Chapter 41

Portuguese Viceroys and Governors of Goa

(A.D. 1505 TO 1568.)

A.D. Dom Francisco de Almeida (VICEROY) 1505 -- 1509 Afonso de Albuquerque (GOVERNOR) 1509 -- 1515 Lopo Soares de Albergaria (GOVERNOR) 1515 -- 1518 Diogo Lopes de Sequeira (GOVERNOR) 1518 -- 1521 Dom Duarte de Menezes (GOVERNOR) 1521 -- 1524 Dom Vasco da Gama, Conde de Vidigueria (VICEROY) 1524 Dom Henrique de Menezes (GOVERNOR) 1525 -- 1526 Lopo Vaz de Sampaio (GOVERNOR) 1526 -- 1529 Nuno da Cunha (GOVERNOR) 1529 -- 1538 Dom Garcia de Noronha (VICEROY) 1538 -- 1540 Dom Estevao da Gama (GOVERNOR) 1540 -- 1542 Martim Affonso de Sousa (GOVERNOR) 1542 -- 1545 Dom Joao de Castro (GOVERNOR AND CAPTAIN-IN-CHIEF) 1545 -- 1547 ,, ,, (VICEROY) 1547 -- 1548 Garcia de Sa (GOVERNOR) 1548 -- 1549 Jorge Cabral (GOVERNOR) 1549 -- 1550 Dom Affonso de Noronha (VICEROY) 1550 -- 1554 Dom Pedro Mascarenhas (VICEROY) 1554 -- 1555 Francisco Barreto (GOVERNOR) 1555 -- 1558 Dom Constantino de Braganza (VICEROY) 1558 -- 1561 Dom Francisco Coutinho, Conde de Redondo (VICEROY) 1561 -- 1564 Joao de Medonca (GOVERNOR) 1564 Dom Antonio de Noronha (VICEROY) 1564 -- 1568

[The above List is extracted from Mr. Danvers's work, "The Portuguese in India" (vol. ii. p. 487). The author continues the List to the present day.]

NOTES

[1] -- Translation of the "Chronica dos reis de Bisnaga", written by Domingos Paes and Fernao Nunes about 1520 and 1535, respectively, with historical introduction. Includes bibliographical references.

[2] -- The letters from China were copied by a different hand.

[3] -- Barros was apparently never himself in India, but held an official position in the India Office in Lisbon. His work was completed in four Decadas. Couto repeats the fourth DECADA of Barros, and continues the history in eight more DECADAS. The first three DECADAS of Barros were published in A.D. 1552, 1553, and 1563, bringing the history down to 1527, under the title of DOS FEITOS QUE OS PORTUGUESES FIZERAM NO DESCUBRIMENTO E CONQUISTA DOS MARES E TERRAS DO ORIENTE. His fourth DECADA, published by Couto, dealt with the period A.D. 1527 to 1539, and contained an account of the events that occurred during the governorships of Lopo Vaz de Sampaio and Nuno da Cunha. Couto's own eight DECADAS covered the subsequent period down to 1600. The combined work is generally called the DA ASIA. Couto completed his publication in 1614. The fourth DECADA was published in 1602, the fifth in 1612, the sixth in 1614, the seventh in 1616, the year of his death. Couto spent almost all his life in India, for which country he embarked in 1556.

[4] -- CHRONICA DOS REIS DE BISNAGA, by David Lopes, S.S.G.L. Lisbon, 1897: at the National Press. The extract given is taken from his Introduction, p. lxxxvi.

[5] -- Firishtah was a Persian of good family, and was born about 1570 A.D. Early in his life he was taken by his father to India, and resided all his life at the Court of the Nizam Shahs of Ahmadnagar, rejoicing in royal patronage. He appears to have begun to compile his historical works at an early age, since his account of the Bijapur kings was finished in 1596. He appears to have died not long after the year 1611, which is the latest date referred to in any of his writings.

[6] -- According to tradition the wealth carried off was something fabulous. See Appendix B.

[7] -- It is highly probable that amongst the hills and crags about the upper fortress of Anegundi there may be found remains of a date long prior to the fourteenth century; and it is much to be regretted that up to now no scientific examination of that tract, which lies in the present territories of Haidarabad, has been carried out. Want of leisure always prevented my undertaking any exploration north of the river; but from the heights of Vijayanagar on the south side I often looked wistfully at the long lines of fortification visible on the hills opposite. It is to be hoped that ere long the Government of Madras may place us in possession of a complete map of Vijayanagar and its environs, showing the whole area enclosed by the outermost line of fortifications, and including the outworks and suburbs. Hospett and Anegundi were both part of the great city in its palmy days, and Kampli appears to have been a sort of outpost.

[8] -- Nuniz erroneously gives the date as 1230. The error will be commented on hereafter.

[9] -- Scott, i. 45, 46.

[10] -- Delhi.

[11] -- The Portuguese historians often mistook "Cambay" for the name of the country, and "Gujarat" for one of its dependencies.

[12] -- SIC. The meaning is doubtful.

[13] -- There is evidently a confusion here between tales of the doings of Muhammad Taghlaq and much older legends of Rama's Bridge and his army of monkeys.

[14] -- Mallik Naib. (See the chronicle below, pp. 296, 297.)

[15] -- "Your honour" was probably the historian Barros (see preface).

[16] -- Sheik Ismail's power in Persia dates from early in the sixteenth century. Duarte Barbosa, who was in India in 1514 and wrote in 1516, mentions him as contemporary. He had subjugated Eastern Persia by that time and founded the Shiah religion. Barbosa writes: "He is a Moor and a young man," and states that he was not of royal lineage (Hakluyt edit. p. 38). Nuniz was thus guilty of an anachronism, but he describes Persia as he knew it.

[17] -- "Chronicle of the Pathan Kings of Delhi," by Edward Thomas, p. 200.

[18] -- Firishtah (Briggs, i. 413).

[19] -- Elphinstone, "History of India," ii. 62.

[20] -- Lee's translation, p. 144.

[21] -- Sir H. Elliot's "History of India," iii. 215.

[22] -- If we add together the number of years of the reigns of kings of Vijayanagar given by Nuniz prior to that of Krishna Deva Raya ("Crisnarao"), we find that the total is 180 (Senhor Lopes, Introduction, p. lxx.). The date of the beginning of the reign of Krishna Deva Raya is known to be 1509 -- 10 A.D.; whence we obtain 1379 -- 80 A.D. as the foundation of the empire in the person of "Dehorao" according to the chronicle. This is not quite accurate, but it helps to prove that "1230" is a century too early.

[23] -- Batuta was a native of Tangiers, his name being Sheik Abu' Abdullah Muhammad. He arrived at the Indus on the 1 Muharram A.H. 734 (September 12, 1333 A.D.), and he seems to have resided in India till 1342.

[24] -- The narrative is given in the French translation of Ibn Batuta's travels, by Defremery and Sanguinetti (vol. iii. pp. 318 -- 320). See also Sir Henry Elliot's "History of India" (vol. iii. pp. 615 -- 616).

[25] -- Firishtah's account is somewhat different, and he gives the date A.H. 739, or July 20, 1338, to July 9, 1339. But I consider the narrative of Ibn Batuta to be far the most reliable, since he wrote from personal experience, while Firishtah compiled his story two and a half centuries later.

[26] -- This was Ghiyas-ud-din Bahadur Bura of Bengal, mentioned above.

[27] -- This tale is told of the rise of almost every kingdom, principality, or large zamindari in Southern India, the usual variant being the discovery of a hidden treasure.

