir of water, to set the magazine of the castle on fire, and to admit him by a concerted signal into the place. But this treacherous design was frustrated by the information of an Ethiopian, a Turk and a female slave, who revealed the plot to the commander, Don Juan Mascarenhas, who had succeeded Emanuel de Sousa. As Mascarenhas became aware of the storm that was gathering against him, he prepared to meet it as well as possible, and sent notice of his danger to the governor-general, Don Juan de Castro, and to all the neighbouring Portuguese commanders. The garrison in the castle of Diu at this time amounted only to 210 men: Of these Mascarenhas assigned 30 for the defence of each of the four bastions; his lieutenant had charge of a tower or bulwark over the gate with 20 men; other 20 were placed in a small detached work; and he retained 50 men as a body of reserve under his own immediate command, to act wherever the greatest danger might call for his presence.

By this time a considerable number of men were collected by the enemy in the city of Diu, among whom were 500 Turks sent from Mokha by the king of Zabid, and Khojah Zofar came on with all his power, resolving to attack the sea bastion by means of three castles well stored with cannon and ammunition, which were built upon a ship of vast size; within the castles were 200 Turks, who were intended to distract the attention of the defendants by continually pouring in all sorts of artificial fireworks. This device was however abortive, as Jacome Leite went by night in two small vessels with twenty men, and though discovered he succeeded in setting the floating castle on fire, a great part of which blew up with all the Turks, and the remainder of the ship burnt with so great a flame that the enemy was seen in whole battalions running to quench the fire. Seeing the enemy in clusters, Jacome pointed his cannon among them and killed many: After this exploit, he proceeded to the mouth of the river, where he took some vessels loaded with provisions belonging to the enemy, with which he returned to the fort to the great admiration of the whole garrison, having seven of his men wounded in this gallant and successful exploit.

Though frustrated in this design, Khojah Zofar persisted in his intentions of besieging the castle, for which purpose he began to rebuild the wall which had been destroyed by De Sousa.[365] This could not be prevented, though many of the workmen were killed by the cannon of the fort, and being at last brought to perfection Zofar planted upon it sixty pieces of large cannon, besides many of a small size. One of these cannons was of such extraordinary magnitude that it shook the whole island every time it was discharged, and it was managed with much expertness by a renegade Frenchman in the service of Zofar. At this time Don Ferdinand de Castro, son to the governor arrived with a reinforcement. Mascarenhas having expressed a desire of acquiring some intelligence from the enemys camp, one Diego de Anaya Coutinno, a gentleman of note and of great strength, put on a helmet with a sword by his side and a spear in his hand, and let himself down from the wall under night. He soon discovered two Moors at some distance from the fort, one of whom he slew with his spear, and taking up the other in his arms ran with him to the gate of the fort, calling out for admission, and threw him in, to the great surprise and admiration of his companions. Coutinno had borrowed a helmet, which he had engaged his word to restore or die in its defence. It happened to fall off in the scuffle, and he did not miss it till demanded, by its owner. He immediately let himself down again from the wall to look for the helmet, which he found and restored.

[Footnote 365: This second siege of Diu appears to have commenced about the beginning of March 1545.--E.]

Shortly afterwards an extraordinary movement was observed in the besieging army, of which Mascarenhas was desirous to know the cause. On this account six men sallied out at night from the castle, and fell upon an advanced party of sixty Moors, some of whom they killed; but the rest awaking, and being joined by others, the Portuguese were forced to retreat after losing two of their number; but the remaining four brought in a prisoner along with them, who reported that the king of Cambaya was arrived from _Champanel_ with 10,000 horse, on purpose to see the capture of the castle, which he was assured by Zofar must soon fall. This exploit so incensed the king and Zofar, that they pressed the siege with the utmost fury, and did much harm to the works of the castle by incessant discharges from their numerous artillery. But the renegade Frenchman, who managed their greatest gun, was slain by a chance shot, and the gunner who succeeded him was so ignorant that he did more harm to his own party than to the Portuguese. All the neighbourhood continually resounded with the incessant noise of the cannon, mixed with the cries and groans of dying men; when a ball from the fort happened to go through the kings tent, and sprinkled him all over with the blood of one of his favourites, who was torn to pieces close by him. This so terrified the king, that he immediately abandoned Diu, leaving the command of the horse to Juzar Khan a valiant Abyssinian.

Khojah Zofar continued to press the siege, and there was much slaughter and destruction on both sides; but this was more evident and prejudicial in the castle, owing to the small space and the weakness of the garrison. Mascarenhas on his part exerted every means for defence, always repairing to wherever there was most danger, as desirous of gaining equal honour with Silveyra who had so gallantly defended the same place only a few years before. He was no less fortunate in courageous women than Silveyra, as those now in the castle encouraged the men to fight valiantly, and both assisted and relieved them in the labour of repairing the walls. On one occasion that some Turks had got within the walls and had taken post in a house, one of these valiant females ran there with a spear and fought against the enemy, till Mascarenhas came up with his reserve and put them all to the sword. Zofar used every effort and device to fill up the ditches and to batter down the walls of the castle; but equal industry was exerted by the besieged to repair the breaches and to clear out the ditches, the prime gentry doing as much duty on those occasions as the private soldiers and masons; repairing every night such parts of the walls and bastions as had been ruined in the day.

Astonished to see all the defences thus restored, and angry at the obstinate resistance of so small a garrison, Zofar made a furious assault upon the castle, but had his head carried off by a cannon-ball. "In this violent death he fulfilled the prediction of his mother at _Otranto,_ who having in vain endeavoured to prevail upon him to return into the bosom of the church, used to superscribe her letters to him in the following manner. _To Khojah Zofar my son, at the gates of hell._" He was succeeded by his son _Rumi Khan_, who inherited his fortune and command, and was as eager as his father to reduce the castle of Diu. Being in great straits, Mascarenhas was under the necessity of applying to the governor-general at Goa and the commanders of the neighbouring garrisons for reinforcements, on which occasion a priest was employed, who run great danger, as the sea was at this season scarcely navigable: But then Portugal had some _decii_ and _reguli_, while it now has only the grief of wanting such patriots[366].

[Footnote 366: It is hardly necessary to observe that this is the expression of D. Faria in the _seventeenth_ century, when Portugal groaned under the yoke of the Austrian sovereigns of Spain.--E.]

In the mean time Rumi Khan and Juzar Khan gave a general assault, particularly directing their efforts against the bastions of St John and St Thomas, where they found a vigorous resistance and lost a prodigious number of men. Yet numbers at length prevailed, and the enemy gained a temporary possession of the bastion of St Thomas. The garrison adding fury to despair, made so desperate an effort to recover the bastion, that they made a wonderful slaughter of the numerous assailants who had penetrated their works, throwing headlong from the wall such as had escaped the sword, insomuch that the bastion and the ditch below were heaped with dead bodies. Rumi Khan spent the succeeding night in prayers and processions to propitiate Mahomet, and next morning renewed the assault with equal fury. But after mounting the two bastions, he was at length forced to retreat with the loss of near 2000 men, among whom was Juzar Khan the Abyssinian general, who was succeeded in his command by his uncle of the same name. In this action the Portuguese lost seven men. Several other assaults were given with similar success. In one of these the fire was so close and furious that several of the Portuguese who were clad in cotton garments had their clothes set on fire, on which they ran and dipt themselves in water, after which they returned to their posts. Such as happened to have skin coats escaped this danger; and as Mascarenhas noticed this circumstance, he caused the gilt leather hangings of his apartments to be made into coats for his soldiers.

As the enemy had raised a mount near the castle which overlooked the walls, whence they greatly annoyed the enemy, Don Juan and Don Pedro de Almeyda sallied out with an hundred men and destroyed that work, killing 300 Moors. At another time Martin Botello went out with ten men to endeavour to make some prisoners, to procure intelligence. This party fell upon a post of the enemy occupied by eighteen men, all of whom fled except one _Nubian_, who bravely endeavoured to defend himself against the whole eleven. Botello closed with him, and finding him hard to overcome while he touched the ground with his feet, raised him in his arms as Hercules did Anteus, and carried him to the fort by main strength. The assaults were frequently renewed, and the besieged were worn out with fatigue and reduced to the last extremity by famine, being forced to feed even upon naseous vermin. A crow or a vulture taken while feeding upon the dead bodies was so great a dainty for the sick that it sold for five crowns. Even the ammunition was almost spent. In this extremity, the enemy gave a fresh assault and forced their way into the bastion of St John, whence they were driven out. Scarcely had they retired when the bastion blew up with a vast explosion, carrying up 73 of the garrison into the air, ten of whom came down alive. Among these was Diego de Sotomayor, who fell into the fort with his spear still in his hand. One soldier fell in a similar manner among the enemy, and was immediately slain. _It was no fable that armed men were seen in the air on this occasion_[367]. Foreseeing the danger, as he believed from the retirement of the enemy so suddenly that they had secretly caused it to be undermined, Mascarenhas gave orders for the Portuguese soldiers to retire from the bastion; but one Reynoso prevented them from doing so, unaware of what was intended, upbraiding them for cowardice.

[Footnote 367: This is an evident allusion of De Faria to the ridiculous reports so often propagated among the Portuguese and Spaniards of those days, of heavenly champions aiding them in battle against the infidels.--E.]

Thirteen thousand of the enemy immediately attacked the breach which was formed by the explosion, and were at first resisted only by five men, till Mascarenhas came up with fifteen more. Even the women came forward to assist in defending the breach: and the priest, who had returned from carrying advice to the neighbouring Portuguese forts, appeared carrying a crucifix aloft, and encouraging the men to behave themselves manfully. After a long and furious contest, the enemy retired on the approach of night, after losing 300 men, and Mascarenhas employed the whole night in repairing the breach. The enemy renewed their attacks every day, but with no better success, trusting to their vast superiority in numbers, that they would at last wear out and destroy the garrison. Rumi Khan began again to undermine the works, even piercing through rocks that were in the way; but Mascarenhas by means of a countermine disappointed his expectations, as the mine exploded back upon the enemy and killed many of their own men.

Don Alvaro de Castro, son to the governor-general, was at this time sent with supplies and reinforcements, and had to contend against the winds and waves through almost incredible storms, yet arrived at Bassen without loss. From thence Antonio Moniz Baretto with eight gentlemen crossed over to Diu in a boat, being the first reinforcement; who though few were no small comfort to the besieged by their bravery. Next came Luis de Melo with nine men; then Don George and Don Duarte de Menezes with seventeen; after them Antonio de Ataide and Francisco Guillerme with fifty each; and Ruy Freyre the factor of Chaul with twenty-four. With these reinforcements Mascarenhas fell upon the enemy who then possessed some of the works of the castle, and had even established themselves in the bastion of St James. The enemy had now lost 5000 men and the besieged 200, but having as many more left, scarcely half of whom were fit for duty, when Don Alvaro de Castro arrived with 400 men and a sufficient supply of ammunition, having taken by the way a ship belonging to Cambaya richly laden.

The joy of this relief was soon damped by the mutinous disposition of the soldiers brought by Don Alvaro; who fearful of the mines of the enemy, clamorously demanded to be led into the field against the enemy; and when the governor prudently refused compliance, they broke out into open mutiny in defiance of all discipline, then scarce known or at least not respected by the Portuguese. Being in danger of perishing in the castle by his own men, Mascarenhas chose rather to die in the field among the enemy, and made a sally with almost 500 men in three bodies. At the first push the advanced post of the enemy was gained, and they were forced to retire to their main works. Those who had insolently compelled their commander to this extravagant measure, now stood heartless at the foot of the trenches, while others who had taken no part in the mutiny acted courageously. After a severe reproof from Mascarenhas they took heart and mounted the works, but the whole army of the enemy attacking them, the Portuguese were forced to retire in disorder. The enemy followed up the runaways, and 5000 of them under Mojate Khan endeavoured to gain possession of the bastion of St Thomas, but were bravely repulsed by Luis de Sousa. In this action sixty men were slain on the side of the Portuguese, among whom were Don Alvaro de Castro, who was mortally wounded in the head. About this time likewise the enemy gained temporary possession of the bastion of St James and even turned its cannon against the garrison, but were driven out by Vasco de Cuna and Luis de Almeida, who had just arrived with a reinforcement. The latter went out soon afterwards with Payo Rodriguez and Pedro Alfonso in three caravels, and soon returned with two great ships belonging to Mecca and several other vessels, whose cargoes were worth 50,000 ducats.

In the beginning of October 1545, when the siege had lasted eight months, Don Juan de Castro set out from Goa with a powerful armament for its relief. As the fleet, consisting of above 90 vessels, was scattered during the voyage, Don Juan put in at _Baseen_ to wait for its reunion, and sent in the mean time Don Emanuel de Lima with a squadron to scour the coast, who took several vessels. At length the Portuguese fleet made its appearance in the sea of Diu, to the great amazement and dismay of the enemy, who had recently received a supply of 5000 men from the king of Cambaya. Having landed his troops, it was resolved by Don Juan de Castro to march and attack the enemy, chiefly on the suggestion of the experienced Don Garcia de Sa. The Portuguese army was accordingly marshalled in the following order. Don Juan Mascarenhas, the valiant defender of the castle, led the van consisting of 500 men. Two other bodies of equal force were led by Don Alvaro de Castro[368], and Don Emanuel de Lima. Don Juan de Castro led the reserve, composed of 1000 Portuguese and a body of Indian soldiers. Among the men were several Portuguese women in men's clothes, who went principally to assist those that might be wounded. The lieutenant-governor was left in charge of the fort with 300 men.

[Footnote 368: This gentleman has been said only a little way before, to have been _mortally_ wounded. He must only have been _severely_ wounded on that former occasion; or perhaps it might have been Don Ferdinand, another son of the governor, who was killed.--E.]

Having prepared for battle by the sacraments of the church, this small army marched out at break of day of the 11th November 1545, to attack the numerous forces of the enemy, who were strongly entrenched and defended by a powerful train of artillery. At this time two Portuguese gentlemen who had challenged each other, agreed that he who first mounted the works of the enemy should be deemed conqueror: both honourably strove to gain the victory, and both died gloriously in the attempt. After a severe conflict, in which the Portuguese sustained some loss, they at length mounted the works, and Mascarenhas and Don Alvaro de Castro, having each gained possession of a tower or bulwark, made room for the army drawing up in the open field in the rear of the hostile works. Twice was the ensign carrying the royal standard thrown down from the enemy's works, and twice remounted. Rumi Khan used every effort, backed by his numerous army, to drive the Portuguese from his entrenchments, but unsuccessfully. Being joined by Juzar Khan, who had been worsted by Mascarenhas, they united their troops and renewed their fight, and distressed the Portuguese exceedingly, when father Antonio de Cazal appeared in the ranks carrying a crucifix aloft on the point of a lance, encouraging the troops to behave courageously. By great and valiant exertions, after covering the field with dead and wounded Moors, Rumi Khan was constrained to retreat in disorder; but having rallied his troops, the Portuguese in their turn were thrown into disorder. Don Juan, however exerted himself to admiration, and restoring his men to order renewed the battle. At this time a stone or bullet broke off an arm from the crucifix, and the priest calling on the soldiers to avenge the sacrilege, they fell on with such fury, that after incredible efforts they drove the enemy into the city with vast slaughter. Mascarenhas, Don Alvaro de Lima, and Don Juan de Castro, successively forced their way into the city with their respective battalions, by several avenues, making the streets and houses run with blood. The women shared the fate of the men, and even children were slain at their mothers breasts. In plundering the houses, gold, silver, and jewels were alone attended to by the soldiery, other things though of value being slighted as cumbrous.

Rumi Khan and the other officers of the enemy sallied with about 8000 men, against whom Don Juan de Castro, with the assistance of his son and Mascarenhas again engaged, and after a bloody battle gained a complete victory. In this last engagement, Gabriel Teixeyra killed the standard-bearer of the enemy, and dragged the standard of Cambaya about the field proclaiming victory. George Nunez brought out the head of Rumi Khan from among the dead, and presented it to Don Juan. Juzar Khan was wounded and made prisoner. In this great battle the enemy lost 5000 men, among whom, besides Rumi Khan, Azede Khan, Lu Khan, and other men of note were slain. The Portuguese, according to one account, lost 100 men, while others say only 34. Many thousands were taken, with forty pieces of cannon of extraordinary size, besides 160 others, and a prodigious quantity of ammunition. Free plunder was allowed to the troops, by which many acquired great riches and all were satisfied. Many of the Portuguese signalized their valour in this action. The governor-general acted the part of a valiant soldier, as well as that of a prudent general. Mascarenhas, after sustaining a siege of eight months, distinguished himself above all others. Of Don Alvaro de Castro, it is sufficient to say that he acted like his father. The ensign Barbado, though several times thrown down, as often remounted the works of the enemy. Father Antonio del Cazal, by presenting to view the _image of life_ banished the _fear of death_. Many others distinguished their valour, some of whom survived and others were slain. The enemy confessed that, one day during the siege, they saw over the church in the castle a beautiful woman in the air, clothed in white, and so brilliantly illuminated with rays of light that they could not look upon her; and that this day there were some men in the field armed with lances who did them much harm. The king of Cambaya was so enraged with the loss he had sustained in this siege, that he ordered twenty-eight Portuguese prisoners to be torn in pieces in his presence.

Great was the joy at Goa on the news being received of the events at Diu, which were carried thither by Diego Rodriguez de Azevedo, who likewise carried a message from Don Juan de Castro requesting the city to lend him 20,000 pardaos for the use of the army, sending a lock of his whiskers in pawn for the faithful repayment of the money. The city respectfully returned the proposed pledge, and sent him more money than he wanted, and even the ladies of Goa on this occasion sent him their earrings, necklaces, bracelets, and other jewels to be applied to the public service. But the governor punctually restored all exactly as sent, having been amply supplied by the capture of a rich ship of Cambaya. Having restored the castle to a better condition than before the siege, Don Juan de Castro sailed for Goa, leaving a garrison of 500 men in the castle under Don George de Menezes, with six ships to secure the coast. The city also was now better inhabited than ever, through the good usage of the governor to the Moors.

Don Juan de Castro returned from Diu to Goa on the 11th of April 1546, where he was received with universal demonstrations of joy, and was conducted into the city in a splendid triumph, prepared on purpose after the manner of the ancient Romans. The city gates and the houses of the streets he had to pass through were hung with silk, all the windows were thronged with women splendidly dressed, and every part of the city resounded with music and the din of cannon, all the ships in the bay being richly adorned with numerous flags and streamers. Don Juan entered the city under a splendid canopy; and at the gates his hat was taken off, and his brows adorned by a crown of laurel, of which likewise a branch was put into his hand. Before him went the priest, carrying the crucifix, as he had done in the late battle, and next to him was the royal standard. Juzar Khan followed with his eyes fixed on the ground, perhaps that he might not see the standard of his sovereign trailing in the dust, while those of the Portuguese floated triumphant in the air. After him came 600 prisoners in chains. In the front were all the captured cannon, and great quantities of arms of all sorts in carts artificially disposed. The governor walked upon leaves of gold and silver and rich silks, all the ladies as he passed sprinkling him from their windows with odoriferous waters, and strewing him with flowers. On hearing an account of this triumph, queen Catharine said "That Don Juan had overcome like a Christian, but had triumphed like a heathen."

Scarcely was this triumph ended when the governor found it necessary to send a force of 120 horse, 800 foot, and 1000 Indians, to expel some troops sent by Adel Khan to possess the districts of Salsete and Bardes, because the conditions on which he had ceded these to the Portuguese had not been fulfilled. Diego de Almeyda, who commanded these troops, easily executed his commission, as 4000 men belonging to Adel Khan, who were stationed at _Cowlii_ fled at his approach. Adel Khan however sent them back again, with 9000 additional men, together with a company of renegado Portuguese, commanded by Gonzalo Vaz Coutinno, who, to avoid the punishment due to his crimes, had deserted to the enemy. As Almeyda found himself too weak to resist this great force, he was forced to retire; on which the governor marched in person against the enemy with 3000 men in five battalions, and was soon afterwards joined by Francisco de Melo with about 1500 more. On the approach of this force the enemy retired to the fort of Ponda followed by the Portuguese army, on which occasion Don Alvaro de Castro, who led the van, gained possession of a ford defended by 2000 musqueteers. The main body of the enemy, twelve or thirteen thousand strong, were drawn up in good order about the fort, but fled at the first fire, leaving the fort entirely empty.

The victorious are sure to find friends. _Cidoza_ king of Canara sent to congratulate Don Juan de Castro upon this victory, and to propose a new alliance with the Portuguese, which was accordingly concluded upon advantageous terms, as always happens upon such occasions. This kingdom of _Charnataca_, corruptly named _Canara_, had no sovereign prince before the year 1200, when one _Boca_, a shepherd, assumed the government, styling himself _Rao_ which signifies emperor, a title that has been continued by all his successors. This king, in memorial of a victory gained by him over the king of Delhi, built the famous city of Visajanagur, corruptly called Bisnagar. The crown continued in his line till usurped by Narsinga, from whom the kingdom took that name, having been formerly called Bisnagar from that of the city. Afterwards king Malek sent also to confirm the peace between him and the Portuguese, more through hatred to Adel Khan who was defeated, than from love to the victorious Portuguese.

Hearing in 1546 that the king of Cambaya intended again to besiege Diu with a larger army than ever, Don Juan de Castro prepared with all diligence to relieve it, borrowing money from the city of Goa for the expences of the expedition; and on this occasion the women of Goa sent him their jewels by the hands of their young daughters, complaining that he had not used them before, and requesting him to do so now; but he sent all back accompanied with presents. Having fitted out 160 sail of various kinds of vessels with a large military force, Don Juan sailed for _Basseen_ and thence to Surat, where Don Alvaro had arrived before the fleet, and had taken a work with several cannon from the Moors. Sailing thence to Baroch, the army of the king of Cambaya was seen covering the whole plain, to the amount of 150,000 men, with 80 large cannon in front. Don John was anxious to land with his small army of 3000 men to give battle to the king, but was dissuaded from the rash attempt by his most experienced officers. He went on therefore to Diu, where he appointed Luis Falcam to command the castle, as Mascarenhas was then about to return to Portugal. After this he went along the coast of the Guzerat dominions, landing in many places, and destroying every thing with fire and sword. The strong and beautiful cities of _Pate_ and _Patane_, being abandoned by the inhabitants, were utterly destroyed; two hundred vessels were destroyed in their ports, and a prodigious booty was obtained. Dabul also, though in the dominions of Adel Khan, was treated in a similar manner, in revenge for the ravages committed by the orders of that sovereign in the districts of Salsete and Bardes, which were occupied by Calabate Khan at the head of 20,000 men.

As Calabate Khan seemed disposed to retain possession of these districts, Don Juan went against him with 1500 horse and 4000 foot; but the enemy fled in all haste to the gauts, leaving their tents and baggage behind. The Portuguese army pursued; and being resisted by Calabate Khan in person, with 2000 horse at a ford or pass, that general was unhorsed and slain by a Portuguese officer named Almeyda, after which the enemy were defeated with great slaughter. The cymeter, dagger, chain, and rings of the slain general were estimated at the value of 80,000 crowns. After this victory, Don Juan ravaged the whole country below the gauts belonging to Adel Khan, destroying every thing before him, burning all the towns and woods, and carrying off the cattle and provisions. From this destructive expedition he returned to Goa, which he again entered in triumph.

About this time the king of Acheen in Sumatra, an irreconcilable enemy to the Portuguese, sent a fleet of sixty vessels against Malacca with 5000 soldiers, among whom were 500 men called _Orobalones_ or _the golden bracelets_, from wearing that ornament in distinction of their bravery; but the principal force consisted of a regiment of Turkish janisaries commanded by a valiant Moor. This man landed in the night near Malacca, and it is said that the garrison was alarmed and put on their guard by a flock of geese, as the capitol was in ancient times. The garrison of Malacca was then very weak, yet the enemy were forced to reimbark, after burning two Portuguese ships then ready to sail. On returning from their intended attack on Malacca, the enemy took seven poor fishermen, whose noses, ears, and feet they cut off and sent them in that mutilated condition to the commander at Malacca, George de Melo, with a letter written with their blood, challenging him to come out and fight them at sea. Melo was by no means disposed to accept this challenge, having a very inadequate force, and because he had only eight small vessels which lay aground in a state unfit for service. But the great St Francis Xavier, who was then in Malacca, prevailed on some merchants to be at the expence of fitting out these vessels, and upon Melo to go out against the enemy, promising that two galliots would come by a certain time to his aid. When the time was near expired, two galliots actually made their appearance and came into the harbour, though intended upon a different course. The saint went on board, and found that they were commanded by Diego Suarez de Melo, commonly called the _Gallego_, and his son Baltazar, whom he prevailed upon to join in the attack of the Acheenese. The ten small vessels were accordingly fitted out and manned by 230 men, and set sail in search of the enemy under the command of Don Francisco Deza. After ranging about for two months in search of the Acheen fleet, when at length about to return to Malacca, Deza found them in the river _Parles_, where he resolutely attacked them one Sunday morning, and, after an obstinate engagement, gained a complete victory, in which 4000 of the enemy were slain. Several of the Acheen ships were sunk, and almost all the rest taken, of which the Portuguese brought in twenty-five to Malacca, with 300 pieces of cannon, and about 1000 firelocks, having only lost twenty-five men according to one account, while some said only four. St Francis was preaching at Malacca when this battle took place, and suddenly pausing in the middle of his discourse, he distinctly related all the particulars of the victory to his auditors, who were in great anxiety for the fate of their ships, having received no news of them during two months. His prophecy was verified a few days afterwards by their triumphant arrival.

Don Juan de Castro began his operations in January 1548, by the entire destruction of all that part of the western coast of India which belonged to Adel Khan. From the river _Charopa_ two leagues from Goa, to that of _Cifardam_, which divides the dominions of Adel Khan from that of the Nizam, he spared neither living creature, vegetable, nor dwelling of any kind.

When the news of the glorious termination of the siege of Diu was received at Lisbon, the king sent out a greater fleet than usual to India, and honoured Don Juan with extraordinary favours for his good services. Besides a present in money, he continued him in the government, raising his rank from governor-general to the dignity of viceroy, and appointed his son Don Alvaro admiral of the Indian seas. But Don Juan was almost dead when these honours reached him, being sick of a disease which now-a-days kills no one, for even diseases die! He was heart-broken by the cowardly behaviour of a Portuguese force that had been sent to Aden, and the rash conduct of his son at Xael, in both of which they had suffered severe losses. Finding himself dying, he publicly asked pardon of many for having written against them to the king; and being unable to manage the affairs of government, he appointed a select council to supply his place. Calling the members into his presence, he said "Though he neither hoped nor wished to live, yet it behoved him to be at some expence while he remained alive; and having no money, he entreated they would order him a small supply from the royal revenues, that he might not die for want." Then laying his hand on a missal, with his eyes lifted up to heaven, he solemnly swore, "That he had on no occasion converted the money belonging to the king, or to any other person, to his own use; and that he had never engaged in trade to increase his own fortune." He desired that this his solemn declaration might be recorded. He soon afterwards expired in the arms of St Francis Xavier, on the 6th of June 1548, in the 48th year of his age. All the treasure found in his private cabinet was three _ryals_ and a _bloody scourge_.

Don Juan was an excellent scholar, being particularly skilled in Latin and the mathematics. During his government of India he did not allow himself to be actuated by pride, as others had done before and after him, and always valued and promoted his officers for their merits. He so much loved that every one should act becomingly, that seeing one day a fine suit of clothes on passing a tailors shop, and being told that it was intended for his son, he cut it in pieces, desiring some one to tell the young man to provide arms, not fine clothes.

SECTION V.

_Transactions of the Portuguese in India, from 1548 to 1564, under several Governors,[369]_

Immediately on the death of Don Juan the first patent of succession was opened, in which Don Juan Mascarenhas was named; but he had gone to Lisbon to seek the reward of his gallant defence of Diu, which he now missed. The second named Don George Telo, who was also absent. In the third, Gracia de Sa was nominated to the succession, an officer of much experience in the affairs of India. Soon afterwards, he received an embassy from Adel Khan to solicit peace, which was concluded much to the advantage of the Portuguese. The Zamorin, Nizam-al-mulk, Kothb-al-mulk king of Golconda, the Rajah of Canara, and several other princes of India sent splendid embassies to confirm the peace; and at length, Sultan Mahmud king of Guzerat or Cambaya, tired of the unfortunate war in which he had been long engaged with the Portuguese, made pacific overtures, and a treaty was concluded to the credit and advantage of the Portuguese.

[Footnote 369: The transactions of this period are of so little importance, and related in so desultory a manner, that in the present section we have only thought it necessary to give an abbreviated selection.--E.]

In the course of this year, 1548, a bloody war broke out between the kings of Siam and Pegu on the following occasion: The king of Siam happened to possess _a white elephant_, a singular curiosity, much coveted by all the princes of the east, and the king of Pegu demanded that it should be given up to him in token of superiority. This was refused by the king of Siam, and the king of Pegu invaded Siam with a numerous army, reducing the king of Siam to such straits that he was willing to make peace on any conditions, except delivering up the white elephant, even agreeing to give up one of his own daughters, and to send a woman of noble birth yearly as an acknowledgement of vassalage. But as the terms were not performed, the king of Pegu again marched into the kingdom of Siam with a prodigious army of a million and a half of men and 4000 elephants. Above 2000 workmen preceded the king, and set up every night for his lodgment a stately wooden palace, richly painted and adorned with gold. On this march the king of Pegu constructed a prodigious bridge of boats over the rapid river _Menam_, a full league in length, for the passage of his army.