[28] -- I think that there can be little doubt that this derivation, though often given, is erroneous, and that the name was "City of Victory," not "City of Learning," -- VIJAYA, not VIDYA. VYDIAJUNA evidently represents VIDYARJUNA.

[29] -- Buchanan ("Mysore," &c., iii. 110), while on a visit to Beidur in Mysore in 1801, was shown by one Ramappa Varmika a Sanskrit book in his possession called the VIDYARAYANA SIKKA, which relates that the founders of Vijayanagar were Hukka and Bukka, guards of the treasury of Pratapa Rudra of Warangal. These young men came to the Guru, or spiritual teacher, Vidyaranya, who was head of the monastery of Sringeri, and the latter founded for them the city of Vijayanagar. This was in 1336, and Hukka was made first king. But this story entirely leaves out of account the most important point. How could two brothers, flying from a captured capital and a conquered kingdom, suddenly establish in a new country a great city and a sovereignty?

[30] -- DECADA VI. l. v. c. 4.

[31] -- "India in the Fifteenth Century," Hakluyt edit., p. 29.

[32] -- JOURNAL BOMBAY BR. R.A.S., xii. 338, 340.

[33] -- There is an undated inscription, published in Dr. Hultzsch's "South Indian Inscriptions" (vol. i. p. 167), on a rock not far from the summit of the lofty hill on which stands the virgin fortress of Gutti or Gooty in the Anantapur District, according to which that stronghold belonged to King Bukka. The place is seventy-eight miles east of Vijayanagar.

[34] -- EPIG. IND., iii. 36.

[35] -- An inscription of 1368 -- 69 (Saka 1290, year Kilaka) mentions Madhavacharya Vidyaranya, apparently as still living. IND. ANT., iv. 206.

[36] -- See my "Antiquities of Madras," ii. 8, No. 58; Hultzsch's EPIG. INDICA, iii. 21.

[37] -- Briggs, i. 427.

[38] -- This is in itself absurd, and carries with it its own refutation. It would be manifestly impossible for the city to be "built" in so short a time, and, moreover, it would have been sheer waste of time for the Prince to have employed himself in such a way. The sentence was probably introduced merely to account for that city having been built ABOUT this period.

[39] -- Firishtah says on 1st Rabi-ul-awwal A.H. 759; A.H. 761 (A.D. 1359 -- 60) according to the BURHAN-I-MAASIR. But the author of the latter work says that Ala-ud-din reigned thirteen years ten months and twenty-seven days, which would make the date of his death the 22nd of Rabi-ul-awwal A.H. 762, or January 31, A.D. 1361. He does not, therefore, appear to be very accurate. Firishtah gives in words the length of his reign as "eleven years two months and seven days."

[40] -- Certain inscriptions published by Mr. Rice state that the general who commanded Bukka's armies about this time was Nadegonta Mallinatha, son of Nadegonta Sayyana. These bear date A.D. 1355 -- 1356 and 1356 -- 57.

[41] -- Called "Nagdeo" in Scott's translation (i. 19).

[42] -- Briggs, ii. 307.

[43] -- There is a confusion of dates here in Firishtah; but he definitely fixes the month and year when Muhammad set out, and we may accept it for the present. The BURHAN-I-MAASIR implies that the war against Vijayanagar took place prior to the campaign against Warangal. Firishtah places it certainly after the "Vellunputtun" affair.

[44] -- Firishtah (Scott, i. 23).

[45] -- Adoni as now called; Adhvani as properly spelt. This is a fine hill-fortress with extensive lines of walls, a few miles south of the River Tungabhadra and on the line of railway between Madras and Bombay.

[46] -- We must never forget that the narrative of Firishtah is necessarily tinged with bias in favour of the Musalmans, and that it was not compiled till the end of the sixteenth or beginning of the seventeenth century A.D. The "infidels" are, of course, the Hindus, the "faithful" the followers of Muhammad the Prophet.

[47] -- The country in question is a plain composed of a deep alluvial deposit, generally overlying gravel, and known as "black cotton soil." After heavy rain it is practically impassable for traffic for some days.

[48] -- The expression of Firishtah last quoted is deserving of note, as it implies that, according to tradition in his time, the Raya of Vijayanagar had by the year 1366 A.D. become a great and important sovereign.

[49] -- Briggs (ii. 312, n.) considers it unlikely that the armies could have possessed artillery at so early a date.

[50] -- Scott's edit., i. 27.

[51] -- Briggs gives the name as Bhoj-Mul. He MAY be the Mallayya or Mallinatha mentioned above (p. 31, note).

[52] -- Sacred animals to the Hindus.

[53] -- About forty-two miles.

[54] -- The Tiger-Hunter.

[55] -- 19th Zilkada A.H. 776 (Firishtah). The BURHAN-I MAASIR says in A.H. 775.

[56] -- The BURHAN-I MAASIR calls the Raya "Kapazah." Major King says that even the vowel marks are given, and there can be no doubt about the name. I venture to hazard a conjecture that if the word had been written "Pakazah," transposing the first two consonants -- a mistake occasionally made by writers dealing with, to them, outlandish names -- the sound of the word would suggest Bukka Shah. There is no name that I have met with amongst those borne by the kings of Vijayanagar in the remotest degree resembling "Kapazah."

[57] -- Firishtah relates a story which is hardly sufficient to account for Bukka's faint-heartedness. He says that Mujahid went one day while on the march after a man-eating tiger of great ferocity, and shot it with a single arrow through the heart. "The idolaters, upon hearing of this exploit, were struck with dread." At the present day, at least, there are no tigers in the country between Adoni and Vijayanagar, though panthers are plentiful enough.

[58] -- Firishtah, ii. 332 n.

[59] -- A French map of A.D. 1652, published by Mr. Danvers ("Portuguese in India," end of vol. i), shows at this spot "C. de Rames," but the modern Ordnance Map has no place of that name in the vicinity.

[60] -- It should be noted that Firishtah has previously described Mujahid, though he was then only about twenty years old, an a remarkably powerful man. He states that at the age of fourteen he had broken the neck of an opponent in a wrestling match.

[61] -- Probably Marappa or Muddappa.

[62] -- It will be seen hereafter that the kingdom was divided into provinces, held by nobles an condition of maintaining large armies ready for service at any moment.

[63] -- Some authorities say that Daud was Mujahid's cousin.

[64] -- "Dhunna Sodra" is, I think, a lake or tank in the plain on the eastern edge of the Vijayanagar hills, close under a lofty hill called, in the Trigonometrical Survey Taluq map, "Dannsundram," for (probably) Dharma Samudram. On the summit of this hill is a great Trigonometrical Survey pillar. The hill is 500 feet high, and lies within the limits of the village of Kanvi Timmapuram. Commanding, as it does, the route by which a force issuing from the capital would attempt, by rounding the hills, to cut off the only line of retreat open to the invaders towards the north east, the importance of the post to the Muhammadan army could not be over estimated.

[65] -- Senhor Lopes tells me that he recently found in the archives of the Torre do Tombo in Lisbon (CORPO CHRONOLOGICO, Part iii. packet 11, No. 107) a copy of a copper-plate grant which was executed by the chief of Goa in A.D. 1391 in the name of "Virahariar," king of Vijayanagar, the suzerain. This was "Vira" Harihara II. It was copied in A.D. 1532, and translated into Portuguese.

[66] -- Probably Belgaum.

[67] -- The Tulu-ghat, or the Tulu country on the Malabar coast.

[68] -- Compare the passage in the Chronicle of Nuniz, p. 302 below, where, writing of a period a few years later, he says, "The king of Coullao (Quilon) and Ceylon, and Paleacate (Pulicat), and Pegu and Tanacary (Tenasserim), and many other lands, pay tribute to him" -- the Raya.

[69] -- 17th Zil-hijja, A.H. 779.

[70] -- Meadows Taylor, in his "History of India," relates (p. 163) that on one occasion Mujahid, during his attack on Vijayanagar, penetrated into the second line of works, where there was a celebrated image of the monkey-god, Hanuman. The Sultan dispersed the Brahmans who tried to protect it, and struck the image in the face, mutilating its features. "A dying Brahman lying at the foot of the image cursed the king. 'For this act,' he said, 'thou wilt die ere thou reachest thy kingdom.' A prophecy which was literally fulfilled. The image, hewn out of a large boulder of granite, still remains, and shows the marks of the king's mutilation." I do not know to which image the historian alludes. There are several statues of Hanuman in the second line of works, two of them lying south of the temple of Malaanta Raghunathasvami.

[71] -- 21st Muharram A.H. 780.

[72] -- The name is generally given as Mahmud, and so Firishtah names him but Dr. Codrington (NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE, 3rd Series, vol. xviii p. 261) points out that the name on all the coins of this Sultan is "Muhammad," and not "Mahmud;" and this is confirmed by the BURHAN-I MAASIR and two other authorities (Major King in IND. ANT., July 1899, p. 183, note 39). I think it best, however, to adhere to Firishtah's nomenclature to prevent confusion.

[73] -- 21st Rajab A.H. 799. The 26th according to the BURHAN-I MAAZIR.

[74] -- See Rice's "Mysore Inscriptions," p. 55 (A.D. 1379); JOURNAL BOMBAY BRANCH ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, xii. 340 (A.D. 1399).

[75] -- See above, p. 28. Professor Aufrecht believes that Sayana died A.D. 1387.

[76] -- "Mysore Inscriptions," p. 226.

[77] -- JOURNAL BOMBAY BRANCH ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, ix. 227.

[78] -- In this the king is called "MAHAMANDALESVARA, son of Vira Bukka Udaiyar, Lord of the four seas."

[79] -- EPIG. IND., iii. pp. 115 -- 116.

[80] -- OP. CIT., p. 119.

[81] -- 17th Ramazan A.H. 799 (Firishtah).

[82] -- 23rd Safar A.H. 800 (Firishtah).

[83] -- EPIGRAPHIA INDICA, iii. 36, N. 3.

[84] -- Firishtah (Scott, p. 76).

[85] -- Rather, I think, basket-boats. These are described in the text of Paes (below, p. 259) as being in use on these rivers in the sixteenth century, just as they are to-day. They are circular in shape, and are made of wickerwork of split bamboo covered all over outside with leather. Colonel Briggs, writing of these boats (Firishtah, ii. 371), in a footnote says, "A detachment of the British army crossed its heavy guns without even dismounting them over the Toongbudra in 1812 in these basket-boats."

[86] -- These women always accompanied the Raya's armies. Nuniz says that large numbers of them were at the Hindu camp at Raichur in 1520.

[87] -- A stringed instrument.

[88] -- Youths trained to sing and dance in public.

[89] -- Assessed at "near [pound sterling]400,000" (Scott, Firishtah, p. 79, note).

[90] -- "Mysore Inscriptions," Rice, p. 279, No. 150. Professor Kielhorn in IND. ANT., xxiv. p. 204, No. 304, and note.

[91] -- "South Indian Inscriptions," i. 82 (Dr. Hultzsch).

[92] -- We must remember that the narrator is a loyal Muhammadan. Mudkal was in the tract always in dispute between the two kingdoms.

[93] -- About forty miles north.

[94] -- Briggs gives her name as "Nehal."

[95] -- Briggs says, "In the beginning of the year 809." This would be the month of June, and the months following would have been unfavourable for the march of armies. I prefer Scott's rendering.

[96] -- Firishtah generally calls this place "Beekapore" (Scott, i. 47, 69, 85, 86 &c.), but on p. 301 he spells the name "Binkapore." Bankapur was one of the principal fortresses in the Carnatic. It is the "Bengapor" or "Vengapor" of our chronicles. (See below, p. 122.)

[97] -- This again points to the Muhammadan camp having been in the neighbourhood of Hospett, south of Vijayanagar.

[98] -- "Plates of gold filled with incense and silver flowers." -- Briggs (ii. 386).

[99] -- This square is the open space mentioned by both Nuniz and Paes. On the left of it, as the cortege advanced, was the palace.

[100] -- Scott has it "Mankul" (i. 90), but Briggs (ii. 389) corrects this into "Pangul," which is undoubtedly correct.

[101] -- His grandfather, Deva Raya I., was young enough at the beginning of his reign (A.D. 1406) to plunge into amorous intrigues and adventures, and he reigned only seven years at most. His son and successor, Vijaya, reigned only six years. Vijaya's son, Deva Raya II., therefore, was probably a mere boy when he came to the throne in A.D. 1419.

[102] -- PINA = CHINNA (Telugu) or CHIKKA (Kanarese), and means "little" or "young." (See the tale told by Barradas below, p. 222 ff., of the events of 1614 A.D.) The name is very common in Southern India, and was generally applied to the Crown Prince.

[103] -- 7th Shawwal A.H. 825. Firishtah, (Scott) p. 95, gives the length of the reign, and his figures yield this result.

[104] -- The spot-was therefore probably close to one of the old irrigation channels, supplied by dams constructed across this river under the Rayas.

[105] -- It is difficult to reconcile this story with the fact of the Raya's tender age at this date, for I think it is certain that he was then quite a boy. Is it possible that the Muhammadan chroniclers, from whom Firishtah obtained the narrative, mistook for the king an adult member of the family who commanded the army? Such mistakes were certainly made in later years. The chroniclers seem to have taken little pains to ascertain the actual names of the Hindu kings. It must, however, be noted that a little later on Firishtah speaks of Deva Raya's son.

[106] -- There is no clue as to where this event took place, except that it was not very close to Vijayanagar. The Sultan must have been near some hills with a plain below, because he met with open ground difficult for a horse to cross, in his eagerness to reach a mud enclosure in a plain. The description is applicable to numberless places in the vicinity, and it is useless to speculate. As he was on horseback, it is possible that he was riding down antelope.

[107] -- Before Ahmad's accession, his brother, the late Sultan Firuz, had designed, in order to secure the throne for his own son Hasan, that Ahmad, should be blinded. Ahmad was warned of this and left Kulbarga in time to secure his safety.

[108] -- This is the Muhammadan version. Nothing is said regarding this tribute by Firishtah in describing the terms of the peace of 1399 A.D. It is possible, however, that tribute was really paid. It had apparently been exacted by Muhammad Shaw Bahmani, and agreed to by Bukka Raya I. who confirmed the arrangement on the accession of Daud Shah's brother Muhammad (See above, p. 47.)

[109] -- This looks as if he was really paraded with ignominy as a vanquished inferior, and so displayed to the Muhammadan troops. If he had desired to do him honour, the Sultan himself would have met the prince and personally escorted him, as representing his father. Moreover, the prince was only permitted to sit at the foot of the throne, and was taken, almost as a prisoner, for many days with the army till it reached the Krishna river.