In the course of this march, the army of Pegu was obstructed by a strong entrenchment defended by 25,000 Siamese troops. Diego Suarez de Melo, who served in the army of Pegu with 180 Portuguese, went against this entrenchment with his own small battalion and 30,000 Peguers; and carried the work with a prodigious slaughter of the Siamese. The army of Pegu at length besieged the city of _Odia_, in which the king of Siam resided. Odia is eight leagues in circumference, and was surrounded by a strong wall on which 4000 cannon were mounted, and was farther defended by a wide and deep wet ditch, and by a garrison of 60,000 combatants, among whom were 50 Portuguese commanded by Diego Pereyra. After continuing the siege for some time, being unable to prevail on the Portuguese under Pereyra to desert the service of the king of Siam, the king of Pegu abandoned Odia, and besieged the city of _Camambee_; in which the treasures of Siam were deposited. That place was strongly fortified, and defended by 20,000 men with so much valour that the Peguers were again obliged to desist. At this time Xemindoo rebelled against the king of Pegu, who sent Diego Suarez against him with 200 Portuguese. Suarez pursued the rebel to the city of _Cevadi_, but Xemindoo slipped past him and took possession of the city of Pegu, where he was favoured by the inhabitants. The queen fled into the castle, where she was defended by twenty Portuguese, till the king came up with his army and put the rebels to flight. The army then entered the city, and put all to the sword, men, women, and children, and every living thing, sparing those only who took refuge in the house of Suarez, which the king had ordered to be exempted from this military execution, and in which above 12,000 saved themselves. The plunder on this occasion was immense, of which three millions fell to the share of Suarez, who was so much in favour with the king, that he pardoned a Portuguese at his intercession who had supplied the rebels with ammunition.

The king of Pegu was soon afterwards murdered in the beautiful city of _Zatan_ by the _Ximi_ or governor of that place, who immediately had himself proclaimed king; but was in his turn taken and beheaded by the former rebel _Xemindoo_, who usurped the crown. One _Mandaragri_, who had married a sister of the former king, raised an army and claimed the crown in right of his wife; and having defeated that first rebel in battle, he fled to the mountains, where he married the daughter of a peasant, to whom he revealed his name and rank. She communicated this intelligence to her father, who delivered him up to the new king by whom he was beheaded. Being much displeased with the people of Pegu, Mandaragri built a new city near that place. He soon afterwards raised an immense army, with which he reduced many of the neighbouring provinces. But a new rebellion broke out at Pegu in his absence, by which the queen was forced to take refuge in the castle, where she chiefly owed her safety to about forty Portuguese, who defended her till the king came up and vanquished the rebels; after which he rewarded the brave Portuguese with riches and honour.

About this time likewise, the inhabitants of _Chincheo_, the _second_ Portuguese colony in China, being in a flourishing condition, became forgetful of the sad fate of _Liampo_, formerly mentioned, which had been destroyed through their insolence and cupidity. Ayres Coello de Sousa, who was judge of the orphans and _proveditar_ for the dead, committed many villanies to get hold of 12,000 ducats belonging to an Armenian merchant who had died there, and of 8000 ducats from some Chinese merchants, under pretence that this sum was due by them to the deceased. By these and other insolencies, the Chinese were so provoked that they destroyed _Chincheo_, as they had formerly done Liampo, only 30 Portuguese escaping out of 500 who lived there. These and some other Portuguese went over to the island of _Lampezau_; and they afterwards, in 1557, obtained leave to settle in the island of _Goaxam_, where they built the city of _Macao_.

While endeavouring to devise means for the relief of the soldiers, who were in great want, Gracia de Sa died suddenly in July 1549, at 70 years of age, being much regretted for his prudence, affability, and integrity. On the patents of succession being opened, George Cabral was found first in nomination. This officer was a man of good birth and known worth, and had gone a short while before to assume the command at Basseen. He was very unwilling to assume the government, as it deprived him of the command which he was to have held for four years, and was afraid that another would soon come from Portugal to supersede him in the supreme authority; but his lady Donna Lucretia Fiallo, prevailed upon him to accept the honour to which he seemed so averse, and which she ardently desired; and he accordingly returned to Goa to assume the high office. Cabral deserved to have long enjoyed the post of governor-general, and Portuguese India was indebted to his wife for the short period of his rule. Soon after his installation, news was brought that the Turks were fitting out an hundred sail at Suez to transport an army to India; on which Cabral diligently prepared to meet the storm, by collecting ships from the different ports.

At this time the zamorin and the rajah of Pimienta entered into a league against the rajah of Cochin. The rajah of Pimienta took the field with 10,000 Nayres, and was opposed by the rajah of Cochin with his men, assisted by 600 Portuguese troops under Francisco de Sylva, who commanded in the fort at Cochin. Sylva pressed for an accommodation, which was consented to by the rajah on reasonable terms; but the treaty was broken off by the rash and violent conduct of Sylva. The armies engaged in battle, in which the rajah of Pimienta was mortally wounded and carried off the field, upon which his troops fled and were pursued into their city with great slaughter, and the royal palace set on fire. This was considered as a heinous affront by the Nayres of Pimienta, who rallied and fell with such fury on the victors that they were forced to a disorderly retreat, in which Sylva and above fifty Portuguese were slain. About 5000 of the Pimienta Nayres, who had taken an oath to revenge the death of their rajah or to die in the attempt, made an irruption into the territory of Cochin where they did much damage; and while engaged with the Cochin troops, Henry de Sousa marched against them with some Portuguese troops, and defeated them with great slaughter. The joy occasioned by this victory was soon damped by the approach of the zamorin at the head of 140,000 men. The zamorin encamped with 100,000 of these at _Chembe_, while the tributary or allied Malabar princes with the other 40,000 took post in the island of _Bardela_.

Upon the first advice of this invasion, Cabral collected the armament which had been destined against the Turks, consisting of above 100 sail of different kinds, with 4000 soldiers. He sent on Emanuel de Sousa with four ships, ordering him with these and the force already at Cochin to use every effort to confine the Malabar princes to the island of Bardela, till he should be able to get there with the main army, which orders he effectually executed. Having destroyed _Tiracole, Coulete_, and _Paniane_, Cabral landed at Cochin, where his army was increased to 6000 men, and where the Rajah, was ready with 40,000 of his subjects. Being ready to attack the island, the Malabar princes hung out a white flag for a parley, and even agreed to put themselves into the hands of the governor on promise of their lives; but they delayed, and Cabral resolved to attack them next day. When next day came, he was again hindered by a violent flood. And the next day after, when on the point of performing one of the most brilliant actions that had ever been done in India, he was stopt by the sudden arrival at Cochin of Don Alfonso de Noronha as viceroy of India; who would neither allow him to proceed, nor would he execute what was so well begun, but allowed the Malabar princes to escape with their whole army[370].

[Footnote 370: We only learn incidentally from De Faria that this happened in the year 1550.--E.]

While Cabral remained at Cochin, waiting for an opportunity to embark for Portugal in the homeward bound ships, there was a report one night about the middle of February 1550, that 8000 sworn Nayres were on their march to assault the city. He hastened to the gates with Emanuel de Sousa, intending to march against the enemy at day-break; but being hindered by the council of Cochin, he remained with a competent force to defend the city, and sent Emanuel with the native troops and 1500 Portuguese against the invaders, who were doing every thing that rage and malice could suggest in a neighbouring town. After a desperate engagement, the _amoucos_ or devoted Nayres were defeated with great slaughter with the loss of 50 Portuguese. Cabral embarked well-pleased with this successful exploit against the sworn Nayres, and was well received in Portugal, as he justly merited, though contrary to the usual custom of that court.

This year there was born at Goa, of Canarin parents, a hairy monster like a monkey, having a round head and only one eye in the forehead, over which it had horns, and its ears were like those of a kid. When received by the midwife, it cried with a loud voice, and stood up on its feet. The father put it into a hencoop, whence it got out and flew upon its mother; on which the father killed it by pouring scalding water on its head, and could scarcely cut off the head it was so hard. He burnt it. But when the story came to be known, he was punished for the murder, and the body was exposed to public view[371].

[Footnote 371: This silly story has been retained, perhaps very unnecessarily. It is perhaps an instance of embellishment founded on the love of the marvellous, and the whole truth may lie in a very narrow compass "_an infant coming into the world covered with hair_," while all the rest is fiction.--E.]

Don Alfonso de Noronha was promoted to the viceroyalty of India from being governor of Ceuta, but was subjected to the control of a council, by whose advice he was ordered to conduct the government of India. He had orders from court to send back to Portugal all the _new Christians or converted Jews_, many of whom had gone out to India with their families. It had been better to have banished them from both countries. The new viceroy was received at Goa with universal joy, more owing perhaps to the general dislike towards him who lays down authority than from love for him who takes it up. The Arabs of _Catifa_ in the Persian Gulf had admitted the Turks to take possession of the fort in that city, to the great displeasure of the King of Ormuz, on whom it had been dependent, and who therefore applied for aid to the viceroy to reduce the refractory or revolted vassals. The king of Basrah had also been expelled from his kingdom by the Turks, yet kept the field with an army of 30,000 men, and sent for assistance from the viceroy, to whom he offered leave to erect a fort at his capital, and to grant many valuable privileges to the Portuguese. The viceroy accordingly sent his nephew, Antonio de Norenha, to the assistance of these two kings with 1200 men in nineteen vessels. Antonio was joined at Ormuz by 3000 native troops, in conjunction with whom he besieged Catifa, which was defended by 400 Turks. After a brave but unavailing resistance, the garrison fled by night, but were pursued and routed. As the general of the troops of Ormuz was unwilling to engage for the future defence of this fort, it was undermined for the purpose of destroying it; but being unskilfully managed, the mine exploded unexpectedly, and forty of the Portuguese were buried under its ruins. Noronha then sailed to the mouth of the Euphrates, on purpose to assist the king of Basrah; but he was induced to believe, by a cunning Turkish pacha, that the king of Basrah meant to betray him, on which he ingloriously returned to Ormuz, where he learnt the deceit when too late.

The sultan of the Turks was so much displeased with the Portuguese for what they had done at Catifa and attempted at Basrah, that he sent an expedition against Ormuz of 16,000 men, commanded by an old pirate named _Pirbec_. The Turk in the first place besieged Muscat for near a month, and at length obliged the garrison to capitulate; but broke the articles and chained the captain and sixty men to the oars. He afterwards proceeded against Ormuz, where Don Alvaro de Noronha commanded with nine-hundred men in the fort, where he had provided ammunition and provisions for a long siege, and into which the king with his wife and children and some of the chief people of the court had gone for shelter. The Turk landed his men and raised batteries against the fort, which he cannonaded incessantly for a whole month; but finding that he lost many of his men and had no prospect of success, he plundered the city, and went over to the island of Kishom, to which many of the principal people of Ormuz had withdrawn, where he got a considerable booty and then retired to Basrah. The viceroy had been informed of the danger to which Ormuz was exposed, and fitted out a fleet in which he embarked in person for its relief; but hearing at Diu, on his way to the Persian Gulf, that Ormuz was out of danger, he sailed back to Goa. On his return unsuccessful from Ormuz, _Pirbec_ was beheaded for having acted beyond his instructions, and _Morad-beg_ was sent in 1553 with fifteen gallies to cruise in the Persian Gulf against the Portuguese. An encounter took place between this Turkish squadron and one belonging to the Portuguese under Don Diego de Noronha, which ended without material loss on either side; but the Turks were forced to take shelter in the Euphrates, where the water was too shallow to admit the Portuguese galleons. In the course of this year 1553, _Luis Camoens_, the admirable Portuguese poet, went out to India, to endeavour to advance his fortune by the sword, which had been so little favoured by his pen.

About this time new troubles took place at Diu in consequence of the death of Sultan Mahmud, king of Guzerat or Cambaya. Like Mithridates, he had accustomed himself to the use of poison, to guard against being poisoned. When any of his women happened to be near their delivery, he used to open them to take out their children. Being one day out hunting accompanied by some of his women, he fell from his horse and was dragged by the stirrup, when one of his women boldly made up to his horse and cut the girth with a cymeter; in requital for this service he killed her, saying "that a woman of such courage had enough to kill him." He was at length murdered by a page in whom he had great confidence. For tyrants always die by the hands of those in whom they repose most trust. He was succeeded by a child who was his reputed son; but the nobility of the kingdom, offended by the insolence of Madrem-al-mulk who acted as governor of the kingdom, rebelled in several places. Abex Khan, who commanded in the city of Diu, was one of these, and in consequence of some disagreement between his soldiers and the Portuguese garrison, Don Diego de Almeyda made an assault on the city with 500 men, in which many of the Moors were slain and their houses plundered. Though late, Abex Khan saw his error, and made proper concessions. Soon afterwards, when Don Diego de Noronha succeeded Almeyda in the command of the castle of Diu, fresh troubles broke out at Diu, which were not appeased, till a good many men had been skin on both sides, chiefly owing to the rashness and obstinacy of Diego de Noronha, for which he was afterwards excluded from the appointment to the viceroyalty of India.

In 1554 Don Alfonso de Noronha was superseded in the government of Portuguese India by Don Pedro de Mascarenhas, who was 70 years of age when appointed viceroy. Soon after his arrival at Goa, some of the great subjects of Adel Khan, king of Visiapour, made proposals for raising Meale Khan, who had long resided at Goa, to the musnud, and offered to cede the Concan to the crown of Portugal, in reward for assistance in bringing about that revolution. That province, which produced a million of yearly revenue, was so great a bait, that the enterprise was engaged in without consideration of its difficulties. Meale Khan was immediately proclaimed king of Visiapour, and a force of 3000 Portuguese infantry with 200 horse and a body of Malabars and Canarins was immediately sent to reduce the fort of _Ponda_; after which, leaving his family in Goa as hostages for the faithful performance of the treaty, Meale Khan was conducted thither by the viceroy and placed at the head of his new subjects. Leaving Ponda under the charge of Don Antonio de Noronha, with a garrison of 600 men, the viceroy returned to Goa, where he soon afterwards died, having enjoyed the viceroyalty of India only ten months.

On the death of Mascarenhas, which happened some time in 1555, Francisco de Barreto succeeded to the government by virtue of a patent of succession. He immediately proceeded to Ponda to support the cause of Meale Khan, who was soon afterwards taken prisoner, and the Portuguese were utterly disappointed in the hopes of profiting by this intended revolution.

In the beginning of 1556, Juan Peixoto sailed with two gallies for the Red Sea, to examine if the Turks were making any preparations at Suez for attacking the Portuguese in India. Finding every thing quiet, he landed unperceived during the night in the island of Swakem, whence he carried off a considerable booty and many prisoners, and returned to Goa with much honour.

About this time the king of _Sinde_ sent an embassy to the governor general, desiring assistance in a war against one of his neighbours, and 700 men were dispatched for that purpose in 28 vessels under the command of Pedro Barreto, who arrived safe at Tatta in the _delta_ of the Indus, the residence of the king of Sinde. The prince immediately visited the Portuguese commander, and sent notice of his arrival to the king his father who was absent in the field against the enemy. As the king made peace with his enemy, Barreto desired leave to depart, and required that the Portuguese should be reimbursed for the expences of the expedition, as had been agreed upon, by the ambassador who solicited it. Receiving an unsatisfactory answer, Baretto landed his men and entered the city, where he slew above 8000 persons, destroyed to the value of above eight millions in gold[372], and loaded his vessels with the richest booty that had ever been made in India, without losing a single man. He afterwards spent eight days destroying every thing within reach on both sides of the river. On this occasion one Gaspar de Monterroyo, going accidentally into a wood, killed a monstrous serpent thirty feet in length and of prodigious bigness, which had just devoured a bullock. Thus victorious over men and monsters, Barreto returned to Chaul, whence he and Antonio Pereyra Brandam went and destroyed Dabul in revenge for the injury done by Adel Khan to the Portuguese possessions on the coast.

[Footnote 372: On many occasions, as here, De Faria, or his translator, gives no intimation of the species of coin to which he alludes.--E.]

In the year 1557, Nazer-al-mulk, the general of Adel Khan, invaded the districts of Salsete and Bardes with 2000 horse and 81,000 foot. Francisco Barreto, the governor-general, went against him with 3000 Portuguese infantry, 1000 Canarins, and 200 horse, and defeated him in the plain country near Ponda. In the district of Bardes, Juan Peixoto was opposed to another general of the enemy named Murad Khan, and being much incommoded by a Portuguese renegado who had fortified himself, assaulted and routed him twice with considerable slaughter. As the governor-general had retired to Goa after his late victory, Nazer-al-mulk returned to the flat country and intrenched his army near Ponda. About the same time an officer of Adel Khan waded the ford of _Zacorla_ into the island of _Choram_ with 500 men, and did considerable damage; but on the arrival of assistance from other parts was repulsed with considerable loss, and Francisco de Mascarenhas was left for the defence of the island with 300 men. Being desirous to secure the promontory of Chaul, the governor asked leave to fortify that place from Nizam Shah[373], who not only refused permission, but sent 30,000 of his own men with orders to build there an impregnable fort. On this the governor went there in person with 4000 Portuguese troops besides natives, and a pacific arrangement was entered into, but without liberty to build the fort. A miracle was seen at this place, as the Moors had been utterly unable to cut down a small wooden cross fixed upon a stone, or even to remove it by the force of elephants. Likewise about this time a Portuguese soldier bought for a trifle from a _jogue_ in Ceylon, a brown pebble about the size of an egg, on which the heavens where represented in several colours, and in the midst of them the image of the holy Virgin with the Saviour in her arms; this precious jewel fell into the hands of Franciso Barreto, who presented it to Queen Catharine, and through its virtues God wrought many miracles both in India and Portugal.

[Footnote 373: Named Nizamuxa in De Faria, and perhaps the same prince called Nizamaluco on former occasions, whom we have always designated Nizam al Mulk. The Indian officers named in the text a little before Nazer al Mulk and Murad Khan, are called Nazar Maluco and Moatecan by De Faria, whose orthography of eastern names is continually vicious.--E.]

About the end of the government of Franciso Barreto, Joam III, king of Portugal died, in whom ended the good fortune of the Portuguese. In 1558 the regency, during the minority of King Sebastian, sent out Don Constantin de Braganza as viceroy to India. Don Constantin was younger brother of Theodosius duke of Braganza, and was only 30 years of age when appointed to that high office. He arrived at Goa in the beginning of September 1558, with four ships and 2000 men, having performed the voyage with unusually favourable weather; and, contrary to the usual practice, he assumed the government without affronting in any way the person whom he superseded. Soon after his arrival he went upon an expedition against Daman, which had been ceded to the former governor by the king of Guzerat, but which was still retained by Side Bofata, who was in rebellion against his own prince. On the arrival of the Portuguese armament, Bofata abandoned the city and fort, which the viceroy took possession of, as a post of importance to secure the district of Basseen, and converted the mosque into a Christian church. Bofata encamped at a place named _Parnel_, two leagues from Daman, whence with 2000 horse he infested the Portuguese in their new possession; but was driven from his encampment by Antonio Moniz Barreto, leaving thirty-six pieces of cannon, several cart-loads of copper money, and other plunder. The viceroy behaved with such liberality and discretion, that he soon attracted abundance of inhabitants to this new acquisition, and reduced the neighbouring island of _Balzar_, which he deemed necessary for the security of Daman, of which he gave the command to Don Diego de Noronha with a garrison of 1200, appointing Alvaro Gonzales Pinto to command in Balzar with 120 men and some cannon.

In 1560, the viceroy went against Jafnapatam in the island of Ceylon, because the king of that place, who was likewise lord of the isle of Manar, persecuted the Christians, and had usurped the throne from his brother, who fled to Goa, and was there baptised by the name of Alfonso. After some considerable successes, and having even forced the king of Jafnapatam to cede the island of Manar, and to submit to the vassalage of Portugal, the viceroy was obliged to desist from the enterprise with considerable loss, but retained the island of Manar, where he built a fort. Among the treasure belonging to the king of Jafnapatam, taken in this expedition, was an idol, or relic rather, which was held in high estimation by all the idolaters on the coast of India, and, in particular, by the king of Pegu, who used to send ambassadors yearly with rich presents, merely to get a _print_ of the precious relic. This holy relic was nothing more than the tooth of a white monkey; and some say that the cause of its being so much admired was owing to the rarity of the colour, like the white elephant of Siam. Others say that the monkey was held in such veneration for having discovered the wife of an ancient Indian king who had eloped from her husband. Some again alleged that it was the tooth of a man who had performed that service. However this may have been, when the king of Pegu heard that this tooth was in possession of the viceroy, he made an offer of 300,000 ducats for it, and it was believed his zeal would extend to a million if the bargain was well managed. Most of the Portuguese were for taking the money, and some wished to be employed in carrying the tooth to Pegu, expecting to derive great profit by shewing so precious a treasure by the way. But in a meeting of the principal clergy and laity of Goa, held on purpose, it was determined that the tooth should be destroyed; and it was accordingly pounded in a mortar in presence of the assembly, and reduced to ashes. All men applauded this act; but, not long afterwards, _two teeth_ were set up instead of one.

Madrem al Mulk, king of Cambaya, desirous of recovering Daman, was ready to march against that place with a numerous army; but Don Diego de Noronha, getting intelligence of the design, contrived to persuade Cedeme Khan, lord of Surat, that the expedition was intended against him. Cedeme Khan, giving credit to this fiction, went to visit his brother-in-law, Madrem al Mulk, and persuaded him, with the principal leaders of his army, to visit him in the city of Surat, where he killed them all, and falling upon the camp put the Guzerat army to the rout with great slaughter. Zingis Khan, the son and successor of Madrem al Mulk, marched with a numerous army to Surat to revenge the death of his father. Cedeme Khan abandoned the city and retired into the fort, where he was besieged by Zingis Khan, and reduced to great extremity; but hearing that his dominions were invaded by a new enemy, Zingis Khan patched up an agreement with Cedeme Khan, and returned to defend his own country. Soon afterwards, Don Diego de Noronha, commandant of Daman, died poor, having expended all his substance in the service of his king and country. Don Antonio de Noronha, who was afterwards viceroy, used to say "That a man must be mad who practised that kind of liberality." Now-a-days all men are very wise in that respect.

Some time afterwards, Cedeme Khan sent notice to the viceroy, that Zingis Khan was again marching against Surat, which he was in no condition to defend, and offered to deliver up the fort at that place to the Portuguese, on condition of being carried with his family and treasure to such place as he should appoint. The viceroy accordingly sent fourteen ships under the command of Don Antonio de Noronha to Surat, accompanied by Luis de Melo, who was appointed to succeed Diego de Noronha in the command of Daman. Coming to Surat, they forced their way up the river through showers of bullets, and landing with only 500 Portuguese troops, defeated Zingis Khan, who had an army of 20,000 men, but were unable to drive him from the city of Surat. Cedeme Khan however refused to deliver up the fort of Surat according to agreement, alledging that his own men would kill him if he did so. This is very likely; for, on the retirement of Antonio to Goa, Cedeme Khan was forced to make his escape from his own people, and, being made prisoner by Zingis Khan, was put to death. _Caracen_, who succeeded Cedeme Khan, contrived to patch up an agreement with Zingis Zhan, who left him in possession of Surat.

The conduct of Don Constantin de Braganza gave so much satisfaction to King Sebastian, that he offered to continue him as viceroy of India for life; but on his refusal, Don Francisco de Cotinho, count of Redondo, was appointed his successor. This nobleman, who was no less distinguished for his witty sayings than for his conduct in peace and war, arrived at Goa in the beginning of September 1561. Nothing worth relating happened during his government of India, which lasted two years and five months, except the ordinary occurrences of petty wars on the Malabar coast, in Ceylon, Malacca, and the Moluccas, not worth relating. In his time, the famous poet _Camoens_ was in Goa, where he had been favoured by the two last viceroys. The former governor, Francisco Barreto, had imprisoned and banished him for getting into debt, and other youthful extravagancies; and, being given up to the law by the count towards the end of his government, he was thrown into prison. We shall afterwards see him deceitfully carried to Sofala, and there sold as a slave. About the end of February 1564, the viceroy died suddenly, much lamented by all, being a great lover of justice, and so happy in his witticisms that all pleasant sayings were fathered upon him.

SECTION VI.

_Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from_ 1564 _to the year_ 1571.

On the death of the count of Redondo, Juan de Mendoza late governor of Malacca succeeded to the command in India with, the title of governor. A short while before his accession, some Malabar pirates had committed hostilities on the coast of Calicut upon the Portuguese; and when complaints were carried to the zamorin, he alleged that these had been done contrary to his authority by rebels, and that the Portuguese were welcome to punish them at their pleasure. The late viceroy had accordingly sent Dominic de Mosquita to make reprisals, who took above twenty sail of Malabar vessels, the crews of which he barbarously put to death. Immediately after the accession of Mendoza to the government an ambassador was sent to him from the zamorin, complaining of the conduct of Mosquita; when the governor, in imitation of the answer given on a similar occasion by the zamorin, said that it had probably been done by Portuguese rebels whom he might punish if taken. As Mosquita came to Goa while the Calicut ambassadors were still there, the governor thought it expedient to apprehend him in their presence; but as soon as they were departed, he released Mosquita and rewarded him. His conduct, however, soon afterwards occasioned a long war with the zamorin. Mendoza only enjoyed the government for six months, as, in the beginning of September 1564, Don Antonio de Noronha arrived at Goa with the title of viceroy.

It is the received opinion in India, that the apostle St. Thomas was slain at _Antmodur_, a mountain about a league and half from Meliapour, where were two caves into which he used to retire for prayer and meditation. The nearest of these caves now belongs to the Jesuits, and the other has been converted into a church dedicated to our Lady of the Mount. According to the legend, the apostle being one day at prayers in the former of these caves, opposite to a cleft which let in the light, a bramin thrust in a spear at the hole and gave the saint a mortal wound, part of the spear breaking off and remaining in his body. The saint had just strength enough remaining to go into the other cave, where he died embracing a stone on which a representation of the cross was engraved. His disciples removed his body, and buried it in the church which he had built, where the body was afterwards found by Emanuel de Faria and the priest Antonio Penteado, who were sent thither on purpose by king Emanuel. When, in the year 1547, the Portuguese were clearing out the cave or oratory in which the apostle died, a stone was found which seems to have been that he clung to at his death. This stone is about a yard long and three quarters broad, of a grey colour with some red spots. On its middle there is a carved porch, having letters between two borders, and within two banisters, on which are two twisted figures resembling dogs in a sitting posture. From their heads springs a graceful arch of five borders, between every two of which are knobs resembling heads. In the hollow of this arch or portal is a pedestal of two steps, from the upper of which rises a branch on each side, and over these, as if hung in the air, is a cross, said to resemble that of the military order of Alcantara; but in the print the ends resemble three crescents with their convex sides outwards and their points meeting, like those in many old churches in Europe. Over all is a dove on the wing, as if descending to touch the cross with its beak.

When, in the year 1551, this oratory was repaired and beautified, this stone was solemnly set up and consecrated; and when the priest was reading the gospel, it began to turn black and shining, then sweated, and returned to its original colour, and plainly discovered, the red spots of blood, which were before obscure. The letters on this stone could not be understood till the year 1561, when a learned bramin said they consisted of 36 hieroglyphic characters, each containing a sentence, and explained them to this effect: "In the time of the son of Sagad the gentile, who reigned 30 years, the _one only_ GOD came upon earth, and was incarnate in the womb of a virgin. He abolished the law of the Jews, _whom he punished for the sins of men._[374], after he had been thirty-three years in the world, and had instructed _twelve_ servants in the truth which he preached. A king of three crowns _Cheraldcone, Indalacone, Cuspindiad, and Alexander_; king of _Ertinabarad_, with _Catharine_ his daughter, and many virgins, with six families, voluntarily followed the law of _Thomas_, because the law of truth, and he gave them the sign of the cross to adore. Going up to the place of _Antenodur_, a bramin thrust him through with a lance, and he died embracing this cross which was stained with his blood. His disciples carried him to _Maiale_, where they buried him in his own church with the lance still in his body. And as we, the above mentioned kings, saw this, we carved these letters." Hence it may be inferred, that _Maiale_ was the ancient name of _Meliapour_, now called _St Thomas_. This stone afterwards sweated sometimes, which, till the year 1561, was a good omen, but has since been a bad one.

[Footnote 374: Probably Mr Stephens may have mistranslated this passage, which might be more appropriately read, _who put him to death for the sins of men_. This clumsy legend of St Thomas may amuse our readers; but probably derives its principal features from the contrivances of the Jesuits.--E.]

There were likewise found three brass plates, about a span long and half a span broad, shaped like scutcheons, having rings on the top. On one side was engraven a cross and peacock, the ancient arms of Meliapour, and on the other side certain characters which were explained by another learned bramin to the following effect: "_Boca Rajah_ son of _Campula Rajah_, and grandson of _Atela Rajah_, who confesses one GOD without beginning, creator of all things, who is greater than the beast _Chigsan_, and one of five kings who has conquered ninety and nine, who is strong as one of the eight elephants that support the world, and hath conquered the kingdoms of Otia, Tulcan, and Canara, cutting his enemies to pieces with his sword." This is the Inscription on one of these plates. The others contain grants of lands to St Thomas, directed by the king to himself, and calling him _Abidarra Modeliar;_ whence it may be inferred, that these kings reigned at the time when Christ was crucified. One of these grants begins thus: "After the year 1259, in the first year called _Icarana Rachan_, and on the 12th day of the new moon of the good year, I give in alms to the saint _Abidarra Modeliar,"_ &c. The other begins in this manner: "This is a token of alms-deeds to purchase Paradise. All kings that perform them shall obtain much more than they give; and he who disannuls them shall remain 60,000 years with the worms in hell," &c.

It has been disputed by what road St Thomas came into India. The heathen history says, that he and Thaddeus being in Mesopotamia, they parted at the city of Edessa, whence St Thomas sailed with certain merchants to the island of Socotora where he converted the people, and then passed over to Mogodover Patana, a city of Paru, in Malabar, where he built a church. When at this place, a heathen, who had struck St Thomas in the king's presence, going to fetch water had his hand bitten off by a tiger; and running to the palace to tell his misfortune, a dog followed him with the hand in his mouth, on which the saint set on his hand again, so that no mark remained. He went afterwards to Calicut, where he converted king _Perimal_. There is an account that he went to the Moguls country, where Chesitrigal then reigned, whence going into China, he returned through Thibet into India, and went to Meliapour, where he ended his days.

In the year 800, a rich Armenian Christian, named Thomas Cananeus, arrived at Mogodover or Patana. Having acquired the favour of the king by his presents, he received a grant of Cranganor and the city of Patana, in which there were scarcely any vestiges remaining of the church there established by St Thomas. On these foundations the Armenian built a new church, and another at Cranganor, which he dedicated to St Thomas, and which is still standing on the outside of the Portuguese fort. He likewise built two other churches, one dedicated to the Holy Virgin, and the other to St Cyriacus. All of these have been erroneously ascribed to St Thomas, when in fact they were the works of Thomas Cananeus, the Armenian. It may reasonably be believed that the temple or pagoda, into which Vasco de Gama entered, as he went from Calicut to the palace of the zamorin, may have been one of these churches, because the image of the Virgin was there called Mary by the heathens. It is believed that one of the three kings who went to Bethlem, at the nativity of our Lord, was king of Malabar. The heathens celebrate yearly a festival in honour of St Thomas, for the preservation of their ships, because formerly, every year, many of them used to be lost while sailing to Parvi.

From this long digression we return to the government of the viceroy Don Antonio de Noronha, who arrived in the beginning of September 1564, as formerly mentioned. In consequence of the cruelties exercised on the Moors of Malabar by Mesquita, as formerly mentioned, those of Cananor had besieged the Portuguese fort at that place, and had destroyed above thirty vessels which were under its protection. After a siege of some endurance, the Portuguese fleet destroyed many of the paraos belonging to the enemy, while the besieged garrison of Cananor killed great numbers of their assailants, besides cutting down above 40,000 palm trees[375] to the infinite injury of the natives, who depend upon these trees as their principal sustenance. The natives were so exasperated at this that, collecting forces from all the surrounding districts, to the amount of 90,000 men, they assaulted and even scaled the walls of the fort and city; but after fighting from day-break to sunset, during which time they lost about 5000 men, they were forced to retire to their camp, resolving to protract the siege, or rather to convert the siege into a strict blockade. In the farther prosecution of this war, the Portuguese utterly destroyed the city belonging to Adderajao[376], who commanded the besieging enemy, and cut down a large wood of palm trees, making great slaughter of the enemy, without any loss on their own side, so that the natives were constrained to raise the siege.

[Footnote 375: Assuredly cocoa-nut trees. This explains a circumstance repeatedly mentioned on former occasions, of the Portuguese anxiously cutting down the woods in their war with the natives on the coast of India.--E.]

[Footnote 376: From the name of the commander of the enemy, probably _Adde Rajah_, and other circumstances, they were most likely _Nagres_, and other native Malabars, though called Moors in the text of De Faria.--E.]

About this time the fort of Daman, towards the frontier of Guzerat, was threatened by a detachment of 3000 Mogul horse. Juan de Sousa stood immediately on his defence, and sent advice to the viceroy and the neighbouring commanders of his danger, trusting however to the strength of his defences, and particularly to a pallisade or _bound hedge_, which he had made of the plant named _lechera_ or the _milk plant_, which throws out when cut a milky liquor which is sure to blind any one if it touches their eyes. On receiving reinforcements, De Sousa marched out against the Moguls, who were encamped about three leagues from Daman; but they fled precipitately, leaving their camp and baggage, in which the Portuguese found a rich booty.

During the year 1566, the trade of India was reduced to a very low ebb, owing to a desolating war in the rich and extensive kingdom of Bisnagar, which then reached from the frontiers of Bengal to that of Sinde. The kings of the Decan, Nizam al Mulk, Adel Khan, and Cuttub Shah, envious of the power and grandeur of the king of Bisnagar, entered into a league to partition his dominions among themselves, and took the field with 50,000 horse and 300,000 foot. To repel this formidable invasion, the king of Bisnagar, who was then ninety-six years of age, met his enemies with an army double their numbers. At first the confederates seemed to have the worst of the war; but fortune favoured them in the end, and the ancient king of Bisnagar was defeated and slain. The confederates spent five months in plundering the capital of Bisnagar, although the natives had previously carried off 1550 elephants loaded with money and jewels to the value of above an hundred millions of gold, besides the royal chair of state, which was of inestimable value. Among his share of the plunder Adel Khan got a diamond as large as an ordinary egg, with another of extraordinary size though smaller, and other jewels of prodigious value. The dominions of the old king were partitioned by the victors among his sons and nephews.

In the year 1567, the great poet Camoens being extremely poor though he had served sixteen years in India, was prevailed upon to go to Sofala along with Pedro Barreto, who was going there with the command, and promised to do great things for him; but after waiting long and receiving nothing, Camoens resolved to return to Portugal in a ship which put in at Sofala, in which was Hector de Silveyra and other gentlemen. Barreto, however, opposed his departure, having promised him promotion without any intentions of doing so, but only to procure his company for his own gratification, and now detained him under pretence of a debt of two hundred ducats. Silveyra and the other Portuguese gentlemen paid this money and brought Camoens away, so that it may be said, that the person of Camoens and the honour of Barreto were both sold for that money. Camoens arrived at Lisbon in 1569, at which time the plague raged in that city; so that in flying from one plague our great and famous poet fell into another.

In 1568, Don Antonio de Noronha was succeeded as viceroy of India by Don Luis de Ataide, count of Atougaia, who arrived at Goa in the October of that year. At this time Itimi Khan held the administration of the Kingdom of Guzerat, having by great artifice persuaded the chiefs that his own son was son of the former king; but the kingdom was in great confusion. One Rustum Khan had usurped Baroch, in which he was besieged by the Moguls, and being in alliance with the Portuguese, a force was sent to his assistance, which succeeded in obliging the Moguls to raise the siege; but Rustum now forgot his promises, and refused to become tributary. At Surat the government had been usurped by one Agalu Khan, who was loading two large ships at that port without licence from the Portuguese viceroy; on which the commander of the Portuguese fort at Daman seized both ships, which were valued at 100,000 ducats. Nunno Vello de Pereyra, who had gone from Daman to clear the bay of Cambaya from pirates that infested the Portuguese trade, burnt two villages and several vessels, and carried away many prisoners. He then landed with 400 men, and went against a body of Moguls who had taken post on the mountain of Parnel, about three leagues from Daman, a place almost impregnable by its situation and the strength of its works. Although unacquainted with the strength of the place or the number of its defenders, who exceeded 8000 men, Nunno immediately began to climb up the steep ascent, whence the enemy rolled down great stones upon the assailants. The soldiers however clambered up on their hands and knees, and reached the first entrenchment which they carried after a vigorous opposition; but were forced to retire from the fort after a desperate assault, in which the Portuguese lost seven men. In their retreat the Portuguese carried off a considerable quantity of provisions, with fifty horses and several camels and oxen, and were pursued on their retreat by 500 of the enemy, 100 of whom were cavalry. From Daman, to which he had retreated, Nunno marched again against the enemy, having now 100 Portuguese and 50 native horse, with 650 foot, half Portuguese, and half native, and three pieces of cannon. In this new, attempt, they had to climb the mountain by roads never trod before, and against considerable opposition from the enemy, who had five pieces of cannon. After three days of severe labour and almost continual fighting, in which he lost eight men, six of whom were slain and two made prisoners, Nunno at length gained the summit of the mountain, and planted his cannon against the fort, which he battered with such fury, that the enemy abandoned it on the sixth night, and the fort was razed.

In the year 1580, a dangerous war broke out in India against the Portuguese, by a confederacy which had been negotiating for five years with wonderful secrecy. The confederated princes were Adel Khan, Nizam al Mulk, the Zamorin, and the king of Acheen, and they flattered themselves in the hope of extirpating the Portuguese from India, making themselves so sure of success, that they agreed beforehand on the division of their expected conquests. Adel Khan was to have Goa, Onor, and Barcalor; Nizam al Mulk to have Chaul, Daman, and Basseen; and Cananor, Mangalor, Cochin, and Chale were to become the share of the Zamorin. At the same time, the king of Acheen was to attack Malacca, that the Portuguese, assailed at once on every important point, might be incapable of sending succours to the different places. Adel Khan was so confident of success, that he had assigned the different offices at Goa among his chiefs, and had even allotted among them certain Portuguese ladies, who were celebrated for their beauty.

In pursuance of this league, Adel Khan took the field to besiege Goa, and Nizam al Mulk marched against Chaul. In this great emergency, it was recommended by many to abandon Chaul for the greater security of Goa; but the viceroy undauntedly resolved to defend both. Don Francisco Mascarenhas was sent with six hundred men in four gallies and five small vessels for the relief of Chaul, about the beginning of September, and the viceroy took proper precautions for the defence of Goa. The pass of Benastarim was committed to the care of Ferdinand de Sousa y Castellobranco with 120 men. Paul de Lima had charge of Rachol with sixty, and fifteen hundred native troops were distributed in different parts of the island under approved commanders. At this time there were only 700 Portuguese troops in Goa, which were kept as a body of reserve, whenever their services might be most wanted. The defence of the city was confided to the monks and clergy, to the number of 300, assisted by 1000 slaves. Juan de Sousa with 50 horse was ready to give assistance where wanted. Don George de Menezes had the defence of the river with 25 vessels; and the viceroy, having procured ammunition and provisions from all quarters, took post about the middle of December on the bank of the river.

These measures of defence were hardly completed, when several bodies of the enemy were seen descending from the _gauts_, and taking up a camp at Ponda, under the command of Nori Khan, general of the army of Adel Khan. About the end of December, Nori Khan advanced from Ponda, and encamped, facing the pass of Benastarim, where he pitched the royal tents of Adel Khan, who spent eight days in descending the gauts, so vast was the army which now came against Goa. At night, so many fires were lighted up to illuminate the passes of the mountain, that, though at a great distance, the multitudes of the enemy could be distinctly seen from the island. The army of Adel Khan, on this occasion, amounted to 100,000 fighting men, of whom 36,000 were horse, with 2140 war-elephants, and 350 pieces of cannon, most of which were of an extraordinary size; and some barks were brought upon mules to be launched into the river to assist in getting into the island. The chief commanders of this vast army were Nori Khan, Rumer Khan, and Coger Khan; the former of whom commanded in chief under the king, and the other two had charge of advanced posts on the side of the river. Their encampment was so extensive and regularly arranged that it resembled a regularly built city. Adel Khan took up his quarters at Ponda with 4000 horse, 6000 musqueteers, 300 elephants, and 220 pieces of cannon. Rumer Khan, Coger Khan, and Mortaz Khan were stationed near the mouth of the _Ganja_ channel, with 3000 horse, 130 elephants, and nine cannon. Nori Khan commanded opposite the island of _Juan Lopez_ with 7000 horse, 130 elephants, and eight large cannon. Camil Khan and Deliren Khan faced the pass of Benastarim with 9000 horse, 200 elephants, and 32 pieces of battering artillery. Solyman Aga took post on a hill above Benastarim with 1500 horse and two field-pieces. Anjoz Khan, opposite the island of _Juan Rangel_, with 2500 horse, 50 elephants, and six cannon. Xatiaryiatan in sight of _Sapal_, with 1500 horse, six elephants, and six cannon. Daulate Khan, Xetiatimanaique, Chiti Khan, and Codemena Khan faced the pass of Agazaim with 9000, 200 elephants, and 26 cannon. The rest of the army, with innumerable followers, covered the mountains to a vast extent, sufficient to strike terror into the boldest spirits.

Having carefully examined the dispositions of the enemy, and naturally considering the means he possessed for defence, now somewhat increased by the arrival of reinforcements from different quarters, the viceroy made a new distribution of his force to various posts, his force in all amounting to 1600 men; besides several small armed vessels, which were directed to guard the river, and to relieve the several posts as occasion offered or required[377]. The enemy spent their first efforts against the fort at the pass of Benastarim, where they did considerable damage by the constant fire of their heavy guns; but whatever injury they did during the day was repaired in the ensuing night. Such was the extent of their cannonade, that only in one small post, occupied by Alvaro de Mendoza with ten men, 600 bullets were picked up, some of which were two spans diameter. The Portuguese were unable to answer with any thing like a correspondent fire, but, being well directed, their shot did great execution, and the small armed vessels plied from place to place with much diligence, doing great injury with their small guns. One night an officer of the enemy was seen with a great number of torches passing a height opposite the fort of Benastarim, having a number of young women dancing before him. On this occasion, Ferdinand de Sousa caused a cannon to be so exactly pointed among them, that the officer, with several of his torch-bearers and two couple of the dancers were seen to fly into the air. As this was the time for dispatching the homeward-bound trade to Portugal, the governor was anxiously advised to stop that fleet, as it would deprive him of 400 men, who might be of great use in defending Goa; but ambitions of acquiring greater glory by conquering every difficulty, he ordered the ships to sail at their usual time, alleging that their cargoes were much wanted in Portugal, and that he trusted he should have a sufficient force remaining to defend the seat of government.

[Footnote 377: In the original, there is along enumeration of twenty-four several posts, with the names of the officers commanding each, and the numbers in their respective detachments; all here omitted as uninteresting.--E.]

The Portuguese had often the boldness to cross over and attack the enemy in their posts in the main-land, whence they brought away many prisoners and many heads of those they slew, with various arms and standards. On one occasion, Don George de Menezes who commanded the armed vessels, and Don Pedro de Castro who landed with 200 Portuguese, made so great slaughter that the viceroy sent two carts loaded with heads to the city, to animate the inhabitants with this barbarous proof of the energy of the defence. One night Gaspar and Lancelot Diaz penetrated four or five miles up the country with eighty men, burnt two villages with many detached houses, and brought away many prisoners, many heads of the slain enemy, and much cattle. At another time these two brothers, with one hundred and thirty men, attacked the quarters of Coger Khan and Rumer Khan, where they made great havock, and destroyed all the preparations they had made for passing over into the island of Juan Lopez. The enemy were astonished at the exploits performed by such small numbers, and still more so when they learnt that the viceroy had sent off Don Diego de Menezes with his squadron to the Malabar coast, and Don Ferdinand de Vasconcellos with four gallies and two small vessels, on an expedition to destroy Dabul.

Don Ferdinand burnt two large ships belonging to Mecca at that place, where he likewise landed and destroyed several villages, and would even have done the same to Dabul if he had not been opposed by his officers. On his return to Goa he attacked the quarters of Anjoz Khan, which were three miles from the post of the viceroy. He forced an entrance with great slaughter of the enemy; but his men falling into confusion for the sake of plunder, the enemy rallied and fell upon them, so that they were constrained to seek their safety in flight, with some loss, while Don Ferdinand was weakened with loss of blood and wearied by the weight of his armour, so that he was surrounded and slain. On this occasion 40 of the Portuguese were slain, and the ship of Don Ferdinand was taken by the enemy; but the viceroy sent Don George de Menezes with 100 men, who set the ship on fire, and brought away her guns.

At this time the zamorin made proposals for renewing the peace, either in hopes of deriving some advantage during the present state of affairs, or of covering his real designs of hostility; but the viceroy replied, that he would not yield a single point of difference, and even persisted in that resolution, although the queen of _Quarcopa_ declared war at Onor. Even under all the difficulties of his situation, the viceroy sent succours to Onor to oppose this new enemy, to the great astonishment of Adel Khan, who thought the force in Goa had been already too small for defence against his numerous army. At this time likewise, the viceroy sent reinforcements to the Moluccas and Mozambique, both of which places were much straitened by the enemy. The grand object of the enemy was to get across into the island of Goa, for which purpose the great general Nori Khan began to construct a bridge, in which he employed a vast number of workmen; but the viceroy fell upon them and made great havock, destroying all their preparations and materials. It was reported that Adel Khan designed to go over into the island in person, and that he was extremely desirous to get possession of a fine horse belonging to the viceroy, for which he had formerly offered a large sum of money. On this being made known to the viceroy, he sent the horse as a present to Adel Khan, with a complimentary message, saying "that it would give him much satisfaction to see his majesty on the island." Adel Khan accepted the horse, and caused him to be bedded with silken quilts, under a canopy of cloth of gold, to be covered with embroidered damask, and all his caparisons to be ornamented with massy gold, while his provender was mixed with preserves and other dainties. But the horse was soon afterwards killed by a cannon-ball.

After the siege had continued above two months to the beginning of March, during which time many of the buildings in the island had been beaten down by the cannon of the enemy, who had lost numbers of their men, Adel Khan began to despair of success, especially as the Portuguese were now considerably increased in strength by the arrival of several squadrons from different places. He wished, therefore, for peace, yet was loath to propose it himself; but the viceroy was acquainted with his most secret councils, as he used all possible means to procure intelligence from the hostile camp, where he had in his pay several renegado Portuguese who served under Adel khan, and had even corrupted the favourite wife of Adel Khan. He so converted these secret advices to advantage, that he contrived to get a treaty of pacification begun without its appearing who was its author, and at length even Adel Khan stooped to make proposals. Still, however, the siege was continued unto the month of April, at which time considerable reinforcements arrived at Goa, under Don George de Menezes, who brought back 1500 men from the Moluccas, and Lorenzo de Barbuda from Cochin. At one time, 3000 of the enemy began to enter the island of Juan Lopez, but were repulsed with great slaughter by 120 men under two Portuguese commanders. In many expeditions from the island, the Portuguese attacked the various posts of the enemy on the main-land, mostly by night, ruining the works they had thrown up, burning the villages, and destroying great numbers of their men. Yet though Adel Khan had hardly any hopes of ultimate success, he caused gardens to be laid out at his quarters, and made such other demonstrations as if he had resolved to dwell in his present camp till Goa were reduced.

Winter being near at hand, Adel Khan determined upon a great effort to gain possession of the island; for which purpose 9000 men were brought to the pass of _Mercantor_, which had not been fortified by the Portuguese as the river was very wide at that place. Fortunately the Portuguese heard the sound of a great drum in that direction, which is never beat but when the king marches in person; upon which they ran thither and saw Adel Khan on the opposite side encouraging his men. Advice of this was immediately conveyed to the viceroy, who sent several parties to defend the pass, and marched thither himself, sending orders for assistance to the various posts and quarters. In spite of every opposition, five thousand of the enemy got over under the command of Solyman Aga, a Turk who was captain of the guards of Adel Khan. By the time the viceroy got to the place, he had collected a force of 2000 men, with which he immediately attacked the enemy. The battle continued the whole of the 13th of April from morning to night, and from the morning of the 14th to that of the following day. During all this time, Adel Khan surveyed the engagement from the opposite side of the river, often cursing his prophet and throwing his turban on the ground in his rage; and at length had the mortification of seeing his troops entirely defeated, with the loss of Solyman Aga and 4000 men, while the Portuguese scarcely lost twenty. Though in public he vowed never to stir from before Goa still it was taken, he privately made overtures for peace, in which he even ridiculously demanded the surrender of Goa. About this time, the viceroy secretly entered into a treaty with Nori Khan, the grand general of Adel Khan, whom he instigated to kill the king, offering to support him in assuming the crown, or at least in acquiring a preponderating influence in the government under the successor. Nori Khan agreed to these proposals; but when the conspiracy was ripe for execution it was detected, and Nori Khan, with all his adherents, were secured.

When the siege had continued to the middle of July, the viceroy endeavoured to stir up other princes to invade the dominions of Adel Khan, that he might be constrained to abandon the siege. Both he and the king were desirous of peace, but both endeavoured to conceal their wishes; the viceroy giving out that he cared not how long the king continued the siege, and the king pretending that he would persevere till he gained the place. At length, towards the end of August 1571, when the summer or fine weather had begun, and when the enemy might still better have been able to keep the field, and to recommence active operations, the number of the hostile tents could be seen plainly to decrease, then the cannon were drawn off from the posts of the enemy, and at last the men entirely disappeared; Adel Khan having abandoned the siege without coming to any accommodation, after a siege of ten months, in which he lost 12,000 men, 300 elephants, 4000 horses, and 6000 draught bullocks, partly by the sword and partly by the weather.

Exactly at the same time when Adel Khan invested Goa, Nizam al Mulk sat down before Chaul. Being suspicious of each other, the two sovereigns kept time exactly in their preparations, in the commencement of their march, and in all their subsequent operations. Farete Khan the general of Nizam al Mulk sat down before Chaul with 8000 horse, 20 elephants and 20,000 foot, on the last day of November 1570, breaking ground with a prodigious noise of warlike instruments of music. At this time Chaul was under the command of Luis Fereiyra de Andrada, an officer well deserving of such a charge, who long laboured under great want of almost every necessary for conducting the defence, supplying these defects by his own genius and the valour of his men, till reinforced by Don Francisco Mascarenhas, who brought him 500 men in four gallies and provisions. Desirous of distinguishing himself before the arrival of Nizam his sovereign, Farete Khan resolved upon giving an assault, in which he employed his elephants with castles on their backs, and with scythes tied to their trunks. The fight lasted three hours; but the Moors were repulsed with great slaughter, both by sea and land, and forced to retire to the church of Madre de Dios. Nothing remarkable happened after this till the commencement of the year 1571, when some Moors were observed gathering fruit in an orchard at a short distance from the garrison, on which Nuno Vello went out against them with only five soldiers and killed one of the Moors. Both parties were gradually increased till the enemy amounted to 6000 men, and the Portuguese to 200; but notwithstanding this disparity of force, the Portuguese drove that vast multitude to flight and slew 180 of them, only losing two of their own number.

In the beginning of January 1571, Nizam al Mulk came before Chaul with his whole army, now consisting of 34,000 horse, 100,000 infantry, 16,000 pioneers, 4000 smiths, masons, carpenters, and other trades, and of sundry different nations, as Turks, Chorassans, Persians, and Ethiopians, with 360 elephants, an infinite number of buffaloes and bullocks, and 40 pieces of cannon, mostly of prodigious size, some of which carried balls of 100, some of 200, and some even of 300 pounds weight. These cannon had all appropriate names, as the cruel, the butcher, the devourer, the furious, and the like[378]. Thus an army of 150,000 men sat down to besiege a town that was defended merely by a single wall, a fort not much larger than a house, and a handful of men. Farete Khan took up his quarters near the church of Madre de Dios with 7000 horse and 20 elephants; Agalas Khan in, the house of Juan Lopez with 6000 horse; Ximiri Khan between that and upper Chaul with 2000 horse; so that the city was beset from sea to sea. The Nizam encamped with the main body, of the army at the farther end of the town, where the ground was covered with tents for the space of two leagues; and 5000 horse were detached to ravage the district of Basseen.

[Footnote 378: These names are of course to be considered as translations of the native or Persian names. That named _the furious_ in the text, is called the _Orlando furioso_ in the translation of De Faria by Stevens; but it is not easy to guess how the subjects of the Nizam should have known any thing of that hero of Christian romance.--E.]

At the commencement of the siege the Portuguese garrison was a mere handful of men, and the works being very slight no particular posts were assigned, all acting wherever their services were most wanted. Soon afterwards, the news of the siege having spread abroad, many officers and gentlemen flocked thither with reinforcements, so that in a short time the garrison was augmented to 2000 men. It was then resolved to maintain particular points besides the general circuit of the walls. The monastery of St Francis was committed to the charge of Alexander de Sousa; Nunno Alvarez Pereyra was entrusted to defend some houses near the shore; those between the Misericordia and the church of St Dominic were confided to Gonzalo de Menezes; others in that neighbourhood to Nuno Vello Perreyra; and so in other places. In the mean while it was generally recommended at Goa that Chaul ought to be abandoned, but the viceroy thought otherwise, in which opinion he was only seconded by Ferdinand de Castellobranco, and he immediately sent succours under Ferdinand Tellez and Duarte de Lima. Before their arrival, Zimiri Khan, who had promised the Nizam that he would be the first person to enter Chaul, vigorously assaulted the ports of Henry De Betancour and Ferdinand de Miranda, who resisted him with great gallantry, and on receiving reinforcements repulsed him with the slaughter of 300 of his men, losing seven on their side.

The enemy erected a battery against the monastery of St Francis where the Portuguese had some cannon; and as the gunners on both sides used their utmost endeavour to burst or dismount the opposite guns, the bullets were sometimes seen to meet by the way. On the eve of St Sebastian, the Portuguese made a sally upon some houses which were occupied by the Moors, and slew a great number of them without the loss of one man. Enraged at this affront and the late repulse, the enemy made that same night an assault on the fort or monastery of St Francis with 5000 men, expecting to surprise the Portuguese, but were soon undeceived by losing many of their men. This assault lasted with great fury for five hours; and as the Portuguese suspected the enemy were undermining the wall, and could not see by reason of the darkness, one Christopher Curvo thrust himself several times out from a window, with a torch in one hand and a buckler in the other to discover if possible what they were doing. During this assault those in the town sent out assistance to the garrison in the monastery, though with much hazard. When morning broke and the assailants had retired, the monastery was all stuck full of arrows, and the dead bodies of 300 Moors were seen around its walls, while the defenders had not lost a single man. The enemy renewed the assault on this post for five successive days, and were every time repulsed by the Portuguese with vast slaughter, the garrison often sallying out and strewing the field with slain enemies. It was at length judged expedient to withdraw the men from this place into the town, lest its loss might occasion greater injury than its defence could do service. Seventeen of the Portuguese were here slain. One of these used to stand on a high place to notice when the enemy fired their cannon, and on one occasion said to the men below; "If these fellows should now fire _Raspadillo_, a cannon 18 feet long to which that name was given, it will send me to sup with Christ, to whom I commend my soul, for it points directly at me." He had hardly spoken these words when he was torn in pieces by a ball from that very gun. On getting possession of the monastery of St Francis, the Moors fired a whole street in the town of Chaul, but on attempting to take post in some houses, they were driven out with the loss of 400 men. At this time Gonzalez de Camera went to Goa for reinforcements, as the garrison was much pressed, and brought a relief in two galleys.

About this period the 5000 men that had been detached by the Nizam to ravage the district of Basseen attempted to get possession of some of the Portuguese garrisons. Being beaten off at Azarim and Daman, they invested Caranja, a small work between Chaul and Daman on the water-side, and almost an island, as it is surrounded by several small brooks. It was at this time commanded by Stephen Perestrello with a garrison of only 40 men, but was reinforced on the reappearance of the enemy by Emanuel de Melo with 30 more. With this small band of only 70 soldiers, Perestrello sallied out against the enemy, and with such success, that after covering the little island with dead bodies, the rest fled leaving their cannon, and a considerable quantity of ammunition and provisions.

In the mean time the Moors continued to batter Chaul without intermission for a whole month with 70 pieces of large cannon, every day expending against its weak defences at least 160 balls. This tremendous cannonade did much damage to the houses of the town, in which many of the brave defenders were slain. On one occasion six persons who were eating together were destroyed by a single ball. This furious battery was commenced against the bastion of the holy cross, and was carried on for a considerable way along the defences of that front of the town, levelling every thing with the ground. The besieged used every precaution to shelter themselves by digging trenches; but the hostile gunners were so expert[379] that they elevated their guns and made their balls plunge among those who considered themselves in safety. Observing that one of the enemies batteries beyond the church of St Dominic never ceased its destructive fire, Perestrello detached 120 men under Alexander de Sousa and Augustino Nunnez, who drove the enemy after a vigorous resistance from the battery with great slaughter, and set their works on fire, and levelled them with the ground, without sustaining any loss. Among the arms taken in this successful sortie was a cymeter inscribed, Jesus save me.

[Footnote 379: To expert modern gunners it would be an easy matter so discharge as many balls in _one day_, as were expended in this siege in a whole month. De Faria mentions that an expedient was fallen upon by which the danger from the plunging fire was avoided, but gives us no intimation of its nature.--E.]