[110] -- 8th Rajab A.H. 838 (Firishtah). The BURHAN-I MAASIR says 22nd Rajab.

[111] -- Firishtah (Scott), i. 118.

[112] -- Estates.

[113] -- Below, p. 303.

[114] -- DANAIK, a word which the traveller apparently took for a proper name, is simply "the commander" -- DHANNAYAKA.

[115] -- As to Deva Raya's age see above, p. 63. He had now been on the throne for twenty-four years.

[116] -- These words appear to confirm Abdur Razzak's statement.

[117] -- Saka 1348 current, year Visvavasu ("Asiatic Researches," xx. p. 22; Hultzsch's "South Indian Inscriptions," i. 82).

[118] -- OP. CIT., p. 160 Saka 1349 current, cyclic year Parabhava, on the full moon day of the month Karttika.

[119] -- Hultzsch's "South Indian Inscriptions," i. p. 79. Fifth Karkataka Sukla, Saka 1353 current, year Sadharana. The donor's name is given as Vira Pratapa Deva Raya Maharaya and he is styled MAHAMANDALESVARA, "Lord of the four oceans."

[120] -- OP. CIT. p. 109. They both give the king full royal titles.

[121] -- IND. ANT., xxv. 346.

[122] -- I.E. the second or dark half (KRISHNA PAKSHA) of the month.

[123] -- Hultzsch's "South Indian Inscriptions," ii. 339. The date is Saka 1863 expired, year Kshaya, Wednesday the fifth day of the bright half of the month, on the day of the Nakshatra Purva Phalguni.

[124] -- Hultzsch's "South Indian Inscriptions," i. 110. Saka 1371 expired, year Sukla, Saturday 13th Sukla of the month of Simha, on the day of the Nakshatra Uttarashadha.

[125] -- The termination IA is appended to many Indian names by Bracciolini; thus "Pacamuria" for Bacanor, the Portuguese way of spelling Barkur, "Cenderghiria" for Chandragiri, "Odeschiria" for Udayagiri, and so on.

[126] -- JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, vol. xiv. Part ii. p. 518.

[127] -- Text of Paes, below, p. 281. I have discussed in full the dates given by the chronicler in considering the question as to the year of the battle of Raichur (see pp. 140 -- 147).

[128] -- The stone balls, generally made of quartzose granite, which are so often found in the country about Vijayanagar on the sites of old forts, were probably intended to be projected from these weapons. They are often called "cannon-balls," but could hardly have been fired from guns, as they would have broken up under the discharge and have seriously injured the piece.

[129] -- About the same time, viz., 1436, Barbaro (Hakluyt Society, "Travels of Barbaro," p. 58), speaking of his sojourn in Tartary, wrote: "At which time, talking of Cataio, he tolde me howe the chief of that princes corte knewe well enough what the Franchi were ... We Cataini have twoo eyes, and yow Franchi one, whereas yow (torneing him towards the Tartares that were wth him) have never a one." The coincidence is curious.

[130] -- The Samuri of Calicut.

[131] -- Sir H. Elliot ("History," iv. 103, note) has "BIDRUR" as Abdur Razzak's spelling. The place alluded to was probably Bednur.

[132] -- This was in A.H. 846, and corresponds to the end of April A.D. 1443.

[133] -- Below, p. 253.

[134] -- I.E. about seven miles. It is actually about eight miles if measured from the extreme south point of the first line of defence northwards to the river. Razzak evidently did not include the walls of Anegundi, the northern lines of which lie two miles farther still to the north.

[135] -- The descriptions are rather vague, but, if I am right in supposing that there was a long bazaar called the Pansupari bazaar, along the road leading from the palace gate to the Anegundi gate on the river, it must certainly have been crossed by another road, and probably therefore a road lined with shops, leading from the Kamalapura gate of the inner enclosure northwards to the great Hampi temple. Close to the gate of the palace proper these roads would intersect at right angles, and would form four separate bazaars or streets. The galleries and porticoes are now not in existence, but the remains in the street running east from the Hampi temple will show what the galleries were like in those days. This last street alone is half a mile long.

[136] -- Remains of these are still to be seen not far from the "Ladies' Bath." There was a long trough that conveyed the water, and on each side were depressions which may have been hollowed for the reception of round vessels of different sizes, intended to hold water for household use.

[137] -- "The DEWAN KHANAH resembles a forty-pillared hall" (Sir H. Elliot's translation, "History," iv. 108). I am doubtful as to what building is referred to. The Hakluyt translator's rendering seems to point to the great enclosure west of the elephant stables, which has been called the "Zenana." I know of no hall exactly answering to Sir Henry Elliot's description. The lofty walls with watch-towers at the angles WHICH surround the enclosure referred to would be just such as might be supposed to have been erected for the protection of the royal archives and offices of the kingdom -- the "Dewan Khana." If so, the "hall" in front would be the structure to which has been fancifully given the name of "the concert-hall." This hall, or DAFTAR-KHANA, would be the usual working office of the Minister and his colleagues -- the office of daily work or courthouse, the necessary documents and records being brought to and from the central offices in the enclosure.

[138] -- Roughly, twenty yards by seven. It is difficult to understand the height mentioned.

[139] -- I give this word as in the India Office copy. The Hakluyt edition has DAIANG, which seems incorrect.

[140] -- Officers with staves, generally covered with silver.

[141] -- Abdur Razzak writes as if he was standing at the gate of the palace looking eastwards. Taken so, his description seems exact. Mr. A. Rea takes this view generally in a paper published in the MADRAS CHRISTIAN COLLEGE MAGAZINE (December 1886).

[142] -- About two hundred yards by fifteen.

[143] -- All this seems to have disappeared, but the buildings may have stood on each side of what is now the main road from Kamalapura to Hampi -- "behind the Mint," as the author stood.

[144] -- The India Office copy adds here: "He was exceedingly young." If so, the personage whom the ambassador interviewed could hardly have been Deva Raya II., who at this period (1443) had been on the throne for twenty-four years.

[145] -- MAHANADI (Hakluyt), MAHANAWI (Elliot). There can be little doubt as to the meaning.

[146] -- The actual moment of the new moon corresponding to the beginning of the month of Karttika in Hindu reckoning was 7.40 A.M. on the morning of October 23, and the first Hindu day (TITHI) of Karttika began at 5 A.M. on October 24. The Muhammadan month begins with the heliacal rising of the moon, and this may have taken place on the 24th or 25th evening. At any rate, Razzak could hardly have called a festival that took place a whole month earlier a festival which took place "during three days in the month Rajab." Hence I think that he must have been present at the New Year festivities in Karttika, not at the Mahanavami in Asvina, a month previous. Note Paes' description of the festivals at which he was present. He states that the nine days' MAHANAVAMI took place on September 12, when he was at Vijayanagar, and the details correspond to the year A.D. 1520. September 12, 1520, was the first day of the month Asvina. The New Year's festival that year took place on October 12, which corresponded to the first day of Karttika, each of these being the day following the NEW moon, not the full moon.

[147] -- About seven yards or twenty-one feet.

[148] -- Genealogical table in EPIGRAPHIA INDICA, iii. 36.

[149] -- Dr. Hultzsch (EPIG. IND., iii. 36, and note; IND. ANT., xxi. 321). The last is on a temple at Little Conjeeveram and is dated in Saka 1387 expired, year Parthiva.

[150] -- Saka 1392 expired, year Vikriti, on the same temple (IND. ANT., xxi. 321 -- 322).