Having ruined the defences of the town, the enemy attacked several large houses in which they endeavoured to establish themselves, but were repulsed from some of these with considerable loss, while the defenders lost but one man. On attacking the house of Hector de Sampayio, which was undermined by the Portuguese with the intention of blowing it up when occupied by the enemy, some fire accidentally communicated to the mine during the conflict, and blew it up while still occupied by the Portuguese, by which 42 of their soldiers were destroyed, and without injury to the Moors, who planted their colours on the ruins. Ximiri Khan made an assault by night with 600 men upon the bastion of the holy cross, in which Ferdinand Pereyra was posted with 30 men, who was reinforced by Henry de Betancourt with a few more. The assailants were beaten off and five of their colours taken which they had planted on the work. In this action Betancourt fought with his left hand, having previously lost the right; and Dominic del Alama, being lame, caused himself to be brought out in a chair. April 1571 was now begun, and the enemy were employed in constructing new works as if determined to continue the siege all winter. Alexander de Sousa and Gonzalo de Menezes were appointed to head a sally upon these new works, but their men ran out without orders to the number of 200, and made a furious assault upon the enemy, whom they drove from the works after killing fifty of them and losing a few of their own number. The two commanders hastened to join their men, and then directed them to destroy the works they had so gallantly won. Perplexed with so many losses, the Nizam made a general assault under night with his whole army, attacking all the posts at one time, every one of which almost they penetrated; but the garrison exerted themselves with so much vigour that they drove the Moors from every point of attack, and in the morning above 500 of the enemy were found slain in and about the ruined defences, while the Portuguese had only lost four or five men. About this time the defenders received a reinforcement of above 200 men from Goa, Diu, and Basseen, with a large supply of ammunition and provisions; but at this time they were much afflicted by a troublesome though not mortal disease, by which they became swelled all over so as to lose the use of their limbs.

Having ineffectually endeavoured to stir up enemies against the Portuguese in Cambaya on purpose to prevent relief being sent to the brave defenders of Chaul, the Nizam used every effort to bring his arduous enterprize to a favourable conclusion. The house of Nuno Alvarez Pereyra being used as a strong-hold by the Portuguese, was battered during forty-two days by the enemy, who then assaulted it with 5000 men. At first the defenders of this post were only forty in number, but twenty more came to their assistance immediately, and several others afterwards. The Moors were repulsed with the loss of 50 men, while the Portuguese only lost one. The house of Nuno Vello was battered for thirty days and assaulted with the same success, only the Portuguese lest ten men in its defence. Judging it no longer expedient to defend this house, it was undermined and evacuated, on which the enemy hastened to take possession and it was blown up, doing considerable execution among the enemy, but not so much as was expected. The summer was now almost spent; above 6000 cannon-balls had been thrown into the town, some of which were of prodigious size, and the Nizam seemed determined to continue the siege during the winter. About 200 Portuguese, appalled by the dangers of the siege, had already, deserted; but instead of them 300 men had come from Goa, so that the garrison was even stronger than before. On the 11th of April, Gonzalez de Camara made a sortie upon 500 Moors in an orchard, only fifty of whom escaped.

Fortune could not be always favourable to the besieged. By a chance ball from the enemy, one of the galleys which brought relief was sunk downright with 40 men and goods to the value of 40,000 ducats. But, next day, Ferdinand Tellez made a sally with 400 men, and gained a victory equal to that of Gonzalez de Camara, and brought away one piece of cannon with some ammunition, arms, and other booty. This action was seen by the Nizam in person, who mounted his horse and threatened to join in it in person, for which purpose he seized a lance, which he soon changed for a whip, with which he threatened to chastise his men, and upbraided them as cowards. The Portuguese were now so inured to danger that nothing could terrify them, and they seemed to court death instead of shunning it on all occasions. Some of them being employed to level some works from which the enemy had been driven near the monastery of St Francis, and being more handy at the sword than the spade, drew upon themselves a large party of the enemy of whom they slew above 200, yet not without some loss on their side. About this time Farete Khan, one of the Nizams generals, made some overtures towards peace, but without any apparent authority from his sovereign, who caused him to be arrested on suspicion of being corrupted by the Portuguese, though assuredly he had secret orders for what he had done. Indeed it was not wonderful that the Nizam should be desirous of peace, as he had now lain seven months before Chaul to no purpose, and had lost many thousand men; neither was it strange in the Portuguese to have the same wish, as they had lost 400 men besides Indians.

When the siege had continued to the beginning of June the attacks and batteries were carried on by both sides with as much obstinacy and vigour as if then only begun. The house of Nunno Alvarez was at this time taken by the enemy through the carelessness of the defenders, and on an attempt to recover it 20 of the Portuguese lost their lives without doing much injury to the enemy. The Moors in the next place got possession of the monastery of St Dominic, but not without a heavy loss; and then gained the house of Gonzalo de Menezes, in which the Portuguese suffered severely. The hostile batteries kept up a constant fire from the end of May to the end of June, as the Nizam had resolved to make a breach fit for the whole army to try its fortune in a general assault. On the 28th of June, every thing being in readiness, the Nizams whole army was drawn out for the assault, all his elephants appearing in the front with castles on their backs full of armed men. While the whole army stood in expectation of the signal of assault, an officer of note belonging to the enemy was slain by a random shot from one of the Portuguese cannon, which the Nizam considered as an evil omen, and ordered the attack to be deferred till next day. On this occasion six of the garrison ventured beyond the works and drew a multitude of the enemy within reach of the Portuguese fire, which was so well bestowed that 118 of the enemy were slain and 500 wounded, without any loss on the side of the defenders.

About noon on the 29th of June 1571, the Nizam gave the signal of assault, when the whole of his men and elephants moved forwards with horrible cries and a prodigious noise of warlike instruments. The Portuguese were drawn up in their several posts to defend the ruined works, and Don Francisco Mascarenhas, the commander in chief[380], placed himself opposite the Nizam with a body of reserve to relieve the posts wherever he might see necessary. The day was darkened with smoke, and alternately lighted up with flames. The slaughter and confusion was great on both sides. Some of the colours of the enemy were planted on the works, but were soon taken or thrown down along with those who had set them up. The elephants were made drunk by the nayres who conducted them that they might be the fiercer; but being burnt and wounded, many of them ran madly about the field. One that was much valued by the Nizam, having his housings all in flames, plunged into the sea and swam over the bar, where he was killed by a cannon ball from one of the Portuguese vessels. The Moors continued the assault till night, unable to gain possession of any of the works, and then drew off, after losing above 3000 men, among whom were many officers of note. On the side of the Portuguese eight gentleman were slain and a small number of private soldiers.

[Footnote 380: At the commencement of this siege, according to De Faria, Luis Ferreyra de Andrada commanded in Chaul; and Mascarenhas is said to have brought a reinforcement of 600 men; it would now appear that he had assumed the command.--E.]

Next day the Moors asked leave to bury their dead, and a truce was granted for that purpose. While employed in removing their dead, some of the Moors asked the Portuguese, _What woman it was that went before them in the fight, and if she were alive?_ One of the Portuguese answered, _Certainly she was alive for she was immortal!_ On this the Moors observed that it must have been the _Lady Marian_, for so they call the blessed Virgin. Many of them declared that they saw her at the house of Lorenzo de Brito, and that she was so bright that she blinded them. Some of them even went to see her image in the churches of Chaul, where they were converted and remained in the town. The Nizam was now seriously disposed for peace, and the Portuguese commander equally so, yet neither wished to make the first overture. At length however advances were made and a treaty set on foot. Farete Khan and Azaf Khan were commissioners from the Nizam, while Pedro de Silva and Antonio de Teyva were deputed by the Portuguese commander in chief, and Francisco Mascarenhas by the captain of the city. Accordingly a league offensive and defensive was concluded in the name of the Nizam and the king of Portugal, which was celebrated by great rejoicings on both sides and the interchange of rich presents. This however might easily have been accomplished without the effusion of so much blood. The Nizam now raised his camp and returned to his own dominions.

The zamorin of Calicut, who was one of the contracting parties in this extensive confederacy for driving the Portuguese from India, performed his part of the agreement very coldly. After Goa and Chaul had been besieged for near a month, instead of sending his fleet to sea according to his engagements, he sent to treat with the viceroy for a separate peace, either on purpose to mislead him, or in expectation of gaining some advantages for himself in the present emergency. Few princes follow the dictates of honour, when it interferes with their interest. When this affair was laid before the council at Goa, it was their unanimous opinion to agree to peace with the zamorin even on hard terms; but the viceroy was determined to lose all or nothing, and declared he would make no peace unless on such terms as he could expect when in the most flourishing condition. Finding his designs fail, the zamorin sent out a fleet about the end of February under the command of _Catiproca_, who made his appearance before Chaul with 21 sail, having on board a large land force, of which above 1000 were armed with firelocks. Though the harbour of Chaul was then occupied by a considerable number of Portuguese galleys and galliots, Catiproca and his fleet entered the harbour under night without opposition. The Nizam was much pleased with the arrival of this naval force, and having ordered a great number of his small vessels named _calemutes_ to join the Malabar fleet, he prevailed on Catiproca to attack the Portuguese ships, which were commanded by Lionel de Sousa. They accordingly made the attempt, but were so warmly received by De Sousa and his gallies as to be beat off with considerable loss. The Nizam, who had witnessed this naval battle from an adjoining eminence, used every argument to prevail upon Catiproca to make another attempt, but to no purpose; for after remaining twenty days in the harbour, he stole away one night, and got away as fortunately as he had got in.

While on his return, Catiproca was applied to by the queen of Mangalore to assist her in surprizing the Portuguese fort at that place, which she alleged might be easily taken. Catiproca agreed to this, in hopes of regaining the reputation he had lost at Chaul. He accordingly landed his men secretly, and made an attempt under night to scale the walls. While his men were mounting the ladders some servants of Antonio Pereyra, who commanded in that fort, were awakened by the noise, and seeing the enemy on the ladders threw out of a window the first thing that came to hand, which happened to be a chest of silver; with which they beat down those who were on the ladder. Pereyra waking with the noise, threw down those who had mounted, and the rest fled carrying his chest of silver on board their ships. While passing Cananor, Don Diego de Menezes fell upon the Malabar squadron, which he totally routed and drove up the river Tiracole, where every one of the ships were taken or destroyed, the admiral Catiproca slain, his nephew Cutiale made prisoner, and the chest of money belonging to Pereyra recovered.

Even by the fitting out of this unfortunate fleet, the zamorin did not fulfil the conditions of the confederacy against the Portuguese, as each of the high contracting parties had engaged to undertake some considerable enterprize against them in person; but he had been hitherto deterred by the presence of Diego de Menezes with a squadron in their seas, who burned several of his maritime towns and took many of his ships. Towards the end of June 1571, Diego de Menezes having withdrawn from the coast with his squadron, and when Adel Khan and the Nizam were both about to desist from their enterprises upon Goa and Chaul, the zamorin took the field with an army of 100,000 men, most of them armed with firelocks, with which he invested the fort of _Chale_ about two leagues from Calicut, which was then under the command of Don George de Castro. Having planted forty pieces of brass cannon against the fort and straitly invested it with his numerous army so as to shut out all apparent hope of relief, a small reinforcement under Noronha was unable to penetrate; but soon afterwards Francisco Pereyra succeeded by an effort of astonishing bravery to force his way into Chale with a few men.

Advice being sent to the viceroy of the dangerous situation of Chale, Diego de Menezes was sent with 18 sail to carry supplies and reinforcements to the besieged. De Menezes got to Chale with great difficulty about the end of September, at which time the besieged were reduced to great extremity, having not above 70 men able to bear arms out of 600 persons then in the fort. The relief of the fort seemed impracticable, as the mouth of the harbour was very narrow, and was commanded on all sides by numbers of cannon on surrounding eminences. Diego resolved however to surmount all difficulties. A large ship was filled with sufficient provisions to serve the garrison for two months, and carried likewise fifty soldiers as a reinforcement. One galley preceded to clear the way and two others followed the large ship to defend her against the enemy. By this means, but with incredible difficulty and danger, the relief was thrown in, but it was found impossible to bring away the useless people from the fort as had been intended. Thus, by the valour and good fortune of the viceroy, this formidable confederacy was dissipated, which had threatened to subvert the Portuguese power in India, and their reputation was restored among the native princes.

SECTION VII.

_Portuguese Transactions in India from 1571 to 1576._

At this period Sebastian king of Portugal made a great alteration in the government of the Portuguese possessions in the east, which he deemed too extensive to be under the management of one person. He divided them therefore into three separate governments, which were designated respectively, India, Monotmotapa, and Malacca. The first, or India, extended from Gape Guardafu, or the north-east extremity of Africa on the Indian ocean, to the island of Ceylon inclusive. The second, or Monomotapa, from Cape Corrientes to Cape Guardafu; and the third, or Malacca, from Pegu to China both inclusive. To the command of the first, or India, Don Antonio de Noronha was sent with the title of viceroy. Francisco de Barreto was appointed to Monomotapa, and Antonio Moniz Barreto to Malacca, both stiled governors. It will be necessary therefore to treat of these governments separately, though by this we must necessarily in some measure neglect the consideration of regular chronology in the distribution of events. We begin therefore with the viceroyalty of Noronha.

Don Antonio de Noronha arrived at Goa in the beginning of September 1571, having lost 2000 men by sickness out of 4000 with whom he sailed from Lisbon. Don Luis de Ataine, who surrendered to him the sword of command, was a nobleman of great valour and military experience, and so free from avarice that instead of the vast riches which others brought from India to Portugal, he carried over four jars of water from the four famous rivers, the Indus, Ganges, Tigris, and Euphrates, which were long preserved in his castle of Peniche. After serving both in Europe and Africa, he went out to India, where at twenty-two years of age he was knighted on Mount Sinai by Don Stefano de Gama. Returning to Portugal, he went ambassador to the Emperor Charles V. and was present in the battle in which that emperor defeated the Lutherans under the Landgrave and the Duke of Saxony. He behaved so bravely in that battle, that the emperor offered to knight him; but having already received that honour on Mount Sinai, he could not again accept the offer, on which the emperor declared in public that he envied that honour beyond the victory he had just gained. On his return to Lisbon from administering the government of India with such high reputation, he was received with much honour by King Sebastian, yet was afterwards much slighted, as Pacheco had been formerly by King Emanuel, as will be seen afterwards, when appointed a second time to the viceroyalty.

The first attention of the new viceroy was bestowed for the relief of Chale, to which Diego de Menezes was sent with 1500 men; but he came too late, as the fort had been already surrendered to the zamorin upon conditions. This surrender had been made by the commander Don George de Castro, contrary to the opinion of the majority of his officers, overcome by the tears and entreaties of his wife and other ladies, forgetting that he who was now eighty years of age ought to have preferred an honourable death to a short and infamous addition to his life. Neither was this his only fault, for the provisions had lasted longer if he had not committed them to the care of his wife, who dissipated them among her slaves. Owing to this unforeseen event, Diego de Menezes could only conduct the people who had surrendered at Chale to Cochin. He then divided his fleet with Matthew de Albuquerque, and cleared the seas of pirates.

When Norhonha accepted the viceroyalty of India, now so much lessened by the division into three governments, his great aim was to acquire riches, as he was poor, and had several children. With this view he endeavoured to prevail on Antonio Moniz Barreto, the newly appointed governor of Malacca, to be satisfied with a smaller force than had been ordered for him on going to assume that government, alleging that India was not then in a condition to give what was promised; but Moniz refused to go unless supplied with the force agreed on, as the posture of Malacca was then too dangerous to admit of being governed by a person who considered his reputation, unless supported by a considerable force. Moniz therefore wrote home to Portugal, complaining against the viceroy, and malicious whispers are for the most part gratefully received by princes and ministers: and the Portuguese ministry, on the sole information of Moniz, committed the weakest act that ever was heard of, as will appear in the sequel: _Unhappy is that kingdom whose sovereign is a child._

About this time Akbar Shah,[381] emperor of the Moguls had acquired the sovereignty of Cambaya or Guzerat. Sultan Mahmud the heir of the late king had been left under the tuition of three great men, Ali Khan, Itimiti Khan, and Madrem-al-Mulk, each of whom envious of the others endeavoured to acquire the entire direction of the young king. He, considering himself in danger, fled from Madrem-al-Mulk to the protection of Itimiti Khan, the worst of all his guardians, who immediately offered to deliver up the king and kingdom to the great Mogul, on condition of being appointed viceroy or Soubah in reward of his treachery. Akbar accordingly marched to _Amedabad_, where the traitor delivered up to him the young king, and the Mogul was seated on the musnud or throne of Guzerat without drawing a sword. Not satisfied with this great acquisition, Akbar resolved to recover the town and districts of Basseen and Daman, which had formerly belonged to Cambaya, and were now possessed by the Portuguese; and as this intention became known to Luis de Almeyda who commanded at Daman, he sent notice to the viceroy, who immediately sent him succours and prepared to follow there in person, going accordingly from Goa about the end of December 1571, with nine gallies, five gallions, eight galliots, and ninety smaller vessels. On his arrival with this large armament in the river of Daman, the Mogul, who was encamped at the distance of two leagues from that place, was so much dismayed by the power and military reputation of the Portuguese, that he sent an ambassador to the viceroy to treat of peace. The viceroy received the Mogul ambassador in his gallery with great state, and after listening to his proposals sent Antonio Cabral along with him to Akbar, on which a peace was concluded to the satisfaction of both parties. The viceroy then returned to Goa, and the great Mogul settled the government of his new kingdom of Guzerat, cutting off the head of the traitor Itimiti Khan, a just reward of his villany.

[Footnote 381: Named by DeFaria, Gelalde Mamet Hecbar Taxa; probably a corruption of Gelal 'oddin Mahomet Akbar Shah.--E.]

The king of Acheen was one of the Indian princes who had entered into the grand confederacy against the Portuguese, and had agreed to lay siege to Malacca, but did not execute his part of the league till about the middle of October 1571, when he appeared before Malacca with a fleet of near 100 sail, in which he had 7000 soldiers with a large train of artillery and a vast quantity of ammunition. Landing on the night of his arrival, he set fire to the town of _Iller_, which was saved from total destruction by a sudden and violent shower of rain. He next endeavoured to burn the Portuguese ships in the harbour; but failing in this and some minor enterprizes he sat down before the city, intending to take it by a regular siege, having been disappointed in his expectations of carrying it by a _coup de main_. At this time Malacca was in a miserable condition, excessively poor, having very few men and these unhealthy and dispirited, having suffered much by shipwreck, sickness, and scarcity of provisions, not without deserving, these calamities; for Malacca was then _the Portuguese Nineveh in India_, I know not if it be so now. In this deplorable situation, incessantly battered by the enemy, cut off from all supplies of provisions, Malacca had no adequate means and, hardly any hopes of defence. In this extremity Tristan Vaz accidentally entered the port with a single ship, in which he had been to Sunda for a cargo of pepper. Being earnestly intreated by the besieged to assist them, he agreed to do every thing in his power, though it seemed a rash attempt to engage a fleet of 100 sail with only ten vessels, nine of which were almost rotten and destitute of rigging. Among these he distributed 300 naked and hungry wretches; and though confident in his own valour, he trusted only in the mercy of God, and caused all his men to prepare for battle by confession, of which he set them the example.

He sailed from Malacca with this armament about the end of November 1571, and soon discovered the formidable fleet of the enemy in the river _Fermoso_. Giving the command of his own ship to Emanuel Ferreyra, Tristam Vaz de Vega went sword in hand into a galliot, to encourage his men to behave valiantly by exposing himself to the brunt of battle along with them. On the signal being given by a furious discharge of cannon, Tristan instantly boarded the admiral ship of the enemy, making great havock in her crew of 200 men and even carried away her ensign. Ferdinand Perez with only 13 men in a small vessel took a galley of the enemy. Ferdinand de Lemos ran down and sunk one of the enemies ships. Francisco de Lima having taken another set her on fire, that he might be at liberty to continue the fight. Emanuel Ferreyra sank three vessels, unrigged several others, and slew great numbers of the enemy. In short, every one fought admirably, and the whole hostile fleet fled, except four gallies and seven smaller vessels that were burnt or sunk. Seven hundred of the enemy were taken or slain, with the loss only of five men on the side of the victors. The Portuguese ships waited three days in the river to see if the enemy would return, and then carried the joyful news to Malacca, where it could hardly be believed[382].

[Footnote 382: Though not mentioned by De Faria, the king of Acheen appears to Jave raised the siege of Malacca after this naval victory.--E.]

Sometime in the year 1578, four ships arrived at Goa from Portugal, under the command of Francisco de Sousa, who immediately on landing went to the archbishop Don Gaspar, to whom he delivered a packet from the king. The royal orders contained in this packet were read by a cryer in the archiepiscopal church, and announced that Don Antonio de Noronha was deposed from the dignity of viceroy, to whom Antonio Moniz Barreto was immediately to succeed with the title of governor. By another order, Gonzalo Pereyra was appointed to the government of Malacca, in default of whom Don Leonis Pereyra was substituted, and accordingly succeeded as the other was dead.

Advice was now brought to Goa that Malacca was again in danger, as the king of Acheen was before it a second time, assisted by the queen of _Japara_. On this intelligence, Moniz desired Leonis Pereyra to set out for his government, and Leonis demanded of him to be supplied with the same force which Moniz had formerly required from Noronha; yet Moniz, without considering what he had himself wrote on that subject to the king, and that India was now free from danger, refused his request. Leonis, to leave the new governor no excuse for his conduct, would even have been satisfied with a much smaller force than that formerly required by Moniz, but even that was refused him, and he went away to Portugal refusing to assume the government of Malacca. About the end of this year 1573, orders came from Portugal for the trial and execution of Don George de Castro for surrendering Chale to the zamorin. He was accordingly beheaded publicly: Yet in the year following a commission was sent out from Portugal for employing him in another command.

Scarcely had India begun to enjoy some respite after the late troubles, when the queen of Japara sent her general Quiaidaman to besiege Malacca with 15,000 chosen natives of Java, in a fleet of 80 large galleons and above 220 smaller vessels. Tristan Vaz de Vega happened to be then at Malacca, and was chosen by common consent to assume the command, Francisco Enriquez the former commandant being dead. Tristan Vaz sent immediate notice to Goa of his danger; on which Moniz issued orders to all the neighbouring places to send succours, and began to fit out a fleet for its relief. In the mean time the Javanese army landed and besieged Malacca. Vaz sent Juan Pereyra and Martin Ferreyra with 150 men to drive the enemy from a post. After killing 70 of the enemy, they levelled the work and brought off seven pieces of cannon. Pereyra afterwards burnt 50 of their galleons, and destroyed some great engines which they had constructed for attacking a bastion. Two other officers in a sortie burnt the pallisades which the enemy had erected for straitening the garrison and defending their own quarters. After this, Pereyra going out of the river with the Portuguese vessels, besieged the besiegers, and at _Jor_ took a large quantity of provisions that were going to the Javanese army. Upon these repeated misfortunes, the Javanese embarked in great consternation, and withdrew under night; but were pursued by Pereyra, who cut off many of their vessels in the rear. Almost half of this great army perished by the sword or sickness in this siege, which lasted three months.

Hardly was the army of the queen of Japara gone from Malacca when the king of Acheen arrived before it with 40 gallies, and several ships and smaller vessels, to the number of 100 in all, with a great train of artillery. Tristan Vaz gave orders to Juan Pereyra in a galley, Bernardin de Silva in a caravel, and Ferdinand de Palares in a ship, having each 40 men, to go out of the harbour on purpose to protect a convoy of provisions then in its way to Malacca, of which the city was in great want. The fleet of the enemy immediately attacked them, and soon battered all three ships to pieces. Seventy-five of the Portuguese were slain or drowned on this occasion, forty were made prisoners, and only five saved themselves by swimming. Only 150 men now remained in. Malacca, of whom 100 were sick or aged. Being in want both of men and ammunition Tristan Vaz was under the necessity of remaining very quiet; but the enemy fearing he was preparing some stratagem against them, raised the siege in a panic of terror when they might easily have carried the city, after remaining before it from the beginning to the end of January 1575. The priests, women and children of the distressed city had implored the mercy of God with sighs and tears; and next to God, the city owed its safety to the courage of Tristan Vaz, and to his generosity likewise, as he spent above 20,000 ducats in its defence.

At this period Juan de Costa cruised upon the Malabar coast with two gallies and twenty-four other vessels. The town of Guipar near Bracalore being in rebellion, he landed there and set the town on fire after killing 1500 of the inhabitants. He likewise cut down the woods[383] in revenge for the rebellion of the natives. After this he destroyed an island belonging to the zamorin in the river of Chale, and ruined the city of Parapangulem belonging to the same sovereign, where the heir of the kingdom was slain with 200 of his followers. At _Capocate_ 300 of the natives were slain with the loss of two only of the Portuguese. The town of _Nilacharim_ near mount Dely was destroyed by fire. In the intervals between these exploits on the land, several vessels belonging to the enemy were taken, by which the fleet was supplied with slaves and provisions.

[Footnote 383: Probably the groves of cocoa-nut trees are here alluded to.--E.]

At this period, after long petty wars occasioned by the injustice and tyranny of the Portuguese, they were expelled from the Molucca islands, and their fort in the island of Ternate was forced to surrender to the king, who protested in presence of the Portuguese that he took possession of it in trust for the king of Portugal, and would deliver it up to any one having authority for that purpose as soon as the murder of his father was punished[384].

[Footnote 384: A great number of trifling incidents in the misgovernment and tyranny of the Portuguese in the Moluccas, have been omitted at this and other parts the history of Portuguese Asia in our version.--E.]

In the year 1576, Antonio Moniz Barreto was succeeded in the government of India by Don Diego de Menezes; but it may be proper to suspend for a time our account of the affairs of India, to give some account of the transactions in Monomotapa under the government of Francisco Barreto and his successor Vasco Fernandez Homeiri.

SECTION VIII.

_Transactions of the Portuguese in Monomotapa, from 1569 to the end of that separate government[385]._

On the return of Francisco Barreto from the government of India in 1558, as formerly mentioned, he was appointed admiral of the gallies, in which employment he gained great honour in the memorable action of _Pennon_; and on his return to Lisbon, king Sebastian, who had determined upon making the division of the Portuguese governments in the east already mentioned, appointed Barreto to that of Monomotapa[386], with the additional title of _Conqueror of the Mines_. The great inducement for this enterprise was from the large quantities of gold said to be found in that country, and particularly at _Manica_ in the kingdom of _Mocaranga_. Francisco Barreto sailed from Lisbon in April 1569, with three ships and 1000 soldiers. He might easily have had more men if the vessels could have contained them, as the reports of gold banished all idea of danger, and volunteers eagerly pressed forwards for the expedition, among whom were many gentlemen and veterans who had served in Africa.

[Footnote 385: In De Faria no dates are given of these transactions, except that Barreto sailed from Lisbon in April 1569.--E.]

[Footnote 386: In modern geography the country called Monomotapa in the text is known by the name of Mocaranga, while Monomotapa is understood to be the title of the sovereign. It is sometimes called _Senna_ by the Portuguese, from the name of a fort possessed by them in the interior.--E.]

On his arrival at Mozambique, Barreto went to subdue the king of _Pate_, who had revolted against the Portuguese authority. In his instructions, Barreto was ordered to undertake nothing of importance without the advice and concurrence of Francisco do Monclaros, a Jesuit, which was the cause of the failure of this enterprise. It was a great error to subject a soldier to the authority of a priest, and a most presumptuous folly in the priest to undertake a commission so foreign to his profession. There were two roads to the mines, one of which was through the dominions of Monomotapa, and the other by way of Sofala. Barreto was disposed to have taken the latter, but Monclaros insisted upon the former, and carried his point against the unanimous votes of the council of war; so that the first step in this expedition led to its ruin. But before entering upon the narrative of events, it may be proper to give some account of the climate, quality, and extent of the country.

From Cape Delgado in lat. 10° 1O' S. to Mozambique in 14° 50', the coast is somewhat bent in the form of a bow, in which space are the islands of Pujaros, Amice, Mocoloe, Matembo, Querimba, Cabras, and others, with the rivers Paudagi, Menluanc, Mucutii, Mucululo, Situ, Habe, Xanga, Samoco, Veloso, Pinda, Quisimaluco and Quintagone, with the bays of Xanga and Fuego, and the sands of Pinda. From Mozambique in lat. 14° 5O' S. to the port or bay of Asuca in 21° 8O', the coast falls off to the westwards, opposite to the _Pracel de Sofala_ or great bank of _Pracel_, on the coast of Madagascar, the dangerous _Scylla_ and _Charibdis_ of those seas. On this coast are the rivers Mocambo, Angoxa, or Bayones, Mossige, Mojuncoale, Sangage, and others, with many islands, and the ports of Quilimane and Luabo; the rivers Tendanculo, Quiloe, Sabam, Bagoe, Miaue, and Sofala, with the opposite islands of Inbausato, Quiloane, Mambone, Molimon, and Quilamancohi. Between Cape Bosiqua or St Sebastian in lat. 21° 40' S. and Cape Corientes in 24° S. is the great bay of Sauca, into which falls the river Inhamhane, where there is a great trade for ivory. From the frequent recurrence of the soft letters _L_ and _M_ in these names, it may be inferred that the language of that country is by no means harsh. From the mouth of the Cuama or Zambeze in the east, the empire of Monomotapa extends 250 leagues into the interior of Africa, being divided by the great river Zambeze, into which falls the _Chiri_ or _Chireira_, running through the country of _Bororo_[387], in which country are many other large rivers, on the banks of which dwell many kings, some of whom are independent, and others are subject to Monomotapa. The most powerful of the independent kings is he of Mongas, bordering on the Cuama or Zambeze, which falls into the sea by four mouths between Mozambique and Sofala. The first or most northerly of these mouths is that of _Quilimane_, ninety leagues from Mozambique; the second or Cuama is five leagues farther south; the third _Luabo_ five leagues lower; and the fourth named _Luabol_ five leagues more to the south. Between these mouths are three large and fertile islands; the middle one, named _Chingoma_, is sixty leagues in circumference. This great river is navigable for sixty leagues upwards to the town of _Sena_, inhabited by the Portuguese, and as much farther to _Tete_, another Portuguese colony [388]. The richest mines are those of _Massapa_, called _Anfur_[389], the _Ophir_ whence the queen of Sheba had the riches she carried to Jerusalem. In these mines it is said, that one lump of gold has been found worth 12,000 ducats, and another worth 40,000. The gold is not only found among the earth and stones, but even grows up within the bark of several trees as high as where the branches spread out to form the tops. The mines of Manchica and Butica are not much inferior to those of Massapa and Fura, and there are many others not so considerable. There are three fairs or markets which the Portuguese frequent for this trade of gold from the castle of _Tete_ on the river Zambeze. The first of these is _Luanze_, four days journey inland from that place [390]. The second is Bacuto [391] farther off; and the third _Massapa_ still farther [392]. At these fairs the gold is procured in exchange for coarse cloth, glass beads, and other articles of small value among us. A Portuguese officer, appointed by the commander of Mozambique, resides at Massapa with the permission of the emperor of Monomotapa, but under the express condition of not going into the country, under pain of death. He acts as judge of the differences that arise there. There are churches belonging to the Dominicans at Massapa, Bacuto, and Luanze. The origin, number, and chronology of the kings of Mohomotapa are not known, though it is believed there were kings here in the time of the queen of Sheba, and that they were subject to her, as she got her gold from thence. In the mountain of Anfur or Fura, near Massapa, there are the ruins of stately buildings, supposed to be those of palaces and castles. In process of time this great empire was divided into three kingdoms, called _Quiteve_, _Sabanda_, and _Chicanga_[393], which last is the most powerful, as possessing the mines of Manica, Butua, and others. It is believed that the negroes of Butua, in the kingdom of Chicanga, are those who bring gold to Angola, as these two countries are supposed to be only one hundred leagues distance from each other [394]. The country of Monomotapa produces rice and maize, and has plenty of cattle and poultry, the inhabitants addicting themselves to pasturage and tillage, and even cultivating gardens. It is divided into 25 kingdoms or provinces named Mongas, Baroe, Manica, Boese, Macingo, Remo, Chique, Chiria, Chidima, Boquizo, Inhanzo, Chiruvia, Condesaca, Daburia, Macurumbe, Mungussi, Antiovaza, Chove, Chungue, Dvia, Romba, Rassini, Chirao, Mocaranga and Remo-de-Beza.

[Footnote 387: According to modern maps, the Zambeze divides the empire of Mocaranga, the sovereign of which is called Monomotapa, from the empire of the Bororos; and the river Chireira or Manzara on the south of the Zambeze, which it joins, is entirely confined to the country of Mocaranga.--E.]

[Footnote 388: Sena is 220 English miles from the sea; Tete is 260 miles higher up: so that this great river is navigable for 480 miles, probably for small vessels only.--E.]

[Footnote 389: Massapa is the name of a Portuguese fort or settlement on the river _Mocaras_, a branch of the _Chireira_, in the interior of Mocaranga. Anfur or Fura is a mountain about 100 miles from Massapa, said to contain rich gold mines.--E.]

[Footnote 390: Luanze is about 100 miles south from Tete, on one of the branches of the Chireira.--E.]

[Footnote 391: Bacuto is 40 miles south of Luanze.--E.]

[Footnote 392: Massapa is about 45 miles S.S.W. from Buento or Bacuto, or 170 miles in that direction from Tete.--E]

[Footnote 393: Quiteve is that kingdom or province of Mocaranga, now named Sofala from the river of that name by which it is pervaded. Sabanda is probably the kingdom or province of Sabia, on the river of that name, the southern province of Mocaranga. Chicanga is what is now called Manica, the south-west province of Mocaranga, the king or chief of which province is named Chicanga.--E.]

[Footnote 394: The Butua of the text is probably the kingdom of Abutua of modern maps, in the interior of Africa, directly west from the northern part of Mocaranga. The distance between Abutua and the eastern confines of Benguela, one of the provinces of Angola or Congo, is about 800 or 900 miles.--E.]

The emperor [395] has a large wooden palace, the three chief apartments of which are, one for himself, another for his wife, and the third for his menial servants. It has three doors opening into a large court, one appropriated for the queen and her attendants, one for the king and the servants attached to his person, and the third for the two head cooks, who are great men and relations of the king, and for the under-cooks who are all men of quality below twenty years of age, as none so young are supposed to have any commerce with women, or otherwise they are severely punished. After serving in the palace, these young men are preferred to high employments.

[Footnote 395: The chief of Mocaranga is named Monomotapa, which latter is often used as the name of the country. His residence is said to be at Zimbao near the northern frontiers, between the Portuguese forts of Sena and Tete.--E.]

The servants within the palace, and those without, are commanded by two captains or high officers, resembling the _Alcalde de los Douzeles_, or governor of the noble youths, formerly at the court of Spain. The principal officers of the crown are, the _Ningomoaxa_ or governor of the kingdom, _Mocomoaxa_ or captain-general, _Ambuya_ or high steward, whose office it is to procure a successor, when the _Mazarira_ or principal wife of the king dies, who must always be chosen from among the sisters or nearest relations of the king. The next great officer is the _Inbantovo_ or chief musician, who has many musicians under his charge; the _Nurucao_, or captain, of the vanguard; _Bucurumo_, which signifies the king's right hand; _Magande_, or the chief conjurer; _Netambe_, or chief apothecary, who has charge of the ointments and utensils for sorcery; and lastly, the _Nehono_ or chief porter. All these offices are discharged by great lords. They use no delicacy in cookery, having all their meats roasted or boiled; and they eat of such articles as are used by the Europeans, with the addition of rats and mice, which they reckon delicacies, as we do partridges and rabbits.

The king has many wives, nine of whom only are reckoned queens, and are all his sisters or near relations; the rest being the daughters of noblemen. The chief wife is called _Mazarira_, or the mother of the Portuguese, who frequently make presents to her, as she solicits their affairs with the king, and he sends no messengers to them but accompanied by some of her servants. The second queen is called _Inahanda_, who solicits for the Moors. The others _Nabuiza_, _Nemangore_, _Nizingoapangi_, _Navembo_, _Nemongoro_, _Nessani_, and _Necarunda_. Every one of these lives apart in as great state as the king, having certain revenues and districts appointed for their expenses. When any of these die, another is appointed to her place and name, and they have all the power of rewards and punishments, as well as the king. Sometimes he goes to them, and, at other times they come to him; all of them having many female attendants, whom the king makes use of when he thinks proper.

The principal nation of Monomotapa is called the _Moearangi_, and of which the emperor is a native. They are by no means warlike, and their only weapons are bows, arrows, and javelins. In regard to religion, they acknowledge one only God, and believe in a devil or evil spirit, called _Muzuco_, but they have no idols. They believe that their deceased kings go to heaven, and invoke these under the appellation of _Musimos_, as the saints are invoked by the catholics. Having no letters, their only knowledge of past events is preserved by tradition. The lame and blind are called the king's poor, because they are charitably maintained by him; and when any of these travel, the towns through which they pass are obliged to maintain them and furnish them with guides from place to place, an excellent example for Christians. The months are divided into three weeks of ten days each, and have several festivals. The first day of each month is the festival of the new moon; and the fourth and fifth day of every week are kept as festivals. On these days all the natives dress in their best apparel, and the king gives public audience to all who present themselves, on which occasion he holds a truncheon about three quarters of a yard long in each hand, using them to lean upon. Those who speak to him prostrate themselves on the ground, and his audience lasts from morning till evening. When the king is indisposed, the _Ningomoaxa_, or governor of the kingdom, stands in his place. No one must speak to the king, or even go to the palace, on the eighth day of the moon, as that day is reckoned unlucky. On the day of the new moon, the king runs about the palace with two javelins in his hand, as if fighting, all the great men being present at this pastime. When this is ended, a pot full of maize, boiled whole, is brought in, which the king scatters about, desiring the nobles to eat, and every one strives to gather most to please him, and eat it greedily as if it were the most savoury dainty. Their greatest festival is held on the new moon in May, which they call _Chuavo_. On this day all the great men of the empire, who are very numerous, resort to court, where they run about with javelins in their hand, as in a mock fight. This sport lasts the whole day, at the end of which the king withdraws, and is not seen for eight days afterwards, during all which time the drums beat incessantly. He then reappears on the ninth day, and orders the noble for whom he has least affection to be slain, as a sacrifice to his ancestors, or the _Muzimos_. When this is done, the drums cease, and every one goes home. The _Mumbos_[396] eat human flesh, which is publicly sold in the shambles. This may suffice for the customs of the natives in the empire of Monomotapa, as it would be endless to recount the whole.

[Footnote 396: This savage race are said to inhabit on the north western frontiers of Mocaranga.--E.]

After some stay at Mozambique, Barreto set out on his expedition for the mines of Monomotapa, with men, horses, camels, and other necessaries for war, and with proper tools for working the mines which he expected to conquer. He sailed up the river _Cuama_, called _Rio de los buenos Sennales_, or river of Good Signs; by the first discoverers, and came to _Sena_ or the fort of _St Marzalis_, according to the desire of father Monclaros; whence he proceeded to the town of _Inaparapala_, near which is another town belonging to the Moors, who, being always professed enemies to the Christians, began to thwart the designs of the Portuguese as they had formerly done in India. They even attempted to poison the Portuguese army, and some of the men and horses actually died in consequence; but the cause being discovered by one of the Moors, they were all put to the sword, their chiefs being blown from the mouths of cannon, the informer only being pardoned. After this Barreto sent an embassy to the king, desiring permission to march against the chief of the _Mongas_, who was then in rebellion, and from thence to continue his march to the mines of _Butua_ and _Mancica_. The first of these requests was a piece of flattery to obtain leave for the other, as the province of the Mongas lay between Sena and the mines, and it was necessary to march thither by force of arms. The king gave his consent to both requests, and even offered to send 100,000 of his own men along with the Portuguese; but Barreto declined any assistance, wishing to have the whole honour of the war to himself, and thinking by that means to gain favour with the king. He accordingly marched with 23 horse and 560 foot armed with muskets; and after a march of ten days, mostly along the rapid river Zambeze, in which the troops suffered excessively from hunger and thirst, the enemy were descried covering the hills and vallies with armed men. Though the multitude of the enemy was so great that the extremity of their army could not be seen, Barreto marched on giving the command of the van to Vasco Fernandez Homem, while he led the rear in person, the baggage and a few field pieces being in the centre. On coming up to engage the cannon were removed to the front and flanks.

The enemy were drawn up in the form of a crescent; and as the Portuguese marched to the charge, an old woman came forward to meet them scattering some powder towards them, having persuaded the enemy that she alone would gain the victory by virtue of that powder. Barreto understood the meaning of this superstitious act, having seen similar things in India, and gave orders to level a field piece at the notorious witch, which was so well pointed that she was blown to atoms, at which the _Kafrs_ were astonished, as they believed her immortal. The enemy however advanced, but without any order, either from ignorance or because they relied on their immense numbers, and discharged clouds of arrows and darts against the Portuguese; but finding that the musqueteers slew them by hundreds at every discharge, they took to flight, and great numbers of them were slain in the pursuit. Barreto continued his march for the city of the Mongas, and was opposed by another multitude similar to the former which was put to flight with equal facility, above 6000 of the Kafrs being slain with the loss of only two Portuguese soldiers. The city was abandoned by the enemy and taken possession of by Barreto without opposition, at which he entrenched his small army. Next morning a multitude of Kafrs as large as either of the former appeared to assail the Portuguese; but being again routed with prodigious slaughter, a messenger arrived to beg for peace. Barreto answered that he would wait upon the king, when all matters might be adjusted. He accordingly marched next day, and having encamped in a convenient place, a new embassy came from the king to solicit peace. While the Kafr ambassadors were conferring with Barreto, one of the camels belonging to the Portuguese happened to break loose and came up to where Barreto was, who stopped it till those who were seeking for it came up. The Kafr ambassadors had never before seen a camel, and were astonished to see it come up to the governor, at whom they asked many questions concerning the strange animal. Taking advantage of their ignorance and credulity, Barreto told them that those animals fed only on human flesh, devouring all that were slain in battle; and that this camel had come to him from the rest to desire that he would not make peace as they would then have no food. Astonished at this intelligence, they intreated him to desire the camels to be satisfied with good beef, and they would immediately supply him with great numbers of cattle. He granted their request and marched on, still in much distress for provisions.

At this time news was brought of some transactions at Mozambique which rendered his presence there necessary, on which he assigned the command of the army to Vasco Fermandez Homem, and departed for Mozambique. Antonio Pereyra Brandam had committed certain crimes at the Moluccas, for which on his return to Portugal he was banished into Africa, on which he requested Barreto to take him to Mozambique, which he did accordingly, and even gave him the command of the fort at that place. Though eighty years of age, Brandam wished to secure himself in the command of the fort by sending false informations to the king against Barreto his benefactor. By some means these papers were intercepted and sent to Barreto, who on his arrival at Mozambique immediately shewed them to Brandam, who fell on his knees and asked pardon in the most humble manner. Barreto forgave him, but deprived him of the command over the fort at Mozambique, which he committed to the charge of Lorenzo Godino, and returned to prosecute the expedition in Monomotapa.

On his arrival at Sena, where Homem had halted with the army, Monclaros accosted him in a violent manner commanding him to desist from that wild enterprise of conquering the mines, in which he had imposed on the king, declaring that he should be held responsible for all who had died or might die in future in this wild and impracticable design. It is certain that Barreto was not the promoter of this intended conquest, and that Manclaros was actually to blame for the miscarriage; yet Barreto took the insolence of this proud priest so much to heart that he died in two days without any other sickness. Assuredly the Jesuit had more to answer for on account of the death of the governor, than he for the unfortunate result of the expedition, which was all owing to the arrogant ignorance of the Jesuit in forcing it into a wrong direction. Thus fell, by the angry words of a priest, a great man who had escaped from many bullets among the Indians, from numerous darts and arrows of the Mongas, and from the malice of a villain. King Sebastian greatly lamented his untimely end, which he expressed by giving an honourable reception to his body when brought to Lisbon.

After the death of Barreto, a royal order was found among his papers by which Vasco Fernandez Homem was appointed his successor. By the persuasions of Monclaros, who was now disgusted with the expedition of Monomotapa, Homem returned with the troops to Mozambique, abandoning the projected conquest of the mines. At that place some judicious persons, and particularly Francisco Pinto Pimentel, urged him to resume the execution of the orders which had been given by the king to Barreto, and he determined upon resuming the enterprise for the conquest of Monomotapa; but as Monclaros was now gone back to Portugal, he found himself at liberty to take the route for the mines through Sofala, as Barreto wished to have done originally. Landing therefore at Sofala, he marched directly inland towards the mines of _Manica_ in the kingdom of _Chicanga_, bordering _by the inland_ with the kingdom of _Quiteve_ which is next in power to Monomotapa[397]. To conciliate the king of _Quiteve_, Homem sent messengers with presents to request the liberty of passing through his dominions, but being jealous of his intentions, that king received his propositions very coldly. Homem advanced however, having nearly a similar force with that which accompanied Barreto on the former expedition into the kingdom of Monomotapa, and several bodies of Kafrs that attempted to stop his progress were easily routed with great slaughter. Finding himself unable to defend himself against the invaders by force of arms, the king of Quiteve had recourse to policy, and caused all the people and provisions to be removed from the towns, so that the Portuguese suffered extreme distress till they arrived at _Zimbao_[398], the residence of the king, whence he had fled and taken refuge in inaccessible mountains. Homem burnt the city, and marched on to the kingdom of _Chicanga_, where he was received by the king rather through fear than love, was supplied with provisions, and allowed a free passage to the mines. At these the Portuguese vainly expected that they would be able to gather gold in great abundance; but seeing that the natives procured only very small quantities in a long time and with much difficulty, and being themselves very inexpert in that labour, they soon abandoned the place which they had so long and anxiously sought for, and returned towards the coast, parting from the king of Chicanga in much friendship. Thus, though disappointed in their main design of acquiring rich gold mines, the ease with which they had penetrated to the place evinced how great an error had been formerly committed by subjecting Barreto to the direction of Monclaros, who had led him by a tedious and dangerous way merely to gratify his own extravagant humour.

[Footnote 397: In modern geography, which indeed is mainly ignorant of the foreign possessions of the Portuguese, the dominion of Sofala on both sides of the river of that name, extend about 520 miles from east to west, in lat. 20° S. from the Mozambique channel, by about 100 miles in breadth. The commercial station of Sofala belonging to the Portuguese is at the mouth of the river; and about 220 miles from the sea is a town called Zimbao of Quiteve. Manica the kingdom of Chicanga is an inland district to the west of the kingdoms of Sofala and Sabia; all three dependent upon Monomotapa.--E.]

[Footnote 398: This Zimbao of Quiteve is to be carefully distinguished from a town of the same name in Monomotapa. The former is nearly in lat. 20° S. on the river of Sofala, the latter is about 16° 20' S. near the river Zambezi or Cuama.--E]

Homem returned to the kingdom of Quiteve, and the king of that country now permitted him to march for the mines of _Maninnas_[399], on condition that the Portuguese should pay him twenty crowns yearly. Homem accordingly marched for the kingdom of _Chicova[400], which borders upon the inland frontier of Monomotapa towards the north, having heard that there were rich mines of silver in that country. Having penetrated to Chicova, he inquired among the natives for the way to the mines; and as they saw that it was in vain for them to resist, while they feared the discovery of the mines would prove their ruin, they scattered some ore at a place far distant from the mines, and shewing this to the Portuguese told them that this was the place of which they were in search. By this contrivance the Kafrs gained time to escape, as the Portuguese permitted them to go away, perhaps because they were unwilling the natives should see what treasure they procured. Homem accordingly caused all the environs to be carefully dug up, and after a vast deal of fruitless labour was obliged to desist, as provisions grew scarce. Thus finding no advantage after all his fatigues and dangers, Homem marched away towards the coast with part of his troops, intending to return to his government at Mozambique, and left Antonio Cardoso de Almeyda with 200 men to continue the researches for some time for the treasures that were said to abound in that country. Cardoso suffered himself to be again deceived by the Kafrs who had before imposed upon Homem, as they now offered to conduct him to where he might find a vein of silver. But they led him the way of death rather than of the mines, and killed him and all his men after defending themselves with incredible bravery.

[Footnote 399: No such place is laid down in modern maps, but rich gold mines are mentioned in Mocaranga near mount _Fura_, which is nearly in the route indicated in the text, between Sofala or Quiteve and Chicoya.--E.]

[Footnote 400: Chicova is a territory and town of Mocaranga or Monomotapa, in lat. 19° N. at the north-west boundary of that empire on the Zambeze; and is said to abound in mines of silver.--E.]

Thus ended the government and conquest of Monomotapa shortly after its commencement, under two successive governors, who lost their object almost as soon as it was seen. The first killed by a few rash words, and the second expelled by a prudent stratagem. Yet peace and trade continued between the Portuguese and the empire of Monomotapa. These actions of Barreto and Homem took place during the time when Luis de Ataide, Antonio de Noronha, and Antonio Moniz Barreto[401], were governors of India; but we have never been able to ascertain when the former died and the latter abandoned the projected conquest of the mines.

[Footnote 401: The commencement of the government of Barreto has been already stated as having taken place in 1569. Antonio Moniz Barreto governed India from 1573 to 1576: Hence the consecutive governments of Francisco Barreto and Vasco Fernandez Homem in Monomotapa could not be less than _four_ or more than _seven_ years.--E.]

SECTION IX.

_Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from 1576 to 1581; when the Crown of Portugal was usurped by Philip II. of Spain, on the Death of the Cardinal King Henry._

In 1576 Ruy Lorenzo de Tavora went out as viceroy of Portuguese India; but dying on the voyage, at Mozambique, Don Diego de Menezes assumed the government in virtue of a royal patent of succession. Nothing extraordinary happened during his government of nearly two years, when he was superseded by the arrival of Don Luis de Ataide count of Atougaia as viceroy of India for the second time. Ataide had been appointed general in chief of the Portuguese forces by king Sebastian, who had resolved to bury the glory of his kingdom in the burning sands of Africa; and finding his own youthful impetuosity unable to conform with the prudent councils of the count, he constituted him viceroy of India as a plausible means of removing him. The count arrived at Goa about the end of August 1577, where he immediately fitted out a mighty fleet which struck terror into all the neighbouring princes. After continuing the war for some time against Adel Khan, a peace was concluded with that prince.

Soon afterwards news was brought to India of the melancholy catastrophe which had befallen king Sebastian in Africa, and that the Cardinal Don Henry had succeeded to the throne; but he soon afterwards died, and the kingdom of Portugal came under the direction of a council of regency consisting of five members. The viceroy Don Luis died soon afterwards at Goa in the beginning of the year 1580, after governing India this second time for two years and seven months. He seemed to have had a presentiment of his death; for being applied to for leave to bury his cousin Antonio Borello beside his brother Don Juan de Ataide, he refused it, saying that he had long designed that situation for himself. He was a man of most undaunted courage, of which the following instance may be adduced. At the attack of _Onore_, he sailed in a brigantine sitting in a chair, having a famous musician beside him playing on the harp. When the balls from the enemy began to whistle past the ears of the musician he stopt playing, on which the count desired him to proceed as the tune was excellent. One of the gentlemen near him, seeing his unconcernedness, requested him to expose himself less to the danger, as if he were slain all would be lost; "No such thing," answered he, "for if I am killed there are men enough who are fit to succeed me."

On his death, which appears to have happened in March 1580, he was succeeded as governor by Ferdinand Tellez de Menezes, pursuant to a patent of succession sent out by the regency in the year before. On this occasion the new governor was installed with as much demonstration of joy as if there had been no cause of sorrow among the subjects of Portugal for the melancholy state of their country. While the affairs of Portugal were in a miserable state of distraction, those of Visiapour were in no better condition, in consequence of the death of Adel Khan without heirs, in the 23d year of his reign and 50th of his age. Being adicted to unnatural practices, a youth of eighteen years of age who had too much honour to submit to his base desires, stabbed him as he was endeavouring to allure him to comply with his brutal purposes. Ibrahim Khan, the son of Shah Tamas, one of two brothers whom Adel Khan had put to death, succeeded to the sovereignty; but was soon afterwards seized by a powerful Omrah, named Quisbale Khan, who made himself master of the city of Visiapour. Soon afterwards the Ethiopian guards revolted under three leaders of their own choice, Acala Khan, Armi Khan, and Delarna Khan, the last of whom secured the other two and usurped the whole power.

About this time new instructions came from the regency of Portugal, announcing that Philip II. of Spain had been admitted as king of Portugal, and enjoining the governor and all the Portuguese in India to take the oath of allegiance to the new sovereign.

At this period _Mirazenam Pacha_, a native of Otranto, and born of Christian parents, was governor of all that part of Arabia which is called _Yemen_ by the natives, and resided in _Sanaa_ or _Zenan_, a city in the inland part of Yeman or Arabia Felix, 60 leagues north of Mokha[402]. Sanaa stands upon a hill encompassed with a good wall, and is thought to have been founded by Ham the son of Noah, and to have been the residence of the famous queen of Sheba. The fruitful province in which it stands was called by the ancients _Siria Muinifera_, because it produces frankincense, myrrh, and storax. Being desirous to plunder _Maskat_ near Cape Ras-al-gat, Mirazenam sent three Turkish gallies on that errand under Ali Beg, who took possession of Maskat, whence most of the Portuguese residents saved themselves by flight, leaving their goods to be plundered by Ali Beg. The fugitives took refuge in _Mataro_, a town only a league distant, whence they went to _Bruxel_, a fort about four leagues inland, belonging to _Catani_ the sheikh or chief of a horde or tribe of Arabs. The Arab officer who commanded there received the Portuguese with much kindness and hospitality, and protected them till the departure of Ali Beg, when they returned to Maskat. On learning the ruin of Maskat, Gonzalo de Menezes, who then commanded at Ormuz, sent Luis de Almeyda with a squadron consisting of a galleon, a galley, and six other vessels, with 400 good men, to attack Ali Beg. But Almeyda neglected the orders of his superior, and sailed to the coast of the _Naytaques_, intending to surprise and plunder the beautiful and rich city of _Pesani_[403]. But the inhabitants got notice of their danger and fled, after which Almeyda dishonourably plundered the city, to which he set fire, together with near fifty sail of vessels which were in the bay. He did the same thing to _Guadel_ or _Gader_, a city not inferior to Pesani, and to _Teis_ or _Tesse_ belonging to the barbarous tribe of the _Abindos_ who dwell on the river _Calamen_ in _Gedrosia_[404], and who join with the _Naytagites_ in their piracies.

[Footnote 402: Sanaa is about 80 marine leagues, or 278 English miles N.E. from Mokha, and 30 leagues, or about 100 miles nearly north from Makulla, the nearest port of Arabia on the Indian ocean.--E.]

[Footnote 403: Perhaps Posino on the oceanic coast of Makran, one of the provinces of Persia, is here meant, nearly north from Maskat, on the opposite coast of the entrance towards the Persian Gulf.--E.]

[Footnote 404: Gedrosia the ancient name of that province of Persia on the Indian Ocean between the mouth of the Persian Gulf and the Indus, now called Mekran or Makran.--E.]

SECTION X.

_Transactions of the Portuguese in India, from 1581 to 1597_ [405].

Don Francisco Mascarenhas, count of Santa Cruz, was the first viceroy sent out to India after the revolution by which Philip II of Spain acquired the sovereignty of Portugal. The honour and advantages conferred upon him on receiving this important office were greater than had ever been enjoyed by any of his predecessors. He well deserved all rewards of honour and profit, having served with great reputation in India, particularly in the brave defence of Chaul, with an incompetent garrison, and hardly any fortifications, against the power of the Nizam, who besieged it with 150,000 men. Yet his advancement on this occasion proceeded more from the policy of the king of Spain than the merit of Mascarenhas, to endeavour to gain the hearts of the Portuguese in India by his bounty. On his arrival at Goa in 1581, the new viceroy found that all the Portuguese had already submitted to the government of the king of Spain, so that he had only to attend to the usual affairs of his viceroyalty.

[Footnote 405: We have here omitted from de Faria several long and confused dissertations on subjects that will be treated of more satisfactorily in the sequel of this work, from better sources of information. These are, 1. Of the religion of Hindostan. 2. Of the empire of Ethiopia, or Abyssinia. 3. Of Japan. 4. Of China. 5. Of the traditions respecting the preaching of Christianity in India by St Thomas. Likewise, in the sequel of the Portuguese transactions in India from de Faria, we have omitted a vast deal of uninteresting events, confining our attention only to such as are of some relative importance.--E.]

Sultan Amodifar, the lawful king of Guzerat, after being long kept prisoner by the Mogul who had usurped his kingdom, made his escape by the assistance of some women and came in disguise to a Banian at Cambaya, by whom he was conveyed to _Jambo_, a person who had secured himself in a portion of the kingdom of Guzerat in the late revolution. Jambo not only acknowledged Amodifar as his legitimate sovereign, but procured the submission of many other chiefs and great men, so that he was soon at the head of a large army, in which there were above 30,000 horse, and in a short time Amodifar recovered possession of almost all Guzerat, either by force or consent. In hopes of profiting by these confusions, and in particular expecting to acquire possession of Surat, the viceroy went with 40 sail to Chaul, whence he sent some intelligent agents to Baroach, which was then besieged by Amodifar, the wife and children of Cotub oddin Khan having taken refuge in that place. These agents had instructions to treat secretly both with Amodifar and the wife of Cotub, without letting either of them know the correspondence with the other, that the Portuguese interest might be secured with the party that ultimately prevailed. But a large Mogul army invaded Guzerat and recovered possession of the whole country, so that the negociations of the viceroy fell to nothing, and be returned to Goa. While absent from that city, the subjects of the new king of Visiapour, provoked by the insolences of Larva Khan the favourite minister, wished to set up Cufo Khan the son of Meale Khan, who had been long kept prisoner at Goa; but on this coming to the knowledge of Larva Khan, he contrived, by means of an infamous Portuguese, named Diego Lopez Bayam, to inveigle Cufo Khan into his power, who thinking to gain a crown was made prisoner by Larva Khan and deprived of his eyes.

After Don Francisco de Mascarenhas had enjoyed the viceroyalty for three years, Don Duarte de Menezes came out in 1581 as his successor. His first measure was to restore peace at Cochin, where a revolt was threatened by the natives in consequence of the Portuguese having usurped the management of the custom-house to the prejudice of the Rajah; but an accommodation was now entered into, and the people appeased by restoring matters to their ancient footing. The _naik_ of Sanguicer, a place dependent upon the king of Visiapour, having converted his place of residence into a nest of pirates, to the great injury of the Portuguese trade on the coast of Canara, an agreement was entered into with the king of Visiapour for his punishment; the governor of Ponda named Kosti Khan being to march against him by land with 40,000 men, while the Portuguese were to attack the naik by sea. This was accordingly executed, and the naik being driven to take refuge is the woods, implored mercy, and was restored to his ruined district.