[151] -- Firishtah says that he reigned twenty-three years nine months and twenty days, which gives this date. The BURHAN-I MAASIR fixes his decease at the end of Junmada'l Awwal A.H. 862, which answers to April A.D. 1458. Major King states that another authority gives the date as four years later (IND. ANT., Sept. 1899, p. 242, note).

[152] -- 28th Zil-kada A.H. 865.

[153] -- 13th Zil-kada A.H. 867.

[154] -- Dec. I. viii. c. 10.

[155] -- Below, p. 305.

[156] -- IND. ANT., November 1899, p. 286, note.

[157] -- Vijayanagar.

[158] -- Masulipatam.

[159] -- Scott's translation has "Ghondpore" (i. 166); Briggs (ii. 500) says "Condapilly."

[160] -- This evidently means Kanchi or Conjeeveram; but the story is exceedingly improbable. The distance was 250 miles, and the way lay through the heart of a hostile country.

[161] -- Ramazan A.H. 885.

[162] -- 11th Muharram, A.H. 886.

[163] -- Scott's translation, i. 167.

[164] -- It is possible that one of these towns was Goa, which was taken in 1469.

[165] -- Meaning evidently palanquins.

[166] -- "Chenudar" and "Binedar" appear to be variations of the name Vijayanagar, called "Bichenegher" farther on.

[167] -- This may, perhaps, refer to Belgaum (A.D. 1471).

[168] -- Mahamandalesvara Medinisvara Gandan Kattari Saluva Dharanivaraha Narasimha Raya Udaiyar. These are not the titles of a sovereign. (Hultzsch, "South Indian Inscriptions," i. 131, No. 116).

[169] -- OP. CIT., p. 132, No. 119.

[170] -- OP. CIT., p. 131.

[171] -- Scott's "Firishtah," i. pp. 190, 210; Briggs, ii. 537, iii. 10.

[172] -- Briggs calls him "Timraj" (ii. 538) in all cases whence I conclude that in this passage Scott's "Ramraaje" is a slip of the pen. It does not occur again. The former translator in the second of the two passages calls "Timraj" the general of the Roy of Beejanuggur.

[173] -- Scott, i. p 228.

[174] -- Scott, i. p. 262.

[175] -- This is very similar to the story told by Nuniz of the two sons of Virupaksha.

[176] -- This again is similar to the tale Nuniz gives us of the minister Narasa and the two young princes.

[177] -- Scott, i. p. 252; Briggs, iii. 66.

[178] -- Firishtah has told us in a previous paragraph that "dissensions prevailed in Beejanuggur."

[179] -- April A.D. 1493.

[180] -- Scott's note to this is "about one million eight hundred thousand pounds sterling." Briggs (iii. p. 13) says two millions.

[181] -- April 1509 to April 1510.

[182] -- Da Orta was at Vijayanagar in 1534, at the same time as our chronicler Nuniz.

[183] -- Colloq., x.

[184] -- May 20th, according to Barros.

[185] -- Published by the Hakluyt Society in English.

[186] -- The origin of the name "Sabayo" has often been discussed, and never, I think, quite satisfactorily explained. Several of the old writers have exercised their ingenuity on the question. Barros (Dec. II. l. v. cap. 1) writes: "AO TEMPO CUE NOS ENTRAMOS NA INDIA, ERA SENHOR DESTA CIDADE GOA HUM MOURO PER NOME SOAI, CAPITAO D'EL REY DO DECAN, A QUE COMMUNAMENTE CHAMAMOS SABAYO" -- "When we arrived in India, the lord of this city of Goa was a Moor, by name Soai, captain of the king of the Dakhan, whom we commonly call Sabayo." But Barros must not always be depended upon for Indian names. He explains "Sabayo" as derived from SABA or SAVA -- "Persian," and says that the Sabayo's son was Adil Shah. Garcia da Orta derives it from SAHIB, Burton (LUSIADS, iii. p. 290) thinks it was a corruption of SIPANDAR or "military governor."

[187] -- I have not seen the original, and suspect an error of translation here.

[188] -- Compare the account given by Paes as to his horse, which he saw at the Mahanavami festival, and at the review which followed (pp. 272, 278 below).

[189] -- EPIG. IND., i. 366; IND. ANT., xxiv. 205.

[190] -- Henry VIII. of England succeeded to the throne on April 22nd of the same year. It is interesting, when reading the description of the splendours of Krishna Raya's court in the narrative of Nuniz, to remember that in Western Europe magnificence of display and personal adornment seems to have reached its highest pitch at the same period.

[191] -- The chief of Bankapur seems to have been a Mahratta. Nuniz calls him the "Guym de Bengapor." Albuquerque styles him "King Vengapor" about A.D. 1512 (Hakluyt edit., iii. 187).

Osorio writes: -- "EST AUTEM VENGAPOR REGIO MEDITERRANEA, CUM ZABAIMI REGIONE CONTINENS" (p. 263).

Castanheda states that Albuquerque, then Governor-General of Goa, sent two embassies, one to Vijayanagar and one to "Vengapor," as if the latter were independent; and adds of the chief of Vengapor, "His kingdom is a veritable and safe road to Narsinga, and well supplied with provisions."

Barros speaks of the same event, calling the place "Bengapor" and stating explicitly that its king was "vassal of Narsinga" (or Vijayanagar) (Dec. II. l. v. cap. 3). Subsequently, writing of the chiefs in the same neighbourhood, Barros speaks of two brothers, "Comogij" and "Appagij" (Dec. III. l. iv. cap. 5), and describing Krishna Deva Raya's march towards Raichur -- recapitulating the story and details given by Nuniz -- he speaks of "the Gim of the city of Bengapor." In l. v. cap. 3 of the same Decade Barros says that "Bengapor" was "on the road" to Vijayanagar. "Gim," "Guym" and other names appear to be renderings of the Mahratta honorific "Ji."

Bankapur was one of the most important fortresses in the Karnataka country, situated forty miles south of Dharwar on the direct road from Honawar to Vijayanagar. The road from Bhatkal, a favourite landing-place, first went northwards to Honawar, then inland to Bankapur, and thence to Banavasi, Ranibennur, and over the plains to Hospett and Vijayanagar. It was known as early as A.D. 848, and remained in possession of Hindu rulers down to 1573, when it was captured by Ali Adil Shah and its beautiful temple destroyed. Firishtah calls the place "Beekapore" and "Binkapor" (Scott's edit., i. 47, 69, 85, 86, 119, 301, &c).

[192] -- "Commentaries of Afonso Dalboquerque" (Hakluyt edit., ii. p. 73). Fr. Luis left Cochin, travelled to Bhatkal, and thence to Vijayanagar.

[193] -- Dec II. l. v. cap. 3.

[194] -- See also Castanheda, who was in India in 1529 (Lib. iii. cap. 12).

[195] -- As before stated, Firishtah mentions this event (Scott, i. 225).

[196] -- Purchas's summary of the Portuguese conquest of Goa runs as follows: "SABAIUS (I.E. the "Sabayo") when he died, left his sonne IDALCAN (Adil Khan) very young; whereupon his Subjects rebelled, and the King of Narsinga warred upon him, to dispossesse him of his Dominion. Albuquerque, taking his opportunitie, besieged and ... took Goa with the Iland. Which was soon after recovered by Idalcan, comming with a strong Armie thither, the Portugal flying away by night. But when the King of Narsinga again invaded Idalcan, He was forced to resist the more dangerous Enemy, leaving a strong Garrison at Goa, which yet ALBUQUERK overcame, and sacked the Citie." Purchas's work was published (folio) in 1626. He merely follows Barros (Dec. I. l. viii cap. 10).

[197] -- "Commentaries of Afonso Dalboquerque" (Hakluyt edit, iii. 35).

[198] -- The name may represent "Timma Raja."

[199] -- "Commentaries of Dalboquerque," iii. pp. 246 -- 247.

[200] -- Firishtah (Scott), i. p. 236.

[201] -- "Commentaries of Dalboquerque," iv. 121.

[202] -- "East Africa and Malabar" (Hakluyt edit., pp. 73, &c.). Barbosa was son of Diego Barbosa, who sailed in the first fleet sent out under Joao de Nova in 1501. He gives no dates in his own writings except that he finished his work in 1516 (Preface), after "having navigated for a great part of his youth in the East Indies." It was probably begun about 1514. He was certainly in the Indian Ocean in 1508 -- 9. The heading of the work is "Description of the East Indies and Countries on the sea-board of the Indian Ocean in 1514." It was published in Spanish (translated from the Portuguese) in 1524. The copy in the Library at Barcelona is said to be the oldest extant.

[203] -- This name awaits explanation.

[204] -- This probably refers to the highly decorated building in the interior of what I believe to have been the Government offices, surrounded by a lofty wall with watch-towers, and often called "The Zenana" The elephant stables lie to the east of it. The building in question is "No. 29 Council Room" on the Government plan.

[205] -- Barbosa in A.D. 1514 mentions this expedition.

[206] -- An inscription at Kondavid glorifying Saluva Timma states that he took the fortress on Saturday, June 23, A.D. 1515 (Ashadha Sukla Harivasara Saurau, Saka 1437). This information was kindly supplied to me by Dr. Luders.

[207] -- There is a long inscription in the temple of Varadarajasvami at Conjeeveram exactly confirming this whole story, It relates that the king first captured Udayagiri, Bellamkonda, Vinukonda, Kondavid, and other places; then Bezvada and Kondapalle, and finally Rajahmundry.

[208] -- Pp 354 to 371.

[209] -- Krishna Raya in 1515 was only about twenty-nine years old; but we must not forget the Hindu custom of the marriages of girls while infants.

[210] -- If this refers to Krishna Raya's capture of that place in 1515, it is to be noted here that Nuniz asserts that it was taken, not from the Muhammadans, but from the king of Orissa.

[211] -- Firishtah's account of this is that Ismail Adil joined with Amir Barid in an attack on Telingana and laid siege to Kovilkonda. Vijayanagar had no part in the causes of the campaign.

[212] -- Firishtah tells this story of Jamshid Qutb Shah, Quli's successor (1543 -- 50).

[213] -- So says Nuniz, but, as before stated, Firishtah differs. In my opinion we must accept the former as correct, for his account is so graphic and detailed that it is impossible to believe that he could have been mistaken. Firishtah did not write for many years later and was much more liable to en on Several Portuguese were present at the siege, and, if I am not mistaken, either Nuniz was there himself, or obtained his information from those who were so. The story bears all the marks of a personal narrative.

[214] -- Pp. 323 to 347 below.

[215] -- On the Ordnance Map I observe on the river-bank, thirteen miles N.N.E. of Raichur, a plan of what appears to be a large fortified camp, with its base on the river, the average of its west, south, and east faces being about a mile each It lies just below the junction of the Bhima and Krishna rivers, and two miles west of the present railway station on the latter river. What this may be I know not, but it looks like the remains of an entrenched camp erected in some former year. Perhaps some one will examine the place.

[216] -- Below, p. 263. "These feasts begin on the twelfth of September, and they last nine days."

[217] -- Below, p. 281. "At the beginning of the month of October when eleven of its days had passed.... On this day begins their year; it is their New Year's Day.... They begin the year in this month with the new moon, and they count the months always from moon to moon."

[218] -- Below, p. 243.

[219] -- "On the upper platform, close to the king, was Christovao de Figueiredo, with all of us who came with him, for the king commanded that he should be in such a place, so as best to see the feasts and magnificence." (Paes, p. 264 below.)

[220] -- Lib. v. c 57.

[221] -- TANADARIS are small local divisions of the kingdom, each under its own petty official. A THANAH is a police-station in modern parlance. I can think of no English word exactly suitable, but, as far as area is concerned, perhaps the term "parish" would best express the meaning.

[222] -- LENDAS DA INDIA, ii. 581.

[223] -- Menezes assumed charge of the Viceroyalty on January 22, 1522. A short summary of Sequeira's career is given in the interesting MS. volume called the LIVRO DAS FORTALEZAS DA INDIA, of which the text was written by Antonio Bocarro, and the numerous portraits and plans were drawn and coloured by Pero Barretto de Rezenda. The British Museum copy is in the Sloane Collection and bears the number "197."

[224] -- Dec. III. 1. in cap. 4.

[225] -- IDEM, cap. 5.

[226] -- IDEM, cap. 8.

[227] -- IDEM, cap. 9.

[228] -- IDEM, cap. 10.

[229] -- "Asia Portugueza" of Faria y Souza, I. Pt. iii. cap. 4 (Stevens' translation).

[230] -- Compare Nuniz (text, p. 329).

[231] -- These numbers are probably taken from Barros, who copied Nuniz.

[232] -- "Asia Portugueza," I. Pt. iii. cap. 4, sec. 5. "Ruy de Mello, que estava a Goa, viendo al Hidalchan divertido con sus ruinas o esperancas, o todo junto, y a muchos en perciales remolinos robando la tierra firme de aquel contorno, ganola facilmente con dozientos y sincuenta cavallos, y ochocientos peones Canaries"

[233] -- "Histoire des Descouvertes et Conquestes des Portugais" (Paris, 1733).

[234] -- Danvers, "The Portuguese in India," i. 347, gives us the same dates for Sequeira's absence, and mentions De Figueiredo's presence at the battle of Raichur.

[235] -- The corresponding actual new moon day in May 1521 was Monday, May 6, and the new moon was first visible on Wednesday. In 1522 the actual new moon day was Sunday, May 25, and it was first visible on Tuesday.

[236] -- Paes says that on an emergency he could raise even two millions.

[237] -- "Handbook of Indian Arms," pp. 15 -- 16.

[238] -- Above, p. 12.

[239] -- OP. CIT., p. 18.

[240] -- Below, p. 292.

[241] -- Below, pp. 384 to 389.

[242] -- Liv. ii. c 16.

[243] -- Commander-in-chief.

[244] -- Below, p. 333.

[245] -- "OMDE ACHAVEIS ... HO QUE AVIEIS MISTER."

[246] -- "VERIEIS."

[247] -- "ACHAREIS."

[248] -- Below, pp, 346, 347.

[249] -- Below, p. 351.

[250] -- Vol. i. p. 347.

[251] -- Vol. i. p. 533.

[252] -- We hear nothing of this from Firishtah. But we know that the Bahmani Sultan Mahmud II., who died in 1518, had three sons, Ahmad Ala-ud-Din, and Wali-Ullah, the first of whom became Sultan in December 1517, the second in 1521, the third in the same year; in all cases only nominally.

[253] -- Dec. III. l. iv. c. 10.

[254] -- Correa, Stanley's translation (Hakluyt edition, p. 387, note; Danvers, "Portuguese in India," i. 363. The "Suffilarim" is Asada Khan.