Some years before the present period a prodigious inundation of Kafrs or Negro barbarians from the interior of Africa invaded the country of Monomotapa, in multitudes that were utterly innumerable. They came from that part of the interior in which the great lake of _Maravi_ is situated, out of which springs the great rivers whose source was formerly unknown. Along with this innumerable multitude, a part of whom were of the tribes called _Macabires_ and _Ambei_, bordering upon Abyssinia, came their wives, children, and old people, as if emigrating bodily in search of new habitations, from their own being unable to contain them. They were a rude and savage people, whose chosen food was human flesh, only using that of beasts in defect of the other; and such was the direful effect of their passage through any part of the country, that they marked their way by the utter ruin of the habitations, leaving nothing behind but the bones of the inhabitants. When these failed them, they supplied their craving hunger by feeding on their own people, beginning with the sick and aged. Even their women, though ugly and deformed, were as hardy and warlike as their husbands, carrying their children and household goods on their backs, and going armed with bows and arrows, which they used with as much courage and dexterity as the men. These barbarians used defensive armour, and even employed the precaution of fortifying their camp wherever they happened to halt. While passing the castle of _Tete_ upon the Zambeze in the interior of Mocaranga, Jerome de Andrada who commanded the Portuguese garrison sent out against them a party of musketeers, and in two encounters killed above 5000 of them, while the multitude fled in the utmost dismay, having never, before experienced the effects of fire arms. Passing onwards from thence, the barbarous multitude came to the neighbourhood of Mozambique, destroying every thing in their course like an inundation of fire; and as the situation appeared inviting to one of their chiefs named _Mambea_, who commanded about 6000 warriors, he built a fort and some towns on the main, about two leagues from Mozambique. As the fort of Cuama, where Nuno Vello Pereyra commanded, was much incommoded by the neighbourhood of these barbarians, he sent out Antonio Pimentel against them with 400 men, four only of whom were Portuguese, who falling unexpectedly on the barbarians slew many of them and burnt the fort; but retiring in disorder, the enemy fell upon Pimentel and his men, all of whom they slew except three Portuguese and a small number of negroes. All the slain were devoured by the victorious Kafrs, except their heads, hands, and feet.

The country about Mozambique is full of orchards and fruit trees, especially citrons, lemons, and oranges, and has all kinds of wild and tame beasts like those in Europe, together with prodigious numbers of elephants. The principal food of the people is maize. The woods mostly consist of ebony, being a very lofty tree with leaves like those of our apple trees, and fruit resembling medlars, but not eatable, the whole stem and branches being thickly covered with thorns. The bark is as susceptible of fire as tinder, and when one of these trees is cut down it never springs up again. There is another sort of a yellowish colour, which is reckoned valuable. The best manna is produced in this country. Among the fish of this river is one equally voracious with the crocodile, from which no man escapes that gets within their reach, but they never injure women. One of these of a prodigious size was caught having gold rings in its ears, which was supposed to have been done as some species of witchcraft or incantation by the Kafrs to clear the river from these dangerous animals. In confirmation of this opinion, we read in an Arabian author named _Matude_, giving an account of prodigies, that about the year 863 a brazen crocodile was found under the ruins of an Egyptian temple, on which certain characters or symbolical letters were impressed, and when this image was broken in pieces the crocodiles of the Nile began again to devour men.

During the viceroyalty of Don Duarte de Menezes fresh troubles broke out in the kingdom of Visiapour, in consequence of which the Moguls invaded the country, and after laying it waste to a great extent possessed themselves of many of its towns cities and districts. The occasions of these troubles was this: The king being ill of a contagious distemper, his two favourite ministers, Acede Khan and Calabate Khan, kept him concealed in the palace, so that no person was allowed to see him. The prince and the people had recourse to arms, in order to force these tyrants to admit them into the kings presence; on which they persuaded the infirm king that the prince wished to depose him, so that the king went to war against the prince, and defeated him with great slaughter, upon which the Moguls were called in to their assistance, and used the opportunity to plunder the country and appropriate it to themselves.

Towards the close of the viceroyalty of Don Duarte de Menezes, Raju who had usurped the sovereignty of Ceylon, determined upon making a conquest of the Portuguese fortress of Columbo, with a view of expelling them from that island. For this purpose he collected an immense army, in which were 50,000 soldiers, 60,000 pioneers, and nearly as many artificers of various descriptions, with 2200 elephants, 40,000 oxen, 150 pieces of cannon, and 50,000 intrenching tools, axes, shovels, spades, and mattocks, with an innumerable quantity of spare arms and ammunition; among which were two wooden castles built upon enormous carriages, each of which had nine wheels. Added to all which he had nearly 500 craft of different kinds. Before proceeding upon this expedition, he deemed it proper to consult the idols respecting its success; and on this occasion he secretly placed men behind the idols, who answered to his supplications for a favourable termination to his great design, _If you, would take Columbo you must shed innocent blood!_ The people were astonished at this familiar and direct intercourse between their idols and their prince; and he, pretending obedience to the divine commands which they had all heard, caused 500 children to be taken from the arms of their mothers, all of whom were sacrificed, and the idols sprinkled with their blood.

After all his preparations were completed, he marched with his prodigious army and invested Columbo, choosing the ground which he deemed most advantageous, as the garrison was not sufficiently strong to contend with him in the field. Joam de Britto, who then commanded in Columbo, had sent intimation of his danger to the other Portuguese possessions, and had arranged every thing for defence as well as he could. To defend the place against the vast army by which he was now assailed, he had only 300 Portuguese, a third of whom were useless, as being old men or children; besides whom he had 700 armed natives and slaves. This incompetent force he posted to the best advantage around the walls, which were far too extensive, reserving 50 picked men to attend upon himself to give relief wherever it was most needed. After the commencement of the siege, Raju spent a whole month in draining a lake which secured one side of Columbo from being assailed, and as the Portuguese had several boats on the lake, there were frequent skirmishes in which the enemy suffered considerable loss. The side of the fort which had been covered by the lake was much weakened by the drawing off its water, which had been its chief defence on that side. In consequence of the advices sent by Brito to the commanders of the neighbouring forts, reinforcements were prepared at different quarters. The first relief, consisting of 40 men, was sent by Juan de Melo the commander of Manaar, under the command of his nephew Ferdinand de Melo, who likewise brought a supply of ammunition; and Ferdinand was posted with his men to strengthen the defence upon the side towards the drained lake.

On the 4th of August before day-light [406], Raju advanced in silence to give the first assault, but was discovered by the lighted matches of his musqueteers. The enemy applied their scaling ladders at the same time to the three bastions of St Michael, St Gonzalo, and St Francisco, while 2000 pioneers fell to work below to undermine the works. Many of the assailants were thrown down from their ladders on the heads of the workmen employed below, while numbers of the enemy who were drawn up in the field before the town were destroyed by the cannons from the walls. Everywhere both within and without, the fort resounded with the cries of women and children, and the groans of the wounded, joined to the noise of the cannon and musquetry and the shrill cries of elephants, which, forced to the walls by their conductors, were driven back smarting with many wounds, and did vast injury in the ranks of the besiegers. Such was the multitude of the enemy that they did not seem lessened by slaughter, fresh men still pressing on to supply the places of the killed and wounded. Brito was present in every place of danger, giving orders and conveying relief, and after a long and arduous contest, the enemy at length gave way, leaving 400 men dead or dying at the foot of the walls. During this assault, some Chingalese who had retired into the fort to escape the tyranny of Raju, fought with as much bravery as the Portuguese. Twice afterwards, Raju made repeated attempts to carry the place by escalade, but was both times repulsed with much slaughter. After which he repaired his entrenchments, and prepared to renew the assaults.

[Footnote 406: The date of the year is omitted by DeTaria, who, always rather negligent of dates, now; hardly ever gives any more light on this subject than the years in which the respective viceroys and governors assumed and laid down their authorities. The siege therefore must have happened between 1584 and 1588, during the government of Duarte de Menezes.--E.]

After the commencement of the siege Diego Fernandez Pessoa came from Negapatnam with a ship of his own, and Antonio de Aguilar brought another ship, by means of which the besieged were much encouraged. Don Joam de Austria the _Modeliar_ of Candea[407], and the _Arache_ Don Alfonzo, did at this time eminent service against the enemy; and a soldier of vast strength, named Jose Fernandez, having broken his spear, threw several of the enemy behind him to be slain by those in his rear. On learning the danger of Colombo, the city of Cochin fitted out six ships for its relief, with a supply of men and ammunition, which were placed under the command of Nuno Alvarez de Atouguia. Before their arrival, Raju gave another general assault by sea and land, in which the danger was so pressing that even the religious were forced to act as officers and soldiers to defend the walls, and the enemy were again repulsed with great slaughter. Immediately after this the relief arrived under Atouguia from Cochin, and nearly at the same time arrived from St Thomases and other places several ships brought by private individuals of their own accord; and in September six ships and a galley arrived with reinforcements from Goa under Bernardin de Carvallo. On the arrival of such numerous reinforcements, Raju, giving up all hopes of carrying the place by assault, endeavoured to undermine the walls; but this attempt was effectually counteracted by Thomas de Sousa, who found out a way of destroying the miners while engaged in the work.

[Footnote 407: It will be afterwards seen in the particular history and travels in Ceylon, that this person was the native sovereign of the central region or kingdom of Ceylon, called Candy or Candea from the name of the capital, who had acquired the same in the text in baptism.--E.]

Foiled in all his attempts to gain possession of Columbo, Raju now endeavoured to attain his end by treachery, and prevailed on some of his wizards to pretend discontent, and desert to the town, that they might poison the water in the garrison and _bewitch_ the defenders. Being suspected, these men were put to the torture; on which they confessed their intentions, and were put to death. "While one of the wizards was on the rack, he uttered certain mysterious words which deprived the executioners of their senses, and left them struggling under convulsions for twenty-four hours." Treachery failing, Raju had again recourse to open force, and ordered his fleet to attack that of the Portuguese commanded by Thomas de Sousa; but two of the Ceylon ships were sunk and two taken, in which most of the men were slain, and those who survived were hanged at the yard-arms. In this naval battle 300 of the enemy were slain, with the loss of two men only on the side of the Portuguese. Raju was so enraged at the bad success of the naval attack, that he ordered two of his principal sea-officers to be beheaded. Soon after this a ship arrived with ammunition sent by the viceroy, and the enemy made another assault by night on the works, in which, as in all the others, they were beat off with great slaughter. After this, Juan de Gamboa arrived in a galley with a reinforcement of 150 men; and De Brito finding himself now confident in the strength of his garrison, sent out Pedro Alfonzo with a squadron to destroy the towns on the coast belonging to the enemy. In this expedition, the towns of Belicot, Berberii, and Beligao were plundered and burnt, and the Portuguese in their haste to get possession of the pendents and bracelets of the women barbarously cut off their hands and ears. After making prodigious havock in many other places, Alfonzo returned to Columbo with mach spoil and many prisoners.

At this time sickness attacked the garrison of Columbo, and threatened to do more for Raju than all his force had been able to effect. The disease, which began in the neighbouring towns and spread to Columbo, baffled every attempt of the physicians for its cure. On opening some who died of it, the entrails were found impostumated, which was supposed owing to uncommon heat and drought, which had prevailed that year beyond any other in remembrance of the people. By the application of _cold and dry_ remedies the disease decreased. By the beginning of January[408] Raju made two other attempts to gain Columbo by assault, in the last of which the bastions of St Sebastian, St Gonzalo, and St Jago were in great danger, but the enemy were repulsed in both with great slaughter. In the meanwhile the fleet was again sent out under the command of Thomas de Sousa, who ravaged the coast of Ceylon, and destroyed the villages of Coscore, Madania, Guinderem, Gale, Beligao, Mature, and Tanavar. To this last place the idolaters had imagined the Portuguese arms could never penetrate, as protected by the supposed sanctity of a pagoda in its neighbourhood. This pagoda was situated on a hill near the town, and appeared from sea like a city. It was above a league in circumference, ornamented with numerous domes, all of which were covered with copper splendidly gilt. In this pagoda there were above 1000 idols in the several chapels or large cloisters; the temple being surrounded with streets full of shops for the supply of the pilgrims and votaries who resorted thither from all quarters. Taking possession of this temple, Sousa cast down and destroyed all the idols, demolished all the curious workmanship of the pagoda, and carried away every thing that could be removed, after which he killed some cows in its most sacred recesses, which is the greatest possible profanation in the opinion of the idolaters.

[Footnote 408: Probably of the year 1588; as the death of the viceroy, who died in that year, is soon afterwards mentioned by De Faria.--E.]

Among the prisoners taken at Cascore was a young woman who happened to be a bride. When the ships were about to weigh anchor, a young man came hastily to the place where the young woman was, and embraced her with much affection. By means of an interpreter, it was learned that this man was her destined husband, who had been absent when the town was attacked, and came now to offer himself for a slave rather than live free in separation from the woman of his affections. When this was told to Sousa, he determined not to part such true lovers, and ordered them to be both set at liberty; but they were so much affected by this act of generosity, that they requested to remain in his service. They lived afterwards in Columbo, where the man faithfully served the Portuguese on many occasions.

Scarcely had Sousa returned to Columbo from this last expedition, when Raju decamped, and began to march away, but the Portuguese fell upon the rear of his army, and cut off many of his men. In the course of this siege, some say that Raju lost 10,000 men, while others restrict the loss to half of that number. Besides the destruction of many towns, villages, and ships, burnt, plundered, and destroyed, the cannon, prisoners, and booty taken during this siege from the enemy were of considerable value. By these losses, and his inability to gain possession of Columbo with so large an army, Raju lost much reputation among the neighbouring princes, who waited the success of his preparations to declare for either side. The loss on the side of the Portuguese during this siege, consisted of 140 men slain, 50 only of whom were Portuguese; but 500 died of the sickness formerly mentioned.

On the day after the siege was raised, Don Paul de Lima came to Columbo with a powerful reinforcement from the viceroy. Eight days were spent in levelling the works which Raju had thrown up, after which the damage done to the fort was repaired, and it was furnished with a garrison of 600 men, plentifully supplied with arms and ammunition. Soon after receiving the joyful news of the glorious and successful defence of Columbo, the viceroy, Duarte de Menezes, died of a violent sickness in the beginning of May 1588, to whom succeeded Emanuel de Sousa Coutinno, in virtue of a patent of succession, being every way well qualified for the office by his singular bravery and thorough experience in the affairs of India.

In the homeward fleet of this season Don Paul de Lima embarked for Portugal in the ship called the St Thome, of which Stefano de Vega was captain. While off the coast of Natal the ship sprung a leak in the stern during a storm, and though all the rich commodities with which she was freighted were thrown overboard, it was found impossible to keep her afloat. In this extremity 120 persons took to the boat, and had hardly put off when the ship was swallowed up by the waves. Finding the boat overloaded, it was found necessary to throw some of the people into the sea. At length the boat reached the shore, on which _ninety-eight_ persons landed, several of whom were men of note with their wives, and some friars, one of whom after confessing the people who remained in the ship wished to have staid with them that he might aid their devotions to the last. After landing, the women put themselves into mens habits, after the Indian manner, for the greater ease in travelling, and the whole company set off on their march in good order, a friar going before carrying a crucifix on high. The place where they landed was on that part of the coast of _Natal_ called by the Portuguese the country of the _Fumos_, but by the natives the country of _Macomates_, being inhabited by Kafirs of that name. It is in the latitude of 27° 20' S. beyond the river of _Semin Dote_, 50 leagues south of the bay of _Lorenzo Marquez_[409]. All the lands of the Fumos belongs to the king of _Virangune_[410], and extends 30 leagues into the interior, bordering on the south with the country of _Mocalapata_, which again extends to the river _St Lucia_, in lat. 28° 15' S. and to the kingdom of _Vambe_, which contains a great part of the _Terra de Natal_[411]. From thence to the Cape of Good Hope, the natives have no king, being ruled only by _ancozes_ or chiefs of villages. Next to the kingdom of _Virangune_ to the north is that of _Innaca_, towards the N.E. to the point of the bay of _St Laurence_, in lat. 25° 45' S. opposite to which are two islands, named _Choambone_ and _Setimuro_, the latter of which is uninhabited, and is the station of the Portuguese who resort to this bay to purchase ivory. About this bay many great rivers fall into the sea, as those named _Beligane_, _Mannica_, _Spiritu Santo_, _Vumo_, _Anzate_, and _Angomane_[412]. _Anzate_ runs long the edge of vast inaccessible mountains, covered with herds of elephants, and inhabited by a gigantic race of people[413]. In the latitude of 25° S. the river _De los Reyes_, or _Del Ouro_, likewise named the river _Inhampura_ falls into the sea, to the west of which in the interior are the kingdoms of _Innapola_ and _Mannuco_. From this place to Cape Corientes, the sea makes a great bay, along which inhabit the _Mocaranges_, a nation much addicted to thieving[414]. Opposite to Cape St Sebastian are the islands of _Bazaruto_ or _Bocica_, and not far from it the kingdom of _Innabuze_ which reaches to the river _Innarigue_[415]. After which is the country of _Pande_, bordering on _Monnibe_, which last extends to _Zavara_ in the interior. Near these are the kingdoms of _Gamba_ and _Mocuraba_, which last is near Cape Corientes[416].

[Footnote 409: If the latitude in the text could be depended on, this shipwreck seems to have taken place on the coast now occupied by the _Hambonaas_, near the small river _Bagasie_, 85 miles south from the entrance into _Delagoa_ bay. The river of Semin Dote is probably that now called _Mafumo_, which agrees with the country of _Fumos_ in the text; and the bay of Lorenzo Marquez may possibly be _Delagoa_, though only 28 leagues north from the latitude of the text, but there is no other bay of any importance for 400 miles farther along this coast.--E.]

[Footnote 410: In modern maps, the country along the south side of the river _Mafumo_, is said to be the dominions of _Capellah_.--E.]

[Footnote 411: To the south of the _Hambonaas_ at Delagoa bay, the coast of Natal is inhabited by the _Tambookies_ and _Koussis_. The river St Lucia still remains in our maps in the latitude indicated, but the other names in the text are unknown in modern geography.--E.]

[Footnote 412: Of these rivers only that of _Manica_, called likewise _Spiritu Santo_, retains the name in the text. That circumstance and the latitude indicated, point out Delagoa bay as that called St Lawrence by De Faria; unless we may suppose St Lawrence bay includes the whole bend inwards of the coast from Cape Corientes to point St Lucia on the coast of Natal, and that Delagoa bay, in the bottom of this large sweep, is that formerly called the bay of Lorenzo Marquez.--E.]

[Footnote 413: No trace of Anzate can be found in modern maps.--E.]

[Footnote 414: The text in this place is assuredly erroneous, as the Mocaranges have been formerly described by De Faria as the ruling nation in Monomotapa, which runs along the great bay of Sofala to _the north_ of Cape Corientes.--E.]

[Footnote 415: Probably the country and river now called Inhambane.--E.]

[Footnote 416: These five last mentioned kingdoms, probably named from the barbarous chiefs of roving savage tribes, are now unknown to geography.--E.]

After suffering much from hunger thirst and fatigue, the survivors from the San Thome arrived at the town of _Manica_, where they were courteously received by the king, who offered them permission either to live in his town or in the island where we have formerly said the Portuguese used to reside during their trade for ivory on this coast, at which place they might remain till the arrival of the Portuguese merchants[417]. They preferred the island, where some of them died; and as they were ill accommodated here, they passed over in boats to the continent and renewed their weary pilgrimage to the northward, but separated. Some got to the fort of _Sofala_, and others to the town of the king of _Innaca_, where they found some Portuguese traders who like themselves had suffered shipwreck. After enduring great hardships, many of them died, and among these was Don Paul de Lima. Those who survived, returned after a long time to Goa, among whom were three ladies. Two of these, Donna Mariana and Donna Joanna Mendoza dedicated themselves to a religious life; but Donna Beatrix, the widow of Don Paul de Lima, having conveyed her husbands remains to Goa, returned into Portugal, and was afterwards married at Oporto.

[Footnote 417: Manica is far inland, but the place indicated in the text was probably near the mouth of the river of that name, on the north, side of Delagoa bay.--E.]

In May 1591, Matthew de Albuquerque arrived in India as viceroy. About this time the Portuguese met with a heavy loss in Monomotapa in a war with the _Muzimbas_, a savage nation of Kafrs. _Tete_, a fort belonging to the Portuguese high up the river Zambeze, has the command of all the neighbouring district for three leagues round, which is divided among eleven native chiefs, who are all obliged to repair with their armed followers to the fort when ordered by the Portuguese commandant, to the number of 2000 men. Pedro Fernandez de Chaves, who commanded in Tete, with these Kafrs and some Portuguese marched against _Quisura_ chief of the _Mumbos_ at _Chicaronga_, a town on the north of the Zambeze about 30 miles from Tete. He defeated these Mumbos in battle and relieved many prisoners who would otherwise have been slaughtered like cattle for the shambles, as the Mumbos feed on human flesh. The chief _Quisara_ was slain, who used to pave the way to his dwelling with the skulls of those be had overcome. About the same time Andrew de Santiago, who commanded in _Sena_, another Portuguese fort lower down the Zambeze, marched against the _Muzimbas_ a barbarous race of Kafrs on the river _Suabo_ which runs into the northern side of the Zambeze; but found them so strongly fortified that he sent to Chaves for aid. Chaves accordingly marched from _Tete_ with some Portuguese and the Kafrs under his command; but the Muzimbas fell upon him unexpectedly and slew him and all his Portuguese, being advanced a considerable way before the Kafrs, who got time to escape. The victorious Muzimbas quartered the slain for food, and returned to their fortified post. Next day the Muzimbas marched out against Santiago, carrying the head of Chaves on a spear. Santiago was so astonished at this sight that he endeavoured to retire in the night, but was attacked by the Muzimbas in his retreat, and he and most of his men slain. In these two unfortunate actions, above 130 of the Portuguese were cut in pieces and buried in the bellies of these savage cannibals.

Don Pedro de Sousa commanded at this time in Mozambique; and as Tete and Sena were under his jurisdiction, he set out with 200 Portuguese soldiers and 1500 armed Kafrs to take revenge upon the Muzimbas and succour the two forts on the Zambeze. He battered the entrenchments of the barbarians to no purpose, and was repulsed in an attempt to take them by assault. Having nearly succeeded by raising a mount of fascines as high as the works of the enemy, he was induced to desist by some cowards among his men, who pretended that the fort of Sena was in danger of being taken. He drew off therefore to its relief, and was attacked by the Muzimbas who slew many of his men, and took all his cannon and baggage. Yet the enemy offered peace, which was concluded. Soon afterwards one of the chiefs of the Muzimbas, having gathered about 15,000 men, marched to the southwards destroying every thing in the way that had life, and invested _Quiloa_, which he gained possession of through the treachery of one of the inhabitants, and put all to the sword. After this he caused the traitor and all his family to be thrown into the river, saying that those who had betrayed their country deserved to die, yet were unfit to be eaten, as they were venomous, and therefore fit food for the fishes. The Mozimba chief endeavoured to destroy Melinda in the same manner, but the sheikh was assisted by 30 Portuguese, which enabled him to hold out till 3000 _Mosseguejo_ Kafrs came to his relief, when the Mozimbas were defeated with such slaughter that only 100 of them escaped along with their chief, after they had ravaged 300 leagues of country.

We now return to the affairs of India, where Chaul was again besieged. _Malek_[418] had erected a new city opposite to Chaul and bearing the same name, well peopled with Moors who carried on an extensive trade, as it had an excellent port and the inhabitants were famous silk-weavers. The commander of this new city was an eunuch, who had been formerly a slave to the Portuguese and now to Malek. Immediately to the north of the Portuguese fortress of Chaul, from which it was divided by the river of that name, is a noted promontory called _Morro_, on which the eunuch took post with 4000 horse and 7000 foot, and cannonaded the Portuguese fort of Chaul from that commanding ground with 65 pieces of large cannon. These hostilities were countenanced by the Nizam, though contrary to the peace which had been established when Francisco Barreto was governor, but were now justified by some complaints against the conduct of Albuquerque the present viceroy, and in addition to, the siege of Chaul several military parties belonging to the Nizam infested the districts, dependent upon the Portuguese forts of Basseen and Chaul. As the Moors considered the capture of Chaul to be near at hand, seeing that their cannon had made considerable impression on its walls, _fourteen_ Mogul chiefs came to be present at its reduction; but in a sortie made by the Portuguese, _nine_ of these were slain and _two_ taken. Talador the eunuch commander of the besiegers was wounded, and died soon afterwards, as did a Turk who was next in command, on which Farete Khan succeeded in the conduct of the siege, and gave the Portuguese no respite by day or night, continually battering their works with his powerful artillery. The garrison in Chaul consisted of 1000 men, to which place Alvaro de Abranches brought 300 from Basseen and 200 from Salcete; and being now at the head of 1500 Portuguese troops and an equal number of natives, so brave and faithful that they often voluntarily interposed their own bodies to protect their masters, Abranches appointed a day for making an attack upon the enemy. Having all confessed, the Portuguese embarked in a number of small vessels and crossed the river after which they forced their way to the plain of Morro on the top of the promontary, where the battle was renewed. Ten elephants were turned loose by the Moors, in expectation that they would force the Portuguese troops into disorder; but one of these being severely wounded by a Portuguese soldier, turned back and trampled down the enemy, till falling into the ditch he made a way like a bridge for passing over. Another of the elephants forcing his way in at a wicket in the works of the enemy, enabled the Portuguese to enter likewise, where they slaughtered the enemy almost without opposition. Some accounts say that 10,000 men were slain on this occasion, and others say no less than 60,000. Farate Khan with his wife and daughter were made prisoners, and only 21 Portuguese were slain in this decisive action. The principal booty consisted of 75 pieces of cannon of extraordinary size, a vast quantity of ammunition, many horses, and five elephants. Farate Khan became a Christian before he died, as did his daughter, who was sent to Portugal, but his wife was ransomed.

[Footnote 418: This unusual name seems from the context to be here given to the Nizam-al-mulk or sovereign of the Decan.--E.]

SECTION XI.

_Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from 1597 to 1612_.

In May 1597, Don Francisco de Gama, count of Vidugueyra, grandson to the discoverer, arrived at Goa as viceroy of India, but carried himself with so much haughty state that he gained the dislike of all men. During his government the scourge of the pride and covetousness of the Portuguese came first into India, as in the month of September news was brought to Goa that the two first ships of the _Hollanders_ that had ventured to navigate the Indian seas had been in the port of _Titangone_ and were bound for the island of _Sunda_. In a grand council held upon this important event, it was ordered to fit out a squadron of two galleons, three gallies, and nine other vessels to attack the intruders, and the command was given on this occasion to Lorenzo de Brito, an ancient and experienced officer. The two Holland ships did some small damage on the coast of Malabar and other places, and when off Malacca fell in with six ships bound from that place for India, commanded by Francisco de Silva. They immediately engaged and fought the whole of that afternoon and part of the night. Next morning the engagement was renewed, and was repeated for eight successive days; till finding themselves too weak, the Hollanders drew off and made for the port of Queda, many of their men being slain and most of the rest wounded. At that place they quitted the smallest of their ships for want of men, and the other was afterwards cast away on the coast of Pegu.

In this same year 1597 the Hollanders fitted out a squadron of eight ships at Amsterdam for India, with 800 men and provisions for three years, under the command of the admiral Jacob Cornelius van Nec. The object of this expedition, besides hostility to the king of Spain, was that they might purchase the spices and other commodities of Asia at a cheaper rate than they had hitherto been accustomed to in Portugal. The fleet sailed from Amsterdam on the 13th of May 1598; arrived at Madeira on the 15th, and at the Canaries on the 17th, where they both took in wine. On the 29th they were in the latitude of 6° S. and passed the line on the 8th of June; _a wonderful swiftness, to me incredible_! On the 24th July they saw the Cape of Good Hope, where three of the ships were separated in a violent storm and arrived at the island of _Banda_ in _April_[419]. The other four ships under the admiral discovered the island of Madagascar on the 24th of August, coming to Cape St Julian on the 30th of that month. On the 20th of September they came to the island of _Cerne_ or _Cisne_, in lat. 21° S. to which they gave the name of _Mauritius_. Here they found tortoises of such magnitude that one of them carried two men on its back, and birds which were so tame as to allow themselves to be killed with sticks, whence they concluded that the island was not inhabited. At Banda they joined the other three ships, and having laded four with spices they were sent away to Holland, while the other three went on to the Moluccas. On the 21st January 1598, they discovered the _Great Java_[420], and touched at the port of _Tuban_, after which they came to _Madura_ an island in lat. 2° 30' S. on the 27th of that month. At this place they endeavoured to ransom some of their countrymen who had been cast away in their former ships, and some others who had been made prisoners for endeavouring to pass false money; but as the natives demanded too high a ransom, they attempted to rescue them by force; but two boats full of armed men being sunk in the attempt, they were forced to comply with the terms demanded. They settled a trade at Amboina, and two of the ships opened a factory at Banda, where they loaded with spice and returned into Holland on the 20th of April 1600. Those who were left in the remaining ship at Amboina went to Ternate in the Moluccas where they were well received by the king, and after procuring a lading of cloves returned home.

[Footnote 419: We have no means of correcting the strange chronology of this voyage, _wonderful_ even in the opinion of De Faria. He names the Dutch Admiral _Neque_; but as _qu_ in Portuguese is used to mark the sound of _k_ or hard _c_, we have ventured to give this first successful rival of the Portuguese trade in India the name of _Van Nec_.--E.]

[Footnote 420: Borneo is probably here meant, as they could not have been in Banda without seeing both Sumatra and Java.--E.]