Mr. Baden-Powell has published, in the JOURNAL OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY for April 1900, an interesting paper on the king of Portugal's regulations for, and record of customs in, the newly acquired tracts, dated at Goa in A.D. 1526, and called FORAL DOS USOS E COSTUMES.

[255] -- Dec. IV. 1. vii. c. 1.

[256] -- Mallik Barid. The Hidalchan is the Adil Khan or the Adil Shah; Madre Maluco is the Imad Shah, and Cota Maluco the Qutb Shah.

[257] -- Perhaps this matter ought to find place under the reign of Achyuta Raya, but I mention it here as it may have occurred before the death of Krishna Deva.

[258] -- Article "Vijayanagar" in the MADRAS CHRISTIAN COLLEGE MAGAZINE for December 1886.

[259] -- "Bellary District Manual" (Kelsall), p. 231.

[260] -- "South Indian Inscriptions" (Hultzsch), p. 132; and EPIGRAPHIA INDICA, BY the same author, iv. 266.

[261] -- JOURNAL, BOMBAY BRANCH, ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, xii. 336, &c.

[262] -- EPIG. IND., i. 398; iv. p. 3, note 4.

[263] -- I have broadly declared this relationship, but, as a matter of fact, almost every inscription and literary work in the country differs as to the genealogy of the sovereigns who reigned from this time forward. Nuniz, however, as a contemporary writer residing at the capital, is an excellent authority.

[264] -- EPIG. IND., iv. 3, note 4 (Professor Kielhorn).

[265] -- Scott's edition, i. 252.

[266] -- These names are discussed below.

[267] -- This is apparently an error. The period was only ten years.

[268] -- 16th Safar, A.H. 941 (Firishtah).

[269] -- Firishtah, Briggs, iii. 374 -- 375.

[270] -- "Lists of Antiquities, Madras," vol. i. p. 181 (No. 86), and p. 182 (No. 115).

[271] -- Scott's translation, i. p. 262.

[272] -- Below, p. 367.

[273] -- IDEM, p. 354.

[274] -- Scott, i. pp. 262 ff.; Briggs, iii. p. 80.

[275] -- Briggs has it "a daughter of Shew Ray." Rama married a daughter of Krishna Deva, who was son of the first Narasimha.

[276] -- Inscriptions do not give us the name of any prince of the female line at this period. Briggs calls the uncle "Bhoj" Tirumala. Couto (Dec. VI. l. v. cap. 5) renders the name as "Uche Timma," and states that UCHE means "mad."

[277] -- Here we probably find an allusion to the reign of Achyuta. Rama was the elder of three brothers afterwards to become very famous. He and his brother Tirumala both married daughters of Krishna Deva Raya. Achyuta being, in Nuniz's belief, brother of the latter monarch, that chronicler calls these two brothers "brothers-in-law" of King Achyuta. (Below, p. 367.) Nuniz says that King Achyuta "destroyed the principal people in the kingdom and killed their sons" (p. 369).

[278] -- Achyuta had then been for about six years on the throne.

[279] -- If the Sultan's march towards Vijayanagar began in 1535 -- 36, we shall perhaps not be far wrong in assigning Nuniz's chronicle to the year 1536 -- 37, seeing that the author alludes to the dissatisfaction and disgust felt by the nobles and others for their rulers, which presupposes a certain interval to have passed since the departure of the Mussalman army.

[280] -- Scott's edit., i. 265.

[281] -- Scott spells the name "Negtaderee," but I have substituted the rendering given by Briggs, "Venkatadry," as less confusing.

[282] -- Firishtah writes glowingly (Scott, i. 277) of the grandeur of Asada Khan. He "was famed for his judgment and wisdom.... For nearly forty years he was the patron and protector of the nobles and distinguished of the Dekhan. He lived in the highest respect and esteem, with a magnificence and grandeur surpassing all his contemporary nobility. The sovereigns of Beejanuggur and every country observing a respect to his great abilities, frequently honoured him with letters and valuable presents. His household servants ... amounted to 250. He had sixty of the largest elephants and 150 of a smaller size. In his stables he had 400 horses of Arabia and Persia, exclusive of those-of mixed breed foaled in India. His treasures and riches were beyond amount," &c.

[283] -- Firishtah's story of Asada Khan's life is contained in Scott's edition. i. pp. 236 -- 278; Briggs, iii. pp. 45 -- 102.

[284] -- Dec. III. l. iv. cap. 5.

[285] -- Dec. IV. l. vii. cap. 6.

[286] -- Turugel is probably Tirakhol, north of Goa.

[287] -- Couto tells us (Dec. VII. l. vii. c. 1) that Rama Raya in 1555 made an expedition against the Christian inhabitants of San Thome, near Madras, but retired without doing great harm; and it is quite possible that the king acknowledged no connection between San Thome and Goa.

[288] -- EPIGRAPHIA INDICA, iii 147.

[289] -- EPIGRAPHIA CARNATICA (Rice), Part i. p. 176, No. 120.

[290] -- I have published a rough list of eighty-eight of these, eighty-four of which are dated, in my "Lists of Antiquities, Madras" (vol. ii. p. 134 ff.).

[291] -- South Indian Inscriptions," vol. i. p. 70.

[292] -- Dec. VI. l. v. cap. 5.

[293] -- "Tetarao," "Ramygupa," and "Ouamysyuaya" (text, below, p. 314).

[294] -- Page 108.

[295] -- Dec. VI. l. v. cap. 5.

[296] -- EPIG. IND., iii. 236.

[297] -- Firishtah (Scott, i. 252) states that Rama Raya "married a daughter of the son of Seoroy, by that alliance greatly adding to his influence and power." If so, "Seoroy" must be the first Narasa The historian says that "Seoroy dying was succeeded by his son, a minor, who did not live long after him, and left the throne to a younger brother." These brothers, then, were the second Narasa, called also Vira Narasimha, and Krishna Deva. The rest of Firishtah's account does not tally with our other sources of information. As being son-in-law of Krishna Deva, Rama was called "Aliya," which means "son-in-law," and by this name he is constantly known.

[298] -- IND. ANT., xiii. 154.

[299] -- Vol. iv. pp. 247 -- 249, 276 -- 282.

[300] -- See the pedigree above. The young son would be Venkata, and the uncle, Ranga.

[301] -- Who all these were we do not know. The boy Venkata's uncles would be either brothers of Ranga or brothers of the queen-mother, widow of Achyuta. Achyuta's nephew referred to could not be Sadasiva, because he survived. He may have been nephew of the Rani. The assassination of the boy-king recalls to our minds the story of Firishtah of the murder of the infant prince by "Hoje" Tirumala.

[302] -- Sister, that is, of Krishna Deva. As above stated, Rama Raya, for undoubtedly he is here referred to, married Krishna Deva's daughter, not sister, so far as we can gather.

[303] -- Caesar Frederick states that Rama and his two brothers, of whom Tirumala was minister and Venkatadri commander-in-chief, kept the rightful kings prisoners for thirty years prior to their downfall in 1565. If so, this would include the reign of Achyuta, and the story would differ from that of Nuniz, who represents King Achyuta as free but subject to the malign influence of his "two brothers-in-law." These two may, perhaps, represent Rama and Tirumala, who are said to have married two daughters of Krishna Deva. They would, however, not have been really brothers-in-law of Achyuta.

[304] -- Senhor Lopes, DOS REIS DE BISNAGA, Introduction, p. lxix.

[305] -- Firishtah (Scott, i. 271).