Don Alexius de Menezes archbishop of Goa went about this time to visit the Christians of St Thomas, who lived dispersedly in the mountains of Malabar, in _Muli_, _Turubuli_, _Maota_, _Batimena_, _Diamper_, _Pimienta_, _Tetemute_, _Porca_, _Paru_, and _Cartuti_. These Christians continued stedfast at the faith till about the year 750, yet with some tincture of error. About the year 810 the second _Thomas_, formerly mentioned, came to this country, where he repaired the churches that had been erected by the apostle and restored the true doctrine; but about the year 900 this church was overrun by the _Nestorian_ heresy. In the year 890 two _Chaldeans_ came here from _Babylon_, named _Mar Xarsio_ and _Mar Prod_, who divided the district into two bishoprics, and were ever afterwards prayed to as saints, till our archbishop ordered this to be discontinued, as he much suspected they had not been legitimately canonized. After these Chaldeans came one _Mar Joanne_, who was sent by the Greek Patriarch, and resided at _Cranganor_ where he introduced the _Chaldean_ ritual. His successor was _Mar Jacob_, who died in 1500, and was succeeded by _Mar Joannato_. Thus the bishops and heresies continued among the _Thomists_ till 1536, when Pope Paul IV. appointed Juan Bermudez patriarch of _Ethiopia_, Simin Sulacca bishop of _Caheremit_ the metropolis of _Mesopotamia_, _Mar Elias_ as patriarch of _Mosul_, and _Mar Joseph_ bishop of Nineveh, whom he ordered to govern the Christians of Malabar, with the bishop _Ambrose Montecelli_ for his coadjutor. By this interference of the Pope there were two patriarchs of the East, one _orthodox_ at _Mosul_, and the other _heretical_ at Antioch. Joseph and Ambrose went over to the mountains of Malabar, to assume the pastoral charge of the Thomists; but the latter separated from the former and went to Goa, where after reading divinity for some time he died at Cochin in the year 1557. As Don George Temudo bishop of Cochin perceived that Joseph _spread the poison of Nestorius_ among his flock in Malabar, he contrived to have him apprehended and sent in chains to Portugal, were he was permitted to return to his bishopric on promise of amendment[421]. On his return he found _Mar Abraham_ officiating as bishop of the Thomists, who had chosen him in the absence of Joseph; and as Abraham found himself persecuted, or disturbed in the exercise of his functions by Joseph, he went to Rome where he got a brief from Paul IV. appointing him bishop of the Thomists, having engaged to reduce that people to the orthodox faith. Yet neither he nor Joseph adhered to their engagements, but continued in their heresies. After this one _Mar Simon_ came to Malabar, saying that he was sent by the patriarch of Babylon to officiate as bishop of Malabar. He was received by the queen of Pimienta and placed at _Cartuse_, where he exercised episcopal functions; till _being carried_ to Lisbon he was sent thence to Rome, where he was condemned by Pope _Sixtus Quintus_ as a mere Nestorian and not even a priest. After the death of _Mar Abraham_ his archdeacon governed the diocese, _as no Babylonian prelates dared to come to Malabar_, Don Alexius, the archbishop of Goa, using his utmost endeavours to keep out all such heretical prelates, which was the particular occasion of his present visitation.

[Footnote 421: Under this story we may presume without any lack of Christian charity, that these promises were extorted by means best known to the inquisition, that diabolical instrument of the pretended disciples of the Prince of Peace, and eternal opprobrium of the Peninsula. With regard to Joseph there was some shadow of excuse, as he seems to have accepted his appointment from the _orthodox_ pope, though secretly attached to the _heretical_ Nestorian patriarch.--E.]

This prelate found that, among other errors, the Thomists denied the virginity of our blessed lady[422]: They rejected the use of images: they believed the souls of the just did not enjoy the beatific presence of God till after the general judgment: they allowed only of three sacraments, baptism, ordination and the eucharist: instead of confession they used perfuming in their churches: the wine employed in the sacrament was made from cocoas: their host was a cake made with oil and salt: their priests were ordained at seventeen years of age, and were permitted to marry after ordination: fathers, sons, and grandsons administered the sacrament in the same church: the _Catatorias_ or _Caffaneras_, so they called the wives of priests, wore a distinguishing mark to be known by: in matrimony, they used no other formalities except the consent of parties and consummation: the women observed the time prescribed by the law of Moses in regard to churching: no sacraments were administered gratuitously: holy water was mixed with some powder of frankincense, and some of the soil on which St Thomas was supposed to have trodden: they used sorcery and witchcraft: In fine, that all was error, confusion, and heresy.

[Footnote 422: This probably refers to her supposed immaculate purity even after the birth of the Saviour.--E.]

Don Alexius with much labour and toil convinced them of their errors and converted them to the true faith, so that whole towns were baptised and reconciled to the Roman see. He even held a provincial synod at _Diamper_, all the decrees of which were confirmed by the Pope; and Francisco Rodriguez, a Jesuit who had assisted the archbishop on this important visitation, was made bishop of that diocese. On the breaking up of the synod, Don Alexius visited all the churches in these parts. While in the country of the queen of _Changanate_, visiting the church of _Talavecare_, one of the most ancient in those parts, they shewed him three plates on which were engraven certain privileges and revenues granted by the king of Ceylon, at the time when the Babylonians _Zabro_ and _Proo_[423], were in that country. At this place likewise Don Alexius met _Topamuta Pandara_, king of _Gundara_[424] in the neighbourhood of _Changanate_, to whom he presented a letter from king Philip giving him the _title of brother_, for having allowed liberty for the exercise of the Christian religion in his dominions[425].

[Footnote 423: Only a few pages before these men are named _Xanio_ and _Prod_; but we have no means of ascertaining which are the right names.--E.]

[Footnote 424: These petty kings of small districts in the South of India are now known by the titles of Polygars; and the hereditary female chiefs are stiled _Rana_. It is prostituting the dignity of king to give that denomination to the chiefs of small villages and trifling districts, often not so large as parishes in Europe. They are mere temporary chiefs, occasionally hereditary by sufferance; indeed such could not possibly be otherwise, when all the larger dominions and even empires have been in perpetual fluctuation from revolution and conquest for at least 3000 years.--E.]

[Footnote 425: The history of this ancient Christian church of Malabar has been lately illustrated by the Christian Researches of Dr Buchannan, who seems to have opened a door for the propagation of the gospel in India infinitely promising, if judiciously taken advantage of.--E.]

In the year 1596, a Moor, named _Pate Marcar_ obtained leave from the zamorin to build a fort in the peninsula of Pudepatam, 77 leagues from Goa and 33 from Cochin, where was a most convenient station for piratical paraos, to annoy the trade of the Malabar coast; and having built a square fort at this place, he went thither with all his kinsmen and followers, and did much injury to the Portuguese and their allies, even making incursions upon their maritime possessions, whence, on several occasions, he carried off much spoil. Pate Marcar soon died, and was succeeded in the sovereignty of the fort by his nephew Mahomet Cuneale Marcar, who added greatly to the strength of the fort; and foreseeing that the Portuguese might seek to be revenged for the injuries they had sustained, he fortified the town both by sea, and land, which he named _Cuneale_ after himself. On the land side he made a deep ditch with a double wall above seven feet thick, flanked at regular distances with towers called _zarames_, all of which were mounted with small cannon. Between the two creeks forming the peninsula, he built a strong wall with two towers to secure the town, and lined the sea-shore with strong palisades; flanked by two bastions, one of which considerably larger than the other, was mounted with heavy cannon to defend the entrance of the harbour, which was farther secured by a boom of masts strongly chained together. Having thus, as he thought, provided a secure retreat, he continued his uncle's enterprises against the Portuguese with much success, assisting all their enemies against them, even robbing the Malabar traders on the coast, and filled his residence with rich plunder. The viceroy Albuquerque had endeavoured to destroy this nest of pirates, so prejudicial to the Portuguese trade, and had even prevailed on the zamorin to concur in the destruction of Cuneale, so that a treaty had been entered into, by which the zamorin engaged to besiege Cuneale by land, while the Portuguese fleet attacked him by sea. Both parties provided according to stipulation for this joint expedition; but it was postponed for some time, in consequence of the change in the government by the arrival of the Count of Vidigueyra as viceroy, and even by the secret concurrence of the zamorin in the piracies of Cuneale, who communicated to him a share of the plunder.

At length, however, the zamorin became incensed against Cuneale, who assumed the title of king of the Malabar Moors, and lord of the Indian Sea; but chiefly because he had caused the tail of one of his elephants to be cut off, and had used one of his Nayres in a cruel and scandalous manner. Laying hold of this favourable opportunity, the viceroy, De Gama, probably in 1598, renewed the league with the zamorin against Cuneale, and sent some light vessels under Ferdinand de Noronha to blockade the entrance into the port of Cuneale, till a larger force could be provided to co-operate with the zamorin, who was marching to besiege it by land with 20,000 men and some cannon.

That part of the western coast of India, which is properly called the coast of Malabar, extends from Cananor to Cochin for the space of 42 leagues. From Cananor it is two leagues to the small island of _Tremapatan_, within which is a good river; thence half a league to the river of _Sal_, thence one and a half to the river _Maim_; one to the town of _Comena_, a small distance beyond which are the towns of _Motangue, Curiare_, and _Baregare_: thence to the river _Pudepatan_; two leagues farther the town of _Tiracole_; other two leagues the town of _Cotulete_; one league from this the river _Capocate_; one league farther _Calicut_; two more to the river _Chale_; two to the city _Pananor_; two thence to _Tanor_; two more to _Paranora_; one more to the famous river _Paniane_; thence nine to _Paliporto_; four to the river of _Cranganor_; and five more to _Cochin_. At the mouth of the river _Pudepatan_ the fort of _Cuneale_ is seated in a square peninsula formed by several creeks, and joined to the land on the south side, the length of the four sides being about a cannon shot each. Just within the bar there is sufficient water for ships of some size, which may go about half way up the port; beyond that it is only fit for _almadias_ or boats. The river runs first towards the north-east, then turning to the south forms the peninsula in which the fort is built, the isthmus being secured by a strong wall about a musket-shot in length, reaching between the creek and the river, at the mouth of which is the small island Pinale. The fort was large, strongly built, well manned, and had abundance of cannon, ammunition, and provisions.

In this emergency, Cuneale was well provided for defence, having a force of 1500 choice Moors, well armed, whom he distributed to the different posts. The small vessels under Noronha cannonaded the fort, principally on purpose to draw off the attention of the Moors, that they might not interrupt the zamorin on the land side, who was establishing his camp for the purpose of the siege. At the same time, Noronha scoured the coast, taking some of the piratical vessels belonging to Cuneale, and preventing the introduction of provisions into the fort. After some time, Don Luis de Gama, brother to the viceroy, arrived with four gallies and 35 smaller vessels, ten more being brought by private gentlemen at their own charge, and three full of men and ammunition sent by the city of Cochin. Besides these, there were two large barks mounted with heavy cannon to batter the fort.

The rajah of Cochin, being apprehensive that the great power which was now employed against Cuneale might prove his ruin, by uniting the zamorin his ancient enemy with the Portuguese, circulated a report that the zamorin had entered into a secret agreement with Cuneale to cut off the whole Portuguese when engaged in the assault on the fort. The archbishop of Goa, who was then at Cochin on his way to the Malabar mountains to visit the Thomist churches, was at first much alarmed by this report, fearing it might be true; but on mature consideration was satisfied that it was only a political contrivance of the rajah, and prudently advised the rajah to desist from the propagation of any such false reports. He then assured the principal persons of Cochin that their ships might safely proceed against Cuneale, yet recommended that they should conduct themselves with much caution. All the fleet being now united before the fort, it was found that Cuneale had drawn up a line of armed galliots on the edge of the water under the wall of his fort, in case of being attacked that way. It was resolved in a council of war to force an entrance into the river, after which to draw up the Portuguese vessels in a line with their bows to the shore, that they might cover the debarkation of the troops for the purpose of assaulting the fort. This proposition was transmitted to Goa and approved by the viceroy, yet Don Luis was persuaded by some gentlemen who wished to disgrace him, to attack on the side of _Ariole_, under pretence that the passage of the bar might prove fatal. At this time the zamorin was battering the walls of the town or _petah_, and desired that some Portuguese might be sent to his assistance. Don Luis being suspicious, demanded hostages for their safety, and accordingly six principal nayres were sent, among whom were the rajahs of _Tanor, Chale_, and _Carnere_, and the chief judge of Calicut. Don Luis then sent 300 Portuguese under the command of Belchior Ferreyra.

By previous concert, a combined assault was to be made on the night of the 3d of May, the troops of the zamorin attacking on the land side, and the Portuguese on the sea front, at the same time, the signal for both to commence at once being by means of a flaming lance. But Belchior Calaca, who was appointed to give the signal, mistook the hour, and gave it too soon, so that every thing fell into confusion. Immediately on seeing the signal, Ferreyra, who commanded the Portuguese troops along with the zamorin, fell on with his men and 5000 Nayres, but lost 28 of his men at the first onset. Luis de Silva, who was appointed to lead the van of the Portuguese sea attack with 600 men, though ready and observing the concerted signal, did not move till past midnight, which was the appointed hour, by which the enemy were left free to resist the land attack with their forces undivided. At length when it was towards morning, de Silva passed the creek of _Balyzupe_ with 500 men in 60 almadias or native boats. But immediately on landing de Silva was slain, and his ensign Antonio Diaz concealed his death by covering his body with the colours, which he stripped for that purpose from the staff. Thus landing without commander or colours, the Portuguese fell into contusion, and the two next in command were both slain. Don Luis de Gama, leaving his fleet under the next officer, had landed with a reserve on the other side of the river opposite the fort, but for want of boats was unable either to cross to assume the command, or to send assistance. The Portuguese troops were forced to retreat disgracefully with the loss of 300 men, most of whom were drowned; though even in this confusion a part of them forced their way into the fort and burnt the mosque and part of the town, where, they slew 500 Moors and Malabars, above 20 of whom were men of note. After this discomfiture, Don Luis de Gamu retired to Cochin with the greater part of the fleet, leaving Francisco de Sousa to continue the blockade, who persuaded the zamorin to assault the town, as he believed the defenders had been so much weakened by the late slaughter that it might be easily carried. But though the zamorin gave the assault with 2000 men, he was repulsed.

On the receipt of these bad tidings at Goa, Don Luis de Gama was ordered back to Cuneale, to settle a treaty with the zamorin, and to continue the siege during the winter, till the Portuguese fleet could return at the commencement of the next fine season. A treaty to this effect was accordingly concluded, by one of the articles of which the zamorin consented that the Christian religion might be preached in his dominions, and churches erected. After this Don Luis returned to Goa, whence he went to command at Ormuz, and Ferdinand de Noronha remained before Cuneale with twelve ships to prevent the introduction of provisions or other supplies.

Cuneale was so much elated by his success in repelling the Portuguese, that, in addition to his former title, he stiled himself _Defender of the Mahometan Faith and Conqueror of the Portuguese_; but when the season returned for maritime operations on the coast, the viceroy sent Andrew Furtado against him with three gallies, 54 other vessels, and a powerful military force. In the mean time Antonio de Noronha continued to blockade the port all winter, taking several vessels laden with provisions, and on different occasions slew above 100 Moors who opposed him in taking fresh water for his ships. While on his way from Goa, Furtado dissuaded the rajah of _Banguel_ and the queen or _rana_ of _Olala_ from sending aid to Cuneale as they intended, and cut off five ships from Mecca that were going with relief to the enemy. When Furtado came to anchor in the port of Cuneale, he sent to treat with the zamorin, who had continued the siege on the land side all winter according to his engagement, and an interview took place between them on the shore where the zamorin came to meet him. The zamorin was naked from the waist upwards. Round his middle a piece of cloth of gold was wrapped, hanging to his knees and fastened by a girdle of inestimable value, about the breadth of a hand. His arms were covered from the elbows to the wrists with golden bracelets adorned with rich jewels, and so heavily laden that two men supported his arms. He wore an extraordinarily rich chain about his neck, and so many diamonds and rubies hung from his ears that they were stretched down almost to his shoulders by their weight. He seemed about 30 years of age, and had a majestic presence. A little on one side stood the prince, carrying a naked sword. Behind him were many of his nobles; among whom was father Francisco Rodriquez, the new bishop of the Thomists in Malabar. The zamorin and Furtado embraced in token of friendship, on which all the cannon in the fleet fired a salvo. After this friendly meeting they retired into the tent of the zamorin, where they had a long conference about their future operations; and on taking leave, Furtado put a rich collar about the neck of the zamorin, and they parted in a most amicable manner.

The rajah of Tanor and other great men were sent by the zamorin on board the admiral ship, having full powers from their sovereign to treat and conclude on all things concerning the joint interests of both parties, and every thing was settled to mutual satisfaction. There now arrived from Goa and other places, a galley and galleon, with 11 ships and 21 smaller vessels, bringing ammunition and 790 soldiers, upon which Furtado commenced the active operations of the siege, raising entrenchments and batteries, and taking absolute possession of every avenue leading to the fort and peninsula by water. He likewise caused some advanced works belonging to the enemy to be assaulted, on which Cuneale came in person to assist in their defence, and for a time repulsed the assailants, till Furtado landed with a reinforcement, on which the Portuguese remained victorious, slaying 600 of the Moors, with the loss of two officers and nine privates on their side. Fort _Blanco_ or the white tower was next assaulted, but with more bravery than success. Yet Cuneale seeing that he could not much longer hold out, offered rich presents to the zamarin to admit him to surrender upon security of his own life and the safety of his garrison. But on this secret negociation coming to the knowledge of Furtado, he made a furious assault on the works, which were at the same time assailed on the land side by 6000 Nayres, by which joint attack the lower town or petah was taken, plundered, and burnt. Batteries were immediately erected against the upper town and fort, and as their fire soon ruined the defences, Cuneale was constrained to surrender at discretion, merely bargaining that his life should be saved. He accordingly marched out having a black veil on his head, and carrying his sword with the point downwards, which he surrendered to the zamorin, who immediately delivered it to Furtado. According to one of the articles of agreement the spoil was to have been equally divided; but Furtado dealt generously by the zamorin, alleging that this was to be understood only in respect to the artillery, and appeased his own soldiers who expected that reward of their labour. The fort and all other works were levelled with the ground, and Furtado returned with the fleet and army to Goa.

Cuneale was about 50 years of age, of a low stature, but strong and well made. He and his nephew _Cinale_, with other forty Moors of note, were sent as prisoners on board the fleet, where they well treated; but as soon as some of them were set on shore at Goa, they were torn in pieces by the rabble; and Cuneale and his nephew were both publicly beheaded by order of the viceroy, so that the government and the mob went hand and hand to commit murder and a flagrant breach of faith. How can those who are guilty of such enormities give the name of barbarians to the much more honourable Indians!

In the year 1600, Ayres de Saldanna arrived at Goa as viceroy to supersede the Count de Vidugueira, who was universally disliked by the Portuguese inhabitants. The marble statue of the great Vasco de Gama, his grandfather, stood over the principal gate of the city, fastened to the wall by a strong bar of iron. At the instigation of some enemies to the count, a _French_ engineer named Sebastian Tibao applied to the iron bar during the night _a certain herb_ that has the quality of eating iron, so that the statue fell down next night, and its quarters were hung up in different parts of the city. On the day when the count was to embark for his return to Portugal, a party of armed men went on board before him, and hung up his effigy at the yard arm, made exactly like him both in face and habit. Just as he was going on board they returned; and on seeing the effigy he asked what it was, when someone answered, "It is your lordship, whom these men have hung up." He made no reply, but ordered the figure to be thrown into the sea and immediately set sail; but two days afterwards had to return to port for a new stock of fowls, as all these he took with him were poisoned. He was better beloved by the elements than by those whom he had governed; for he went all the way from India to Lisbon without once needing to furl a sail. By the constant chafing of the yards on the masts, it was found impossible to lower the yards in the usual way when the ship arrived at Lisbon, insomuch that they had to be cut down. Sailing from Goa on the 25th December 1600, he arrived at Lisbon on the 27th May 1601, having spent only five months on the voyage.

During the administration of Ayres de Saldana, _Xilimixa_ king of Aracan, who had possessed himself of the kingdom of Pegu, gave the port of _Siriam_ to the Portuguese in grateful acknowledgment of their services. That town and port is at the mouth of the river Siriam which flows within a league of the city of _Bagou_, the capital of Pegu. This grant was obtained by Philip Brito de Nicote, who proved false and ungrateful to the king of Aracan, who had raised him from the lowest rank to his favour and esteem. By his persuasion, Xilimixa erected a custom-house at the entry to the river Siriam to increase his revenues; which Brito meant afterwards to seize, and to build a fort there, on purpose to give a footing for the Portuguese to conquer the kingdom. Xilimixa accordingly built the custom-house, which he gave in charge to one _Bannadala_ who fortified himself and suffered no Portugeuse to enter there, except a Dominican named Belchior de Luz. Nicote, seeing his purposes likely to be defeated by Bannadala, determined to gain possession by force before the works were completed. He had along with him at this time three Portuguese officers and fifty men, whom he ordered to surprize the fort and turn out Bannadala, trusting to his great credit with Xilimixa to bear him out in this procedure. The Portuguese officers accordingly executed their orders so effectually, that they used to be called the Founders of the Portuguese dominion in Pegu, and Salvador Ribeyro their commander was like to have got the whole credit of the exploit, as some even affirmed that he was its author, though in reality all was due to Nicote. Bannadala being expelled from his fort, fortified himself with 1000 men in a neighbouring island of the river Siriam, and seized the treasures of the pagoda of Digan to maintain his troops. Xilimixa was much offended by the conduct of the Portuguese in this affair, and resolved to support Bannadala, but was dissuaded by the contrivances of Nicote, who represented that he was about to favour a sacrilegious robber, and offered to arrange matters with the Portuguese to his entire satisfaction. He accordingly went to Siriam, where he ordered every thing to his own mind; and when the fort was nearly finished, he went to Goa, where he offered to deliver up the fort to the viceroy, whence the Portuguese might easily conquer the kingdom of his master, to whom he represented his voyage to Goa as intended to procure an auxiliary force which would enable him to make a conquest of Bengal. At the same time Nicote negociated with all the princes in the provinces adjoining the dominions of Xilimixa, persuading them to confederate with the Portuguese viceroy, by which means they might easily conquer the kingdom of Pegu; and several of them sent ambassadors along with him to Goa for this purpose.

Hardly had Nicote set sail for Goa, when Xilimixa became sensible of his error in confiding in him, and sent a fleet of war boats down the river Siriam with 6000 men under Bannadala to expell the Portuguese from their fort. Salvador Ribeyra met this great armament with only three small vessels and thirty men, and, without the loss of one man, took forty vessels of the enemy and put the rest to flight. Then calling in the aid of the king of _Pram_, Xilimixa beset the fort with 1200 vessels by water, while 40,000 men surrounded it by land; but as Ribeyra learnt that the enemy observed no order or discipline, he boldly fell upon them with his handful of men, and having slain their general put that army to flight. Bannadala rallied 8000 of the fugitives, with which be again besieged the fort, lodging his men in good order, and having battered the place for some days, he ventured to make a fierce assault in the dead of night; but he was bravely repelled by the Portuguese, and above 1000 of his men were found dead next morning in the ditch. The enemy continued the siege however for eight months, and though some of the garrison deserted, Ribeyra defended the place with great resolution; and to take away all hopes of escape from his men, burnt all the vessels that were in the port. Hearing of these proceedings, Ayres de Saldanna the viceroy, sent a considerable reinforcement, along with which came so many volunteers, ambitions either of honour or profit, that Ribeyra found himself at the head of 800 men. With these he attacked the enemy, whom he drove from their works with great slaughter, and Bannadala had the mortification to see the works which he had been constructing for almost a year destroyed in a day. After this success, the Portuguese volunteers withdrew, only 200 that had been sent by the viceroy remaining in the fort with Ribeyra.

The enemy returned a fourth time against the fort, which they now assailed with many moving castles and various kinds of fire works, and soon reduced the fort to great extremity; but were so terrified by a fiery meteor, that they fled leaving their castles behind, which were soon reduced to ashes by the garrison. Soon afterwards the Portuguese obtained a great victory over king _Massinga_ in the province of _Camelan_; after which the natives flocked to their standard to the number of above 20,000 men, and proclaimed Nicote king of Pegu, calling him _Changa_, which signifies good man. Nicote was at this time absent, but Ribeyra accepted the proffered crown in his name, on which account it was reported in Spain that Ribeyra had been proclaimed king. Nicote afterwards, as a loyal subject, received the kingdom in the name of his sovereign, and was the first of the Portuguese that rose to such high fortune in Asia. Rodrigo Alvarez de Sequeyra succeeded Ribeyra in command of the fort of Siriam, and defended it bravely till it took fire by accident, only the bare walls being left standing.

In the mean time Nicote solicited succours at Goa, where the viceroy married him to a niece he had born in Goa of a woman of Java; after which he gave him powerful succours, and sent him to Siriam with six ships, with the title of Commander of Siriam, and General for the conquest of Pegu. On his arrival at Siriam, Nicote repaired the fort, built a church, and sent a splendid present to the king of Aracan who had sent a complimentary message on his arrival. At Siriam Nicote regulated the custom-house pursuant to the instructions of the viceroy, obliging all vessels that traded on the coast of Pegu to make entry at Siriam, and pay certain duties. As some of the Coromandel traders refused obedience to these orders, Nicote sent Francisco de Moura against them with six vessels, who took two ships of Acheen on the coast of Tanacerim richly laden. As the king of Aracan was desirous of recovering possession of the fort and custom-house of Siriam, he sent an ambassador to the king of _Tangu_ with twenty _jalias_ or small ships, to prevail upon him to join in that enterprize. But Nicote sent Bartholomew Ferreyra, who command the small craft, who put them to flight, and they were forced to take refuge in the dominions of the king of Jangona. Upon this, the enemy collected 700 small vessels and 40,000 men, under the command of the son of the king of Aracan, accompanied by Ximicalia and Marquetam, sons to the reigning emperor of Pegu. Paul del Rego went against them with seven ships and a number of war boats, and defeated the prince with great loss, taking all his vessels, and obliging him to make his escape by land. After this Paul took the fort of _Chinim_ with a great number of prisoners, among whom was the wife of Bannadala.

At this time Nicote was abroad with fourteen small vessels, in which were 60 Portuguese, and 200 Peguers; and learning that the prince was on shore with 4000 men, 900 of whom were armed with firelocks, he landed and attacked him, gaining a complete victory, and even taking the prince. When the Peguers saw their prince carried off, they were all eager to have accompanied him into captivity, and entreated to be received into the Portuguese vessels, such as were refused bewailing that they could not follow, as prisoners, him whom they had served faithfully while at liberty. On this occasion Nicote gave a notable example how brave men ought to use their victories. Remembering that he had formerly been slave to the prince who was now his prisoner, he served him with as much respect as he had done formerly; watching him while asleep, and holding his baskins in his hands with his arms across, as is done by the meanest servants of princes in that country, and continually attended him on all occasions.

While these transactions were going on in Pegu, Don Martin Alfonzo de Castro came to Goa as viceroy, to replace Ayres de Saldanna, in 1604. Ximilixa, king of Aracan, sent to treat with Nicote for the ransom of the prince, his son, and accordingly paid 50,000 crowns on that account, although Nicote was ordered by the viceroy to set the prince free without any ransom. Ximilixa afterwards besieged Siriam in conjunction with the king of Tangu, who brought a great army against the town by land, while Ximilixa shut it up by sea with 800 sail, in which he had 10,000 men. Paul del Rego went against him with 80 small vessels; and failing of his former success, set fire to the powder and blew up his ship, rather than fall into the hands of the enemy. The siege continued so long, that the garrison was reduced to extremity, and on the point of surrendering, when the king of Tangu retired one night with his army upon some sudden suspicion, on which Ximilixa was likewise obliged to draw off with his fleet. Several of the neighbouring princes were now so much alarmed by the success of Nicote, that they solicited his friendship, and to be admitted into alliance with the king of Portugal. The first of these was the king of Tangu, and afterwards the king of Martavan, who gave one of his daughters as a wife to Simon the son of Nicote. Soon after, the king of Tangu being overcome in battle by the king of _Ova_, and rendered tributary, Nicote united with the king of Martavan, and invaded the dominions of Tangu, though in alliance with that prince, took him prisoner and plundered him of above a million in gold, although he protested that he was a faithful vassal to the king of Portugal.

About this time another low adventurer, Sebastian Gonzalez Tibao, raised himself by similar arts to great power in Aracan. In the year 1605, Gonzalez embarked from Portugal for India, and going to Bengal, listed as a soldier. By dealing in salt, which is an important article of trade in that country, he soon gained a sufficient sum to purchase a _Jalia_, or small vessel, in which he went with salt to Dianga, a great port in Aracan. At this period, Nicote, who had possessed himself of Siriam, as before related, wishing to acquire Dianga likewise, sent his son with several small vessels thither on an embassy to the king of Aracan, to endeavour to procure a grant of that port. Some Portuguese who then resided at the court of Aracan, persuaded the king that the object of Nicote in this demand; was to enable him to usurp the kingdom; upon which insinuation the son of Nicote; and all his attendants were slain, after which the same was done with the crews of his vessels, and all the Portuguese inhabitants at Dianga, to the number of about 600 were put to death, except a few who escaped on board nine or ten small vessels and put out to sea. Among these was the vessel belonging to Sebastian Gonzalez, who assumed the command; and as the fugitives were reduced to great distress, they subsisted by plunder on the coasts of Aracan, carrying their booty to the ports of the king of Bacala, who was in friendship with the Portuguese.

Not long before this had died Emanuel de Mattos, who had been commander of _Bandel_ of _Dianga_, and lord of _Sundiva_[426], an island about 70 leagues in compass, the subordinate command of which he had confided to a valiant Moor named Fate Khan. On learning the death of Mattos, Fatecan murdered all the Portuguese on the island of Sundiva, with their wives and children, and all the Christian natives; and gathering a considerable force of Moors and Patans, fitted out a fleet of 40 small vessels, which he maintained by means of the ample revenue of the island he had now usurped. Understanding that Sebastian Gonzalez and his small squadron was cruizing near Sundiva, Fatecan went out to seek them with such assurance of success, that he inscribed upon his colours, "Fate Khan, by the grace of God, Lord of Sundiva, Shedder of Christian Blood, and Destroyer of the Portuguese Nation." Sebastian and his companions had put, into a river called _Xavaspur_, where they quarrelled about the division of their spoil, and one Pinto sailed away from the rest in disquiet; but meeting the fleet of Fatecan, who had hoped to surprize the Christians he returned and gave his companions notice of their danger. After a severe conflict, the 10 small vessels in which were only 80 Portuguese, proved victorious over the 40 vessels belonging to Fatecan, though manned with 600 Moors, not a single vessel or man escaping. After this great victory, the Portuguese agreed to appoint Sebastian Gonzalez to command over the rest. Sebastian entered into a treaty with the king of Bacala for his assistance to reduce the island of Sundiva, engaging to pay him half the revenues of that island, and accordingly procured from him some vessels, and 200 auxiliary horse. Having likewise gathered a number of Portuguese from Bengal and other parts, he saw himself, in March 1609, at the head of 400 Portuguese troops, and had mustered a fleet of 40 small ships. In consequence of the delay necessary for making these preparations, the island of Sundiva was provided for defence, under a brother of the late Fatecan, who had raised a respectable force of Moors. Sebastian, however, attempted its conquest, and had nearly been forced to desist for want of provisions and ammunition, when he was reinforced by a Spaniard named Gaspar de Pina, who brought 50 men to his aid, after which they carried the fort by assault, and put all its garrison to the sword. Having formerly been subject to the Portuguese under de Mattos, the islanders immediately submitted to Gonzalez, to whom they delivered upwards of 1000 Moors who were scattered about the country, all of whom he put to death. Thus Gonzalez became absolute master of the island, and was obeyed by the natives and Portuguese like an independent prince.

[Footnote 426: It is highly probable, though not mentioned by De Faria, that this Portuguese was in the service of the king of Aracan, under whom he had held these offices. Sundiva or Sundeep is a considerable island to the south-east of the mouth of the Burrampooter, near the coast of Chittagong, and to the east of the Sunderbunds or Delta of the Ganges.--E.]

Gonzalez having now a considerable revenue at his command, raised a respectable military force of 1000 Portuguese, 2000 well armed natives, and 200 horse, with above 80 sail of small vessels well provided with cannon. He erected a custom-house, and encouraged the resort of merchants to his dominions, and became so formidable that the neighbouring princes courted his alliance. Insolent and ungrateful in the progress of his power, he not only refused to give half the revenue of the island to the king of Bacala according to agreement, but made war upon his benefactor, from whom he conquered the islands of _Xavaspur_[427] and _Patelabanga_, and other lands from other neighbouring princes; so that he became suddenly possessed of vast riches and great power, and acted as an independent sovereign, having many brave men at his command. But such monsters are like comets that threaten extensive ruin, yet last only for a short time, or like the lightning, which no sooner expends its flash but it is gone for ever.

[Footnote 427: Shabapour is an island to the west of Sundeep, at the principal mouth of the Barrampooter.--E.]

Soon after the elevation of Gonzalez to the sovereignty of Sundiva, a civil war broke out between the king of Aracan and his brother Anaporam, because the latter refused to resign a remarkable elephant, to which all the other elephants of the country were said to allow a kind of superiority. Being unsuccessful in the contest, Anaporam fled to Gonzalez for assistance and protection, who demanded his sister as an hostage. Gonzalez and Anaporam endeavoured, in conjunction, to fight the king of Aracan, who had an army of 80,000 men, and 700 war elephants; but being unsuccessful, were obliged to retreat to Sundiva, into which Anaporam brought his wife and family, with all his treasure, and became a subject of Gonzalez, who soon afterwards had the sister of Anaporam baptized, and took her to wife. Anaporam soon died, not without suspicion of poison; and Gonzalez immediately seized all his treasures and effects, though he had left a wife and son. To stop the mouths of the people on this violent and unjust procedure, he wished to have married the widow of Anaporam to his brother Antonio Tibao, who was admiral of his fleet, but she refused to become a Christian. Sebastian continued the war against the king of Aracan with considerable success; insomuch that on one occasion his brother Antonio, with only five sail, defeated and captured 100 sail belonging to Aracan. At length the king of Aracan concluded peace, and procured the restoration of his brother's widow, whom he married to the rajah of Chittigong.

At this time, the Moguls undertook the conquest of the kingdom of _Balua_[428], and as Gonzalez considered this conquest might prove dangerous to his ill-got power, Balua being adjoining to his own territories, he entered into a league with the king of Aracan for the defence of that country. Accordingly, the king of Aracan took the field with an immense army, having 80,000 of his own native subjects, mostly armed with firelocks, 10,000 Peguers who fought with sword and bucklers, and 700 elephants with castles carrying armed men. Besides these, he sent 200 sail of vessels to sea, carrying 4000 men, ordering this fleet to join that of Gonzalez, and to be under his command. According to the treaty, Gonzalez, with the combined fleet, was to prevent the Moguls from passing to the kingdom of Balua, till the king of Aracan could march there with his army for its protection; besides which it was agreed, when the Moguls were expelled from Balua, that half the kingdom was to be given up to Gonzalez; who, on this occasion, gave as hostages, for the safety of the Aracan fleet, and the faithful performance of his part of the treaty, a nephew of his own, and the sons of some of the Portuguese inhabitants of Sundiva.

[Footnote 428: There still is a town named _Bulloah_, to the east of the Barrampooter and directly north of Sundeep, which may then have given name to a province or small principality, of which Comillah is now the chief town.--E.]

According to treaty, the king of Aracan entered the kingdom of Balua with his army, and expelled the Moguls; but Gonzalez did not perform his part of the agreement in preventing the Moguls from penetrating into that kingdom, some alleging that he had been bribed by the Moguls to allow them a free passage, while, according to others, he did so from revenge against the king of Aracan, for the Portuguese who had been slain by that king in _Bangael_ of _Dianga_[429]. However this may have been, Gonzalez was guilty of a most execrable treachery, as, by leaving open the mouth of the river _Dangatiar_, he left a free passage to the Moguls. After this he went with his fleet into a creek of the island _Desierta_[430], and assembling all the captains of the Aracan vessels on board his ship, he murdered them all, seized all their vessels, and killed or made slaves of all their men, after which he returned to Sundiva. Soon afterwards the Moguls returned in great force to the kingdom of Balua, where they reduced the king of Aracan to such straits that he made his escape with great difficulty on an elephant, and came almost alone to Chittigong. Immediately upon this discomfiture of the Aracan army, which was utterly destroyed by the Moguls in Balua, Gonzalez plundered and destroyed all the forts on the coast of Aracan, which were then unprovided for defence, as depending on the peace and alliance between their king and Gonzalez; he even went against the city of Aracan, where he burnt many merchant vessels, and acquired great plunder, and destroyed a vessel of great size, richly adorned, and containing several splendid apartments like a palace, all covered with gold and ivory, which the king kept as a pleasure-yacht for his own use. Exasperated against Gonzalez for his treachery, the king ordered the nephew of that lawless ruffian, who was in his power as a hostage, to be be impaled. But Gonzalez, being a person utterly devoid of honour, cared not at whose cost he advanced his own interests; yet the guilt of so many villanies began to prey upon his conscience, and he became apprehensive of some heavy punishment falling upon him, which he had little means to avert, as all men considered him a traitor unworthy of favour; those of Aracan, because he had betrayed them to the Moguls; and the Moguls, because he had been false to those that trusted him. He afterwards met his just reward under the government of Don Jerom de Azevedo[431].

[Footnote 429: Perhaps the island now called Balonga on the coast of Aracan.--E.]

[Footnote 430: Probably a desert or uninhabited island among the Sunderbunds, in the Delta of the Ganges. Indeed the whole geography of this singular story is obscure, owing to the prodigious change in dominion and names that have since taken place in this part of India.--E.]

[Footnote 431: Owing to the want of interest in the transactions of these times, as related in the Portuguese Asia, and the confused arrangement of De Faria, we have in this place thrown together the principal incidents in the extraordinary rise of these two successful adventurers, Nicote and Gonzalez, leaving their fate to be mentioned in the succeeding section.--E.]

The Hollanders, becoming powerful at the Molucca islands, and forming an alliance with these islanders, who were weary of the avarice and tyranny of the Portuguese, expelled them from Amboyna and established themselves at Ternate, whence the Portuguese had been formerly expelled by the natives. By the aid of the king of Ternate, the Hollanders likewise, about 1604, got possession of the fort of Tidore, whence about 400 Portuguese were permitted to retire by sea to the Phillipine islands, where they were hospitably received by Don Pedro de Cunna, who commanded there for the Spaniards. In February 1605, Cunna sailed from the Philippines with 1000 Spanish and 400 native troops, and recovered the fort of Ternate, chiefly owing to the bravery of Joam Rodriguez Camelo, who commanded a company of Portuguese in this expedition. De Cunna thence proceeded for Tidore, which he likewise reduced, by which conquest the Molucca islands became subject to Spain.

The viceroy, Don Alfonso de Castro, dying in 1607, was succeeded as governor by Alexias de Menezes, archbishop of Goa, pursuant to a patent of succession. Next year, 1608, Don Joam Pereyra Frojas, count de Feyra, was sent out from Portugal as viceroy of India, but died on the voyage. After administering the government for two years and a half, the archbishop was succeeded as governor by Andrew Furtado de Mendoza in 1609, who was soon afterwards superseded in the same year by Ruy Lorenzo de Tavora, who came out from Portugal as viceroy. At this time, Don Jerome de Azevedo commanded in Ceylon, who, with an army of 700 Portuguese troops and 25,000 Cingalese took and burnt the city of Candy, on which the sovereign of that central dominion made peace with the Portuguese, consenting to the ministry of the Franciscans in his dominions, and even placed two of his sons in their hands, to be instructed in the Christian religion.

About this time, a large _English_ ship and a ketch had an engagement with two Portuguese ships beyond the Cape of Good Hope, which escaped after suffering a severe loss. These English ships went afterwards to Surat, where they were found by Nunno de Cunna, who had four well-manned galleons, but ill provided with gunners, who were ignorant and cowardly. On descrying these large ships, though the English had reason to be afraid of their number, they undervalued them as heavy sailors, and immediately engaged and fought them till evening, killing 30 of the Portuguese. The engagement recommenced at day-light next morning, and two of the Portuguese galleons, endeavouring to run on board the large English ship, got aground, on which the pink or ketch, belonging to the enemy, kept firing its cannon upon one of the grounded galleons, till it floated off with the evening tide. The other two galleons fought the large English ship all day. On the third day, all the four galleons being afloat, endeavoured to board the enemy, who relied on their cannon and swiftness, and sailed away to Castelete, a bay of the pirates near Diu. De Cunna followed them thither, and again fought them for two days, in all which time the Portuguese ships could never board them by reason of their unwieldy bulk. At length the English stood away, shewing black colours in token that their captain was slain. In these long indecisive actions, the English and Portuguese both lost a number of men. The English made for Surat, followed still by De Cunna; on which they left that port, and De Cunna returned to Goa.

SECTION XII.

_Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions, from 1512 to 1517._

Towards the close of 1511, orders came to India for Don Jerome de Azevedo to succeed Tavora as viceroy. Azevedo had acquired a high character by many years service, eighteen years of which he had spent in Ceylon, where he had acquired great riches, and yet preserved a good name. The report of his riches contributed, as much as the fame of his valour, to his present promotion, as it was thought that he who had so much already, would be less inclined to covetousness; though experience shews, that those who have much still covet more. Azevedo had likewise offered to serve the office of viceroy without the usual salary, but afterwards accepted it. Among the first actions of his administration was to send home Danish Beg, ambassador from Shah Abbas, king of Persia, who had been in Spain at the court of King Philip. Shah Abbas treated, at the same time, both with King Philip, and James king of England, endeavouring to influence both to the furtherance of his own designs; having taken the island of Bahrayn from the Portuguese, and was now endeavouring to gain Ormuz. Along with this Persian ambassador, Antonio de Guovea, titular bishop of _Sirene_, went for the purpose of propagating Christianity in Persia; but, finding that the Persian government was inimical to his mission, he went no farther than Ormuz. Shah Abbas was so much displeased with his ambassador for not succeeding in his negotiation for the surrender of Ormuz, that he caused him to be beheaded; and was so much exasperated against the Christians, that he forced many of his Armenian subjects to renounce the faith.

The fortune of Nicote in Pegu now declined as swiftly as it had risen. In 1513, the king of _Ova_, being provoked at the violence which Nicote had been guilty of against the king of Tangu, who was under his protection, made a vow that he would revenge his injuries. Having assembled an army of 120,000 men, and 400 vessels of considerable strength, in which were above 6000 of those Moors so noted for valour, called _Caperuzas_ from their wearing caps, he marched against Siriam, where he burnt every thing beyond the walls of the fort. Nicote made a brave resistance though taken unawares, as he had suffered most of his men to go to India, and was very scarce of powder. In this distress, he sent a soldier to purchase powder at Bengal, who ran away with the money; and sent likewise to San Thoma for the same commodity, but was refused any supply. For want of powder he was unable to fire his cannon against the enemy, and was reduced to the expedient of pouring boiling pitch and oil on their heads. At length, Nicote was taken and carried to the king of Ova, who ordered him to be impaled on an eminence in view of the fort, where he lived two days in torment. His wife, Donna Luisa de Saldanna, was kept three days in the river to be purified, as the king designed her for himself; but when brought before him, she upbraided him for his cruelty, and he ordered _her leg to be bored_, and that she should be sent to Ova along with the other slaves. A native named _Banna_ who had betrayed Nicote, demanding his reward from the king of Ova, was ordered to be torn in pieces, the king alleging, that he who had been false to his benefactor would never be true to him. The son of Nicote resided, at that time, in Martavan, having married the daughter of the king of that place; but the king of Ova caused him to be put to death, that no one of the race might remain alive. Thus ended Nicote, who, from the lowest poverty, had raised himself to great power and prodigious riches, being worth three millions[432]. The enemy allowed of having lost 30,000 men in this siege. The viceroy on hearing of the danger of Siriam, had dispatched Diego de Mendoza to its relief with five galliots; but having put off his time by the way on other objects, he was too late.

[Footnote 432: Probably ducats are here meant.]

In the year 1614, the viceroy resolved to go in person to the sea of Guzerate to meet the _English_ and _Hollanders_, who were then strong in these seas. He sent before him Emanuel de Azevedo with 22 sail, who was joined at Surat by two other squadrons, after which he landed and destroyed the lands of _Cifandam_ and _Diva_. The towns of _Baroach_ and _Goga_ were plundered, with six large ships in the bay, as was likewise the city of _Patane_. Having completed his preparations, the viceroy sailed from Goa with seven galleons, one of which was so large that it easily carried 230 men besides mariners, 30 of them being gentlemen. Besides the galleons, there were two pinks, one galley, one caravel, and five other vessels, on board of which were 1400 Portuguese soldiers, with a great number of cannon, but the gunners were very unskilful. At Surat the viceroy was joined by the squadron under Emanuel de Azevedo, the chief design of this large armament being to destroy four English vessels then in that port. The preparations for this purpose seemed disproportionately large, yet the event proved the contrary. Being come in sight of the English, the viceroy ordered the two pinks with the caravel and other smaller vessels to close with one of the English vessels which lay at some distance from the rest. Having all grappled with the enemy and almost carried her by boarding, the other three ships came up and drove them all off. The first of the three vessels which had attacked the English ship took fire, and being attempted to be steered on board the English ship to set her on fire was destroyed without doing the enemy any harm. In this manner the first day was expended to no purpose, and next day, on proposing to attack the English ships, they were found riding in a place to which the entrance was so narrow that one galleon only could come at them at once, which might therefore have been disabled by the English cannon, for which reason no attempt was made to attack them; but some alleged that this was only a pretence set up by those who had no mind for the enterprise. A fruitless endeavour was made to destroy them by means of fire-ships.

Perceiving that he only lost his labour at this place, the viceroy went to Diu, whence he dispatched relief to Ormuz; and on his return from Diu towards Goa, the four English ships were seen at a great distance from Surat in full sail to the south. The viceroy pursued, and towards evening came up with the sternmost, having left his own fleet far behind. The head gunner offered to sink the English ship by means of two 40 pounders; but the officers who accompanied the viceroy opposed this, alleging that the other three English ships would come upon him while alone and the galleon might be lost. The viceroy accordingly submitted to their opinion, but neglected to make them give it under their hands; and when he was afterwards accused for having neglected to do what the gunner proposed, they denied having ever given him any such advice. The English were so thankful for this forbearance, that they fired their cannons without ball as if saluting.

In the year 1615, Sebastian Gonzalez Tibao, formerly mentioned, who had raised himself from a poor dealer in salt to be an absolute sovereign by treachery and ingratitude, and who had neglected to submit himself to the Portuguese viceroy in the height of his prosperity, finding himself now in danger of losing his ill got power, sent to request succour; but even now proposed terms like an independent prince, and offered in return for assistance and protection to deliver a large ship load of rice yearly at Goa as an acknowledgement of vassalage. He urged that all he had done was to revenge the murder of the Portuguese in _Banguel of Dianga_ by the king of Aracan, and hinted that the vast treasures of the king might easily be taken by a very moderate effort. This blinded the viceroy, who immediately fitted out 14 of the largest galliots with a fliboat and a pink, and sent them to Aracan under the command of Francisco de Menezes Roxo, who had formerly commanded in Ceylon. Roxo sailed from Goa about the middle of September 1615. On the 2d of October he arrived at Aracan, the chief port and residence of the king, having detached a galleon to _Sundiva_ to give notice to Gonzalez of his arrival and intentions. Having opened his instructions in presence of all the captains, they directed him to proceed against Aracan without waiting for Gonzalez; which was highly improper, as that man knew the country and was acquainted with their manner of fighting, besides that the force he was able to bring was of importance. But God confounded their councils, having decreed the ruin of that vile wretch, and of the unjust succours that were now sent to his aid.

On the 15th of October, the Aracan fleet was observed coming down the river to attack, so numerous that they could not be counted. The foremost vessel was a Dutch pink, and many of the other vessels were commanded by Hollanders. All that could be seen appeared full of men well armed and equipped, and seemed a prodigious overmatch for the small number the Portuguese had to oppose them, as besides the galliot sent to Sundiva another had been dispatched in search of the pink, so that only 12 galliots remained and the fliboat. The Dutch pink fired the first gun, and then the fight began with great fury, the Portuguese galliots bravely advancing against the vast hostile fleet. Four of the galliots got before the rest, and in the very beginning of the action their captains and many of their men were slain, but the other eight came up to their rescue, and great execution was done among the enemy, many of whom were drowned by oversetting their vessels in their haste to escape from the destructive fire of the Portuguese. The battle raged the whole day, but the enemy drew off in the evening, thinking that a reinforcement was coming to the Portuguese, as they saw the galliot approaching which had been sent in search of the pink. In this engagement the Portuguese lost 25 men of note besides others.

Next morning the pink joined the fleet, on board of which all the wounded men were put, and those that were fit for service in that vessel were distributed among the others. Roxo now resolved to remain at anchor at the mouth of the river till Gonzalez came to join him, and then to attack the enemy. At length Gonzalez made his appearance, with 50 vessels well manned and equipped, and on being told the orders of the viceroy and what had been already done, he expressed much displeasure at the viceroy for giving such orders, and at Roxo for imprudently fighting before his arrival. About the middle of November: the combined fleets sailed up the river and discovered the vast fleet of Aracan at anchor in a well chosen situation, where it was resolved immediately to attack them. Roxo took half of the ships belonging to Gonzalez under his immediate command, giving Gonzalez half of these he had brought from Goa, so as to make two equal squadrons. Thus arranged they advanced against the enemy, firing against those vessels they could reach, but none of the enemy ventured to advance. The king of Aracan viewed the engagement from the shore to encourage his people, and caused the heads of such as fled to be cut off and exposed on spears as a terror to the rest. About noon when the heat of the sun was so great as to scorch the Portuguese; the Aracan ships came on in three numerous squadrons. Sebastian Gonzalez put to flight those of the enemy that were opposed to him, and the Portuguese pink compelled that belonging to the Hollanders to draw off. On that side where Roxo commanded there was much slaughter on both sides without any evident superiority; but about sunset, when the advantage was obviously leaning to the Portuguese, Roxo was slain. Being informed by signal of this mischance, Gonzalez was obliged to discontinue following up his good fortune; and on the tide ebbing the fleet separated, one of the Portuguese galliots being left aground among the enemy, who tore her to pieces and slew all her crew; The Portuguese fleet retired to the mouth of the river, where care was taken of the wounded men, and above 200 dead bodies were thrown into the sea. Don Luis de Azevedo succeeded in the command of the Portuguese squadron, and they all retired to Sundiva, whence Don Luis sailed back to Goa, in spite of everything that Gonzalez could say to detain him. Soon after the departure of the Portuguese ships, the king of Aracan invaded and conquered the island of Sundiva, by which Sebastian Gonzalez was reduced to his original poverty, his sovereignty passing away like a dream, his pride humbled in the dust, and his villainous conduct deservedly punished.

In 1616, Don Nunno Alvarez Pereyra succeeded Emanuel Mascarennas Homem as general of the Portuguese in Ceylon, and made several successful inroads into the kingdom of _Candy_, whence he brought off many prisoners and great numbers of cattle. From the commencement of the Portuguese dominion in that island, they had been engaged in almost perpetual wars with the different petty sovereigns who ruled over its various small maritime divisions, and with the central kingdom of Canea, most of which have been omitted in this work as not possessing sufficient interest. At this time a dangerous commotion took place in the island, occasioned by a circumstance which, though not new in the world, is still admired though often repeated. Some years before, _Nicapeti_ the converted king of Ceylon died without issue, and left the king of Portugal heir to his dominions. A poor fellow of the same name got admittance to one of the queens of _Valgameme_ from whom he learnt several particulars respecting the deceased king, taking advantage of which he determined to assume the character of the late sovereign, and to endeavour to persuade the people that he was their prince who had come again-to-life. For this purpose he feigned himself a _jogue_, similar to a hermit among the christians; and making his appearance in the neighbourhood of Maregnepora, he gave out that he came to free his country from the tyranny of the Portuguese. Finding credit among the people, many of whom flocked to him, he entered the _seven corlas_ during the absence of the _Dissava_ Philip de Oliveyra, and being assisted by 2000 men sent to him by the king of Candy, he was acknowledged as king by most of the country. Hearing of this commotion, Pereyra sent a force under Emanuel Cesar to suppress the insurrection. Cesar encountered the false _Nicapeti_ at _Gandola_, a village on the river _Laoa_, where the insurgents had collected a force of 6000 men. In the heat of the battle, 1000 Chingalese troops who served under Luis Gomez Pinto deserted to the enemy; but Don Constantine, a native Christian of the blood royal who served the Portuguese, called them back by declaring himself their lawful king, on which they immediately returned and proclaimed him their sovereign. After a long engagement the enemy was defeated and fled across the river.

Philip de Oliveyra returned at this time from Candy to his command in the _seven corlas_, having heard of the insurrection but not of the victory at Gandola, to which place he immediately marched with about 800 Chingalese lascarins. On reaching the field of battle above 1000 men were found slain, but no indication by which he could ascertain which party had gained the victory. An inscription was found on a tree, signifying that all the Portuguese were slain, none of that nation remaining in Ceylon, and that Columbo had surrendered to Nicapeti, which startled the Portuguese who accompanied Oliveyra, and gave great satisfaction to his Chingalese troops. Continuing his march he was attacked in the rear by 300 of the enemy, but on facing about they all fled; soon after which he joined Emanuel Cesar on the river Laoa, and the insurgents fled to the woods. Cesar and Oliveyra by way of obliging the insurgents to return to their duty, seized above 400 of their women and children; but it had the contrary effect, as all their Chingalese troops immediately deserted with their arms, leaving only about 200 Portuguese. In this dilemma Cesar marched to the pagoda of _Atanagala_, not far from _Maluana_ where the general resided, who sent him a reinforcement of 500 men, 200 of whom were Portuguese.

Nicapeti had so much success with the natives that he collected an army of 24,000 men, with which he marched against Columbo, and was so vain of his good fortune that he caused himself to be proclaimed emperor of Ceylon, and transmitted an order to the king of Candy to send him one of his two wives. The answer on this occasion was, that it should be done when the Portuguese were subdued. Nicapeti was so enraged at this answer, that he threatened to use the king of Candy like the Portuguese; and on this threat coming to the knowledge of the 2000 auxiliaries from Candy, they immediately returned home. By these means the two enemies of the Portuguese became at variance with each other, to the great benefit of the Portuguese interests. Emanuel Cesar being joined by a considerable reinforcement, marched against Nicapeti, and found the road by which Nicapeti intended to march clean swept and strewed with flowers. A _Chingalese_ who carried intelligence of the approach of Cesar to Nicapeti, was ordered to be impaled, the tyrant declaring there were no Portuguese in Ceylon; but he was soon undeceived, as the van guards of the two armies came in sight of each other. Nicapeti immediately took possession of a hill with 7000 men, where he entrenched himself; but his works were soon carried, 1000 of his men slain, and the usurper was forced to flee into the woods, laying aside his regal ornaments for better concealment. The rest of the insurgent army immediately fled on seeing their chief defeated, and the morning after the battle 500 of the Chingalese deserted from the enemy and joined the victors.

At this time a native Chingalese of low birth, named Antonio Barreto, who had been a Christian and in the service of the Portuguese, but had gone over to the king of Candy, who appointed him general of his forces with the title of prince and governor of the kingdom of Uva, took advantage of the revolt of Nicapeti to seize upon the Portuguese fort of _Safragan_, which he got possession of by treachery and slew the Portuguese garrison. This was a severe but just retribution upon the Portuguese, as they had slain an ambassador sent by the king of Candy to treat of an accommodation, that they might jointly carry on the war against Nicapeti. After this the king of Candy marched against the Portuguese fort of Balane, which he reduced; yet immediately sent a message to the general Pereyra, offering to treat of peace.

In 1617, the Portuguese affairs were in a dangerous situation in Ceylon, having at the same time to make war on the king of Candy, Antonio Barreto, and Nicapeti, who was still in considerable strength notwithstanding his late defeat. Pereyra divided his forces with considerable hazard, and put all to the sword in the revolted districts, sparing neither age nor sex; but neither will mercy and kind usage conciliate the Chingalese, nor cruelty terrify them into submission. Part of the forces pursued Nicapeti from _Pelandu_ to _Catugambala, Devamede_ and _Coraagal_, taking several forts, killing many of the enemy, and making 600 prisoners. The usurper retired to _Talampeti_ his usual refuge, and the Portuguese advanced to _Polpeti_ where they came in sight of the enemys camp, and forcing their works passed on to _Balapane of Religiam_, whence they sent away the prisoners and wounded men. At this time the Portuguese force was divided, one part marching against Barreto while the other continued to follow Nicapeti, but were able to effect very little, and after being quite spent with fatigue went into quarters at _Botale_.

Having received reinforcements, Pereyra marched in person with a considerable force to drive Barreto from _Sofragam_ and _Matura_, leaving Gomez Pinto with his regiment to-secure _Alicur_ and oppose Nicapeti, while Cesar stayed to defend _Botale_ with 100 men. The Portuguese were successful on all sides, driving the enemy from their works and slaughtering great numbers of them in the woods. In May the army advanced against Nicapeti, who was strongly entrenched at Moratena, yet fled towards Candy with such speed that he could not be got up with. He was at length overtaken in the desert of _Anorajapure_, when after losing 60 men his troops dispersed and fled into the woods. On this occasion the wives of the usurper, a grandson of _Raju_, and the nephew of _Madune_ were all made prisoners. The fame of this victory induced the inhabitants of the _Corlas_ to submit, and they plentifully supplied the army then at Malvana with rice. The news of this victory induced the king of Candy[433] to sue for peace, sending by his ambassadors 32 Portuguese who had been made prisoners during the war. The terms agreed upon were, that he was to repair and restore the fort at Balane, and permit another to be constructed at Candy, and was to deliver yearly as tribute to the crown of Portugal four elephants and a certain stipulated quantity of cinnamon. Finding afterwards that the Portuguese affairs in Ceylon were less prosperous, he receded from these conditions and would only agree to give two elephants as the yearly tribute, but the peace was concluded.

[Footnote 433: In the translation of the Portuguese Asia, this sovereign is here named _Anaras Pandar_ king of _Pandar_; but from every circumstance in the context it appears that we ought to read _Anaras Pandar_ king of _Candy_.--E.]

END OF THE SIXTH VOLUME.