[306] -- So Firishtah. The Muhammadan historian of the Qutb Shahi dynasty of Golkonda, translated by Briggs, tells this story of Quli Qutb Shah, Jamshid's predecessor (Firishtah, Briggs, iii. 371).

[307] -- The terms of this treaty are interesting, as they throw much light on the political and commercial relations of the Portuguese at this period with the two great states their neighbours.

The contracting parties are stated to be the king of Portugal by his deputy, the captain-general and governor of Goa, Dom Joao de Castro, and the great and powerful King Sadasiva, king of Bisnaga.

(A) Each party to be friends of the friends, and enemy of the enemies, of the other; and, when called on, to help the other with all their forces against all kings and lords in India, the Nizam Shah always excepted.

(B) The governor of Goa will allow all Arab and Persian horses landed at Goa to be purchased by the king of Vijayanagar on due notice and proper payment, none being permitted to be sent to Bijapur.

(C) The king of Vijayanagar will compel all merchants in his kingdom trading with the coast to send their goods through ports where the Portuguese have factors, permitting none to proceed to Bijapur ports.

(D) The king of Vijayanagar will forbid the importation of saltpetre and iron into his kingdom from any Bijapur port; and will compel its purchase from Portuguese factors.

(E) The same with cloths, copper, tin, China silk, &c.

(F) The king of Vijayanagar will allow no Moorish ship or fleet to stop in his ports, and if any should come he will capture them and send them to Goa. Both parties agree, to wage war on the Adil Shah, and all territory taken from the latter shall belong to Vijayanagar, except lands on the west of the Ghats from Banda on the north to Cintacora on the south, which lands shall belong to the king of Portugal.

[308] -- Muharram, A.H. 956. But the Portuguese records state that Asada Khan died in 1545 (Danvers, i. 465).

[309] -- Danvers' "Portuguese in India," i. 465, 466.

[310] -- Briggs, iii. 328.

[311] -- Below, p. 383.

[312] -- Briggs' "Firishtah," iii. 397, &c.

[313] -- Senhor Lopes has recently found amongst the archives in the Torre do Tombo in Lisbon a paper, dated 1555 A.D., which states that the king of Vijayanagar had consented to aid Ibrahim Adil Shah against Ain-ul-Mulkh and "the Meale" (I.E. Prince Abdullah, called "Meale Khan" by the Portuguese), in return for a present of 700,000 pardaos (CORPO CHRONOLOGICO, Part i., packet 97, No. 40).

[314] -- Scott's edit., i. 284.

[315] -- The Muhammadans seem to have always treated Rama Rajah as king. Sadasiva was perhaps too young at that period to have had a son, and the allusion is probably to a son of Rama.

[316] -- King Sadasiva was apparently not strewn.

[317] -- That Ali Adil actually made this visit is confirmed by the narrative of a Golkonda historian, whose work has been translated and published by Briggs (Firishtah, iii. 402). The story may be compared with that told above of the visit of Firuz Shah Bahmani to King Deva Raya in A.D. 1406, which had a similar ending.

[318] -- Dec. VII. l. vii. c 1.

[319] -- See also Briggs' "Firistah," iii. 403 -- 405.

[320] -- Firishtah relates an interesting anecdote about this in his history of the Ahmadnagar Sultans. Hussain Nizam Shah desired to make peace with Vijayanagar, and Rama Raja offered to grant it on certain conditions, one of which was that Kallian should he restored to Bijapur, and another that the Nizam Shah should submit to pay him a visit and receive betel from him. Hussain was in such straits that he accepted these severe terms and went to Rama Raja's camp, "who rose on his entering his tent (he did not go out to meet him) and kissed his hand. The Sultan, from foolish pride, called for a basin and ewer, and washed his hands, as if they had been polluted by the touch of Ramraaje, who, enraged at the affront, said in his own language, 'If he were not my guest he should repent this insult;' then calling for water, he also washed." Hussain then gave up the keys of Kallian.

[321] -- Scott's "Firishtah." i. 291; Briggs, iii. 406.

[322] -- 20th Jamada 'l awwal, Hijra 972. Firishtah (Scott), i. 295; Briggs, iii. 413.

[323] -- Though, in fact, the battle did not take place there, but many miles to the south of the river. Talikota is twenty-five miles north of the Krishna. The battle took place ten miles from Rama Raya's camp south of the river, wherever that may have been. There is no available information on this point, but it was probably at Mudkal, the celebrated fortress. The ford crossed by the allies would appear to be that at the bend of the river at Ingaligi, and the decisive battle seems to have been fought in the plains about the little village of Bayapur or Bhogapur, on the road leading directly from Ingaligi to Mudkal.

[324] -- Couto (Dec. VIII. c. 15) tells an incredible story that Rama Raya was utterly ignorant of any impending attack, and never even heard that the enemy had entered his territories till the news was brought one day while he was at dinner.

[325] -- Below, pp. 275 to 279.

[326] -- I have seen on several occasions bodies of men collected together at Vijayanagar and the neighbourhood, dressed and armed in a manner which they assured me was traditional. They wore rough tunics and short drawers of cotton, stained to a rather dark red-brown colour, admirably adapted for forest work, but of a deeper hue than our English khaki. They grimly assured me that the colour concealed to a great extent the stains of blood from wounds. Their weapons were for the most part spears. Some had old country swords and daggers.

[327] -- Firishtah gives the date as "Friday the 20th of Jumad-oos-Sany," A.H. 972 (Briggs, iii. 414), but the day of the month given corresponds to Tuesday, not Friday.

[328] -- What follows is taken entirely from Firishtah (Scott, i. 296 ff.; Briggs, iii 128, 247).

[329] -- Dec. VIII. c. 15.

[330] -- An interesting note by Colonel Briggs is appended to his translation of these passages of Firishtah (iii. 130). "It affords a striking example at once of the malignity of the Mahomedans towards this Hindoo prince, and of the depraved taste of the times, when we see a sculptured representation of Ramraj's head, at the present day, serving as the opening of one of the sewers of the citadel of Beejapoor, and we know that the real head, annually covered with oil and red pigment, has been exhibited to the pious Mahomedans of Ahmudnuggur, on the anniversary of the battle, for the last two hundred and fifty years, by the descendants of the executioner, in whose hands it has remained till the present period." This was written in 1829.

[331] -- Couto calls them "Bedues," probably for "Beduinos," "Bedouins" or wandering tribes.

[332] -- In this I follow Couto; but the Golkonda historian quoted by Briggs (Firishtah, iii. 414) states that the "allied armies halted for ten days on the field of action, and then proceeded to the capital of Beejanuggur." It is, however, quite possible that both accounts are correct. The advanced Muhammadan troops are almost certain to have been pushed on to the capital. The main body, after the sovereigns had received information that no opposition was offered, may have struck their camp on the tenth day.

[333] -- Purchas, edit. of 1625, ii. p. 1703.

[334] -- Couto states that this diamond was one which the king had affixed to the base of the plume on his horse's headdress (Dec. VIII. c. 15). (See Appendix A.)

[335] -- Portuguese ARMEZIM, "a sort of Bengal taffeta" (Michaelis' Dict.).

[336] -- Gold coins of Vijayanagar.

[337] -- KULLAYI. See below, p. 252, 273, 383, and notes.

[338] -- Dec. VIII. c. 15. I have taken this and the next paragraph from Lopes's CHRONICA DOS REYS DE BISNAGA, Introd., p. lxviii.

[339] -- Writing in 1675, the travelled Fryer relates what he saw of the Inquisition at Goa. I take the following from his Letter iv.,